The Zubiri Legacy: A Political Family Affair

Looking from the perspective of the 7 Ms of dynasty builiding

ABSTRACT
Political dynasties have existed in the country and the structure of Philippine politics plays a big
factor to survival of these political dynasties. The Philippine Center for Investigative Reporting
(PCIJ) cited 7 factors as to why until today these political dynasties survive; the factors identified
are summarized as the 7 Ms of dynasty building, money, machinery, media, marriage, murder,
mergers and myths. This paper looks into one of Bukidnon’s most prominent political family,
The Zubiris using the prescriptions provided by the PCIJ. The results of the research says that the
Zubiris satisfy the prescriptions, thus indicating the strong foundation and continuing future of
the family’s dominance in the province however the current president may be an obstruction to
smooth relations. Several recommendations were made for the improvement of the research.

Margie Marie G. Manlunas 2008-27869

Pol Sci 14: Final Paper
Mr. Ronald C. Molmisa
28 March 2011
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 2 of 17

INTRODUCTION

“The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities

for public service and prohibit political dynasties as
may be defined by law”
Sec 26. Art. II 1987 Constitution

Political dynasties have been around in the Philippines for centuries. It has been one of
the perennial characteristics of Philippine politics already embedded in Philippine culture
(Teehankee, 2007). A political dynasty is made up of a clan with networks that takes on
government posts (local or national level) simultaneously and/or consecutively. A particular
dominion of one political dynasty can go on for years and years. In fact, according to The
Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), there are political dynasties in each of the
80 provinces in the Philippines. Instead of ideals, principles and policies, electoral politics and
allegiances have been dominated by kinship and self-interest. (Simbulan, 2005) These political
dynasties assure political power by the economic elite. This enables a small number of people, in
this context the political family, to main power and control over districts (Das, 2010).

During the Spanish era suffrage was limited to wealthy citizens particularly men. These
were the families who had affiliations and connections with the government officials. They soon
held government posts themselves. Until now, the heritage of these men is still around passed on
to generations. Today, the Constitution explicitly proscribes political dynasties. It hinders equal
opportunities for public service (Simbulan, 2005). However, this has not the case in the country.
Political dynasties are sprouting all over in the Philippine political arena. An enabling law has
not been passed despite the prohibition. It has been observed that legislators in the Senate are
from political parties themselves. In a study conducted by the Philippine Center for Investigative
Journalism (PCIJ), 2/3 of the members of the 8th to 12th Congress belong to political dynasties;
which accounts for around 424 our of the 2,407 members who have been elected from 1907 to
2004. In the Senate, combinations of relatives are present in the 24 seats. The legislative
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 3 of 17

department has long been occupied with middle-to-upper-class professionals, businessmen,

landowners, old political families, the new rich and entertainment personalities. (Chua, 2004)

SCOPE AND LIMITATIONS

This paper explored the Zubiri political family in Bukidnon in accordance to the
prescriptions of PCIJ’s 7 Ms of dynasty building. The information in this paper is limited to
documentations, reports, books and indirect informers from Bukidnon, most of which are data
from 2007. The researcher of the paper had been based in Quezon City, Metro Manila during the
duration of the study.

FRAMEWORK

This paper will use the 7 Ms of political dynasties as described by Sheila Coronel in her
article, “The 7 Ms of dynasty building” in the Philippine Center for Investigative Reporting
(PCIJ) published in March 2007. According the article, how political families stay in power and
keep in power can be summarized according seven prescriptions.

Money

Elections are very costly. Campaign materials such as tarpaulins, radio and television
commercials, new media promotions, and political machinery fuel are among other tools in
electoral campaigns that need substantial amount of money. PCIJ states that in 2004, a campaign
in smaller districts can start up to P3 million. The cost increases as the district gets larger. In
rural areas, it can cost P10 million on the average. In the National Capital Region, particularly in
Metro Manila, it can cost up to P30 million. It has been expected that the price tag cost more
than that amount today.
Politicians from affluent families who own a business corporation are rampant in the
Philippines. Their wealth is a big factor in electoral campaigns and exposures. 87 families
controlled the top 120 manufacturing companies from 1964- 1986. 20% of these families are
politically involved—Conjuancos, Aranetas, Jacintos, Duranos, Enriles (Rivera, 1994). Being
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 4 of 17

involved in both economic and political activities gives businesses power and say in legislation.
These politicians tend to exploit the government positions they have to advance their own
interests.

