G8Deauville - France

May 2011

The authoritative magazine for VIPs, delegates and diplomats

G8-G20 France 2011: New World, New Ideas
A note by François Delattre, Ambassador of France to the United States

The G7 was conceived as a gathering of leaders

of the most advanced economies to discuss informally
matters of shared interest. The world has dramatically
changed since the initial meeting. Russia joined the
group to form the G8, and a handful of developing
countries emerged as full players on the global
economic scene. Logically, the September 2009
Pittsburgh Summit marked a milestone in the reform
of global governance by making the G20 “the premier
forum for international economic cooperation” to
reflect these new global balances and the growing role
of the emerging countries. Direct, informal and results
oriented, this is how we envision the “new G8”.

As the group’s chair for 2011, France will organize

a “back to basics” summit on May 26-27 in Deauville,
Normandy, focusing on issues where G8 members
can have a genuine impact, but carefully avoiding
the duplication of the G20 agenda. We expect this
summit to enable the Heads of State and Government
of the most advanced economies to conduct direct
and informal talks. After consulting all the members,
François Delattre President Sarkozy identified three priorities on issues
of common interest for G8 countries.

First focus: The discussion on peace and security issues will be driven by the sweeping changes currently
taking place in the Middle East and North Africa region. We all support, collectively and individually, the democratic
transition in Egypt, Tunisia and beyond. But there is a clear sense among advanced countries that their success
in the long term will also depend on our capacity to respond and to foster economic growth and opportunities in
the region. Debating possible options on the table is precisely the kind of discussions that we need to have at a
political level between G8 leaders. This is really G8 at its best. In addition, hot political issues such as Iran and non-
proliferation, the Middle East, Afghanistan and Pakistan, new drug trafficking routes connecting Latin America, West
Africa and Europe, as well as the fight against terrorism will be on the menu of the leaders.

Second focus: New common challenges such as the Internet and green growth. For the first time, at the
Deauville summit a set of Internet-related issues will be addressed by the Heads of State and Government. The
discussion will focus on a number of challenges such as Internet access, cyber security and Internet governance.
With regard to innovation and green growth, the aim is to come up with concrete measures to develop these
essential new growth and job drivers for our advanced economies.

Third focus: The partnership with Africa. The G8 plays a major role in rallying support for development, especially
in Africa. It is also an issue of credibility for the G8: we must continue to deliver on our previous commitments to
this continent. A broader G8 meeting including African leaders and representatives of international organizations
will be organized. Discussion will be held on the major political and development challenges. We will take forward
the exercise launched by the Canadian presidency on monitoring the G8 countries’ commitments, especially in the
areas of health and food security, in a spirit of mutual accountability with African countries.

There is much to do in all three areas under consideration, and one meeting will not be enough, but we feel
ready to face up to the challenge.
Table of Contents
G8-G20 France 2011: New World, New Ideas 6
A note by François Delattre, Ambassador
of France to the United States
Editor’s Note 12
EDITORIAL 14
Publisher’s Note 16
What Good are Multilateral Summits? 28
By Kenneth Weisbrode, Contributing Editor, The Diplomatic Courier
The French G8 Summit Agenda: 30
Does it Address the Major Challenges?
By Mark C. Partridge, Contributing Editor, The Diplomatic Courier
Nuclear Reforms in the Wake of Fukushima 34
By Casey Coombs, UN Correspondent, The Diplomatic Courier
Confronting Iran’s Crusade for Nuclear Power 38
By Michael Gillis, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Stuxnet, Internet System Flaws and Cyber Attacks: 42
The Perfect Storm?
By Ryan Paul, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
How the International Community 46
Beefs Up Pressure on Somali Pirates Tools of Engagement: 86
By Sigurd Neubauer, Washington,
DC based International Affairs Specialist
In Defense of Afghan Refugees and Asylum Seekers 50
By M. Ashraf Haidari, Diplomat, Afghan Ministry of Foreign Affairs
What President Bush Got Right and Wrong in Iraq 54
By Rami Turayhi, Contributor, The Diplomatic Courier
Bringing Change to Developing Countries’ 58
Modus Operandi: Optimizing Government
Operations Through Capacity Building and Training Services, Inc. (AMIDEAST)
By Philip H. de Leon, President, Trade Connections International, LLC
Getting On the Highway to IP Harmony 62
Ambassador James P. Cain and Kenneth S. Chang,
Partners Kilpatrick & Stockton LLP
Meeting Promises: 66
A Call for Moving Forward at the G8 Summit Diplomatic Academy in Baku
Monique Perry Danziger, Communications Director,
Global Financial Integrity
The Digital Divide: Reinventing Rural Community 68
Experience through Internet Access
By Tisah M. Quarnberg, Jonathan A. Muir, Brady Alex Currit
and Ralph B. Brown, Brigham Young University
Humanitarian Organizations and the Economic 72
Downfall – Policy Implications
and What the Future Holds
By Andrew Reeve, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
The Global Economics of Obesity 74
By Lisa Gable, Executive Director,
Healthy Weight Commitment Foundation
G8 Should Deliver on Aid Pledges 76
to Sub-Saharan Africa
Department of Economic and Social Affairs, and Rudi von Arnim,
Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of
Utah and Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
The G8 Africa Partnership Must Face 78
the Challenge of China
By David K. Schneider, Professor of Chinese Studies
at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst
Promoting Economic and
Political Liberty and Women’s Equality in Africa 82
By Michelle D. Bernard, Chairman, Founder, President and CEO,
the Bernard Center for Women, Politics & Public Policy 
Helping the South Sudanese Diaspora Return Home 84
By Sheldon Wardwell, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Winning the Social Media War Expanding dialogue
can help develop and restore trust
By Sheldon Wardwell, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Tunisia: Perfect Storm for Reform? 88
By Abdulwahab Alkebsi, Regional Director for Africa
and the Middle East, Center for International Private Enterprise
Increasing Access to Workforce-Ready Talent: 90
A Look at the “Partnership for Lebanon”
By Christopher K. Bramwell, America-Mideast Education
Social Media and Rethinking 92
‘The Clash of Civilizations.’
By Graig Klein, Contributor, The Diplomatic Courier
Modernization of Russia: Real or a Pipedream? 94
By Richard Rousseau, Professor, Azerbaijan
 Welcome to the 37th G8 Summit in Deauville, France
When the Group of Eight (G8) leaders meet in Deauville, France this May they will be confronted with a litany
of issues. With food prices at record levels, a nuclear meltdown in the horizon, a still-lagging global economy, and
a string of revolutions in the Middle East, this G8 is confronted once again with challenges impossible to tackle in
three days.
As is customary with every rotating presidency, this year the French Presidency put forth its list of priorities
early, but some issues not already on the list are surely going to be discussed at the leaders’ gathering in Deauville.
The Internet and Green Growth. This is the first time that a set of Internet-related issues will be addressed
by the Heads of State and Government. Drawing a road map for international cyber security and deciding upon
consumer protection regulations becomes increasingly urgent, as 20% of global GDP is expected to come from
the Internet economy by 2030.
If anyone is poised to blaze the trail for Internet security it is the Group of 8, as their economic futures are
dependent upon communication infrastructures and their countries are home to the largest companies of the
Internet economy.
While we’re reimaging our international economic incentives, the ambition is to simultaneously invest equally
in green growth. Strengthening our international cooperation in these initiatives will propel the global knowledge
economy into the high-gear necessary for confronting our upcoming challenges.
The Peace and Security Component. Peace and security will be an essential element of the French
presidency of the G8. In addition to political issues such as Iran, the Middle East, Afghanistan, Pakistan and non-
proliferation, the French presidency will focus on new drug trafficking routes connecting Latin America, West Africa
and Europe, along with fighting terrorism, particularly in the Sahel.
Tackling the Pandora’s box of unfolding drama in the Middle East within a three-day summit is certainly
challenging. Remembering that a foundational objective of the G8 is to “counter terrorism and work toward the
non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction,” the world’s leaders should leave this year’s meetings with at
least a few proposed plans of action to consider for increasing international security in the region.
And despite continuing turmoil in the earthquake aftermath, Japan will be in attendance, seeking to strengthen
partnerships in order to bolster recovery efforts.
The partnership with Africa. The G8 has always prioritized African developmental issues, and this year will be
no exception considering the unrest spreading across the entire continent. The group will focus on how to increase
African capabilities to deal with regional crises and new common threats, as well as how to assist development in
the failing states. “I would like our double presidency to prioritize Africa,” said French President Sarkozy at a recent
Press Conference.
Food Security. Food price volatility has tripled over the last 20 years. This is all the more extraordinary when
you consider that agricultural production will need to have increased 70% by 2050 to feed what will by then be nine
billion people on our planet. Rising food prices have already caused instability in a number of nations, and while
they weren’t the cause of political outbreaks in Northern Africa they certainly didn’t help.
President Sarkozy told reporters January 24 in Paris that “If we don’t do anything [about rising food prices],
we run the risk of food riots in the poorest countries and a very unfavorable effect on global economic growth.”
Life’s Certainties. On the long untouchable tax havens, 600 tax transparency and information exchange
agreements have been signed since April 2009. Thirteen countries have waived banking secrecy for tax purposes.
And we will have the first evaluations from the Global Forum on national legal frameworks so that we can start
making decisions.
“Our presidency’s ambition is simple: we live in a new world, so we need new ideas,” said President Sarkozy.
“This new world is marked primarily by an extraordinary change in the balance of world economic powers.”

Ana C. Rold

Editor-in-Chief

* Kaeleigh Forsyth contributed to this note.

G8
Summit 2011

12
 EDITORIAL
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Ana Carcani Rold

EXECUTIVE EDITORS
Kirk L. Jowers
Courtney H. McBeth

MANAGING EDITOR
Rochelle M. Parker

CONTRIBUTORS
Abdulwahab Alkebsi
Rudi von Arnim
Michelle D. Bernard
Chris Bramwell
Ralph Brown
Ambassador James P. Cain
Congressman Jason Chaffetz
Kenneth S. Chang
Casey Coombs
Kaeleigh Forsyth
Monique Perry Danziger
Philip H. de Leon
Ambassador Lisa Gable
Michael Gillis
M. Ashraf Haidari
Graig Klein
Sigurd Neubauer
Ryan Paul
Mark C. Partridge
Richard Rousseau
Andrew Reeve
David K. Schneider
Jomo Kwame Sundaram
Rami Turayhi
Ambassador Pierre Vimont
Sheldon Wardwell
Kenneth Weisbrode

GRAPHICS DIRECTOR
Henri de Baritault

COVER DESIGN
Ellesse Sorbonne

LEGAL
The G8 Summit Magazine is a yearly publication independent of political affiliations or agendas published by
The CAT Company. The articles in the G8 Summit Magazine represent the views of their authors and do not
necessarily reflect those of the editors and the publishers. While the editors assume responsibility for the
selection of the articles, the authors are responsible for the facts and interpretations of their articles. Authors
retain all legal and copy rights to their articles. None of the articles can be reproduced without the permission
of the editors and the authors.
Publisher’s Note

Chris Atkins

Publisher
The CAT Company Inc
G8 Summit Magazine Company Ltd
Dear Summit Readers, The CAT Company Inc
President
Chris Atkins
I would like to take this opportunity to thank
all those involved for their dedication in helping Advisory Board
Peter Atkins
make this a successful 15th issue of the G8
Chris Atkins
Summit publication. Jennifer Latchman
Graphic Design and Art direction
The CAT Company is the only enduring Henri de Baritault
publishing company in the field, having published Founder intro60.com
a G8 Summit publication for 15 consecutive
President of Sales
years, continuing the tradition and continuing to Mike Nyborg
get great recognition as the Summit’s foremost
Sales Executives
publisher. Chris Atkins
Doug Lambert
The CAT Company continues to increase Guy Furl
the exposure of the magazine with help from Jessica Lane
John Armeni
the massive growth of digital technology, using Lloyd Murray
Scribd.com, Android and iPhone apps. Mike Nyborg
Ray Baker
As a result of the high quality of our publi- Hinckley Institute of Politics - University of Utah
cations, we are truly honored to be chosen to Director
publish the official APEC/CEO Summit magazine Kirk Jowers
Intern Manager
for the APEC 2011 USA host committee.
Courtney McBeth
Communication and Outreach Coordinator
I hope you enjoy our magazine and we look Rochelle McConkie
forward to seeing you in Cannes for the G20 Thanks To
Summit  and the APEC Summit in Hawai’i this Ana Carcani Rold
November.  Diplomatic Courier
Hinckley Institute of Politics
intro60.com
Yours Sincerely
Special Thanks To
Marie-Helene Glon
Professeure de francais
diplome de l’universite de la Sorbonne, Paris
Doug Breitmayer
Head of IT
David Castleton
Chris Atkins
K Street Media
Publisher and Founder, CAT Company Inc. Web Master

