The Nature of Human Society
Harvard peycholo-
gist Richard
Horrnstoin, in their
book, The Beit
Curve: Inteligance
And Class Structure
in American Lite,
Opposite: The young
Lee bliowed, held the hey
to the fue. Education
was a prionity for hs
ypmment. The
binet believed initially
that equalising opportu
nies would aon the
np betwen che haves
sd he have-nots én
society. Bur over the
years, many among ther
were drawn to the
conclusion that equality
of opportunites alone
would nor always lel 10
quality of results
Wie the controversial Bell Curve hypothesis was published in 1994, suggesting
that some men and ethnic groups were less well endowed intellectually than others,
it raised a sheill stir in American political and intellectual circles. The authors, Charles
Murray and Richard Hermnstein, were derided as racists, bigots and pseudo-scientists
Critics charged that the book was unhelpful to efforts to improve race relations in the
United States, or worse, part ofa neo-Nazi plot to keep ethnic minorities down,
For Lee Kuan Yew, however, the book was unremarkable. To him, the hypothesis
revealed nothing new. It merely confirmed what had long been commonsense knowledge
= that not all men or all races were equally able. He had drawn this conclusion long ago,
from his own observations of the differences in ability within a society and between,
differing culeuces.
The uproar in the West, he believed, stemmed from a stubborn refusal ofits politically
correct intelligentsia to accept the facts which nature had decreed. The result: policies
based on wrong premises, which were doomed to disappointment; grand hopes of levelling
society failed to deliver results because they went against the grain of the inherent
inequalities in ability among men.
Lee would have none of this. To him, government policy, be it on education, social
spending of the search for talent, could not be a matter of wishful thinking,
“The Bell curve is a fact of life. The blacks on average score 85 per cent on IQ and it is
accurate, nothing to do with culture. The whites score on average 100. Asians score more
the Bell curve authors put it at least 10 points higher. These are realities that, if you do
not accept, will lead to fruscration because you will be spending money on wrong ass
and the results cannor follow
ptions
153“By the 1970s, when we looked at the old examination results and the present, and we
saw the pattern in the housing estates ~ one-room, two-rooms, three-rooms, four-rooms,
five-rooms ~ it fits exactly with educational attainments, That the more intelligent and
hardworking you are, the higher your educational levels, the higher your income.
“Supposing we had hidden the truth and taken the American approach and said, all
men are equal. Then they (the less able or well-off) will demand equal results. And when
the results are not equal, they will demand more equal treatment.
“I decided if | didn’tbring it out, my successors will face a problem of credibility: Because
they can’t bring it out, they will say we'te trying to escape the responsibility. So I started
giving it to the community leaders, then to the media leaders, then to the teachers — finally
brought it out into the open. There's no other way. Not to come to terms with this is to
deceive yourself and be pursuing policies which would bring no good.”
To Lee, this delicate matter concerning the innate and differing abilities of people
was not just of academic interest. His views about the nature of human society were of
considerable importance as they would influence profoundly the social and economic
policies he pursued in Singapore
He held strong views on these thomy issues. Asa pragmatist, he concluded that they
would have to be faced squarely before leaders could decide how best to act so as to
achieve the goals of development for their societies.
These ideas evolved as a result of his experience and reading over the yeats. They
were not what he originally believed as a young man at Cambridge drawn to the ideals of,
the British Fabians, a group of left-wing intellectuals at the vanguard of the Labour Party
at the time. They were convinced that inequalities in society stemmed largely from unequal
opportunities. economic and social disparities were removed, of reduced, they assumed
that the gap between the haves and have-nots would also close. The concept seemed
appealing and noble enough. But reality, he soon discovered, fell rather short of this
sanguine belief.
“We were too young, and the experiment in Russia and in Britain had not gone far enough
for us to see, which we now see clearly that there is a limit co what you can do in society.
“With human beings, you can give everybody equal opportunities, but the results will
rot be equal because they are of unequal abilities. Some people run faster than others, some
people can lift more weights than others, some people can play better music than others,
and some people are better at mathematics and will score more in the sciences. And I think
that has been, for Britain, Russia and China, the real breaking point of the system, For
instance, the British Left believed, and we believed with them, in the "40s and '50s, that
equal opportunities would bring about more or less equal rewards. We did not know about
this Bell curve, that it existed in every population from time immemorial.
