MA· ·L· ·CO···LM· X·'S-· -LIFJE· A· FT'-'E'R'I O' EATI'H
_' __ :1 1:'1: _. 1-'1',. ~.' _1':'1 _,11 ,_"_ '_
SOMEWHrR'[ BETWEEN HIS ASSASS:INAnON, IN ~9'65, AND THE APPEARANCE OF HIS
IMAGE ON A UNITED STAlIES POSTAGE SlAMP; ~N 1999" MALCOLM X WENT 'FROM BEING AN FBI TAFlG-ET TO' IBDNG A BELOVED-AND SOME SAY COMMERCIAUZED- N.ATIONAL I:CON. BUT D[SPl1l'E THE HYPE, H IS COURAGE STilLL INSPIRES NIEW GENEFMHONS or BLACK AMER'ICANS"
BY MANNING MAJ;J'ABLIE
'W' . n &: 1'<: \1/\ r.c 0
MA· ·L· ·CO···LM· X·'S-· -LIFJE· A· FT'-'E'R'I O' EATI'H
_' __ :1 1:'1: _. 1-'1',. ~.' _1':'1 _,11 ,_"_ '_
SOMEWHrR'[ BETWEEN HIS ASSASS:INAnON, IN ~9'65, AND THE APPEARANCE OF HIS
IMAGE ON A UNITED STAlIES POSTAGE SlAMP; ~N 1999" MALCOLM X WENT 'FROM BEING AN FBI TAFlG-ET TO' IBDNG A BELOVED-AND SOME SAY COMMERCIAUZED- N.ATIONAL I:CON. BUT D[SPl1l'E THE HYPE, H IS COURAGE STilLL INSPIRES NIEW GENEFMHONS or BLACK AMER'ICANS"
BY MANNING MAJ;J'ABLIE
'W' . n &: 1'<: \1/\ r.c 0
MA· ·L· ·CO···LM· X·'S-· -LIFJE· A· FT'-'E'R'I O' EATI'H
_' __ :1 1:'1: _. 1-'1',. ~.' _1':'1 _,11 ,_"_ '_
SOMEWHrR'[ BETWEEN HIS ASSASS:INAnON, IN ~9'65, AND THE APPEARANCE OF HIS
IMAGE ON A UNITED STAlIES POSTAGE SlAMP; ~N 1999" MALCOLM X WENT 'FROM BEING AN FBI TAFlG-ET TO' IBDNG A BELOVED-AND SOME SAY COMMERCIAUZED- N.ATIONAL I:CON. BUT D[SPl1l'E THE HYPE, H IS COURAGE STilLL INSPIRES NIEW GENEFMHONS or BLACK AMER'ICANS"
BY MANNING MAJ;J'ABLIE
'W' . n &: 1'<: \1/\ r.c 0
DA ar an
Pea al Oe aoe Raa em
cae acu eeeeoe Pala ena
Bre aml a AN stole PESO aA oda ea Uae OU
ra ae te ese a aa oN a Ue oa ee aed
EON Ges
|| erase eee
reenact ie tid
figure for less than a deeade. He had formerly been the
Ere Non a Loco reac
Arteria ener g ma n
Pn eC enn mer)
protest group, the Organization of Afro-American Unity had
cexisted barely a year and had only several hundred sup-
porters at the time of his death, For these reasons, many
ete ers ee ere aro)
Preteen eater Roem
nation, Bayard Rustin, the architeet of the 1963 March on
Washington, wrote: "Now that he is dead, we must resist the
temptation to idealige Malcolm X, to elevate charisma to
greatness. Maleolm X is not hero of the movement, he is
een ner eee ce Utama
Negro people, will determine Malcolm's role in history.” His,
harshest crities were the leaders of the Nation of Istam. Only
CORN STE Cece Coy
mad denounced his former protégé as a hypocrite whose
“foolish teaching brought him to his own end.”
ea an cone cS
Bec sya ea es
foundly transformed. The first phase of the remaking of
Malcolm X oceurred In late 1965 with the publication of
The Autobiography of Malcolm X, written with the assistance
of the journalist Alex Haley. Although the story was deeply
rooted in the terrain ofthe black experience, its appeal tran:
scended the boundaries of race, clas, and langua,
eRe tne t a
the next 35 years. In 1999 Time magazine named it one of
fae
eee mM nce
‘colt X—a critical and financial success—brought his story
ost influential works of nonfiction of the century.