In Memorandum
Mark Marshall (1961-2010)
President of sales
Hyundai Reveals New Brand Direction & Statement
At the 2011 Detroit Motor Show
- Hyundai defines Hyundai Motor Company, the
world’s fastest-growing auto-
new brand concept as motive company by brand, of-
‘Modern Premium’ ficially announced its new brand
direction and statement today at
- 3-door coupe Velo- the 2011 North American Inter-
national Auto Show in Detroit.
ster and Curb concept
vehicle embrace new New thinking.
attitude New possibilities.
- Hyundai to “satisfy Hyundai’ new brand statement
will be “New Thinking. New Possi-
new values by creating bilities.” This encompasses Hyun-
new possibilities with dai’s new brand concept, “Modern
Premium,” which aims to provide
new thinking about customers with emotional value and
our customers and our experiences beyond expectations
cars,” says Vice Chair- through new thinking and new pos-
sibilities. The new brand direction
man Chung also captures the spirit of change
at the automaker, which has shown
dramatic growth in all areas of busi-
ness.
“Today, customers do not
believe that expensive cars with
unnecessary technology are pre-
mium,” Euisun Chung, Vice Chair-
man of Hyundai Motor said during a
speech at the Detroit motor show.
“Instead, they want their core needs
fulfilled at an accessible price and
with a car that exceeds their ex-
pectations; a car that reflects their
values and the times in which they
live.”
“Hyundai is not just a com-
pany that makes cars. Hyundai is a
company that creates new possibili-
ties. Our goal is not to become the
biggest car company. Our goal is to
become the most-loved car com-
pany and a trusted lifetime partner
of our owners,” said Vice Chairman
Chung.
While traditional premium is
usually linked with high prices for

the privileged few, Hyundai’s `Mod-
ern Premium’ concept is based on
the idea that high quality does not
necessarily require a high price for
a limited class. Hyundai will offer
high-end, high-quality values at a
surprisingly attainable price and
values that customers never expe-
rienced or expected. This will not
be limited to just the product, but
throughout Hyundai’s entire busi-
ness, operations and services.
Hyundai’s new thinking and
change in attitude has already been
applied in various areas with proven
results, such as the highly-success-
ful `Hyundai Assurance Program’
launched in the U.S. market last
year and the 2011 Sonata, which
shook up the mid-size family sedan
segment with its dynamic `fluidic
sculpture’ designs and unrivalled
powertrain package. Genesis,
which won the prestigious North
American Car of The Year award
in 2009, also redefined luxury with
its attainable price compared to
its award-winning powertrain and
advanced audio and convenience
features.
Advertisement
Now, at the 2011 North Ameri-
can International Auto Show in
Detroit, Hyundai unveils its latest
creations that capture this spirit:
Veloster, a three-door compact
coupe that brings innovation to the
segment. Veloster offers a coupe
design with the functionality of a
hatch and a unique third door on
the passenger-side for easy rear-
seat access.
Hyundai will also display its
HCD-12 Curb concept vehicle in
Detroit, while at the recent 2011
Consumer Electronics Show (CES)
in Las Vegas, the automaker
launched its global telematics brand
Blue Link® and other independently
developed in-vehicle technologies,
presenting its advanced vehicle
information technology systems to
the world.
* More detailed press releases
on Veloster, Curb and Blue Link®
available.
Hyundai Proclaims Vision 2020
and Introduces New Group CI
“Together for a better
future”
- Hyundai Motor
Group’s new vision en-
compasses Hyundai’s
determination to firmly
establish itself as glob-
al leader
- Hyundai announces
five core values to re-
alize its vision for the
next decade, along
with the new group CI
(Seoul, Korea) Hyundai Motor
Group today unveiled its new
corporate vision named “Vision
2020” that will guide the auto-
motive group for the next de-
cade, as well as its new Group
logo.
Based on Hyundai Motor
Group’s new management philoso-
phy “Realize the dream of mankind
by creating a new future through
ingenious thinking and continu-
ously challenging new frontiers,” the
Group proclaimed “Together for a
better future”’ as its vision.
Hyundai Motor Group, led by
Hyundai Motor Co. and formed
in 2000, has achieved remark-
able growth in all areas related to
the automobile sector, including
production of cars, vehicle material,
parts, auto finance and logistics. In
particular, the opening last year of
its blast furnaces at its eco-friendly
integrated steel mill, Hyundai Steel
Co., further strengthened the
Group’s status as a comprehensive
automotive manufacturer.
To note, Hyundai has made a
giant leap forward in brand value
over the last ten years thanks to
its focus on quality management,
advancing from the world’s 10th
largest car maker in 2000 to the
No. 5 position in 2010.
As a result of relentless effort
and continuous global manage-
ment, Hyundai Motor Group now
has 42 affiliates compared to 10
in year 2000, while its total asset
jumped 219 percent to 115 trillion
won from 36 trillion won in the same
period. The total number of em-
ployees worldwide also increased
81 percent to about 177,000 from
98,000 in 2000.
Furthermore, with the recent
acquisition of Hyundai Engineer-
ing & Construction (Hyundai E&C),
Hyundai Motor Group will have 50
affiliates, 126 trillion won in assets
and about 184,000 employees
worldwide.
Hyundai Motor Group’s new
vision, “Together for a better future,”
expresses its will to create ultimate
value and promote harmonious
growth for all stakeholders through
eco-friendly management and re-
spect for mankind.
Along with the Group vision,
Hyundai Motor Group also an-
nounced its vision and strategies
for its three core sectors. By adding
the construction sector to its cur-
rent driving forces, the automotive
and steel sectors, Hyundai Motor
Group will be able to enhance its
global presence and contribute to a
better society and economy.
Vision & Strategies
Automotive Vision
Vision slogan: ‘Lifetime partner
in automobiles and beyond’
“To become a trusted lifetime
partner of our customers, we will
bring a new perspective to auto-
mobiles through innovative mobility
solutions based on human-centric,
eco-friendly technologies and
services.”
 Advertisement

Steel Vision
Vision slogan: “Leading the
new era of steel”
“As an eco-friendly, resource-
circulating company, we will lead
a new era in the steel industry by
providing high value-added prod-
ucts and services and realizing
world’s best competitiveness based
on cooperative relations with our
stakeholders.”
Construction Vision
Vision slogan: “We build
tomorrow”
“As a global leading provider of
high-value engineering solutions,
we will create the foundation for a
better life through cross-business
synergy and convergence with
future technologies.”
Core Values
Hyundai Motor Group unveiled
five core values that will help imple-
ment the company’s new manage-
ment philosophy:
Customer: The customer
will be top priority in all corporate
values.
Challenge: Hyundai will al-
ways explore new possibilities,
refusing to be complacent.
Collaboration: Create synergy
among all stakeholders and con-
cerned parties.
People: Create a corporate
culture that respects talent.
Globality: A combination of
Global + Ability, signifying Hyundai’s
strive to become a globally respect-
ed enterprise based on diverse
backgrounds.
Group CI
The Corporate Identity rep-
resents Hyundai’s management
philosophy to “Realize the dream
of mankind by creating a new
future through ingenious thinking
and continuously challenging new
frontiers.”
The word Hyundai, rising from
the ocean’s horizon, symbolizes
the challenging and innovative spirit
and the confidence of the Hyundai
Motor Group.
The main color, `Hyundai Blue,’
embodies hope, possibility and
trust. The straight line represents
the unwavering, indomitable sense
of responsibility, the will to ac-
complish, and the compassion for
humanity. The ultimate message is
the bright future that Hyundai will
unfold.
Established in 1967, Hyundai
Motor Co. has grown into the
Hyundai Motor Group which has
ranked as the world’s fifth-largest
automaker since 2007 and includes
more than two dozen auto-related
subsidiaries and affiliates. Hyundai
Motor, which has six manufacturing
bases outside of South Korea, sold
approximately 3.6 million vehicles
globally in 2010. Hyundai vehicles
are sold in 186 countries through
some 5,300 dealerships and
showrooms. Further information
about Hyundai Motor and its
products is available at www.
hyundai.com.

Hyundai Begins Construction for Plant in Brazil

- Hyundai holds Hyundai Motor Company,
groundbreaking for South Korea’s largest automaker,
started construction on its seventh
150,000 units-a-year overseas plant in Piracicaba, Sao
plant in Piracicaba, Paulo state, to actively respond
to soaring demand in one of the
Brazil world’s fastest growing markets
and to bring its manufacturing pres-
- New plant will pro- ence in so-called BRIC countries
duce exclusive models full circle.
for region starting in 2H The groundbreaking ceremony
2012 for Hyundai Motor Brazil (HMB) was
attended by over 300 VIPs, includ-
- Brazilian plant will ing Sao Paulo Governor Geraldo
be Hyundai’s gateway Alckmin, Sao Paulo’s former Gov-
ernor Alberto Goldman, Piracicaba
to Central and South Mayor Barjas Negri and other gov-
American markets ernment officials, executives and
 Advertisement
employees of Hyundai Motor and
its parts suppliers, as well as local
dealers and media members.
“Brazil is growing into one
of the world’s biggest economic
powers through stable economic
growth and increased foreign
investment, and the state of Sao
Paulo is the heart of Brazil’s econ-
omy,” Jong-Woon Shin, Hyundai
Motor’s Vice Chairman, said during
his welcome remarks. “Hyundai
Motor, together with its suppliers,
will create new jobs and contribute
to Brazil’s auto industry. Our new
plant, Hyundai Motor Brazil, will
produce and sell only the best qual-
ity cars to strengthen the trust that
Brazilian consumers have shown in
our products.”
Hyundai, which is investing a
total of US $600 million in the plant,
aims to start production in the sec-
ond half of 2012, eventually reach-
ing a maximum capacity of 150,000
units annually.
The first model to be produced
at HMB will be a small hatchback
specifically designed for the Central
and South American market. Ad-
ditional models will be added after
2013, depending on the market
situation and demand. All these
cars will be flex-fuel cars (which can
run on both gasoline and ethanol),
as 90 percent of cars in Brazil run
on this type of fuel.
The plant, which is located 160
km northwest of Sao Paulo city, will
be built on a 1.39 million square
meter site, while the plant will have
a floor space of 69,000 square
meters, featuring complete vehicle
production facilities such as stamp-
ing, welding, painting, assembly
and module lines.
Piracicaba, which has a popula-
tion of 380,000, is located in Sao
Paulo state, which is central to
Brazil’s automobile industry. The
state and city governments have
provided Hyundai with a wide range
of incentives such as free use of
land, support in infrastructure such
as roads and some tax breaks.
Furthermore, to secure the
highest quality, Hyundai Motor will
enter the market with eight reli-
able parts suppliers, as it has done
at other overseas manufacturing
bases. By doing so, Hyundai Motor
anticipates that it will create about
3,800 new jobs, including jobs
created at its plant and at its parts
suppliers.
Hyundai Motor will apply its
extensive plant construction knowl-
edge to Brazil. Hyundai has set up
successful manufacturing bases
in other emerging markets such
as India, China and Russia, not to
mention its plants in the U.S., the
Czech Republic and Turkey. Hyun-
dai’s greenfield investment experi-
ence in diverse markets will ensure
that HMB’s critical start-up phase
will proceed smoothly in all areas
of operation, from manufacturing
to administration and community
relations.
Hyundai Motor sold about
80,000 units in Brazil last year, a 19
percent increase from 2009. While
the i30 was the best-selling car in
its segment, Hyundai’s eye-catch-
ing ix35 and Sonata also boosted
sales momentum upward. Increas-
ing sales of its premium lineup,
such as the Azera luxury sedan
and Veracruz, has also helped
enhance Hyundai’s brand image in
the market. Hyundai expects sales
to continue growing in 2011, aiming
at sales of about 93,000 units in
Brazil.
Hyundai’s presence in the
region has gradually expanded over
the years and will reach a climax in
2014, when the 2014 FIFA World
Cup™ takes place in Brazil. Hyun-
dai has an 11-year association with
FIFA, serving as the official automo-
tive supplier to all FIFA-sanctioned
events around the world. Hyundai is
currently one of FIFA’s top partners
and has extended its strategic
sponsorship agreement with FIFA to
cover the 2022 FIFA World Cup™
in Qatar.
Hyundai, which exported its
first car to South America 1976 (the
Pony, to Ecuador), has been carry-
ing out a variety of Corporate Social
Responsibility (CSR) activities in the
region, including building houses
and fixing public facilities, as well
as delivering donations in Brazil
to contribute to the local commu-
nity. Earlier this year, Hyundai sent
a third round of its Happy Move
Global Youth Volunteers group to
Brazil.
Established in 1967, Hyundai
Motor Co. has grown into the
Hyundai Motor Group which has
ranked as the world’s fifth-largest
automaker since 2007 and includes
more than two dozen auto-related
subsidiaries and affiliates. Hyundai
Motor, which has six manufacturing
bases outside of South Korea, sold
approximately 3.6 million vehicles
globally in 2010. Hyundai vehicles
are sold in 186 countries through
some 5,300 dealerships and
showrooms. Further information
about Hyundai Motor and its
products is available at www.
hyundai.com.
For more media information on
Hyundai Motor and high-resolution
product photos, please go to:
www.cisionwire.com/hyundai-mo-
tor-company
 Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine
“Your Parisian Residence in the City of Light”
Hyatt Regency Paris-
Madeleine, a five-star
boutique hotel, is
nestled in a convenient
and bustling area of the
8th district in the cen-
tre of Paris.
Situated on the typically Parisian
Boulevard Malesherbes, this luxury
hotel is close to the city’s most
important fashion streets, among
them Faubourg Saint-Honoré, Rue
Royale and Boulevard Haussmann,
home to the department stores
Printemps and Galeries Lafayette.
Hyatt Regency Paris-Made-
leine is also near the city’s iconic
attractions of Opéra Garnier,
Place de la Madeleine, Place de la
Concorde, the river Seine and the Café M & Champagne Bar
Champs-Elysées. Continuing in the spirit of
glamour and professionalism,
Glamorous, chic and sophis- Pascal Desprez introduced a new
ticated, Hyatt Regency Paris- decor and atmosphere to Café M
Madeleine offers 86 rooms and with the elegant tones of a lounge
suites. The hotel specialises in bar, featuring natural wood, dark
a discreet personalised service, drapes, and accents of black and
with particular attention paid to gold. During the evenings, Café M
each guest’s individual preference. transforms into a champagne bar,
offering an unrivalled selection of
La Chinoiserie cocktails and champagnes.
La Chinoiserie, spectacularly
redecorated by the talented French Our barman, Alexis Martinez,
architect Pascal Desprez, sets the has personally selected a menu that
sophisticated tone for the entire hotel. features the best champagnes from
the biggest names in champagne
Rich sofas and a contemporary production, and welcomes guests to
decor influenced by tones of black
and silver, and subdued illumination
discover the exclusivity of products
from Selosse and Gratien, the most
creates areas for discreet, personal reputable Champagnes in Paris.
gatherings enveloped in a soothing
atmosphere, making this a special
place to experience the personally
created menu prepared with
expertise by Chef Frédéric Charrier.
La Chinoiserie is the ideal
location for a moment’s respite
between shopping expeditions. A
large number of celebrities have
discovered the elegance of a club on
the Left Bank of Paris here among
the most prestigious addresses for
luxury shopping. A place where,
in the evenings, candlelight and Banquet Rooms
an open fireplace create a magical Meeting rooms and banqueting
atmosphere for joyful gatherings of areas offer the perfect space for
friends or, perhaps, the most secret events.
of rendezvous.