Machinery

Votes need to be secured come election time. A system must be put out in order to look
over and secure votes for the candidate. Without political machinery in place, the needed
mobilization and manpower might not be realized. In Philippine politics, a head of the
mobilization usually is appointed to spearhead the entire campaign strategy. This particular lider
does guidance on the mobilization and intelligence work in necessary. This lider submits himself
to the politician by the rules of the classis patron-client system. “Patronage is the oil that keeps
the political machine going” (Coronel, 2007). This leader must appoint poll watchers and pay
watchers to further secure votes.
Political and socio-civil affiliations are good sources of political machinery. If a
politician owns massive portion of lands with hundred of workers, it can be a good advantage
since mobilization is convenient. Organizations like fraternities, schools, businesses are
advantageous too since these are composed of different networks bringing in a vast voting
population.

Media

Celebrities are public figures that appear in television, radio or in media in general. These
are the personalities that are seen by the citizens on a regular basis. These celebrities therefore
have vast fan-bases and can have thousands of followers all of over the country. The potency of
the influence of these celebrities did not go unutilized in politics. These are the people who draw
attention, and in order for some candidates to do the same thing; they choose celebrity endorsers
that associate with them. During campaign period, we see these different celebrities and
personalities endorsing different politicians.
Certain politicians don’t stop at having endorsers but they incorporate these celebrities in
their social lives as well. Jules Ledesma of Negros Occidental married Assunta de Rossi, a
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 5 of 17

famous sultry TV personality; Ralph Recto married Philippine’s Star For All Seasons Vilma
Santos, who later became a politician herself; Kiko Pangilinan married Mega Star Sharon
Cuneta. In 2004 Mark Lapid was linked to Kris Aquino, a famous TV personality and the
daughter of two political giants, Ninoy and Corazon Aquino, when he ran for a senatorial bid.
Today the trend goes a notch higher. We can see these celebrities becoming politicians
themselves. Robert Jaworski was then a professional basketball player in the Philippine
Basketball Association who became a senator in 1999. Joseph Estrada was an action star who
started out as a mayor of San Juan.

Marriage

Political marriages combine political network and multiply reach of clans. Two of the
most known would be Ninoy Aquino and Cory Conjuanco. This marriage united two of the most
powerful political clans in Tarlac. Another good illustration of this would be former president
Ferdinand Marcos and his wife, Imelda Romualdez. Marcos already had the support of the North
since he was from Ilocos and had already set up a following in the region. However, he had little
influence from here Imelda was from, thus, having Imelda beside him would mean expansion of
his political influence. Imelda was from the prominent family, Romualdez. Her family was
influential in Congress having an uncle, Norbert* as the then-Speaker of the House and a cousin
who was a Speaker pro tempore. (Coronel, 2007)

Murder/Mayhem

Violence is rooted in the political and economic geography of a political territory.

Political families resort to violence as a mean of political domination (Coronel, 2004). However,
it is not a necessity. The Ampatuans and the Mangudadatus, two most powerful families in the
Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) in the infamous Maguindanao Massacre
back in November 2009, exemplified this. The Ampatuans have been the dominant political
family in Maguindanao. On the day Ampatuans’ rival, Mangudadatu along with 37 journalists
filed his certificate of candidacy. While on their route to Shariff Aguak, the attack took place
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 6 of 17

killing 57 people including 34 journalists. This mayhem was all for political control and
dominance.