nternational audience, That same year, a Gallup pollLez shed blesses the stan
_ctvin's coffin, Febreary
ovr: Nearly
rs Maleeln X i
bere tn tect fashion
UNLIKE OTHER GREAT BLACK LEADERS FROM THE PAST, MALCOLM X HAS
BECOME A GENUINE HERO TO MILLIONS OF YOUNG AFRICAN-AMERICANS.
revealed that s7 percent of African-Amer-
cans felt that Malcolm X should be con:
sidered “a hero for black Americans
today,” and that his greatest popu
lay among African-American aged 15,
10 24. The name of the sometime Harlem
street-corner orator had become a trendy
symbol on designer clothes—8100 mil-
lion worth sold in 1992. One enterp
marketed
ing company for a time ever
‘X-Brand” potato chips.
Y THE MID- AND LATE-19908
general references to Malcolm X in
mainstream American popular cul:
ture had become commonplace, and by
the summer of 2000 one of the bi
gest box office fer. The film
‘was an adaptation of the Stan Lee comic
series about a race of mutants who are
divided into two groups—the “inte
tionists" led by Professor Xavier and the
“separatists” led by the charismatic hero
AG Awenican Lesacy FALL 2002
Magneto. The film clearly plays on the
ideological tension that defined the black
freedom movement of the 19608: the divi
sion between the integrationists led by
Dr. Martin Luther King, J., who sought
‘cultural inclusion and reforms within the
system, and the black nationalists sym-
bolized by Malcolm X, who championed
black separatism,
At the end of X-Men, the defeated Mag-
neto vows 10 continue his struggle for
justice,
expression,
taney, and protest
Malcolm X's most famous
by any means necessary
Perhaps the most remarkable form
of recognition occurred on January 20,
1999, when the stamp bearing Malcolm
1's image was unveiled in front of a ju-
bilant audience of fifteen hundred people
at Harlem's historie Apollo Theater. The
celebration over the Malcolm X stamp
was hardly universal, For many white
conservatives, Maleolm X remained 2
dangerous revolutionary, a harsh critic of
America's war in Vietnam, an opponent of
American capitalism, and
of black social protest. To many black
nationalists, radicals, and the Marxist
left, the stamp was equally offer
Malcolm X, after all, had been illegally
‘wiretapped, his private conversations re-
corded, his mail opened, and his orgat
zations disrupted by a U.S. government
that critics felt Malcolm X would have
disapproved of even today.
At the same time as Malcolm X has
ged how black America sees itself,
he hirnself has also been reconstracted, in
what the black cultural eritie Michael
Erie Dyson ealls “making Malcolm.” Com
plicating the transformation is the fact
that very different images of Maleolm X
can be drawn from words, phrases, and
writings of various periods of his life.
Most American history
contrast King and Malcolm X as ideo-
logical opposites, but the record points
advocate
books stillSPIKE LEE'S $30 MILLION FILM—A CRITICAL AND FINANCIAL SUCCESS—
BROUGHT MALCOLM X'S STORY TO AN INTERNATIONAL AUDIENCE.
toward a growing ideological affinity be-
tween these two. In fact, early in Feb-
vary 1965 the former black separatist
traveled to Alabama to address and en-
courage young activists involved in a vor
ig rights campaign. le wied to meet with
King during this trip, but the eivil rights
Jeader was in jait; instead Malcolm met
with Coretta Scott King, tellin
did not intend to make life more
for her husband, “If white people realize
what the alternative is, perhaps they will
be more willing to hear Dr. King,” Mal-
coli X explained.
Like Frederick Douglass, Malcolm X
was known as one of the most outstand-
ing orators of his day. Like Marcus Gar-
vey, he was responsible for b
influe
tion. Like W. E. B. Du Bois and Paul Robe
son, he recognized the profound connec
tions between the challenges facing the
Ariean-American people as members of
nation within a nation, and those con-
fronting the Third World nations in their
struggles a lism. Perhaps
hetterthan anyone else, he stands for how
African-Americans have seen themselves
and their place in the world, As a black
student put it to me several years ago: “Dr.
Martin Luther King, Jr, belongs to the
world, but Malcolm X belongs to us.”
color
HE NAN WHO WOULD BE
known as Malcolm X was born Mal-
colm Little at University Hospital
in Omaha, Nebraska, in agas. His par-
ts, Earl and Louise Little, were activist
supporters of Marcus Garvey’s black-
nationalist organization the Universal
Negro Improvement Association. In 1928
the Little family purchased 2 home in
Lansing, Michigan, and less than two
years later the house was destroyed by
fire, Earl Little was found dead in 1931,
most likely the victim of racist violence.