All rooms are designed by
Pascal Desprez following the
theme for the entire hotel. Any
event, party or conference enjoys a
streamlined decor and outstanding
service, perfect for privacy and
concentration.
All banqueting rooms are
also equipped with the latest in
technology and services. They also
offer extensive banqueting menus
designed by Chef Frédéric Charrier,
and available for breakfast, lunch,
dinner and cocktail occasions.
In each of hotel’s rooms, four
lighting levels are monitored to
personalise the atmosphere of
guests’ events, from business
meetings or audiovisual events
to dinners and cocktails. A video
projector is installed in the largest
room, while all the other areas have
plasma–screen TVs with network
hook-up available. Unlimited
Internet access and mini bar facilities
are at guests’ disposal, while, for
their security and comfort, a safe
and cloakroom are available.
The smallest room, Manhattan,
reflects the hotel’s professional-
ism in terms of confidentiality and
discretion. This room can cater to
up to six people and enjoys natural
light with a view of the boulevard.
Advertisement
M’Eating Performance concept
Today, as performance is linked
closely to the notion of speed,
Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine has
developed a “non-stop” meeting
concept.
M’Eating Performance has been
created to answer the growing
needs of companies that approach
hotels to organise their meetings,
seeking first and foremost luxurious
space, efficient service and benefits
that meet their needs.
Business guests can experience
this “non-stop” meeting special offer
for just €105 per person, including
bento boxes prepared by Chef
Frédéric Charrier, a candy bar and
a mini bar.
This new brand of excellence
The bento boxes, prepared offers a menu of facials and full-body
according to the season, feature treatments, combining the best
mixed salads, sandwiches (Club formulas of Advanced Research
sandwiches and wraps), a fruit at L’Oreal and novel techniques
salad and macaroons from Ladurée. for exceptional results and deep
Practical, quick and modern, well-being.
this makes guests’ lunches both
delicious and energising! Created two years ago,
Kéraskin Esthetics has positioned
In addition, the set-up displayed itself as the leading brand in the
before the beginning of the meeting market for esthetic treatments and
assures guests total autonomy, as confirms the success of today’s
well as flexibility and complete con- selective implantation.
centration.
As a result of the collaboration,
Spa Kéraskin Esthetics customers have at their disposal a
Reinforcing its luxury positioning, complete spa menu offering mixed
Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine facial care (New Youth), body
recently launched a unique Spa treatments (Body Immersion) and
offer in collaboration with Kéraskin express treatments. This turnkey
Esthetics. service reflects the hotel’s desire to
meet and exceed the expectations
As part of its efforts to provide of increasingly demanding guests.
guests with tailor-made services, the
hotel has partnered with Kéraskin Treatments are provided at
Esthetics to develop a special beauty the Spa, which is open daily and
offer featuring specific esthetic offers a fully redecorated treatment
rituals that involve high performance room, a fitness room equipped
and wellness. with modern machines, a sauna, a
steam room, two cloakrooms and a
relaxation room.
 What Good are Multilateral Summits?
By Kenneth Weisbrode, Contributing Editor, The Diplomatic Courier
Few people pay much attention to summits
nowadays. The attention they get comes more often
than not from the street antics of those protesting them.
There’s simply no comparing them to other multilateral
gatherings: the Olympics or the World Cup, for example,
which are watched by millions around the globe.
Perhaps this is how it should be: discussions among
the world’s leaders cannot be subject to constant
popular approval. And, unlike sporting events, they are
not meant to result in winners and losers, but instead
in the advancement of mutual agreement on particular
questions.
All this is true in theory, at least. Today’s multilat-
eral summits are so stage-managed as to give the
impression that they are nothing more than photo op-
portunities. And who needs any more of those?
Yet the world would be worse off without them. For
there has yet to appear another means for the leaders
of the world to manage expectations on a collective,
global basis, in spite of all that has been said and written
about the power of informal networks and associations
in communicating directly to societies in the age of the
Internet. The latter has transformed much of diplomacy,
to be sure. But face-to-face meetings of the world’s top
leaders are still considered vital to what in the past was
called “world order” and today goes by the name of
“global governance.”
Accordingly, these summits are as symptomatic of
the state of the world as they are essential components
of it. In other words, they “are” as much as they “do.”
Another way to understand this distinction is to invoke
the old dual nature of republican government: elected
legislatures and executives are both representative and
representational of the will of the people. That is, they try
to represent both the interests of those who elect them
and the idea of what an elected representative should do.
In recent years the latter form of representation has
increasingly overtaken the former in many countries.
This trend is just as apparent internationally. Do the
topics and problems discussed at the G8 represent the
true interests and concerns of people around the world?
How real and definitive are the usual designations of such
representation: “rich countries,” “developing countries,”
“Asian nations,” and so forth? Are not most delegates
to the G8 and the G8 itself just as preoccupied with
promoting a certain image of global governance as they
are with actually governing the globe?
An empiricist would answer that it is impossible to
separate the two roles. Hence the usage of a single
word—represent—to signify both. Maybe that is also as
it should be. If the G8 were to deny its symbolic role it
would be accused of hypocrisy; if it were to deny its
operational role, it would be accused of futility.
G8
Summit 2011
28
The long history of multilateral conferences suggests
some continuity with the G8 in the above respect. Rarely
has a conference succeeded in accomplishing its aims
if held entirely in secret; when conference delegates,
on the other hand, have seemed mainly interested
in publicizing pet causes—as in the last Copenhagen
climate conference—the event is taken to be a failure.
Generally bilateral summits are considered more con-
sequential than multilateral ones, but not always. During
the Cold War, some of the bilateral Soviet-American
summits produced little besides an agreement to hold
another summit, whereas the 1975 Helsinki Summit that
established the Conference for Security and Cooperation
in Europe is considered to have been one of the most
important meetings of the 20th century.
Traditionally, the most memorable summits are those
convened to make or validate a peace treaty. From
the Congress of Gela and similar instances one reads
about in Thucydides to the Congresses of Vienna and
Versailles, these multilateral summits (though they were
not called that) were momentous affairs. By contrast,
most gatherings held during peacetime, and called
for the purpose of preserving, rather than making or
enforcing, peace, are less memorable. Thus the context
of summitry matters a great deal. Who can remember
the positive achievements of a particular UN General
Assembly meeting? The multilateral conferences of the
interwar years gave their name to a particular style of
diplomacy—called, logically, “conference diplomacy”—
but achieved little else that is remembered by anyone
besides diplomatic historians. Most of the meetings of
the G-groups—G7, G8, G20, and so on—have taken
place more or less regularly since the 1970s. But most
of us would be hard pressed to state a single, tangible
achievement from any of them.
Yet, as any diplomat or legislator will tell you, “process”
is important and often overlooked. The norms, language
and even the ideology, of global governance are written,
negotiated and interpreted at such gatherings. They
are essential purveyors of consensus and, occasion-
ally, of disagreement. They may not solve all the world’s
problems, and may only constitute a small portion of the
actual governance and consensus–building that goes
on in the world by governments and non-governmental
groups, leaders and citizens alike. But, to the extent they
make possible and visible a forum for such consensus at
the very top, they will continue to serve a purpose, and
won’t disappear any time soon.
Kenneth Weisbrode is a Senior Contributing Editor
for The Diplomatic Courier magazine. He is a diplomatic
historian and author of The Atlantic Century.
 The French G8 Summit Agenda:
Does it Address the Major Challenges?
By Mark C. Partridge, Contributing Editor, The Diplomatic Courier
The enduring challenge of any gathering of in-
ternational leaders is to make sure the event is more
than a photo op. And recent meetings have meet that
challenge serving as the primary platform for the world’s
largest and most powerful governments to coordinate
their responses to the economic collapse and continuing
recession.
The implosion of the financial system unified the
world. The panic that was sparked by Lehman Brothers’
collapse caused investors to pull funds from even the
safest asset classes. Markets around the world lost
billions.
In November 2008, in the wake of the collapse,
the world leaders came together at a G20 meeting and
agreed to “use fiscal measures to stimulate domestic
demand to rapid effect” and to take “whatever further
actions are necessary to stabilize the financial system.”
At that moment, leaders were united by a common
threat and responded with a united front: stimulus, low
interest rates, and bailouts.
With the G20 serving as the “premier forum for in-
ternational economic cooperation,” the G8 has looked
to redefine itself. One of the explicit aims of the group
under the French presidency is “avoiding duplication of
the G20 agenda.”
With economic coordination and response removed
from its purview—particularly important now given the
sovereign debt crisis in Europe—what should the G8
focus on?
Surely there is no dearth of challenges that need
attention. The devastation in Japan, NATO’s engagement
in Libya, the democracy movement sweeping through
the Middle East, high oil prices—yet these issues are
not on the agenda for the upcoming meetings in France.
In their stead are: Internet-related issues; peace and
security, particularly drug trafficking and terrorism; and
partnership with Africa.
No doubt the agenda highlights important issues
that need action—particularly Africa. But they are not
the pressing global issues of the day. Why?
Firstly, gatherings of international leaders always
need to be planned long in advance, and preset agendas
can hardly predict the next crisis. For example, when
this agenda was set, Japan had yet to be hit by the
double blow of an earthquake and tsunami.
Also, just because something is not on the agenda
does not mean it will not be discussed. Libya will
probably be a hot topic since six nations at the meetings
are members of NATO, which is overseeing the bombing
campaign.
G8
Summit 2011
30
Finally, these gatherings hope to set long-term
consensus, rather than the most recent crisis.
However, the unavoidable truth is that the G8
meetings are no longer the preferred decision-making
body for global consensus. A recent illustration of that
was President Nicolas Sarkozy’s failed attempt to get a
no-fly zone in Libya through the body, only for one to be
approved by the United Nations a few days later. The
group also took the commendable step of passing up
economic coordination to the G20 group for this exact
reason: a group that did not include Brazil, China, and
India could hardly develop consensus within the global
economy during a time of crisis. Having ceded authority
on military and economic policy matters to other bodies,
what is the role of the G8 then?
The forum recognizes that it is in the process of
transformation. If that is the case, then it should take the
time to transform itself.
The G8 members first came together because they
represented the largest economies in the capitalist
world. Using this same metric, the group is missing
the world’s second, eighth, and eleventh largest
economies—China, Brazil, and India, respectively.
By expanding the group to include a limited group of
countries, it would almost immediately include all the
major and up-and-coming players on the world scene,
while also keeping the club small enough to make policy
proclamations. The G8 currently claims to represent 15
percent of the world’s population and 65 percent of its
GDP; including these three nations would jump those
numbers to over 50 percent of population and about
75 percent of global GDP.
This idea has been floated before. The so-called
“Plus-Five” group of Brazil, China, India, Mexico, and
South Africa has been invited to past meetings, and
President Sarkozy pushed to formally expand the G8
to include them in 2008; however, little came of the
initiative.
With the global economy on the mend again,
this may be the time to look to expand. For even if
the G8 is able to reach meaningful conclusions at the
upcoming meetings, it is missing some of the most
important actors on the very issues they hope to
resolve. No agreement on Internet policy, for example,
can be reached without China, which is often cited for
censoring and security issues.
The world and its challenges have changed. Now its
institutions need to respond.
Mark C. Partridge is a Senior Contributing Editor
to The Diplomatic Courier magazine.
 G8
Summit 2011