Myth

Politicians need to project an image to which the people (the mass) will associate them
with. A potent myth can sustain a political family for several generations as long as they live up
to that projected myth. Marcos projected potency and invincibility. Magsaysay projected the
image of someone close to the masses. ERAP was the “pare” of the masses, the man for the
people. In the recent 2010 elections, Manny Villar exhibited the “tunay na mahirap” image that
was subject to many criticisms since opposing parties dug up files about his origins. (Coronel,
2007)

Mergers
Other than marital relations, political families need to expand their influence through
having alliances and mergers with other influential families, business people or government
officials. This can solicit mutual benefit between parties. A smooth flow of loans, contracts
between allies will make business and political interests run smoothly. (Coronel, 2007)

CASE STUDY
Bukidnon Overview of Congressional Seats
Under Act 2711, the Province of Bukidnon was officially created. Bukidnon is
subdivided into 20 municipalities, 3 districts and 2 cities. The following is provided by local
government of Bukidnon:
First District

Municipalities Baungon, Kalilangan, Libona, Malitbog, Manolo Fortich,

Pangatucan, Sumilao, Talakag
Land Area 2,726. 10 km2 (32.9% of Bukidnon’s Area)
Population (2007) 327, 708
Population Density
(2007) 120 person/ km2
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 7 of 17

Period Representative
8th Congress of the Philippines>8th Congress
1987–1992
9th Congress of the Philippines>9th Congress Socorro O. Acosta
1992–1995
10th Congress of the Philippines>10th Congress
1995–1998

11th Congress of the Philippines>11th Congress

1998–2001
12th Congress of the Philippines>12th Congress Juan Romeo Nereus O. Acosta
2001–2004
13th Congress of the Philippines>13th Congress
2004–2007

14th Congress of the Philippines>14th Congress Candido P. Pancrudo, Jr.

2007–2010

15th Congress of the Philippines>15th Congress

2010–2013 Jesus Emmanuel M. Paras
Table 1.1 First District

Second District
Cities Malaybalay City, Valencia City
Municipalities Cabanglasan, Impasug-ong, Lantapan, San Fernando
Land Area 3,751.57 km2 (42.2% of Bukidnon’s Area)
Population (2007) 474, 943
Population Density
(2007) 127 person/ km2

Period Representative
8th Congress of the Philippines>8th Congress Violeta T. Labaria
1987–1992

9th Congress of the Philippines>9th Congress Reginaldo N. Tilanduca

1992–1995
10th Congress of the Philippines>10th Congress
1995–1998
11th Congress of the Philippines>11th Congress
1998–2001

12th Congress of the Philippines>12th Congress Berthobal R. Ancheta

2001–2004
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 8 of 17

13th Congress of the Philippines>13th Congress Teofisto D.L. Guingona III

2004–2007
14th Congress of the Philippines>14th Congress
2007–2010

15th Congress of the Philippines>15th Congress Florencio T. Flores, Jr.

2010–2013

Table 1.2 Second District

Third District
Municipalities Damulog, Dangcagan, Don Carlos, Kadingilan, Kibawe,
Maramag, Quezon
Land Area 1, 816. 11 km2 (21% of Bukidnon’s Area)
Population (2007) 387, 633
Population Density
(2007) 213 person/ km2

Period Representative
8th Congress of the Philippines>8th Congress Jose Ma. R. Zubiri, Jr.
1987–1992
9th Congress of the Philippines>9th Congress
1992–1995
10th Congress of the Philippines>10th Congress
1995–1998

11th Congress of the Philippines>11th Congress Juan Miguel F. Zubiri

1998–2001
12th Congress of the Philippines>12th Congress
2001–2004
13th Congress of the Philippines>13th Congress
2004–2007

14th Congress of the Philippines>13th Congress Jose Ma. F. Zubiri III

2007–2010
15th Congress of the Philippines>15th Congress
2010–2013

Table 1.3 Third District

 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 9 of 17

The Zubiris of Bukidnon

The Zubiris are a prominent and influential family in Bukidnon. They have established an
economic reputation and a political reputation in Bukidnon, which resulted to a political dynasty.
The clan was founded by Jose Maria “Joe” Zubiri, a graduate of BS Management from De La
Salle University- Manila from the province of Bacolod. He held a high-ranking position in
Bukidnon Sugar Company (BUSCO) Sugar Milling Co., thus transferring to Bukidnon. With the
drive to cut the Fortich clan’s domination, he got involved in politics. From being a an executive
vice-president of a large sugar company, BUSCO, he became an Assemblyman in the Batasang
Pambansa from 1984 – 1986 and became a member of the House of Representatives from 1987
until 1998l; then the rest history.

