Political Conflict: Regionalism in Korea

1. Introduction
South Korea has been one of Asian countries that became developed states, beside Japan,

Singapore, Taiwan and Hongkong. She managed to get in OECD (Organisation for Economic

Cooperation and Development) as Asian representative in 1996, preceded by Japan in 1964 and

Israel in 2010. South Korea also has reached its most democratic period after 1987 uprising,

marked by election of Kim Young-Sam as first civilian president in 1993. Although South Korea

has reached so many achievements, it still has its share of problems. Regionalism, the favoring or

disfavoring of people from particular region, still plagued Korean society in politics, economy,

academy and other fields. This regionalism usually happens to people from Honam ( Jeollabuk-

do and Jeollanam-do provinces) and Yeongnam (Gyeongsangbuk-do and Gyeongsonam-do

provinces) where Honam people are always in disadvantaged position compared to Yeongnam

people. Although regionalism can be seen in other parts of the world, regionalism in Korea has

been serious in its extent. This is an irony regarding the fact that the Korean people, including

North Koreans, are one of the most homogeneous groups in the world, culturally, linguistically,

historically and racially. There is no recognizable racial, ethnic, and lingual minority in the

Korean Peninsula. For better understanding, let we see profile of Yeongnam and Honam regions.

Yeongnam region

Yeongnam is located in the southeast of South Korea and comprises of Gyeongsangbuk-do

province, Gyeongsangnam-do provinces and the three big cities of Daegu, Ulsa and Busan.

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Gyeongsangbuk-do are often called TK (Taegu/daegu and Kyongsang/gyeongsang) while
Gyeongsangnam-do are nicknamed PK (Pusan/busan and Kyongsang/gyeongsang). From
Gyeongsangbuk-do, three military general-turned presidents namely Park Chung-hee, Chun Do-
hwan and Roh Tae-woo came. Lee Myung-bak also has family background in this region while
Kim Young-sam and Roh Mo-Hyun are from Gyeongsangbuk-do. Yeongnam region, consists of
PK and TK, has the largest population in the country and is base of many large companies in
South Korea.
Honam region
It is located in the southwestern part of the Korea peninsula, comprises of Jeollanam-do and
Jeollabuk-do provinces and big city such as Gwangju. It is the hometown of former Presiden
Kim Dae-jung. It has been long emasculated by authoritarian system and alienated in many
aspects. Gwangju Uprising in 1980 that would later lead to democratization of South Korea was
happened here.

1.1. Definition

Regionalism could be defined in two meaning, they are

 General practice of discrimination from the people of certain region toward the

people of another region.1

 Favoring or disfavoring of people from a particular region in elite recruitment for

political or other jobs.

In short, regionalism means to discriminate people of particular region or region itself either by

favoring or disfavoring them in politics, economy or other fields. The discrimination could be

overrepresentation of a region compared to others in government cabinets, concentrated

development in one region and deliberately choose someone in job recruitment mainly because

1
Yu, E.-Y. (2009). Regionalism in Korea, regional origin imbalance in the leadership structure of South Korea. In C.
Yun-Shik, H.-h. Seok, & L. D. Baker (Eds.), Korea Confronts Globalization (pp. 63-88). New York: Routledge. Pg. 63

2
of his origin. Regionalism in Korea also affects voters’ choice in presidential election. This form

could be seen in the 1992 presidential election between Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung.

2. Body
2.1. Rise of regionalism

Regionalism in South Korea could be tracked back when Yeong-nam based Silla dynasty united

three kingdoms on the Korean peninsula, then Goryeo dynasty’s favoritism toward the people

from Yeongnam and its discrimination against Honam. Even in Japanese colonial rule,

Yeongnam region was far more commercialized and industrialized than Honam region. Honam

region was mostly rural and agricultural.

Although both regions were underrepresented in bureaucratic government elite in Syngman

Rhee regime, regionalism also appeared when Rhee chose most of his cabinet ministers from

“northerners” (North Korean that fled during Korean War and resettled in South Korea). This

could be understood as Syngman Rhee himself was originally from Hwanghae-do province (in

North Korea). However, after Park Chung Hee regime, their number steadily decreased.

Regional cleavage between both regions (Yeongnam & Honam) then started in Park Chung

Hee regime. Park Chung Hee has used regional issue to gain support to his regime. Selective

recruitments were conducted especially in strategic positions in government to ensure minimum

opposition and maximum support within government apparatus. So, the longer Park regime

ruled, the more centralized and personalized the government. Regionalism then continued in next

regimes, marked by strong support of voters from region the leader belongs to, and

overrepresentation of region in elite bureaucrats and other strategic positions.

