1415 West Hebvay $4, Sue 101 poia.3.3360 SOUTHERN COALITION
Durham, NC27707 Fe9ig.s13.3902 for SOCIAL JUsTIC
Written Testimony of Allison Riggs
Staff Attorney, Southern Coalition for Social Justice
Greensboro City Couneil Meeting
May 3, 2011
Good evening. My name is Allison Riggs and I’m a voting rights attorney with the Southern
Coalition for Social Justice in Durham, NC. Thank you for allowing me to speak for a few
minutes on a few legal topics implicated by the City Couneil’s proposed redistricting plans,
Because my remarks, although brief, will exceed the allowable time and because this information
is vital for the City Couneil to consider, I will have community members finish reading my
testimony after my time expires. I have also brought printed versions of my entire testimony for
submission to the council. I'd first like to speak to state law governing annexations and
redistricting, and then I'd like to review a few relevant factors considered in making a
determination of retrogression under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act.
Local newspaper reports last week indicated that if the city does not adopt a new redistricting
plan in time for the 60-day review by the Department of Justice before the July filing deadline,
the city believes it has the authority to delay elections until 2012. This is an inaccurate
interpretation of North Carolina General Statute §160A-23.1 and the city will open itself to a
lawsuit for violating state law if it tries to delay the election. The law I just mentioned authorizes
City Council to delay an election if, after the receipt of federal decennial census information,
the couneil determines that it would be unlawful to conduct another election without redistricting,
AND the council does not believe it has time to redistrict before the opening of the filing period.
Based on the 2010 Census, it would not be unlawful for Greensboro to hold another city election.
The city is NOT authorized under this law to delay an election based on annexations that may
‘occur in the future, They are only authorized to delay an election where population imbalance
would making condueting an election under the, and I quote, “existing district boundaries”
unlawful. Annexations that may or may not occur in the future are not part of existing district
boundaries. With the new census numbers, it would not be unlawful to conduct elections under
the “existing district boundaries.” Because future annexations are not part of the city now, they
are not part of existing districts, and thus the authority to delay an election cannot be predicated
on the possibility of annexations happening at some point in the future.
Even if the city annexed new property in time for voters in the annexed areas to participate in
the Fall 2011 municipal elections and the annexations bring into the city a significant number of
voters, the city still has two options:a. The first option is that the city may assign those “annexed” voters to a district that
will not be pushed outside of the acceptable deviation range, even if that district is
non-contiguous. There is no state law that demands contiguity. And, in fact, the
Greensboro city charter explicitly gives the City Council the authority to put
annexed area in a district other than the nearest electoral district if “deemed
necessary.” Sec, 2.43(b). Avoiding holding an election under a malapportioned
plan would certainly qualify. They can then redistriet after the election—after
they are certain about what areas and populations are annexed and after the public
has been given a meaningful opportunity to participate in this process.
b. The second option is that the city could assign those “annexed” voters to an
adjacent or contiguous district that would then be slightly outside of the
acceptable range of deviation. This scenario would only pose a problem if.a voter
decided, after the annexations were effective AND approved by the Department
of Justice, to bring a one-person-one-vote lawsuit. Given that the annexations
‘would have occurred too late for the city to have redistricted, itis highly unlikely
that a judge would halt the election. Judges generally do not want to hold
incumbents in office and hold up elections unless there is a dramatic problem.
‘Asa final note on this topic, annexations have to precleared by the Department of Justice
as well, and generally speaking, election officials need 90 days after a change to ensure that new
voters are incorporated into the system. Legally, under Section 5, covered jurisdictions are not
supposed to be taking any steps to implement laws until they received preclearance. So the idea
that all of these supposed annexations will take place, be precleared, and be implemented in time
to affect the 2011 elections is far from certain,
I'd now like to take a minute to discuss retrogression. A proposed plan is retrogressive
under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act if its net effect would be to reduce minority voters’
“effective exercise of the electoral franchise” when compared to the benchmark plan. In 2006,
when Congress reauthorized the Voting Rights Act, it clarified that a jurisdiction must establish
that its proposed redistricting plan will not have the effect of “diminishing the ability” of
minority citizens to “elect their preferred candidate of choice.” In layperson’s terms,
retrogression standard prohibits jurisdictions from making minority voters worse off than they
‘were under the previous plan,
non-
On February 9, 2011, the Department of Justice issued Guidance Concerning
Redistricting Under Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act. In that document, the Department of
Justice noted that, alone, “census population data may not reflect significant differences in group
voting behavior.” As such, the Department concluded that “election history and voting patterns
2within the jurisdiction, voter registration and tumout information, and other similar information
are very important to an assessment of the actual effect of a redistricting plan.”
Furthermore, Section 51.59 of the Procedures for the Administration of Section 5 of the
Voting Rights Act of 1965 describes relevant factors for the Attorney General’s consideration of
redistricting plans. The fifth factor listed is the extent to which available alternative plans
satisfying the jurisdiction’s legitimate governmental interest were considered. If a jurisdiction
had better, less retrogressive or non-retrogressive options before it and chose not to avail itself of
those options, that can support an objection by the Department of Justice.
‘There are significant reasons Plan B—the Rakestraw plan voted upon at the last City
Council meeting—is retrogressive. Plan B reduces the African-American voting age population
in District 1 from nearly 71% to 66%. Alone, that significant reduction in voting age population
may be enough to warrant a finding of retrogression. But when you pair that with the fact that
Plan B moves high-performing African-American precincts out of District 1 and moves high-
performing white precincts into the District, this is even more persuasive evidence of
retrogression. In a jurisdiction where voter turnout is already low, this is significant. The
moving of even one high-performing precinct can change the outcome of an election. If you
change the political performance of a district such that minority voters have a diminished ability
to elect the candidate of choice, you have created a retrogressive redistricting plan and the
Department of Justice will object.
Furthermore, the City Council had and HAS better alternatives before it, most notably the
option to not redistrict at all right now. Districts 1 and 2—the majority-minority districts, have
significantly lower deviations than Districts 4 and 5—the districts with deviations closer to the
limit. Districts 1 and 2 do not need to be changed at all to satisfy the City Council’ interest in
‘maintaining population balance amongst the districts, yet this council considered and voted upon
aplan, Plan B, that dramatically changed the demographies of these two districts. You did so
even when you were not legally required to redistrict. You did so even when another plan, Plan
, offered an option to reduce the deviation in Districts 4 and 5 without affecting Districts 1 and
2atall. Plan B also makes District |—a majority-minority district—the most overpopulated
district in the jurisdiction. Right now, it is quite close to the ideal population. lll of this strong
‘evidence supporting a finding of retrogression and justifies the Department of Justice interposing,
an objection should the City Council adopt Plan B.
Similarly, though not nearly as egregiously, Plan D also reduces the African-American
voting age population in District 1 and makes it the most overpopulated district in the
jurisdiction by a significant margin. If this council adopts a retrogressive plan, my organization
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David Harris, Christine Bowser, and Samuel Love v. Patrick McCrory, in his capacity as Governor of North Carolina, North Carolina State Board of Elections, and Joshua Howard, in his capacity as Chairman of the North Carolina State Board of Elections - 13-CV-00949 [United States District Court for the Middle District Of North Carolina]