Name Position/ Relation Position sought Current position

Terms of in 2007 elections (2011)
Office
Jose Maria Zubiri, Governor Governor Vice-governor
Jr. (Joe) (2004-2007)
Juan Miguel Congressman Son of Jose Ma. Senator Senator
Zubiri (Migz) (1998-2007) Zubiri Jr.
Josa Maria Zubiri Son of Jose Ma. Congressman (3rd Congressman (3rd
III Zubiri Jr. District) District)
Ignacio Zubiri Vice-Mayor Nephew to Jose Vice-mayor Mayor
(2004-2007) Ma. Zubiri Jr. (Malaybalay) (Malaybalay)

Table 1.3 The Zubiris in politics (Olivares, 2007)

The Zubiris in 7 Ms of dynasty building

Money

The Zubiris are landowners in Bukidnon with large assets that are potent for politics. Joe
Zubiri made it to the list of Mindanao’s richest politicians. According to the Statement of Assets
and Liabilities (SALN) as of yearend 2007 as reported by MindaNews, in October 2009. Zubiri
is only second to Davao Del Norte Governor Rodolfo Del Rosario.
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 10 of 17

Top 5 Governors’ Net Worth as of yearend 2007

Davao del Norte’s Rodolfo del Rosario P408.94 M

Bukidnon’s Jose Ma. Zubiri 103.42 M
Zamboanga Sibugay’s George Hover 100.63 M
Zamboanga del Norte’ Rolando Yebes 43.18 M
Surigao del Norte’s Robert Ace Barbers 36.84 M

Table 3 Top 5 richest governors in 2007 (MindaNews 2010)

Joe Zubiri was president and CEO of several business firms before landing into politics.
Among his past companies were: Rancho Mercedes, Inc. from 1983-1988, and Valle Escondida
Farms from 1979- 1988. He was an executive vice president of Bukidnon Sugar Company
(BUSCO) Sugar Milling Co. from 1975 to 1988, the first sugar milling company in Mindanao
and the second biggest sugar crane-milling district in the Philippines. Today he is still active in
the top tier of the following incorporations: Urban Green, Inc., Services Cleaners, Inc.,
Sugarcane Growers Association of Bukidnon, Inc. (SGABI) where his brother George Zubiri is
president, and Sugarcane Farmers of Bukidnon Multi-Purpose Cooperative.
According to poll surveys of SWS and PulseAsia, Senator Juan Miguel ‘Migz’ Zubiri
was one of the highest-spending candidates in the 2007 elections. Under the Republic Act 7166
(Synchronized Election Law) candidates are only allowed to spend P3 per candidate or
approximately P135 million in total per senatorial candidate. A study conducted by the
Commission on Elections (COMELEC) cited over spenders (Villar, P212 M, J. Arroyo P 178 M
among others) and big spenders.

The Big Spenders in the 2007 Elections

Vicente Sotto P 128 M

Tessie Aquino-Oreta 128 M
Miguel Zubiri 125 M
Chavit Singson 109 M
Benigno ‘Noynoy’ Aquino 107 M
Table 4. Big spenders in 2007 elections among others (COMELEC)
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 11 of 17

Migz Zubiri is a natural businessman investing in franchises such as California Pizza

Kitchen, Tequila Joes Inc., Margarita Joe Corp., Tequila Sunrise Inc., Tequilaville Inc., Dia Cane
Realty Development Corp., Makati Sports Club and Punta Fuego.