32
 Nuclear Reforms in the Wake of Fukushima
By Casey Coombs, UN Correspondent, The Diplomatic Courier
Fukushima, the worst nuclear accident since
Chernobyl a quarter century earlier, may provide the
impetus for far-reaching nuclear safety and disaster
response reforms. In the wake of the disaster, Nicolas
Sarkozy, President of nuclear-powered France, is
advocating international nuclear safety standards by the
end of the year. Yukiya Amano, Director General of the
International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), is pushing
to overhaul an anachronistic emergency response
framework. The proposals could mark the beginning of
big changes to the nuclear industry, changes that could
reassure the wary masses of nuclear energy’s safety. Or
they could just be hot air.
Given that the calls were made in the global spotlight
leading up to several major meetings of the nuclear
powers that be, it is unlikely they are hot air—the stakes
are too high. But neither do they seem to have been
made entirely in good faith, at least in Mr. Sarkozy’s case,
as the deadline by which he proposes to accomplish
safety standards is exceedingly ambitious.
Ulterior motives aside, the leaders have placed
themselves at the forefront of a debate that will unfold
with two powerful interests in mind: national electorates,
who stunted nuclear energy’s growth following
Chernobyl, and a reinvigorated nuclear industry that
has been thriving in the present regulatory environment.
Mr. Amano and Mr. Sarkozy’s leadership on the reforms
may well determine whether nuclear energy continues
its recent and rapid expansion, or enters another post-
Chernobyl period of atrophy.
G8
Summit 2011
34
Windows of Opportunity
Calls for bolstering nuclear safety standards and
disaster response efforts came at a critical period on
nuclear decision-makers’ calendar. In early April, the
world’s 72 countries operating land-based atomic power
plants held their triennial convention at IAEA headquar-
ters in Vienna to discuss industry safety issues. Spe-
cifically, the powers exchanged country reports they
are obliged to submit as Contracting Parties to the
Convention on Nuclear Safety (CNS), a key safety treaty
adopted in 1994.
Mr. Sarkozy’s call for reform is squarely aimed at the
non binding status of the CNS. As a non binding treaty,
Contracting Parties are not compelled to follow CNS
standards; they are merely incentivized by a common
interest to formulate and achieve its international safety
benchmarks. The French President’s March 31 call
for reform in Tokyo seems to suggest that non binding
standards are akin to no standards at all: “We must
address this anomaly that there are no international
safety norms for nuclear matters. We want internation-
al standards because the world is a village and what
happens in Japan can have consequences elsewhere.”
Though he has yet to detail a plan of action, his words
imply binding enforcement at the international level. In
Tokyo, he pledged to take up the reform issue further
by convening a special G20 meeting in Paris in May, in
addition to addressing it at the previously schedule G8
meeting the same month.
While Mr. Amano’s call for reform does not take
aim at the CNS, since a different Convention governs
emergency response efforts, he encouraged the
Contracting Parties in Vienna to consider lessons
learned from the Fukushima disaster. One such lesson
he reported to the IAEA Board of Governors on March
21: “the current international emergency response
framework needs to be reassessed. It was designed
largely in the wake of the Chernobyl disaster in 1986,
before the information revolution. It reflects the realities
of the 1980s, not of the 21st century.” A week later,
he called for a high-level IAEA Conference on Nuclear
Safety to be held in Vienna before the summer. On
April 4, during his opening statement at the Vienna CNS
meeting, he reiterated his position to the Contracting
Parties that “We cannot take a ‘business as usual’
approach.”
The G8 Summit, to be held in France in late May, will
be chaired by Mr. Sarkozy and thus presents an excellent
 Global Security
opportunity to marshal support from his elite group of
peers. Indeed, he has a viable argument: the Fukushima
disaster appears to be more the consequence of
inadequate safety standards than deficient response
efforts. The fact that the island’s seaside reactors and
the electrical infrastructure needed to cool them, which
lie along the ring of fire, were not built to withstand a
massive tsunami seems to reflect a major shortcoming
in the current system of safety standards. Even so, Mr.
Amano’s brainchild will also be an appropriate topic of
discussion at the Summit, for the Group of 8 house the
majority of the world’s nuclear energy capacity.
Rhetoric into Results
Translating rhetoric into results will be far easier for
the Director General than the French President. Imple-
menting Mr. Amano’s reform proposal would facilitate
quicker distribution of more accurate information to the
public and shave critical hours off of response times.
That could stave off a more severe crisis and even save
a few lives. And the Director General’s ideas should
be implemented rather painlessly in coming months,
much in the same way the present disaster response
framework was created within seven months following
Chernobyl—the reason being that the IAEA plays a co-
ordinating, consultative role in disaster response that
does not greatly restrict states’ sovereignty.
Implementing Mr. Sarkozy’s more ambitious reform
proposal would lead to stricter safety standards across
the board, such as heightened protective measures
against earthquakes, tsunamis and other hazards, as
well as prolonged alternative power sources during
blackouts. But Mr. Sarkozy’s ideas will not prevent all
G8
Summit 2011
36
future disasters, as Black Swans manage to thwart even
the toughest, most well thought out safety measures.
And his dirigiste-style approach to implementing reforms,
if he goes the binding treaty route, will meet strong
resistance from the 72 sovereign nations whose nuclear
safety is presently enforced by national laws created in
consultation with CNS benchmarks. Convincing the
nations to cede enforcement power to the international
level will be an uphill battle: considering the non-binding
CNS took two years to draw up, aspirations for a binding
one by the end of the year are ambitious even for the
notoriously dynamic French leader.
All that said, at the forefront of both leaders’ minds
throughout the reform process will be to reassure a
fearful global public that measures are being taken to
reduce the likelihood of the next nuclear Black Swan.
Public perception is perhaps the most crucial consider-
ation in implementing reforms.
“There Is No Alternative Now”
As Mr. Sarkozy noted in his Japanese visit, “the
problem is more about establishing safety norms than
it is about the choice of nuclear energy, for this there
is no alternative right now.” In a similar vein, Director
Amano emphasized in his address to the Board of
Governors that “nuclear power will remain an important
and viable option for many countries as a stable and
clean source of energy.” Nearly 500 nuclear power
plants currently produce about 14% of the world’s
electricity and, according to the OECD’s Red Book;
the industry holds the potential to double by 2035.
Nuclear energy is indeed here to stay for generations
to come as part of the solution to rising world energy
demand, worries about climate change, unpredictable
fossil fuel prices and energy security concerns. But the
size and scope of the industry, whether it is a principal
alternative energy or an ancillary one, hinges on the
way in which Director General Amano and President
Sarkozy lead calls for reform. If orchestrated properly,
public confidence in nuclear safety will not fall further,
a necessary condition for continued expansion of the
industry. If mismanaged, by failing to reassure national
electorates of the alternative energy’s safety, the calls
for reform could well be remembered as nothing more
than hot air.
Casey Coombs is a New York-based UN Corre-
spondent for The Diplomatic Courier magazine.
 Confronting Iran’s Crusade for Nuclear Power
By Michael Gillis, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
World leaders have remained concerned with
Tehran’s clandestine nuclear program since it was
uncovered in 2002. The Iranian regime has proven to
be a master at stalling the efforts of the international
community. Games of “cat and mouse” with Interna-
tional Atomic Energy Agency inspectors have given way
to talk of inspections. These talks of inspections have
ultimately given way to negotiations for further negotia-
tions. With the exception of a few rounds of sanctions,
the Iranian regime has largely managed to nurture a
capable nuclear technology program.
Western leaders are also concerned with the parallel
development of advanced missile technology, which
could easily become the ideal delivery platform for a
nuclear payload.
As Iran continues to build up its stockpile, Arab
leaders in neighboring countries are increasingly
showing signs of concern. The United States has begun
selling state-of-the-art missile defense hardware to help
preserve the current balance of power in the region.
G8
Summit 2011
38
Although slightly further away, Israel—Iran’s sworn
enemy—has voiced frustration at the inability of the
international community to stop the Iranian nuclear
program. In 1981 the Israeli Air Force executed a daring
strike mission against the Osirak nuclear facility in Iraq.
Although this tough action drew fierce international con-
demnation, Israeli leaders never regretted undertaking
the mission. A similar Israeli airstrike destroyed a secret
Syrian nuclear facility in 2007—only this time, the Israelis
did not draw strong criticism from the international
community.
Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad has
publicly questioned if the holocaust did indeed occur.
He also grabbed headlines in 2005 when he mentioned
that Israel must be “wiped off the map” when speaking
at an annual anti Israel demonstration in Tehran. The
Israeli government does not take these threats lightly.
Israel is a small nation geographically. If even a single
nuclear warhead was detonated within Israel’s borders,
her very existence would be threatened. One thing is
certain, Israel is capable of, and has a proven record of
 Global Security
using force when it has felt compelled to do so. If they
feel that the threat of nuclear holocaust is imminent, the
Israelis will not hesitate to use force, regardless of the
consequences.
There are several options the international
community must develop in order to stop the Iranian
regime from being able to develop nuclear weapons.
The first option involves diplomatic engagement. In
hindsight, it has become evident that the Bush adminis-
tration missed an opportunity to engage with the then-
willing Iranian regime. President Barack Obama tried
to reengage with the Iranians shortly after he became
president. Sensing weakness from an overstretched
military, the Iranians responded coldly to these attempts
at reaching a diplomatic solution.
The use of sanctions has often been controversial
and difficult because a broad consensus is needed to
pass them in the United Nations. Furthermore, there is
no guarantee that other nations will not simply ignore
these sanctions in the pursuit of lucrative trade deals.
Iran has been subjected to several rounds of sanctions
which are applying pressure on the regime. Though not
a silver bullet, sanctions weaken the Iranian regime from
the inside by eroding public willingness to support their
brazen policies.
The use of military force always catches the most
headlines in the media. The Iranian nuclear program
was built from its inception to withstand a military strike.
With the Osirak attack in mind, the Iranian regime has
compartmentalized its nuclear infrastructure in hardened
facilities which are located deep underground. If a