“Equal opportunities meant that in the first few phases, in the ’50s and '60s, we were
able to throw up engineers, accountants, doctors from the children of hawkers, taxi drivers,
154labourers because they were not given opportunities. And we drew ourscholars ~ 60, maybe
70 per cent of our best scholars were ftom the very uneducated rungs of society
“But over 30 years, we can see now that the educated marry each other, as was inevi-
table, and indeed in our case is not happening enough, to our detriment. The result is,
toxlay, out of 10, we're lucky if we get three from the lower-educated groups. Although the
hhigher-educated groups are only about 20 per cent of the population, they provide us with
70 per cent of the scholars. [eis a act of life and you can’t change it.
“You see, starting block, a marathon, get read, all at the same line, fie, off you go. One
hhour later, you see the wide differences between those who ate still steady, pushing ahead,
and the stragelets struggling at the end. Two hours later, ive, six, are in front, racing to beat
the tecord. That's the problem of life.”
Diamonds in the population
Lee's realisation of this came in the early 1960s, shortly after he and his PAP colleagues
hhad taken charge of the government in Singapore. The multiracial nature of Singapore
society made any disparity in ethnic achievement starkly obvious. They showed up in.
the yearly school examination results, which he tracked closely.
He concluded that all societies displayed signs of what he termed a “population
diamond”. At the centre was the bulk of the people, of average intellect and abilities.
Above this, IQ and competence levels rose to an apex. Below the centte, and in about
equal proportion to the apex at the top, abilities tapered off, down to the educationally
subnormal and mentally retarded.
Despite the difference in ability, he felt that all men were entitled to be treated
equally and fairly, and accorded the same dignity and respect as citizens. The government’
role was to train each individual to his maximum ability.
The most able in society would have to be drawn into the top rungs, given the most
important jobs through a strictly mericocratic system. This group at the top — he guessed
thae they made up between 5 per cencand 10 per cent of the population in any society —
was the yeast which would raise the lot of the entie society. These people would have to
be thrown up by a meritocratic system ~ or sought out by the society's leaders ~ and
nurtured from a young age. To them would fall the responsibility of the top jobs, both in
government and the private sector. Lee dismissed suggestions that such a system was
elitist. Rather, he contended, it was based simply on a pragmatic recognition that not all
men were of equal abilities and talents. He once said, only half in jest, that to bring
Singapore down, an aggressor need only eliminate the top 150 ot so men on whom the
country relied most for ito keep ticking
The less able would also have to be helped, to enable them to do their best and keep
up with the rest of society. But for all its good intentions, social policy, concluded Lee
and some of his more pragmatic Cabinet colleagues, could never overcome the underlying
limits in ability that nature had decreed. Nor should ie raise false hopes that it could.
155singapore
Cabinet
in 1998, the Cabinet
comprised Prime.
Minister Lee Kuan
Yow, Dept
Minister Toh Chin,
Chye, and these
malnistors: Yong
Nyuk Lin
(Education), Ong
Eng Guan (Wationat
Development),
5S. Rajaratnam
(Culture), Ahmad
brahim (Health),
‘Ong Pang Boon
(Home affairs), Goh
Keng Swee
(Finance) and KM.
Byrne (Labour and,
Law).
first
Opposite: Lee and
Dr Toh Chin Chye held
opposing views on the
subject of equality.
Cabinet clash: pragmatists vs “ideologues”
‘This, however, was by no means 4 unanimous view. In fact, it split the Cabinet down
the line.
“We — Dr Goh Keng Swee, myself, Hon Sui Sen, Lim Kim San ~ we were the pragmatists.
Then we had our, | won't say ideologues, but those who were more emotionally attached to
this idea of making it more equal for everybody — in other words, more redistribution. I
would say Dr Toh Chin Chye instinctively felt that way. And Ong Pang Boon too. Therefore,
there was a certain benign tension in the Cabinet, and we argued these things. And the
tension and the argument went on right tll the end.
“For instance, Dr Toh was against Medisave. He thinks we ought to provide equally for
‘everybody, rich or poor, like the British did and like China has done. { said, “The British had
failed. And youdon’t get equal treatment in China, you get the pretence ofequal treatment.”