His widow struggled to keep the family
together, but in early 1939 she was inst
tutionalized in a state mental hospital,
where she would remain for a quarter
century, Malcolm was placed in various
foster homes, and for atime, after being
‘eelled from schoo}, stayed atthe Michi-
gan State Detention Home.
In i941 Malcolmis half-sister om his
father’s side, Ella Collins, brought the
teenager o her home in Boston, Massa-
cliusetts. Over te next five years, he held
wide variety of jobs in Boston and New
York City. Known on the streets as “Big
Real” and “Detroit Red,” he entered the
underground economy ofthe gherto,run-
ing numbers and selling liquor and
illegal drugs. In che Spike Lee film, De-
Red’ life is typical of the hepeat
world of young black and Latino urban
ren of the World War I era. Maleolm be
‘ame friends with many jazz musicians
and enteriainers, including Billie Holiday
Left: Malcolm Lite’
snug shot from 196. His
wild days ended ina
arvet in Beaton for
Iarcens, Above: Denzel
Washington, a Meleolw
X, makes te cub scene
in Spe Lee’ 2993 fe
Yatt 2002 AMERICAN Legacy 49)MANY WHITE AMERICANS BECAME FASCINATED WITH MALCOLM AS AN
ARTICULATE AND UNCOMPROMISING VOICE OF BLACK MILITANCY.
and Lionel Hampton, The historian Robin
D. G. Kelly emphasized that the zoot-
suited Malcolm Little, immersed in the
black popular culture of the 1940s, should
not be overlooked or forgotten in our
lerstanding of the lawer Malcolm X.
January 1946 Malcolm Little was
arrested and charged with grand larcei
and breaking and entering. He was:
tenced to prison in Charlestown, Mas.
sachusetis, and would live behind bars
until his release six and 2 half years
later. At the Concord Reformatory prison,
in Massachusetts, to which he had been
transferred in 1947, he was introduced
to a black-nationalist Islami
younger brother, Reginald.
Malcolm joined the sect
and began a frequent cor:
respondence with its lead=
er, Elijah Muhammad,
formerly Robert Poole.
The Nation of Islams
core tenets, among them
that blacks are racially
superior and whites are
literally devils, were
tremely attractive to Mal-
col, Paxoled from prison
Ist 1952, he took the
surname X, which stood
for the lost true name of
his Afriean ancestors. In early 1953 he
lived briefly in the home of Elijah Mu-
hammad, and quickly rose in the hier-
archy of the sect. He was named minister
Of the newly established Boston Temple
No.1 in the fall of that year
the minister of New York's Temple No.7
in June 1954. He would lead it for the
next 10 years.
‘A powerful and magnetic speak
il became
Malcolm X traveled extensively throug]
out the country on behalf of the
of Islam, He initiated and directed the
Nation
Above: Speaking
‘ta Herlen rally
in 1965. Loft
Muhanmed,
sfter the 1965
death of hi rival
development of new temples in many
cities and established a national news-
paper, Muhanmad Speaks. A 1939 televi
sion documentary on the Nation of Islam,
with the provocative title The Hate That
Hate Prodeced, brought the sect imo na-
tional prominence. That same year Mal-
colm X visited Egypt, Iran, Syria, Ghana,
Nigeria, and Sudan. By the late 1950s
and early 1960s he was actively involved
in protesting police brutality against
“black Muslims,” the name the media gave
members of the Nation,
Malcolm X constantly urged
African-Americans 10 break
from their psychological, cul
tural, and political dependence
‘on white values and institutions.
For self-determination work,
he argued, blacks had 10 build
strong in:
the ability 10 ne
with the white establishment.
‘The philosophy of racial zssim-
lation, he believed, could never
really help poor and working
black people. In the Auobiagraphy
he observed: “The American
black man should be focusing
his every effort toward building
his own businesses, and decent
homes for himself. As other
ethnic groups have done, let the
black people, wherever possi-
ble, however possible, patronize
their own kind, hire their own kind, and
start in those ways to build up the black
race’s ability to do for itself That's the
only way the American black man is ever
{going to get respect!”
EANWHILE, IN 1956 MALCOLM.