military strike did indeed occur, most experts believe
that it would only be successful in slowing down the
Iranian nuclear program by a few of years, at best.
One last approach is the use of espionage.
Nobody knows who is behind the target assassina-
tions of top Iranian nuclear scientists, but the chilling
effects are very real. The discovery of the Stuxnet
computer virus has also wreaked havoc on Iranian
nuclear hardware. The rapid spread of this advanced
computer virus has cast suspicion on Iranian scientists
who have access to sensitive areas of the program.
Israeli officials estimate that the Stuxnet virus has
slowed down the Iranian program by at least three
years—making it just as effective, if not more so, than
a conventional military operation.
G8
Summit 2011
40
There is obviously no simple answer to such a
complex and intriguing problem. Stuxnet and targeted
assassinations of Iranian nuclear scientists have
provided very real, but short-term solutions that can
only slow down Iran’s nuclear program. The only long
term solution that has any possibility of stopping the
Iranian nuclear program is regime change.
Sanctions—though an external force—have added
internal pressure on the regime. Young Iranians are
feeling disenfranchised by their government’s inability
to meet their daily needs. Many young Iranians
have expressed frustration while trying to find jobs
in a stagnating economy. They are also upset with
ever increasing fuel prices. Although Iran is a net
exporter of crude oil, it lacks the refining capability
to produce its own gasoline. The rising fuel prices
have become especially burdensome to the low and
middle class.
During the run up to the 2009 Iranian presidential
election, young Iranians mentioned that the winds of
political change were blowing. President Ahmadine-
jad’s challenger was a political moderate, concerned
with Iran’s internal problems—like job creation—rather
than focusing on outside “enemies of the state.”
After widespread reports of voting abnormalities,
these youthful voters took their demonstrations to the
streets of Tehran. The Iranian regime’s heavy handed
response underscores the fact that they have lost
touch with the will of the people. Unlike the current
Iranian regime, the majority of the Iranian people are
not obsessed with developing nuclear technology let
alone “wiping other nations off the map.” They are more
interested in finding meaningful jobs in order to control
their own destiny.
The international community must keep ratcheting
up the pressure on the Iranian regime through the use
of sanctions, espionage, and opposition support if it is
truly committed to bringing the Iranian nuclear program
to a halt.
Michael Gillis, a Hinckley Scholar, graduated from
the University of Utah with B.S. degrees in Political
Science and International Studies. He recently worked
in the United States Senate as an aide to Senator
Robert. F. Bennett.
 Stuxnet, Internet System Flaws and Cyber Attacks:
The Perfect Storm?
By Ryan Paul, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Cybersecurity has always been important for the
security and economic well being of every nation. What
is troubling is that several incidents over the past two
years show an increase in the potential damage cyber
attacks can cause and reveal that increasingly sophisti-
cated methods are being employed to carry them out.
These incidents, which show the emergence of sophis-
ticated new malware, or malicious software, vulnerabili-
ties in the Internet’s structure, and also cyber attacks
against governments, show that solutions to cyberse-
curity problems are sorely needed and the time to find
them is beginning to run out. Governments will need to
work with their citizens, the private sector, government
agencies and with the governments of other countries
to solve these problems and create a safer, more secure
Internet.
The Chinese government has been suspected to
have been directly involved in two high profile cyber
attacks. One of these attacks was against commercial
entities and the other was directed toward foreign
governments. China is suspected to have had a direct
involvement because of the nature of the attacks and the
information which was stolen, but there is no evidence
to implicate them directly.
“Operation Aurora” occurred in early 2010, and
according to reports from Google and the U.S. China
Economic and Security Review Commission, it involved
G8
Summit 2011
42
a highly sophisticated and targeted attack on Google’s
corporate infrastructure that originated from two
schools in China, one of which has ties to the Chinese
military, and resulted in the theft of the source code for
Google’s systems. The source code of these systems is
considered to be highly valuable and is kept under very
close guard. Along with Google, 81 other companies
with an additional 33 possible others were also targeted.
“Shadows in the Cloud” was another elaborate ex-
ploitation campaign in which a China-based computer
network targeted several of India’s government systems,
as well as 35 other countries, including the United
States and even the office of the Dalai Lama. According
to the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Com-
mission’s report, “the full extent of the exploitation
remains unknown; the investigators determined that
those responsible successfully obtained sensitive files,
apparently belonging to the Indian government.” It is
speculated that several files were encrypted diplomatic
correspondence. Security experts have speculated that
the attack was carried out by agents of the state rather
than direct Chinese involvement.
The discovery of the Stuxnet virus in Iranian
industrial systems reveals the first time a virus has been
engineered to directly attack systems of this type. It was
an amazingly complex piece of software and Symantec
reportedly took six months to reverse engineer the virus
and determine how it functions. They determined that
the virus’s main purpose was to reprogram industrial
control systems, which are primarily used in gas
pipelines and power plants, while remaining invisible
to the operators and administrators of the systems. In
addition to the Iranian facilities, Symantec reported that
Stuxnet also infected 155 facilities in other countries as
well, although these infections were believed to have
been collateral damage.
Symantec estimated that it would have taken “six
months and five to 10 core developers, not counting
numerous other individuals” to develop the virus, and
due to the limited evidence it is nearly impossible to
know who is responsible, although it is suspected that
it would be a state entity. Copycat attacks are unlikely
to appear in the near future because of Stuxnet’s
complexity, however, according to Symantec, “Stuxnet
has highlighted direct-attack attempts on critical infra-
structure [that] are possible and not just theory or movie
plot lines.” Stuxnet’s existence brings the idea of cyber
warfare one step closer to reality.
One major incident demonstrated just how
vulnerable the systems that manage and route
Internet traffic are. Due to an error in a system, a large
amount of Internet traffic was directly routed through
a Chinese ISP’s servers. It is largely believed that this
was an accident, although according to the U.S.-China
Economic and Security Review Commission “evidence
related to this incident does not clearly indicate whether
it was perpetrated intentionally ... the capability could
enable severe malicious activities.”
At this point it should be clear that Internet systems
are vulnerable and the ingredients necessary for cyber
warfare are beginning to fall into place. The problems are
very complex and there are no simple or quick solutions
for any of them. Experts in the technology sector have
come up with several proposals that will at least partially
fix the situation. In his article addressing cybersecurity
responses to threats, Scott Charney, the Vice President
of Trustworthy Computing at Microsoft, proposed that
making the Internet less anonymous may help deter
some cyber attacks and provide more accountability
since the perpetrators of these attacks would be more
easily found and held accountable for their actions.
A greater degree of education among the general
population would also go far in minimizing the number
of compromised systems that are connected to the
Internet. Charney also proposes a sort of digital health
certificate to allow safe systems to connect to the
Internet and to deny compromised systems access.
There have been past attempts to address vulner-
abilities in the Internet’s systems, but no agreements or
solutions have been made. It should be considered as
a high priority and governments need to work together
with the private sector to fix these vulnerabilities. Until
a solution is found, the best solution for the average
citizen is to encrypt data being sent from their computer
to the Internet.
Other possible solutions involve action solely on
the political level. The World Trade Organization and
the United Nations could adopt policies punishing
countries that are lax on preventing cyber attacks that
originate from within their countries. This could be
done through the use of international law or through
industry standards that help avoid the creation of a
kind of Geneva Convention for cyber warfare. These
actions may be necessary to prevent cyber warfare that
would wreak havoc on infrastructure that affects civilian
populations.
Ryan Paul is a new media producer who specializes
in documentary production and Internet media. Ryan
is a graduating with a degree in Mass Communication
from the University of Utah. He grew up in Spokane,
WA, but has lived across the United States, and is a
proud citizen of Canada and the United States.
G8
Summit 2011
43
 How the International Community
Beefs Up Pressure on Somali Pirates
By Sigurd Neubauer, Washington, DC based International Affairs Specialist
As Somali pirates become bolder by the day, the
United States and its allies are responding by beefing up
naval operations while rapidly expanding their base-line
for attacks from deep into the Indian Ocean. Given the
severe impact decreasing maritime security has on
broader Middle East commerce and stability, Washington
is starting to adopt similar punitive measures to fight
piracy as it does international terrorist networks.
Taking note of the rapidly deteriorating security
situation in the Gulf of Aden, Admiral Michelle Howard
of the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff emphasized in a recent
Pentagon interview that the overall solution to the
piracy problem is on land, and noted that: “strengthen-
ing the Somali transitional government in concert with
the African Union’s peacemaking mandate is a key U.S
priority.” Admiral Howard also noted that until a legitimate
government takes control over the conflict-torn country,
pirates will continue to operate with impunity.
As piracy has become one of the few thriving
businesses for coastal communities in Somalia, U.S.
G8
Summit 2011
46
officials also believe that lawless groups operating in
the high seas are increasingly engaging in other sorts of
organized crimes including kidnapping, arms smuggling,
human and drug trafficking.
U.S. Calls for Partnership Against Piracy
In the middle of our Pentagon conversation, Admiral
Howard took a pen and passionately pointed to a map
hanging on her office wall as she described in great detail
how counter-piracy operations are carried out: “For
instance, if a joint American, Singaporean and South
Korean naval patrol receive word of a suspected pirate
attack, the Singaporean frigate could scoot over and
assist their German and Spanish counterparts to fight
off the attack.” Similarly, she emphasized: “A Japanese,
Russian and even Chinese vessel could assist the
Spanish and German commandos.” She explained that
decisions to assist allies are made in real time by local
commanders at sea, there is no bureaucratic hurdle
waiting for orders from the respective home offices.

