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1Center or American Progress | Not Working: Unemployment Among Married Couples
Not Working: UnemploymentAmong Married Couples
Unemployment Continues to Plague Families in Todays Tough Job Market
By Heather Boushey
 All kinds o amilies have aced he prospec o job losses, downsizing, involunary par-ime work, and oen less-generous benes as a resul o he Grea Recession.Dual-earner, married couples may seem like he luckies kind o amilies when i comeso unemploymen since hey have a second earner o keep he amily aoa when onespouse loses heir job.New daa or 2010, however, highligh ha even married couples have been vulnerableo unemploymen. And or he rs ime in decades unemploymen has been concen-raed among husbands raher han wives. Wih so many wives—and women more generally—supporing amilies here could no be a more imporan ime o ensure ha women are paid airly. Te ypical woman earnsan average o 77 cens on he male dollar, and so when a husband loses his job he amily suers since her earnings are ypically lower han his.
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Tese daa show ha addressinghis pay inequiy should be a key goal o our economic recovery policy agenda.Furher, unemploymen has grown sharpes among husbands in older couples, leavingmany pre-reiremen couples wih he double-whammy o alling asse values and lim-ied job prospecs. Older workers are having an especially hard ime nding re-employ-men. Job marke challenges are compounded by he ac ha his generaion is he vanguard or our naion’s experimen in he efcacy o 401(k)s as a reiremen savings vehicle, even as we’ve lived hrough he bursing o asse bubbles. As he naion debaes reiremen securiy we need o ensure ha ocusing on he impli-caions now and poenially ar ino he uure o high unemploymen and asse shocksamong older workers are inegral o he conversaion. Ye here is a growing chorus o  voices clamoring o pare back governmen pensions and limi Social Securiy benesor uure reirees. Congressman Paul Ryan’s (R-WI) budge plan, or example, wouldshi an increasing share o he cos o Medicare ono seniors. Tis policy agenda suersrom a lack o recogniion o economic realiy.
 
2Center or American Progress | Not Working: Unemployment Among Married Couples
High unemploymen, especially among husbands, is occurring across amilies, regard-less o race or ehniciy. Arican-American husbands, however, are more likely o beunemployed compared o oher husbands. Given he long-sanding ruism ha he raeo Arican-American unemploymen is abou double ha o whie unemploymen, andhe excruciaingly high unemploymen because o he Grea Recession, amilies o colorare sruggling more han ever. Making sure ha all workers—including men o color—have access o good jobs mus be a op policy prioriy.Tis brie will explore hese rends in more deph and oer recommendaions going orward.
Rise in dual-earner married couples
Since he lae 1970s here has been a marked increase in he share o “dual-earner” mar-ried couples. Tis is where boh spouses are in he labor orce.
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A sharp rise occurred beween 1979 and 1997, when he share o married couples wih boh spouses in labororce rose seadily rom 52.4 percen o 67.1 percen. (see Figure 1)Since 1997 he share o dual-earner marriedcouples has remained relaively a, alling slighly during recession years and increasing slighly dur-ing nonrecession years. In 2010, when he naionalunemploymen rae averaged 9.6 percen, he shareo married couples wih boh spouses in labor orce was 64.7 percen.Te share o dual-earner married couples wih bohspouses employed ell more sharply due o heGrea Recession han i had due o prior recessions.By 2010, he share o dual-earner married couples wih one spouse employed and one unemployedrose o 6.8 percen, higher han any ime since 1979.
 The Great Recession underscored the importance of women’s earningsto family well-being
Te increase in dual-earner couples is due o a rise in women in he labor orce, espe-cially mohers. Beween 1979 and 2010, womens labor orce paricipaion rose rom50.9 o 58.6 percen.
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As a resul, womens earnings have become increasingly imporano amily well-being.By 2008, women were breadwinners or co-breadwinners in wo-hirds o amilies wihchildren, bringing home a leas a quarer o heir amilies’ earnings.
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In 2009, he las
figure 1
Percent of married couples with both spouses in the labor force
Source: Center for American Progress’ analysis of the Center for Economic and Policy Research Extracts of theCurrent Population Survey, Outgoing Rotation Group Files
40%50%60%70%Both spousesemployedOne spouseemployed, oneunemployedBoth spousesunemployed20101980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005Recessions in gray
 
3Center or American Progress | Not Working: Unemployment Among Married Couples
 year or which we have daa on amily income, working wives brough home nearly hal (47 percen) o heir amilys earnings.
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Te Grea Recession has urher underscored he imporance o womens earnings, because unlike in prior recessions husbands have been more likely han wives o experi-ence unemploymen. As a resul, amilies have been more relian on wives’ earnings hanin prior recessions.Up unil he Grea Recession i was more common or wives han husbands o be unem-ployed (see Figure 2). In he wake o he recessions o he early 1980s, he percen o married couples wih he husband employed and he wie unemployed hi a high o 3.4percen, while he share wih he wie working and he husband unemployed hi a high o 3 percen. During he recessions o he early 1990s and early 2000s, however, here was nogender dierence in which spouse was unemployed during he peak unemploymen years.During he economic recoveries o he 1980s, 1990s, and 2000s, he rend moved back o being he case ha wives were more likely han husbands o be he one unemployed.Tere was a marked shi in he wake o he GreaRecession. In 2010, he share o married couples wih he husband unemployed rose o 3.7 percen,much higher han he share wih he wie unem-ployed, which reached 3.1 percen.On he one hand, his makes sense because overhe course o he Grea Recession men los hemajoriy o jobs. Beween December 2007 and June 2009, he recession as dened by he NaionalBureau o Economic Research, men los over 70percen o he jobs. Tis gendered patern in joblosses, however, was no new and hus cannoexplain he rends in spousal unemploymen. Inhe 2001 recession, men los 86 percen o he jobs.In he early 1990s recession, men los 98.2 perceno he jobs; and in he early 1980s recession(s) women acually gained jobs.Te gendered patern in unemploymen amongspouses may be explained by looking o re-employ-men paterns. Workers are less likely o be re-employed, compared o prior recessions.Bu he all in he re-employmen rae is greaer or men han or women. According oanalysis by he Cener or Economic and Policy Research o Bureau o Labor Saisicsdaa ha racks workers who los a job wihin he prior hree years due o heir planclosing or posiion being abolished, among men, in 1994, 65 percen who had been
figure 2
Percent of married couples with one spouse working, oneunemployed, by gender
Source: Center for American Progress’ analysis of the Center for Economic and Policy Research Extracts of theCurrent Population Survey, Outgoing Rotation Group Files
Husband working, wife unemployedWife working, husband unemployed2010198019851990199520002005Recessions (in gray)0%1%2%3%4%
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