Machinery

Compared to his opponent, Nereus Acosta, the political machinery of Zubiri was more
effective during the 2007 elections—the level and the reach of machinery was vast and he placed
more impact towards the mass. This was the disadvantage that his rival, Acosta had. Zubiri used
his common ‘gift of touch’ to reach out to the masses plus the support of most mayors and other
local officials. The political machinery of Zubiri that gave much importance at the grassroots
level and a projection of good image gave him an edge over opponent Acosta.
Another mean that political machineries operated in Bukidnon was vote-buying. Rampant
vote-buying activities in Bukidnon were also reported (Chua, 2010). This activity is rather
normal in rural areas like Bukidnon. Reported amounts from locals were P300-P500 in Libona,
Bukidnon.
Votes were also assured with Zubiris’ large haciendas and businesses wherein they are
assured of the workers’ votes.

Marriage

Joe Zubiri is married to Maria Victoria ‘Vicky’ Ocampo Fernandez from Albay, a fashion
designer and a partner in Victoria II, a high-end boutique in Metro Manila, a daughter of Dr.
Manuel Calleja Fernandez and Rosita Ocampo. Dr. Manuel Calleja Fernandez is a pioneer of
Makati Medical Center. They are a prominent clan in Albay, Bicol. This combination is the
supreme when it comes to political dynasty establishment. She is the sister of Dr. Manuel
Ocampo Fernandez, another pioneer of cosmetic surgery who first brought liposuction to the
Philippines in 1983 and Malu Ocampo Fernandez, a famous lifestyle writer.
Dr. Manuel Calleja Fernandez was the son of Bartolome Seda Fernandez (1892 – 1981),
who served in different government posts, as a government auditor to several provinces, a
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 12 of 17

Provincial Auditor to the Civil Resistance Movement. He was appointed by Carlos P. Garcia as
Deputy Auditor General of the Philippines, which he held until 1961.
Migz Zubiri is married to a famous Music Television (MTV) VJ/Model Audrey Tan from
Ilocos Norte, who has a number of following by the time Migz Zubiri married her. It is a rather
publicized and much documented marriage being featured from TV shows to newspaper
editorials and magazine features.

Mergers (Alliances)

Zubiri’s most media-celebrated contribution was The Philippine Biofuels Act of 2006.
This offered a cleaner alternative to fossil fuels. This called for the mandatory blending of 5%
Ethanol into gasoline while for diesel, 1% Biodisel must be added for the first 4 years upon
signing of the Bill into Law. This bill brought together other agricultural landowners who can
benefit from it. Among them are Herminio Teves and Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s brother-in-law
Iggy Arroyo. However certain criticisms soon flourished labeling the bill as unethical and
environmentally hazardous in the long run.
Another strategy that was observed with the Zubiris was their (Joe and Migz with Jose
Maria III) splitting of affiliations to ensure support in both parties. Joe Zubiri changed allegiance
supported Nationalist Party’s 2010 presidential bid Manuel Villar while Miguel Zubiri remained
with Lakas-CMD (Lakas-Christian Muslim Democrats) to support 2010 presidential bid Gibo
Teodoro. It was expected of Joe Zubiri to support Gibo Teodoro in the 2010 elections since he
was then the chairman of Lakas-CMD in Bukidnon. Joe Zubiri changed his allegiance regardless.
However, this shift did not cause much surprise to Lakas-CMD since it was Joe Zubiri’s original
party back in his early political years. This drift left the two younger Zubiris, Senator Miguel
Zubiri and Bukidnon Representative Jose Maria Zubiri III to stay in Lakas-CMD.