“It’s all about partnership,” Howard reiterated.
American partnership efforts also include conducting
joint naval exercises with its Gulf-Arab allies through
the Strait of Hormouz and beyond. In a separate
interview with Bahrain’s Foreign Minister, Sheik Khalid
ibn Ahmad al Khalifa about the American presence in
the strategically located Emirate, the Sheik emphasized:
“if it wouldn’t be for the U.S. navy presence, pirates
would plague the entire Arabian Gulf all the way up to
Kuwait.” While, the Iranian regime continues to remain
skeptical of the U.S. Fifth Fleet’s permanent presence
in Bahrain—there are hints that Iran and the United
States may be on the brink of coordinating antipiracy
efforts as well. International media outlets reported in
December 2010 that Iranian naval commander Admiral
Gholam Reza Khaem Bigham met with U.S. counter-
parts on the sidelines at an international anti Piracy
summit in Sri Lanka. Confirming that media report, an
unnamed Middle East scholar speculated whether U.S.
Iranian counter piracy cooperation could serve as a
confidence building measure, since ties were officially
cut between the two countries following the Islamic
Revolution of 1979.
No Links Between Pirates
and Regional Extremists
In a testimony to the severe impact piracy has on
the estimated 23,000 to 25,000 ships annually passing
through the Gulf of Aden’s ”International Recommended
Transit Corridor,” 2010 became a record year for Somali
pirates as they hijacked 53 ships and held close to 1200
sailors hostage. Since December last year, 28 vessels
and 638 hostages are still held for ransom by pirates.
Across the Aden Gulf, as Yemen is facing increasing
instability by Houthi separatist rebels in the south, the
Sanaa government is also battling an emboldened
Al Qaida in many of the country’s rugged and barren
provinces. When asked whether pirates are cooperating
with Al Qaida affiliated groups operating out of Yemen,
or with the local Somali Islamist, Al Shabaab group,
Admiral Howard said that so far, there is no intelligence
based evidence to suggest that such an axis exist.
Comprehensive Solution Needed
As of today, most experts believe that while there
may be pirates operating out of southern Somalia, the
northern gangs are by far the most dangerous. Hence,
Global Security
the combination of a rapidly deteriorating Yemeni
government and the already lawless Somali lands have
complicated long-term anti-piracy strategies to the
point where many experts believe that to fully eradicate
the problem, pirate havens on land must be properly
targeted. On the other hand, while some 90 percent of
global trade travels by sea, Howard underscored that
the more successful counter piracy operations on the
high seas are, the more effective long-term stabilizations
efforts of Somaliland will be.
As part of a compressive anti-piracy strategy, the
French Parliament l’Assemblee Nationale recently
passed legislation giving its naval forces full authority to
detain pirates and try them in a court of law, irrespec-
tively of their nationality or that of their captives. While
the new law gives the French navy effectively the same
powers as the country’s police, many pirates have until
today been released after capture due to the lack of
proper legal framework to arrest them and bring them
on trial.
Questioning the immediate effectiveness of the
new French law, NATO’s Ocean Shield anti-Piracy
Commander Admiral Michiel Hijmans stated in an
e-mail interview that the new legislation “could have
limited impact at first, but when the word has spread
that pirates are being prosecuted and have to spend
many years in prison, it can have a positive impact on
reducing the will to become a pirate.”
Although similar legislation has already passed
in several NATO countries, NATO itself does not have
a legal framework to detain and prosecute pirates,
Admiral Hijmans explained. According to Admiral
Hijmans, “if a warship operating within a NATO mission
is involved in a piracy attack, the decision whether to
detain and prosecute the suspected pirates rests with
the warship’s national authorities—and not at sea.” As
of today, the United States and Britain have agreements
with the governments of Kenya and the Seychelles that
suspected pirates can be deported from their waters
and then extradited to face prosecution.
Explaining the new legislation’s impact, Hijmans
noted how South Korea, the Netherlands and Germany
are currently prosecuting pirates “caught in the act.”
As case in point, German Deputy Defense Minister
Christian Schmidt articulated in an interview how his
country has deployed 1,400 troops to naval bases in
G8
Summit 2011
47
 Global Security
Djibouti and in Mombasa, Kenya to assist EU’s Naval
Force’s (EUNAVFOR) counter-piracy operations. Schmidt
also stated that additional German naval vessels are par-
ticipating in joint patrolling exercises through the Strait of
Hormuz while assisting U.S. and NATO forces to secure
the Gulf from pirates.
How Pirates Adapt
to International Pressure
At the Pentagon, Admiral Howard described how
pirates effectively adapt to new counter-piracy strategies.
“Since the beginning of my tenure, I’ve witnessed pirates
going further and further out. From being 200 miles off
shore, they went to 400 miles—and now they’re 450
miles from India.”
Echoing that sentiment, Hijmans, the NATO
commander stressed how pirates have begun launching
their attacks from larger already hijacked vessels as they
often use the kidnapped crew as “human shields” while
seeking protection from navy commandos. “As they are
becoming more confident in their abilities to overpower a
ship while taking control, NATO in close cooperation with
EUNAVFOR offers guidance and advice to commercial
vessels on how to best transition the most dangerous
waters.”
However, while Hijmans refused to speculate
whether bolder attacks were caused by a deliberate
strategy by pirates and their backers on land, the Admiral
emphasized how piracy was “opportunity driven.”
“Groups of pirates are sent out to sea with the means,
orders and equipment to attack with the intentions to
G8
Summit 2011
48
bring the vessel back for ransom negotiations. Once at
sea, pirates immediately look for a target of opportunity.”
Case in point, recent data released by the Interna-
tional Maritime Bureau (IMB) finds that 92 percent of
all pirate attacks take place off the Horn of Africa by
Somalis. The same agency report revealed that pirate
attacks increased by 10 percent from 2009 to 2010,
with a total of 445 attacks last year alone.
Therefore, as pirates respond more aggressively to
the multinational naval presence, the Commander of the
U.S. Fifth Fleet, Admiral Mark Fox, was quoted calling
for a new robust strategy to uncover their money trail
and supply networks on shore with equal emphasis as
those carried out in counter-terror investigations.
In perhaps the boldest counter measure today,
Admiral Fox also suggested resorting to more military
action usually associated with the U.S. counter-terror
campaign, including pre-emptive assaults and strikes
by armed drones.
While NATO does not have the mandate to carry out
the operations proposed by Admiral Fox, the Alliance
has provided a series of instructions to commercial
vessels on how to win time, in the event of an attack,
before naval forces arrive to their rescue. Among those
instructions: install racer wire/barbed wires on all ships—
and if attacked, respond with the vessel’s firefighting
equipments from the upper deck to steer off pirates.
Moreover, as part of a strategy to strengthen
overall security, South Korea’s Samsung Heavy
Industries developed recently a new anti-piracy alert
system capable of detecting smaller boats operating
in the vicinity often undetected by current marine radar
systems. According to a company statement, while the
new system will issue an automatic alert when a vessel
is approaching, it does not respond to ship-to-ship radio
communications. The state of the arts technology would
also leave sufficient time for sailors to remotely operate
water cannons from the ship’s deck without being in
harm’s way, in the event pirates should attempt opening
fire while boarding.
Perhaps, after all, Admiral Howard was right: A
comprehensive strategy targeting piracy assets on
land would be the best option to prevent pirates from
operating with impunity. On the other hand, the need
for a joint U.S.-NATO mandate allowing for the arrest of
all pirates seems equally apparent in order to fully
combat piracy.
 In Defense of Afghan Refugees and Asylum Seekers
By M. Ashraf Haidari, Diplomat, Afghan Ministry of Foreign Affairs
One last trek, which often tragically ends the lives
of many boat refugees on the turbulent and sometimes
stormy waters of high seas before they reach the shores
of Greece or Australia, is only the tip of the iceberg.
Afghan refugees, including many families with children,
are not an exception and take the same life-threatening
risk for a possible secure future. Last January, a ship
going to Italy with 260 people on board sank near the
Greek island of Corfu. Twenty two refugees, mostly
Afghans, were reported to have been missing and
drowned. And last December, a wooden boat packed
with asylum seekers, including Afghans, smashed
against jagged rocks in a storm off an Australian island,
killing at least 27 people.
But those refugees who survive such frequent
tragedies are no longer welcome in developed countries.
Critics in those countries consider Afghan refugees as
“economic migrants,” wrongly comparing them with
such migrants from peaceful but poor countries. But it
is imperative that countries with the strictest immigration
policies reconsider their position towards Afghan
refugees, who have proven time and again over the past
31 years that if the security conditions were good in
Afghanistan, they would hardly abandon their villages of
origin internally, let alone taking the long deadly trek to
countries as far as Greece or Australia.
It is not surprising that even the United Nations
agency mandated to protect the rights of desperate
refugees is sometimes compelled to succumb to the
tough immigration policies of certain countries. The
G8
Summit 2011
50
Executive Committee of the United Nations High Com-
missioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which governs the
agency, consists of 76 member-states that annually
meet in Geneva to review and approve the agency’s
programs and budget. In the process, some member-
states ensure that their domestic immigration policies are
taken into full account, before the agency’s operations
are adequately funded.
In spite of these constraints, however, UNHCR has
enlisted the support of many outspoken celebrities not
only to draw global attention to the plight of refugees
but also to speak up for the rights of refugees and basic
human rights everywhere. Through UNHCR’s assistance,
Afghan refugees have never hesitated to return home as
soon as promising conditions have given them hope for
restoration of peace and justice in their homeland.
Buoyed by international re-engagement in
Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban in late 2001,
more than five million Afghan refugees returned home
from Pakistan and Iran, as well as from other countries
beyond the region, during the early 2000s. This made the
largest voluntary repatriation in the history of UNHCR.
But the basic expectations of Afghan returnees were
dashed, as improved security, enhanced protection and
reintegration assistance, and increased employment op-
portunities did not materialize in the years following their
return home.
Beginning 2004, however, the security situation
rapidly started deteriorating in the country, and each
following year witnessed intensified conflicts that indis-
criminately killed, injured, and displaced Afghans, most
of them recent returnees, who have lacked the financial
means or coping mechanisms of others to survive.
And as reintegration assistance, a critical component
of UNHCR’s durable solution to the Afghan refugee
problem, has failed to come forth, the returnees have
either ended up becoming internally displaced or fled
Afghanistan again.
In his December 2010 report on the situation in
Afghanistan, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon
highlighted worsening security throughout the country,
noting that that the number of security incidents was 66
percent higher than during the same period in 2009. He
added that anti-Government elements had continued to
increase their use of improvised explosive devices and
to directly target civilians through abductions and as-
sassinations. At the same time, he reported that suicide
attacks had averaged three per week, targeting primarily
 military forces but killing scores of civilians. In 2010,
unfortunately, more than 2,400 civilians were killed in
Afghanistan, while over 3,200 others were injured.
Against this grim security background in Afghanistan,
all countries must honor the principle of non-refoule-
ment, rooted both in international and Islamic law, to
refrain from forcible deportation of Afghan refugees
and to avoid indefinite delays in the processing of
their genuine claim for refugee status. Past experience
proves that resettlement of Afghan refugees in the
developed countries will go a long way in helping rebuild
and develop Afghanistan.
Resilience and high achievement motivation that
characterize most refugees will quickly enable resettled
Afghan families to adapt into their new societies, taking
advantage of social and economic opportunities there
to establish themselves and to continue supporting
G8
Summit 2011
52
their relatives at home. In the long run, most resettled
Afghans will have gained wealth and higher education
which they will use to invest in Afghanistan, evident from
the return of many well-off Afghans who have made
significant contributions to Afghanistan’s reconstruction
since 2002.
Almost 2,500 years ago, Euripides wrote that
“there is no greater sorrow on earth than the loss of
one’s native land.” Indeed, for most Afghan refugees—
like those desperately landing on the shores of Greece
and Australia for protection—no foreign land can ever
replace Afghanistan where they will return as soon as
they feel secure to do so.
A former refugee and internally displaced person,
M. Ashraf Haidari works with Afghanistan’s Ministry
of Foreign Affairs. He formerly served as the chargé
d’affaires and political counselor of the Embassy of
Afghanistan in Washington, DC.
 What President Bush Got Right and Wrong in Iraq
By Rami Turayhi, Contributor, The Diplomatic Courier
Mentions of President Bush tend to provoke strong
reactions from both his partisans and critics. He is often
accused of irresponsibly going to war in Iraq and precip-
itating that country’s slide towards civil war in 2006. At
the same time, President Bush’s financial and economic
policies are often conveniently overlooked in retrospect,
as today’s political alarmism over a growing fiscal crisis in
Washington drowns out thoughtful analyses of the past
decade’s undoing of this nation’s financial regulatory
regime. The irony is that most partisans and critics
have largely gotten it wrong: President Bush’s Iraq war
will likely turn out to have been the catalyst of positive
change in the Middle East and Islamic world, while his
financial and economic policies have led to both an in-
creasingly unstable and unequal economic environment
in the United States.
First, let’s start with Iraq. President Bush is often
accused of irresponsibly going to war in Iraq, and
thereby causing bloody Sunni-Shiite strife in that
country after the removal of Saddam Hussein. While
it is true that President Bush’s oft-cited reason for war
in Iraq – weapons of mass destruction – largely turned
out to be false, his accompanying broader rationale for
war – planting the seeds of democratic reform in the
Arab heartland – has indeed come to pass. We are
witnessing in early 2011 the growing pains of a new
Arab political order, one that would likely not have
been possible without substantive change in Iraq over
the past decade. While the peoples of Tunisia, Egypt,
and Libya theoretically could have thrown out their
respective autocrats without the removal of Saddam, his
ouster and the subsequent birth pangs of democracy in
G8
Summit 2011
54
Iraq have not gone unnoticed in the greater Arab world.
Shame is a powerful catalyst for change, and one cannot
look toward a relatively freer Arab population without
asking oneself: “If they can talk, argue, and debate, why
can’t we?”
Underlying the assertion that Iraq has been and will
continue to be a force for positive change, there is also
a related question of who or what caused Iraq’s civil
conflict, largely fought between Sunni and Shiite Arabs
in the 2006-2008 post-invasion period. Some would
argue that President Bush, if nothing else, dismantled
the structures of an orderly prison state and thereby let
the figurative genie out of the bottle: if not for his ouster
of the dictator Saddam, Sunnis and Shiites would have
continued, albeit grudgingly, holding hands and singing
songs of peace in a Saddam-led Iraq.
This assumption is largely made by those who
either do not understand Iraq, or who have convenient-
ly chosen to ignore the yearnings of large swathes of
Iraq’s population. Iraq was never a model for stability
or inclusion. Indeed, Iraq’s Shiites were systemically
excluded from power over many generations, with the
Sunni Arab ruling class often looking down at them
as pre-Civil War white southerners regarded African-
American slaves: Shiites were non-people, not worthy
of self-rule, autonomy, or political power. Of course,
not every Sunni Arab thought this way, and not every
Shiite Arab played the part of the faultless victim, but
this political-cultural dichotomy – of a Sunni Arab ruling
political class and a Shiite Arab underclass – persisted
in the broader Iraqi mindset for decades, if not centuries.
Overturning this accepted order would have
necessarily led to civil strife and a violent reordering of
the Iraqi political structure whether or not it was President
Bush or the Iraqis themselves who ultimately overthrew
Saddam. If one can accept this logical construction,
then the blame that is often placed on President Bush for
Iraq’s intra-communal killings in the mid-2000s appears
conveniently misplaced. It was not in fact the American
intervention that caused the civil war, but rather the
democratic reform itself that did so. Hence, as long as
one accepts the notion that the removal of Saddam and
the introduction of democratic reform in Iraq was and is
a good thing – and I certainly fall into this camp – then it
is really quite unfair to blame the precipitator of regime
change for the Sunni-Shiite strife. The long-accepted
Iraqi political order itself, with all of its grotesque lack of
humanism and compassion, was largely the root cause
of the violence – not President Bush.
 Global Security