X met Betty Sanders, a new con-
ert who had joined Temple No. 7
Even though he was attracted to her, he
feigned indifference right up to his pro
posal of marriage, given ia a eall from
a gas-station telephone in Detroit in Jan-
uuary 1938. Two days later the two were
married bya white Justice of the Peace in
Lansing, Michigan. Back home, Temple
No.7 members were surprised that their
‘minister, who never appeared to be inter
ested in any fermale member, including
Beuy, had wed. TI
ro a small two-family flat in the bor
ough of Queens, and over the next seven
years they had six daughters, Actalah,
Qubilah, Hyasah, Gamilah, Malaak, and
jons, and with
e newlyweds moved
YALL 2002 awenican Lecacy 83.Malika. Despite his enensivetav-
cls, Malcolm always stayed close
wih his Family
As early as 1959 Malcolm X be-
gan reaching out to mainsteeam
I vights leaders and black elected off-
cials, such as the Harlem congressman
Adam Clayton Powell, Jr in an effort to
build a national blaek united front. In
September 1960, he met with Fidel Cas-
tro during the Cubans visit vo the Unit~
cd Nations. The next February, he led a
demonstration at the United Nations to
denounce the killing of the prime min=
ister of the Congo, Patrice Lumumba,
Many white Americans, particularly col-
lege students, became fascinated with
Malcolm as an articulate and uncompro-
mising voice of black militancy. He be-
«amea sought-after campus speaker, lee-
turing at Harvard Law School in March
ig6rand many other institutions. His high
profile brought him under intense sur-
54 AMERICAN LEGACY FALL 2002
Betty Shaber:
in 1964.
commemorative pin
veillance bythe Federal Bu:
reau of Investigation and
‘other law enforcement
agencies and fed hostility
and resentment among
Nation of Islam leaders
close to Elijah Muhammad,
who feared that Malcolm
X had grown to0 power:
ful to control. As a result,
he practically disappeared
from the pages of Muhan-
‘mad Speoks in 1963. At the
‘same time, rumors that Eli-
Jah Muhammad was carry
ingon adulterous relations
with numerous women in
the Nation of Islam were
proved true. An outraged
Malcolm X refused to be
silent on the subject, but
did attempt to minimize
the damage to the sect’s
credibility:
efer children close analysis of the
‘A getual content of Malcolm
XS public lectures, sermons,
and media interviews be-
tween 1960 and 1963 reveals many more
similarities than differences to his post~
Nation of Islam views. His basic goal
‘was to get biack people to see themselves
as actors in the making of their own his
tory. He linked the anticolonial revolu-
tions of Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean
with the struggles of African-Ameri-
for self-deermination inside the
United States. He sharply criticized M
tin Luther King’s philosophy of nonvio-
lence, and ridiculed the 1963 March on
‘Washington as nothing but ‘a picnic, a
circus.” Yet, at the same time, he made
numerous efforts to connect with liberal
integrationist leaders, in public forums as
well asin private meetings. “If eapitalis-
tic Kennedy and communistic Khrustchey
can find something in common on whieh
to form a United front despite their tre-
mendous ideological differences,” he
wrote in a 1963 letter to Dr. King, inviting
hhim to a rally in Harlem, “it Is a dis-
grace for Negro leaders not ro be able to
submerge our minor differences in order
toseeka common solution toa common
problem posed by a Common Enemy.”
John F. Kennedy's assassination, in
November 1963, Malcolm X remarked
to the media that the Chief Executives
murder was a case of “the chickens con
ing home to roost,” symbolizing white
America’s tendency to violence and hatred.
‘The press seized on this, and Elijah Mu-
‘hammad used the public controversy as an
excuse for expelling his powerful pro~
Malcolm
toago-day
|: THE WAKE OF PRESIDENT
“period of silence,”
period came to an end in early March
1964, it beeame clear that the Nation
would never accept him back. That same
‘month, he called a press conference and
resigned from the sect.