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 In economy, regionalism also appeared in form of unequal income distribution pattern in

which Honam was being emasculated as concentration of resources for development were

deliberately induced in Seoul and Gyeonggi.2 This is related to political structure in Korea that

dominated by Yeongnam elite bureaucrats that brought their own region’s interest. The

regionalism was extended to favoritism choosing top managers of economy and senior officers

of state-controlled and private firms to Yeongnam.

2.2. Origins

 Confucianism Principle
Whether used as regime maintenance or as major resource in gathering resources in

presidential election, regionalism has been a feature of Korean society. Its origin could be traced

back to Confucian familism that particularly stressed upon blood, kinship and geographical ties,

and family ethics. These social relationships then adopted territorial characteristic when a

village-name system was introduced into Korea from China. Under this system, most family

groups developed an ancestral clan village whose geographical name showed social status of the

family name. When juxtaposed with highly stratified nature of Korean society and rigid social

differentiation, this locally based family identity became an important cause of regional

antagonism. Confucian concepts of loyalty, dignity and familism then attached on their

commitment to their territorial and social identity3

 Discrimination against regions

Regionalism also could be seen as reaction against the centralized power structure in

Korea, which is Seoul’s control over the provinces. It stems primarily from policies of successive

2
UNESCO, K. N. (Ed.). (2002). Korean Politics: Striving for Democracy and Unification. New Jersey: Hollym
International Corp. pg. 34.
3
Ibid. pg. 40

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government between 1960 and 1987 which concentrated development along corridor between

Seoul and Busan. Those policies left the Honam region as a relative backwater, which fueled a

rivalry with the more rapidly developing Yeongnam region. Viewed in this light, regional

consciousness is seen as power struggle against the ruling elite in Seoul. It goes along with

regional autonomy and both help each other in opposition against the authoritarian elements in

central government. Thus, it is an inevitable result of political efforts to democratize Korea.4

2.3. Regionalism in Politics

The state internal structure has been mostly created on the basis of regional ties (jiyeon),

academic ties (hagyeon), personal ties hyeoryeon) and especially during the Park and Chun

regimes, military ties.5 Even though military ties are ending in South Korean politics, regional

imbalances, especially between Yeongnam and Honam. The regionalism then is argued as a way

to seek legitimacy of regime by gaining support from ruler’s region or to gain voters in political

election.

 Regionalism in top bureaucratic elites

Since formation of the Republic in 1948, regionalism has been obvious in appointment of

high-level public officials who shared the same regional origin with president. This kind of

regional favoritism has been argued as instrumental in building necessary support especially in

military regime prior to 1992 that lacked of legitimacy.

In the administration of Syngman Rhee, regional imbalance was high representation of

North Korea. Syngman Rhee, himself was born in North Korea, favored the intellectuals,

professionals and capitalists who fled North Korea after 1945 and during Korean War (1950-
4
Ibid, pg. 202
5
Ibid, pg. 152

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1953).6 This over representation of North Korean then continued in Park regime until the end of

Roh Tae Woo’s rule.

Second to North Korean natives were Seoul-born people. As center of nation’s social,

economic and education, Seoul has plenty opportunities to its residents compared to any other

region in South Korea. However, both region overrepresentation have less to do with

regionalism, as North Korean that fled to the South was favored due to their high socio-economic

status while Seoul people had more advantages and opportunities due to living in national’s

capital.

Table 1.1. Index of regional favoritism among top administrators, 1990-2002

Administration
Region of birth
Roh Tae Woo Kim Young Sam Kim Dae Jung Total
Number 10 28 13 51
Seoul % 12.30 15.20 8.80 12.40
Index 1.46 1.80 1.04 1.47
Number 17 42 41 100
Central % 21.00 22.80 27.90 24.30
Index 0.64 0.70 0.86 0.75
Number 5 31 44 80
Honam % 6.20 16.80 29.90 19.40
Index 0.26 0.71 1.27 0.82
Number 41 73 38 152
Yeongnam % 50.60 39.70 25.90 36.90
Index 1.58 1.24 0.81 1.15
Number 8 10 11 29
Other % 9.90 5.40 7.50 7.00
Index 2.96 1.61 2.24 2.09
Number 81 184 147 412
Total % 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
Index 1.00 1.00 1.00 1.00
Source : Yu, E.-Y. (2009). Regionalism in Korea, regional origin imbalance in the leadership structure of South
Korea. In C. Yun-Shik, H.-h. Seok, & L. D. Baker (Eds.), Korea Confronts Globalization (pp. 63-88).
Notes :
 Top administrators are cabinet ministers and government agency chiefs

6
Yu, E.-Y. (2009). Regionalism in Korea, regional origin imbalance in the leadership structure of South Korea. In C.
Yun-Shik, H.-h. Seok, & L. D. Baker (Eds.), Korea Confronts Globalization (pp. 63-88). New York: Routledge. Pg. 69