Now, moving along away from Iraq and toward the

political and economic decisions that President Bush
got very wrong, we find ourselves delving into the oft-
misunderstood world of domestic fiscal and financial
policy. When he came to office in early 2001, President
Bush presided over a relatively robust economy and a
government that inherited a budget surplus from the
late Clinton era. By the time President Bush left office,
the United States was in the midst of a terrible financial
recession, with large swathes of its population left
unemployed, underwater, or otherwise destitute. How
did this happen?

While there were many causes and drivers of the

Great Recession and its accompanying fiscal crisis,
President Bush and his economic team certainly did
their part to undo regulatory safeguards, encourage
irresponsible lending, and pass along massive fiscal
obligations onto the next generation of voters. On the
latter point, this nation has had a “debt crisis” for a long
time now. Despite the political rhetoric in Washington
today blaming everything from our nation’s money
woes to purported American “decline” on President
Obama, the truth of the matter is that America has had
a spending problem long before 2008, and indeed long
before 2001. Instead of paying down the nation’s debt
when he came to power, however, President Bush
enacted a series of tax cuts while engaging in massive
unfunded spending binges, including a Medicare Part
D prescription drugs benefit and both the Afghan and
Iraq wars. While one can certainly make a strong
case for any of these spending priorities a responsible
politician would have asked his nation to pay for these
expenditures, rather than pass the buck along to the
next generation. Indeed, President Obama has found
himself in the unlucky position of having inherited the
backend of many of these spending binges, while at
the same time having less of the fiscal resources to
pay for them.
In addition to fiscal irresponsibility, President Bush
also did his part – along with numerous Presidents
before him – to undo much of the regulatory regime
that kept banks and financial institutions from behaving
recklessly with other people’s money. Lost in today’s
heated partisan battles over appropriate solutions to
our nation’s very real long-term fiscal problems is the
admission of responsibility for allowing financial entities
to take massive risks– and thereby garner massive gains
– mostly at the expense of the American taxpayer and
mutual and pension fund holders. This past decade has
seen a massive transfer of wealth from many hard-work-
ing, ordinary Americans to an aristocratic financial elite.
G8
Summit 2011
It is also increasingly unclear whether this moneyed elite
has actually created enough economic productivity in
America to justify the alarming levels of systemic risk
they have produced, as increasing leverage ratios and
massive counterparty risk inherent in many of today’s
new financial products have helped to undermine the
very stability necessary for a well-run and international-
ly-regarded financial system.
Of course, there are many hours that can be spent
debating the pros and cons of each of the myriad
political and economic policies and prescriptions from
the Bush era on up through today, but it would appear
that the presidency of President Bush has been mis-
characterized by many pundits all along the political
spectrum. Indeed, President Bush’s unflinching goal of
removing Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq has likely
helped precipitate a genuine Arab political rebirth in the
Middle East, both in Iraq and in neighboring countries.
His economic policies, on the other hand, are in large
part to blame for both the financial and fiscal messes we
find ourselves in today. We do the nation, and ultimately
ourselves, a great disservice by blaming President Bush
for the wrong ills, while irresponsibly absolving him of his
own very real political sins.
Rami Turayhi, is an Iraqi-American graduate
of Columbia Law School in New York and a Senior
Contributor at The Diplomatic Courier magazine in
Washington, DC.

56
 Bringing Change to Developing Countries’
Modus Operandi: Optimizing Government Operations
Through Capacity Building
By Philip H. de Leon, President, Trade Connections International, LLC
Undoubtedly industrialized countries and internation-
al organizations have played a critical role in helping draft
policies for developing countries to help them rise out of
poverty and strive towards political stability, economic
development and prosperity. Many components of
these policies are proven concepts such as good
governance, ethics, accountability, transparency, etc.
However, these policies are rarely directly coupled with
a capacity building work plan to enable governments,
state institutions and their civil servants to carry out
those policies consistently throughout the administra-
tive food-chain and over an extended period of time that
can resist leadership changes at any level. Considerable
amounts of time, money and efforts end up yielding little
or sporadic results, raising doubt on the ability of these
countries to benefit from any type of assistance. Such a
conclusion is unfair. Yes, there are intrinsic factors that
can derail the best-intended projects such as corruption,
nepotism, or simply resistance to change due to vested
interests and as change can bring to light question-
able actions or lack thereof. However, there are many
committed civil servants whom, if properly instructed,
would want to carry their mission in a professional way.
The eagerness of many of these officials to learn and to
successfully implement policies that can improve food
security, education or health conditions should not be
underestimated.
A Capacity Building Strategy
Is Often the Missing Link
Assistance policies and programs abound, carried
out by governments, international and non-profit or-
ganizations, consultants and experts tasked to share
their professional experience. Many are well crafted and
can generate good results but they are not optimized,
and often fail short of their intended objectives. There
is often a disconnect where the wheel hits the road.
How can anyone expect an often underpaid and under-
qualified local staff to feel truly committed? Furthermore,
the sanctions one may incur when showing too much
initiative in top-down societies is a deterrent for the most
well-intentioned and motivated civil servant from sticking
his neck out.
So instead of lamenting over failures of the system,
let’s identify some simple and concrete capacity building
measures that could be adopted, either on their own or
preferably incorporated in these policies and programs.
G8
Summit 2011
58
- Designing a Clearly Identified Point of Contact
Who’s in charge? That question should be answered
with a named individual that can be traced down rather
than with the name of an office, or department no one
ever seems to know what is going on. That point of
contact should be made known to all parties as well as
an identified back-up. An entire program should not be
allowed to go amiss simply because the front person is
not around, temporarily or permanently.
- Elaborating Statements of Work
Once a person is in change, he needs to know what
he is supposed to do. This requires the elaboration of a
statement of work that defines what is expected of that
person, sets measurable milestones to be met, and also
gives some background information as that person may
not have enough perspective to put things into context.
For instance, explaining that certain tasks have to be
carried out before date X because a review board will
use the results of those tasks to identify the next steps
to be taken may sound obvious but we should never
assume that what is obvious to us is to all.
- Providing Proper Training
Beyond the basic fact that someone who is going
to work on something needs training, we also have to
keep in mind that it is hard for anyone to implement
alien concepts if one has never been exposed to these
concepts. Meeting deadlines for instance may be a given
but many countries have a rather liberal approach to time
that can be detrimental. The mentality of “something will
happen God willing” should be converted into “the right
thing will happen if you take a proactive approach so
act now.”
- Encouraging the Sharing of Information
One of the most debilitating aspects of working
with developing countries is the compartmentalization
of information and the lack of culture of sharing it. This
results in the absence of institutional memory and every
time a person holding to some sort of knowledge leaves
his position, everything comes to a stop and the wheel
needs to be reinvented over and over. The sharing of
information and an open dialogue should be encouraged
through regular staff meetings and barriers (hierarchic,
ethnic, gender-based, etc.) should be broken down to
allow an exchange of information and an open dialogue
that transcend local customs.
 - Supporting Initiative
The concepts of “everyone at his place” and “speak
when asked to” should also be shaken down to allow
initiative and accompanying action. Failing this, pro-
crastination and indecisiveness settle in and motivation
falters. At the same time initiative should be protected
and not arbitrarily sanctioned. If one can take initiative
and be rewarded accordingly, this greatly supports
accountability and transparency over what is being
implemented. A recognition system should be instituted
with rewards, which does not solely have to be money.
A medal, a framed certificate given during a ceremony,
or extra vacation days can be considered.
be based on a system of rewards and guarantees of
future continued assistance. After all, with limited
resources and many needs, it makes sense to condition
assistance to a shared commitment to achieve success.
Capacity building should be an integral and indissociable
component of the implemented policies and programs.
We also have to recognize our responsibility when
there is a lack of results: our inability or reluctance to
work on the ungratifying work of monitoring, implement-
ing, and enforcing regular follow-ups defeats our best
intentions. In the end, the greatest ideas lead nowhere
if no one is there to properly
carry them out.

What to Do Next? Money Is the Sinews of War Philip H. de Leon

is president of Trade
The assistance road is paved with good intentions Connections International,
but let’s be practical and look at human nature: unless LLC, a Washington, DC
there is a system of carrot and stick, goodwill is not based international business
sufficient over time to implement changing policies, consultancy. Mr. de Leon
even more so as it may take years before their spent 10 years at the U.S.
beneficial effects become obvious. The stick approach Department of Commerce
with developing countries should not necessarily be promoting exports to and
patronizing, stringent and coercive: rather it should investments in Eurasia.
G8
Summit 2011

60
 Getting On the Highway to IP Harmony
Ambassador James P. Cain and Kenneth S. Chang, Partners Kilpatrick & Stockton LLP
As the global economy continues to struggle, the
world increasingly seeks more efficient mechanisms to
facilitate recovery. A key to that recovery is the harmo-
nization of the global patent laws.
For over a century, nations have attempted to
harmonize their patent systems. The last 20 years
witnessed a slew of treaties adopted with the intention
of harmonization, with each falling short of its intended
goal of real consistency in patent laws across nations.
For example, the Agreement on Trade Related
Aspects of Intellectual Property (TRIPS) laid down
specific, substantive principles regarding intellectual
property rights. And indeed, these principles applied
to all who belonged to the World Trade Organiza-
tion (WTO). Yet, agreements such as TRIPS form an
incomplete patchwork of principles, not acts, and only
highlight the inability of nations to agree on important
patent-related issues such as patentable subject matter,
access to essential medicines, compulsory licenses,
and foreign filing requirements, to name just a few.
The differences between nations is understand-
able. The diversity of patent laws can be attributed to
the territorial nature of patent doctrine. As exclusion-
ary rights, application of patent laws are limited to the
legal rules of the jurisdiction in which they are granted.
As such, countries develop their own sense of proper
incentives for invention and what assets they wish to
protect, consistent with each country’s culture and
societal goals.
While countries such as the United Kingdom and
the United States historically have fostered individual
reward for invention, and have characterized patent
rights as individual “property,” other cultures such as
those in Asia emphasize commonality. For centuries
the Chinese believed that society owned inventions and
creative works. The concept of intellectual property as
individual property rights is new, and thus many Asian
countries’ patent systems remain either underdeveloped
or have weak enforcement provisions. Understandably,
the populace of these countries is reluctant to embrace
strong patent rights, particularly when developed
Western countries cannot agree on a unified set of
patent law principles.
To ensure a sustainable global economic recovery,
we need a strong push towards real, substantial harmo-
nization of patent laws. In a global economy, all aspects
of business extend beyond the territorial limits of one’s
G8
Summit 2011
62
own country. Multinational corporations, the top 500
of which control the majority of worldwide trade, simply
cannot efficiently function in a sea of inconsistency
regarding the acquisition and enforcement of patent
rights. The current fragmentation means companies
make fewer and less substantial investments in
innovation. Inconsistent outcomes in multi-jurisdictional
patent disputes erect barriers to trade and complicate
global marketing efforts.
The majority of the international patent community
continues to be supportive of harmonization. As
previously stated, several treaties such as the Paris
Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property
(Paris Convention), the Patent Cooperation Treaty
(PCT), the Patent Law Treaty (PLT), and the Trade-Re-
lated Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) all
serve to lay a framework for harmonization, but none
accomplish the goal. The international community can
take a cue, however, from one bright spot of harmoniza-
tion: the Patent Prosecution Highway (“PPH”).
The PPH is a collaborative effort between par-
ticipating patent offices to speed multi-office patent
prosecution. In essence, when the PPH requirements
are fulfilled, the work performed by a first patent office
can be used to accelerate examination of a patent
application in a second patent office. In so doing,
one patent office may defer to the findings and avoid
repeating the work of another patent. What started as
a pilot project in 2006 between the United States and
Japanese Patent Offices has expanded to cooperation
between 16 countries (six of which are members of the
G8) and the European Patent Office. By most accounts,
the PPH has breathed new life into the sails of innovators,
enabling faster and less costly global patent protection,
and has helped reduce the backlog of applications in the
various patent offices around the world.
 Global Economic Recovery

At the upcoming 2011 business summit, the G8 can

take the success gleaned from the Patent Prosecution
Highway to another level by committing to harmoniza-
tion of patent laws and practice in three areas. First, the
G8 should commit all of its members to the PPH and
formalize the various PPH pilot programs currently in
place. In so doing, remaining nations likewise will adopt
PPH programs to realize the advantages of the system
and avoid being left behind.

Second, the G8 should reach agreement on

the patentability of software, allowing patenting of
such inventions in compliance with Article 27 of the
TRIPS Agreement. Harmonizing this area of the law
will encourage additional innovation of computer
technology and applications across a multitude of
industries throughout Europe and Asia, and increase
foreign investment in these geographies.

Finally, the G8 should confront the conflict between

the “first-to-file” rule awarding priority of invention to the
patentee who first filed their patent, and the “first-to-
invent” rule. The U.S. follows the latter rule, with much
of the rest of the world following the former. Complete
harmonization cannot be achieved without common
ground between these conflicting practices.

With these three steps, the G8 and others with

substantial interests in intellectual property rights
can begin the journey down a path to consistent and
economical acquisition of patent rights. Such harmo-
nization will assist in the integration of these rights, and
associated obligations, into developing nations’ juris-
prudence and economic policy. Moreover, harmoniza-
tion would allow all of us to hear the music of sustainable
global economic recovery much sooner.

James P. Cain served as U.S. Ambassador to

Denmark from 2005 to 2009. Through Kilpatrick &
Stockton and Cain Global Partners, LLC he now
provides legal and strategic advice for international firms
seeking U.S. expansion and U.S. firms broadening their
international operations.

Kenneth S. Chang, Partner, Kilpatrick & Stockton,

focuses his practice on intellectual property litigation
and counseling. Mr. Chang was named one of Denver’s
“40 Under 40” by the Denver Business Journal, and a
2011 Super Lawyer by SuperLawyers magazine.