So the debate was right at the fundamentals.
“We believed, all of us believed, | believed, when we started off in the 1940s, that
differences between individuals and individual performance and results were mainly because
of opportunities. Given better opportunities of nutrition, food, clothing, training, housing
and health, differences would be narrowed. It was much later, when we pursued these policies
in the ‘60s, in the "70s, that the reality dawned on us, the pragmatists.
“On this issue, even Rajaratnam disagreed with us. He believes all are equal anid if we
give equal chances, everybody will be equal. And he strenuously disputed that we start off
being unequal. But some people can run 100 yardsin 10 seconds, others will take 15 seconds,
and you can do nothing about it. If you try to give all the same results, then nobody will
make the effort to run in 10 seconds.”
This posed an acute dilemma for the PAP, a democratic socialist party which rode to
power on the wave of popular demands for a more just and equal society. How was a
popularly elected socialist government to act against the prevailing egalitarian sentiment?
Yer, going the other way was to risk disillusionment among a section of the party's
supporters. More importantly, Lee and his more pragmatic colleagues knew that pandering
to this was a futile attempt to overcome inherent limits imposed by nature.
“When we were faced with the reality that, in fact, equal opportunities did not bring about
more equal results, we were faced with another ideological dilemma, What is it that you
ngapore, ifwe
were to survive, we could not go the way of equal results; we had to give rewards in accordance
with your effort
“Now, we did try wherever possible, wherever more would bring about better
performance. Never mind if ic brings about equal results. If better housing, better health,
better schools can bring about better results, let's help them. But we know that we cannot
close the gap. In other words, this Bell curve, which Murray and Herrn
became ebvious te us by the late "60s."
want? Equal results or equal opportunities? Beoween the two, we felt that i
in wrote about,
487All men are equal, but how equal?
This crucial distinction between equality of opportunity and outcomes was to become a
guiding principle in Lec’s approach to policy-making in Singapore, whether in education
or welfare.
“If you want equal results, you've got to go one step further and either discriminate against
the high performers or give more and better training to the low performers, which was what
a section of the Fabian So
“They faced the same problem: the gap did not close although opportunities were equal.
And they said, well, all the more reason why the best teachers should teach the least able to
make up for the difference, and the good students should have the less able teachers because
they don’t require the able teachers.
“Tread this in a Fabian pamphlet written by three schoolmasters. After that, I stopped
my subscription, because they had gone mad!”
ecommended.
Lee was also to develop a deep mistrust of welfare policies, as practised in Western
welfare states. These, he believed, had drifted away from their original socialist goal of
givingevery man, regardless of his social status, an equal crack in the game of life. Instead,
they raised false hopes, and furthermore, by promising men equal rewards, they often
resulted in some choosing to opt out of the game altogether. He was also acutely aware
that Singapore's small, fledgling entrepot economy could ill afford such indulgence.
“In Singapore, a society barely above the poverty line, welfarism would have broken and
impoverished us. My actions and policies over the last 30 years after 1959, since I was first
saddled with responsibility, were dictated by the overriding need that they would work, I
have developed a deep avers
the dynamism of people ro work their best. What we have attempted in Singapore is asset
enhancement, nor subsidies. We have attempred to give each person enough chips to be
able to play at the table of life. This has kepr the people self-reliant, keen and strong. Few
have wasted their assets at the gaming table. Most have hoarded their growing wealth and
have lived better on the interests and dividends they ear.
“L subsequently read Frederick Hayek’s book, The Fatal Conceit: Errors of Socialism. He
expressed with clarity and authority what I had long fete buc was unable to express, namely
the unwisdom of powerful intellects, including Albert Einstein, when they believed that a
powerful brain can devise a better system and bring about mote ‘social justice’ than what
historical evolution, or economic Darwin
1 to welfarism and social security, because I have seen it sap
has been able ro work out over the centuries.”
Hayek, a leading conservative thinker and renowned critic of socialism, had dismissed
asafatal conceit” the idea held by some modern-day intellectuals that human ingenuity
could fashion a societal system which was more humane and fair than the invisible hand
of the free marker. Instead, he contended that an extended social order, such as the
159