6
  Index of favoritism (IoF)
IoF < 1 the region is underrepresented
Iof = 1 the region is well represented
Iof > 1 the region is overrepresented

Regionalism then becomes apparent when we see representation of natives from Honam

and Yeongnam in top bureaucratic elites overtime. From 1948 to 1997, Yeongnam representation

was always above Honam, especially when the ruler himself was also from that region. This

overrepresentation reached its peak in Roh Tae Woo administration with favoritism ratio was

1.5.7 This trend then was reversed under Kim Dae Jung regime. As the first president from

Honam region, he corrected Honam underrepresentation in government by appointing sweeping

numbers of Honam natives to top position. However, this temporary break of tradition was later

overturned by Roh Moo Hyun.

 Regional sentiments in political election

Regional sentiments was actually started first time in history in 1971 presidential election

between Park Chung Hee from Yeongnam and Kim Dae Jung from Honam as rising economy

disparity from industrialization centered on Yeongnam resulted in a growing sense of alienation

in Honam. It was agitated by Park Chung-hee that stated that candidate from Yeongnam should

be elected president. The election resulted on Park Chung-hee victory with overwhelming votes

from TK and PK, while Kim Dae-jung won majority vote in his base Honam. However,

regionalism did not play great role in this election as the election seems as conflict between

democratic and anti-democratic groups that was between Gyeongsangbuk-do as the base of

7
Favoritism ratio is the ratio calculated by taking proportion of people born in a particular regions and landing a
particular position, divided by the proportion of the total population born in the region as of 1970. In this paper,
the year 1970 is taken since the majority of people in leadership positions in 2002 were above the age of 30 r
largely were born in about 1970.

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Park’s military dictatorship against Honam and PK, the bases of Kim Dae-jung and Kim Young-

sam.8

In 1987 and 1988 presidential election, four candidates won in their own power base; Roh

tae-woo won majority approval in Gyeongsambuk-do, Kim young sam in Gyeongsamnam-do,

Kim Dae Jung in Honam and Kim-jong pil in Chungcheong. Regionalism once again played a

role here, showed by regional rivalries among president candidates. As Kim Dae-jung and Kim

Young-sam split in this election, the rivalries were turned into regional rivalry rather than

democracy – antidemocracy one. These rivalries made ruling party failed to reach majority and

hampered Roh Tae Woo in administering country. Thus, Roh Tae Woo created coalition with

Kim young sam and Kim jong pil excluding Honam. The coalition then aggravated Honam’s

alienation.

Table 1.2 Polling ratio in 1987 Presidential Election (%)

Roh Tae-woo Kim Young-sam Kim Dae-jung Kim Jong-pil

Total 38.6 28.0 27.1 8.1
Seoul 29.9 29.1 32.6 8.2
Gyeonggi 41.0 28.1 22.1 8.7
Gangwon 59.3 26.1 8.8 5.4
Jeju 49.8 26.8 18.6 4.5
Chungcheong 33.1 20.1 8.9 34.6
PK 36.6 53.7 6.9 2.6

Yeongnam TK 68.1 26.6 2.5 2.5

Total 48.8 41.6 5.0 2.5

Honam 9.9 1.2 88.4 0.5

Source : http://www.ekoreajournal.net/upload/html/HTML4322.html
(highlighted cells show who won majority votes in that region)

8
Gamjihan, E.-r. (n.d.). Regional Cleavage in Korean Politics and Elections. Retrieved 3 8, 2011, from The
Predicament of Modern Discourses on Gender and Religion in Korean Society:
http://www.ekoreajournal.net/upload/html/HTML4322.html

8
In 1997 presidential election, Kim jong pil allied with Kim dae jung and created coalition of

Honam and Chungcheong. Kim dae jung then won the election due to split in Yeongnam votes.

Contrary to what some scholar predicted, election of Kim dae jung as president did not change

regionalism since nearly absolute Honam votes to Kim unite Yeongnam and made ruling party

won no seats in Yeongnam. 2002 presidential election showed unique case as Roh Mo-hyun,

Yeongnam-born native, came under party that based in Honam. He garnered Honam support and

gained Yeongnam votes slightly higher than what Kim had in 1997 election. Roh eventually won

the election, however regionalism still existed as Honam voters prefer to choose candidate that

come from their region rather and expect Roh to dominate candidates from out of their regions.9