Murder (Mayhem)

Bukidnon is not exempted from the violence when it comes to political affairs. Violence
can be used for image making and can be turned as an offensive attack to a political family.
During the 2007 elections, rivals Nereus Acosta and Joe Zubiri took the terrorism route.
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 13 of 17

SunStar Cagayan de Oro reported that a grenade exploded 20 meters away from Nereus Acosta’s
campaign rally. Joe Zubiri denied the accusations claiming the incident was staged to get
sympathy votes from the people. No one was injured from the incident.
It is normal to take offensive measures to bring down possible voters for a particular
candidate. As reported in MindaNews in 2007, in another incident, Zubiri accused Acosta from
having benefited from a particular fertilizer fund scam. The latter was also accused of graft and
corruption citing the alleged transfer of congressional funds to non-government offices
controlled by the Acostas. Acosta blew off attacks to Zubiri at the same time. Acosta accuses
Zubiri of politicking with the latter’s distribution of PhilHealth cards that bore the image of the
Zubiri. Acosta also attacked the proposed House Bill 3312, which proposed to divide Bukidnon
into two provinces. The bill was just a tool to control local politics.
Acosta and Zubiri had long been rivals both coming from political families.

Media

The Zubiris have several media-relations due to celebrity endorsers, friends, partners and
other affiliations.
Joe married a socialite-wife, Vicky Fernandez, with a wide contacts of prominent people
in high-society. She has received much media attention with her line of work and social
relations. Other than Joe Zubiri, his son also is rather popular with the masses. His life is
documented in lifestyle magazines and other editorials. His wife, Audrey Tan, a famous TV
personality.. Media had covered events in the couple’s life—from courtship to marriage to
having their first son.
Juan Miguel Zubiri who ran for a Senatorial seat (and won) used several celebrity
endorsers in his campaign. Some of them were John and Camille Pratts, Iya Villana, Patrick
Garcia, and Monsur Del Rosario in one advertisement in 2006. Joe Zubiri also used local
advertisements in his campaigns.
The clan has utilized new media too. Several sites have been dedicated to the Zubiris. For
one, has been functional which provides information about the senator and provides links to
other affiliations and connections. Social networking sites have been utilized today.
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 14 of 17

Myth
Being in a province that is agriculturally defined, the Zubiris have always been perceived
to be the fighters for ecologic and economic balance.
With the recent 2010 elections Zubiri’s allegiance split left a more positive perception of
Miguel Zubiri rather than that of his father. This led to the comparison between father and son
when it comes to politics and leadership. Joe Zubiri was tagged as one of the old ‘trapos’
(traditional politicians) while the younger Zubiri was touted as the progressive and idealistic one.
He is seen as a young and idealistic politician who veered away from the traditional
politics his father practices. Zubiri is known to be a youth advocate. He exudes this image of a
young and active politician looked up upon by many. Migz Zubiri lives up to this perception and
projects himself the same way.

Conclusions and Recommendations

The Zubiris of Bukidnon is a formidable force that is most likely to stay in the political
arena as a clan given the conditions in the country. The family satisfies all the requirements to
dynasty building as prescribed by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism.
Given these measures, it is expected that Bukidnon will more or less have a Zubiri in
office in the future elections. The Zubiris are transforming its image from being traditional
politicians, as exemplified by Joe Zubiri, to a progressive and ‘new-politics-driven’ politicians as
what his son, Senator Miguel Zubiri has been perceived to be. This can be mean a positive or
negative feedback from people—the progressive shift or the ensuing support from both sides of
the political slant thus can be touted as ‘balimbing’ in Philippine context.
With a vast network both in local and national politics, the Zubiris will deem to remain
and further expand this network bringing in new Zubiris into the arena. It will not be easy to stop
a dynasty like the Zubiris with 7 Ms locked in their power. However, the presidency of Noynoy
Aquino may affect the Zubiris’ dominance in Bukidnon. Aquino supporter Acosta might
influence decisions of the president in Bukidnon. That may be a loophole for Zubiri given
Aquino’s administration (Mordeno, 2010). The Zubiris must not stay complacent especially in
times like these.
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 15 of 17

It is recommended a direct research about the Zubiris and being Bukidnon while doing
the research is highly recommended, that way information will be more recent and more
accurate. This paper had concentrated mainly its research on father-son Joe Zubiri and Migz
Zubiri; it is also recommended that details about the other Zubiris be looked into. Trends in
Bukidnon politics and other political dynasties, such as Acostas, Pancrudos, and Paras among
others, can also be explored in relation to the Zubiris.
 Manlunas, PolSci 14, Page 16 of 17

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