Soon after his departure, he ereated 160
new organizations: Muslim Mosque, Inc.
a spiritual refuge for former Nation of
Islam members and others, to reach out
ind
overcome the ideological and political
divisions within black America. Malcolm
X's views on U.S. domestic and interna-
tional affairs moved ever leftward. He
was one of the first prominent Ameri-
cans to denounce the growing U.S. i
itary involvement in Vietnam. Leaving
the United Scates on April 1, 1964, under
the name Malik El-Shabaez, he made a
pilgrimage to Mecea. The religious ex-
perience in itself did not “radially trans-AS EARLY AS 1959 HE BEGAN REACHING OUT TO MAINSTREAM CIVIL
RIGHTS LEADERS AND BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS.
form him, as both Alex Haley and Spike
Lee have suggested. However, his new
commitment t0 ort ‘id allow
for much greaver fl
of his societal ideals. In
Shabazz commented about her husbands
journey to Mecca, and his return 10 the
United States litle over a month later
as El-Hajj Malik El-Shabarz: “When [Mal~
colm] retumed he did have a new perspec
tive. Part of it, I think, was the human
experience of seeing people from difier~
‘ent countries functioning wogether because
‘of common philosophy. ... Malcoln’s
5G Awenican teeacy rant 2008
basic goal or objecive never
changed: He was totally
committed to freedom for o
pressed people... Malco
[new] feeling was that if a
group hasan answer to the problems of
black people, then they should help solve
the problems without having all black
people nse his
scope had been broadened”
Younges civil rights activists and black
artists and waiters developed a deep cul
tural and political respect for El-Haij
Malik El-Shabazz even before his assas
A lighter momen:
Malcolm X (for lef) with
Gasstus Clay a Florida
soda fountain in 196
sination in 1965. Amiri Ba~
raka, the leader of the Black
Arts Movement of the 19608
and 1970s, writes that Mal
colm X was, for him, the per
sonification of “blackness ... my maxi-
mum leader/teacher.” After his death,
as the Black Arts Movement blossomed,
hundreds of poems, cultural essays, plays,
and public events celebrated his towering,
importanee. With the publication of his
autobiography, his reputation among mil-
lions of white Americans also grew. But
those who had been privileged to knowTHOSE WHO GOT TO KNOW MALCOLM PERSONALLY RECOGNIZED THE
VAST DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HIS PUBLIC AND PRIVATE IMAGES.
Malcolm personally recognized
the vast difference between
his public and private images.
Kuntsler observed in 1994: “
liked Malcolm instantly. I thought:
Malcolm would be a fire-eater, burning
with hatred, with no sense of humor. He
was actually quite the opposite, a warm,
responsive human being, not at all as
he was depicted by the media... . He
spent most of his public life trying to
‘convince his black audiences that they
{In solicary prayer,
Malcolm X kneels
toward Mecca in @
hhad co resist the white ava-
lanche ‘by any means neces
sary’ A failure to resist he of-
ten said, was part of a residual
slave mentality: I completely
agreed with him.”
In the late 1980s a new generation of
African-American came to discover Mal:
ccolm X in the dire context of rapid de~
industrialization and economic decay in
Americals cities, the collapse of public
institutions providing services tothe poor,
and the devastation of the erack-cocaine
epidemic. America's political and corpo-
rate establishment was recreating from
serious discussion of ways to solve press-
ing urban problems, and in this environ
ment what became known as the hip-hop
gencration found a charismatic, power
Ful voice to express its own rage, alien
ation, and spirit of resistance—that of
Malcolm X. He was frequently mentioned
in the musie of virtually every major hip-
hop artist and group, from Public Enemy
and NWA. to Lauryn Hilland Wa-Tang,
Clan. But in taking excerpts from Mal-
colm’s writings and samplings from his
speeches, they frequently obscured oF
lost the full meaning of what he had
attempted to accomplish, both politically
anid culturally.
‘As the historian Michael Erie Dyson
has written, the greatest significance of
Malcolm X lies in his personal example
of relentless self-criticism, and his be-
lief that everyday people possess the
capacity to change themselves and thus
change the conditions under whieh they
live. In Making Makoln: The Myth and Mean-
{ng of Malcolm X, Dyson observes:
“Maleolm’s posh near the end of his life
was for people to learn and grow as much
as they could in the struggle to free mind
and body from the poisonous persistence
‘of racism and blind ethnic loyalty, as well
as economic and class slavery. He apolo-
gized for his former mistakes, took his
lumps for things he'd done wrong in the
past, and tried to move on, even though,
as he lamented, many devotees (and ene~
mies) wouldn't allow him to ‘turn the
corner’ For Malcolis sake, and for the
sake of our survival, black folk must tu
the comer.” *
Manning Marable is a professor of history and
political science, and the founding director of
{he institute for Research in Anican-American
Studies at Columbia University.
FALL 2002 AMERICAN LEGACY 61