In 2007 election, Lee myung bak won the election by gaining majority vote in all regions

except Honam that chose largely for Chung Dong-young. But a thing to note here that is Seoul

itself has started to build its own regionalism. In past elections, Seoul became lesser priority in

power struggle between Honam and Yeongnam for Chungcheong support. This was because of

large portions of Seoul are migrants from other parts of Korea. They mostly maintained the

voting patterns of their home region.10 However, this trend starts to change as increasing

numbers of voters were born and raised there and they are beginning to break away from voting

patterns of their parents. This could be seen in Lee Myung bak vote over Chung Dong-young

was almost as impressive in the capital region as his was in Yeongnam. This new regionalism

will likely appear in next presidential election in 2012.11

2.4. Regionalism in economy

9
Ibid
10
Byung-muk, C. (2008, April 15). How Seoul is eroding regionalism. Retrieved March 8, 2011, from The Chosun
Ilbo: http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2008/04/15/2008041561015.html
11
Jackson, A. (2007, 12 30). New regionalism in Korea. Retrieved 03 10, 2011, from The Korea Times News:
http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2011/02/220_16389.html

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Regionalism in Korean economy appeared in regional imbalance particularly between

southwestern provinces (Jeolla-do), southeastern province (Gyeongsangdo). This unequal

distribution of income was seen as consequence of the structure of government elites and latent

influence of Korean political culture. Long domination of government by Gyeongsang-do elite

made concentration of development in Yeongnam and Seoul, when Honam was left emasculated.

This discrimination was formed as selective appointment of senior officers of state-

controlled and private firms and bias on giving government incentives to companies. It can be

seen in skewed distribution of jaebeol and manufacturing establishments. As of 1987, 23 of the

largest jaebeol were owned by southwesterners, while only two smaller ones were controlled by

southwesterners. Furthermore, material concessions and political favors to the southeasterners

were purposely given to ensure political and economical support of that region to government.

2.5. Regionalism in other fields

Heads of security and law enforcement
Regional imbalance also appeared in this sector, marked by consistent lack of representation of

Honam natives. Heads of security and law enforcement here includes Minister of Justice,

Minister of Home Affairs, Chief Public Prosecutors, Auditor Generals, National Police Chiefs

and heads of Observation, Control, Purification Agencies between 1948 and 1990; and Attorney

Generals and heads of National Intelligence and Information between 1990 and 2002. Yeongnam

dominance was then broken when Kim Dae Jung ascended to presidency although it reversed

back when Roh Moo Hyun took power. However, judiciary system is seen immune from

regionalism; thanks to rigorous state examination and strict entry protocol that doesn’t left space

for regional favoritism when it comes to personnel appointments within the court system.12

12
Yu, E.-Y. (2009). Regionalism in Korea, regional origin imbalance in the leadership structure of South Korea. In C.
Yun-Shik, H.-h. Seok, & L. D. Baker (Eds.), Korea Confronts Globalization (pp. 63-88). New York: Routledge. Pg. 76

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  University Professors
Regional discrimination is widespread and rampant in universities. Seoul natives were highly

favored and have greater chance in becoming university professors, followed by Yongnam

natives, Central natives and Honam natives. This conclusion was taken from Chosun Ilbo’s 2002

Who’s who list on personnel profiles of 14,732 university professors in 48 major universities that

were analyzed by regional origin. Pattern of regional imbalance among professors in most of the

top universities in Korea shows dominance of Seoul-born professors and extremely low

presentation of Honam-born professors outside Honam.13

3. Closing
Conclusion
Ever since inception of the republic, regionalism has been part of Korean society. It was seen as

struggle and rivalries among regions especially between Yeongnam and Honam. It has created

inequality in income distribution, development and representation in public services. Although

Korean government appears to be making some progress in addressing these inequalities,

regionalism still exist in both the private and public sectors. In democratization of Korea, the

divisive nature of regionalism may hamper the process however; regionalism also positively goes

hand in hand with demand of regional autonomy and in power struggle against authoritarian

central government.

Bibliography

Byung-muk, C. (2008, April 15). How Seoul is eroding regionalism. Retrieved March 8, 2011, from The
Chosun Ilbo: http://english.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2008/04/15/2008041561015.html

13
Ibid, pg. 83

11
Gamjihan, E.-r. (n.d.). Regional Cleavage in Korean Politics and Elections. Retrieved 3 8, 2011, from The
Predicament of Modern Discourses on Gender and Religion in Korean Society:
http://www.ekoreajournal.net/upload/html/HTML4322.html
Jackson, A. (2007, 12 30). New regionalism in Korea. Retrieved 03 10, 2011, from The Korea Times
News: http://www.koreatimes.co.kr/www/news/opinon/2011/02/220_16389.html
UNESCO, K. N. (Ed.). (2002). Korean Politics: Striving for Democracy and Unification. New Jersey: Hollym
International Corp.
Yu, E.-Y. (2009). Regionalism in Korea, regional origin imbalance in the leadership structure of South
Korea. In C. Yun-Shik, H.-h. Seok, & L. D. Baker (Eds.), Korea Confronts Globalization (pp. 63-88).
New York: Routledge.

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