G8
Summit 2011

64
 Meeting Promises:
A Call for Moving Forward at the G8 Summit
Monique Perry Danziger, Communications Director, Global Financial Integrity
When G8 meets this month the
agenda will reflect a shift in global
issues since the last G20 meeting
in Seoul. At what promises to be
an emotional and diverse meeting,
it will be vital that the G8 retain its
momentum on reforming global
finance. Increasing transparency
and accountability in financial
practices is a key part of efforts
to foster economic recovery and
create a world economy more
robust and resilient against volatility
and decline.
Progress to date on achieving greater transparency
and accountability in financial practices and financial in-
stitutions has been uneven.
In what was seen as a setback, the long-awaited
Guidance to the Bribery Act published by the UK Ministry
of Justice released in early April significantly eased
previously strong standards of corporate liability as set
out in the original UK anti-Bribery Act. Watchdog groups
decried the watered-down guidelines a concession
to the UKL business lobby and called on the Obama
Administration and the OECD, to press for a more
acceptable standard of enforcement from the UK.
Measures to open the extractive industries to greater
visibility, on the other hand, represented a major gain
for proponents of transparency. Section 1504 of the
Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform Act One would require
extractive resource issuers to disclose payments made
to governments. This requirement, which was inserted
into the legislation during conference negotiations,
is based upon earlier proposals by Senator Richard
Lugar, Senator Benjamin Cardin, and others seeking to
mandate disclosures by extractive industry participants
which are currently voluntary under initiatives such as
the Extractive Industry Transparency Initiative.
The shadow financial system lays at the heart
of much of the economic and political turmoil that
has dominated headlines and no doubt will feature
prominently in the discussions at the G8 and G20 this
year. Money is the lifeblood of most global ills: corruption,
despotism, terrorism, crime, and human rights violations.
Recent events have also thrust illicit finance and
tax havens into the spotlight, once again. The political
G8
Summit 2011
66
upheaval in the Middle East and North Africa resulted in
broad speculation as to where the illicit wealth of heads
of state Ben Ali (Tunisia), Mubarak (Egypt), and Ghaddafi
(Libya) was hiding. The freezing of $30 billion of Libyan
assets in the US raised eyebrows and “brought the issue
home” for many Americans.
Recent analysis by Global Financial Integrity (GFI)
measured significant illicit financial outflows from Tunisia,
Egypt, and Libya which led to increased income inequality
and helped foment the political upheaval now reshaping
the Middle East and North Africa regions. Egypt, for
example, lost $57.2 billion in total from 2000 to 2008
while Algeria lost $25.7 billion over the same time. These
outflows of illicit money helped sustain corrupt dictator-
ships and choke off gains in quality of living standards
despite strong economic growth.
The problem is systemic, requiring comprehensive
solutions. The G20 pledged to tackle tax havens and
foster greater communication and cooperation between
member countries on financial matters. Restoring the
UK Bribery Act to its original form, moving on key pieces
of U.S. legislation like the Incorporation Transparency
Act, and getting the OECD to revamp its tax information
exchange agreements would be a solid start.
In an increasingly globalized world, where the
markets and economies and fates of nations are increas-
ingly interlinked, implementing measures to prevent the
cross-border flow of illicit capital is a necessity. The
massive annual loss of assets from developing countries
sets back poverty alleviation efforts and forestalls
attempts to reach sustainable economic growth in poor
countries and stands in the way of achieving a stable,
prosperous global economy.
The G20 has established a strong intent to tackle
the shadow financial system. The world of late has been
a chaotic and uncertain place. Moving ahead with plans
to implement measures set forth in the G20’s Economic
Development and Anti-Corruption plans represent a
solid and dependable route towards greater global
stability and economic prosperity.
Monique Danziger is the communications
director for Global Financial Integrity, an organization
which promotes national and multilateral policies and
agreements aimed at curtailing the cross-border flow of
illegal money.
 The Digital Divide: Reinventing Rural Community
Experience through Internet Access
By Tisah M. Quarnberg, Jonathan A. Muir, Brady Alex Currit and Ralph B. Brown, Brigham Young University
A significant portion of the world’s populations (49.4
percent, according to the United Nations Population
Division) still reside in rural areas. Accordingly, it is
important for political leaders, city planners and social
scientists to examine the changing dynamics of such
locations. This becomes particularly relevant in light of
social changes to modern society which increasingly
requires a new breed of highly mobile individuals as well
as the rapid advancement of new distance-demolishing
communication technologies, such as Internet services.
High-speed Internet service has successfully
emerged as a necessary market tool for networking,
communication and business transactions as well as
increasing social interaction and recreation. However,
the Internet is not only an individual necessity, but it
also has immense power in influencing basic elements
of community experience. Rural communities with
access to the Internet, as compared to other rural
communities which currently lack Internet access, have
higher levels of community participation, social capital
G8
Summit 2011
68
and community satisfaction and attachment. Internet
access also constitutes an emerging tool for community
growth and sustainability through increasing access to
information.
In an information-based world, information is central
to communication, attainment, commerce, growth and
success. Access to and use of the Internet, therefore,
is critical to survival in the information age. This access
is not limited to individuals; community access to and
use of the Internet is also an ‘empowering tool’ that
not only positively affects communities and community
outcomes, but also connects people, goods and services
within communities and between communities. Thus,
the Internet constitutes a revolutionizing technology
in increasing social integration regardless of relative
geographic isolation. However, when individuals and
communities are not connected to the Internet, they
may feel the effects of social isolation and ‘perceived
non-existence’ across a digital divide.

The digital divide— or the
critical gap in society between
those who do and those who do
not have access to the Internet—
has serious implications for
community development.
These gaps arise as members of society have increas-
ingly divided levels of access to the information available
only on the Internet—information that researchers have
deemed critical to the growth of a community and its
people. These gaps usually tend to widen along socio-
economic lines such as between the rich and poor and
suburban and inner city residents.
While Internet service and adoption is almost
ubiquitous in more urbanized areas, access to Internet
service is unpredictable in rural areas. Urban areas
have had the utility of broadband Internet use for some
time while many rural communities continue to have
no service or limited Internet service. Further, there is
unequal distribution of Internet access among rural
residents within a given rural community. Individuals
with greater education, income and higher social status
are the ones that typically have greater access to the
Internet. This serves to further broaden an already broad
gulf between the rich and the poor throughout the world.
However, this gulf is not a purely economic issue
as non-access has been shown to create serious
social issues such as social isolation and perceived
non-existence of individuals. This happens because
community access to new information mediums enables
community members to learn about and access the
resources available inside (with community information,
announcements, invitations, forums and commerce
more and more often taking place on the Internet) and
outside the community. Thus not having access to the
Internet not only limits an individual’s connection to
the outside world, but also their access to resources
within their local community. Studies such as “Falling
Through the Net” (published by the National Telecom-
munications and Information Administration division of
the U.S. Department of Commerce) capture this idea
that those who do not use the Internet are left behind in
a world that is advancing incredibly fast. Furthermore, it
could be argued that rural communities in some ways
are already “forgotten” and isolated, and therefore the
lack of Internet or other high-speed telecommunications
technology serves to increase the danger of perceived
non-existence that much more. With these dangers in
mind, policy makers must increasingly consider how to
Global Development
best distribute such technology
over social strata.
Bridging the digital divide
isolating individuals and
communities from the Internet
constitutes a new challenge for urban and rural planners,
government officials and political leaders. Answering
this challenge is critical for rural communities who are
already vulnerable due to their geographic isolation.
In an age where access to the Internet symbolizes a
significant step forward in terms of improving quality
of life, enhancing individual and collective freedom
and creating more sustainable communities, rural
communities can’t afford to be left behind.
Tisah M. Quarnberg is a graduate candidate in
Sociology at Brigham Young University (BYU). Her areas
of study include survey research, community and rural
development. Prior to entering the Master of Sociology
program at BYU, Tisah completed a bachelor degree in
Sociology.
Jonathan A. Muir is a graduate candidate in
Sociology at Brigham Young University. His areas
of study include social change, social stratification,
community and rural development. He maintains a
specialization in research pertaining to Southeast Asia.
Prior to entering the Master of Sociology program at
BYU, Jonathan completed bachelor degrees in Asian
Studies and Sociology while minoring in International
Development.
Brady Alex Currit is a graduate student in Sociology
at Brigham Young University. His areas of study include
community development, rural communities, social
change, gender, applied research methods and social
capital. Prior to entering the Master of Sociology
program at BYU, Brady completed bachelor degrees
Sociology while minoring in International Development.
Ralph B. Brown is a Professor of Sociology and
Director of the International Development Minor at
Brigham Young University. He is also the Executive Director
and Treasurer of the Rural Sociological Society. His Ph.D.
(1992) is in Rural Sociology from The University of Mis-
souri-Columbia. His research has centered on community
satisfaction and attachment in rural communities and on
social change and rural development both in the U.S.
and Southeast Asia.
G8
Summit 2011
69

Neil Garner, Founder and CEO of
Proxama explains how the use
of near field communications
(NFC) is about to revolutionise
the use of mobile phones
Much has been written and dis-
cussed about the global unification
that technology offers us. Without
a doubt the web has facilitated a
greater democratisation of com-
munications in recent years through
social media applications such as
Facebook and Twitter but the next
major milestone in the evolution of
technology is going to be focused
on the mobile phone.
This Spring will witness the
first generation of smart phones
that will be enabled with near field
communications (NFC) technology.
NFC enables the transfer of media-
rich content through short-range
wireless signals between a mobile
phone and an NFC-enabled source.
The two main NFC applications
- contactless payments and instant
brand experiences - will revolution-
ise the way consumers use mobile
phones. NFC capability presents a
whole new world of opportunities
for commercial and not-for-profit
organisations.
Contactless mobile payments – or
m-payments – are much like the pay-
ments you can make currently with con-
tactless credit and debit cards, except
they are made by tapping a mobile
phone on a payment terminal. This
money transfer is made possible by a
‘mobile wallet’ – a software application
- that we at Proxama have designed
and will be an integrated feature on new
smart phones. Users simply pre-load
the ‘mobile wallet’ with money via an
online transfer from their bank account
and can then make tap’n’pay transac-
tions. The benefits for both customers
and retailers are many.
m-payments should be consid-
erably quicker than Chip&Pin and
cash transactions which means less
time queuing for consumers and
G8 greater through traffic and improved
Summit 2011
70
customer experiences for retailers.
Security and convenience are
high on the agenda too. Take travel
for instance. Because commut-
ers won’t need to fish out cash or
a card from a wallet or bag, in the
hustle and bustle of train and bus
stations, they will be less vulnerable
to theft or loss. Instead, they’ll just
tap’n’pay for tickets or fares need-
ing only to hold their mobile. And
this scenario might only be months
away from becoming reality as
Proxama’s ‘mobile wallet’ – which
is compatible with major contact-
less payment systems - is currently
being road tested for a potential
introduction as a payment option on
the Johannesburg public transport
network.
So, let’s turn now to the other
significant opportunity that NFC-
enabled mobile phones offer. Not
only is NFC going to breathe new
life into more traditional media such
as posters and bus shelter ads but
it has great potential as a commu-
nications medium for Governments
and public bodies.
Much like with m-payments,
mobile users will be able to tap their
phones onto postage stamp sized
tags that are embedded in posters,
product packaging or point-of-
sale displays. High quality, media-
rich content will then be instantly
downloaded to their phone without
requiring 3G access or a URL link.
Typically this tap‘n’load transaction
could be a coupon or voucher that
the user can then redeem immedi-
ately in-store. Or, it could be a pro-
motional extra such as a pop video
that will grow a brand’s relationship
with a customer. And, the beauty of
NFC is that the downloads can then
be passed on easily to other NFC
mobile users - simply tap‘n’share.
The key to this is the Proxama-
built NFC application that is loaded
onto the phone at source and the
data embedded in the tag that is
supplied by Proxama along with the
tools to enable organisations to cre-
ate their content.
Advertisement
But it’s not just commercial ap-
plications that will benefit from NFC.
This vision is that governments
– national and local – and other
public bodies can reap the rewards
of creating more relevant, impactful
and longer-lasting communications.
For instance, in developing
economies where mobile usage is
the primary channel of communi-
cations, NFC applications can be
used to provide vital information
on health issues to the popula-
tion quickly and cost effectively by
enabling them to tap’n’load con-
tent onto their phone and then to
tap‘n’share with family and friends.
There is huge potential us-
age for NFC mobiles to be used
by government and emergency
services for disseminating informa-
tion in situations such as the recent
earthquakes and tsunami in Japan,
educating people about life-threat-
ening issues such as malaria or
AIDs or even raising awareness of
upcoming elections.
One very valuable execution
NFC offers the pharmaceutical in-
dustry is the validation of drugs and
medication. Individuals will be able
to check details like the source,
ingredients, suitability, dosage and
expiry dates by simply tapping their
mobile on the packaging’s tag, thus
preventing wrong usage or exces-
sive dosage.
There is also the potential to
save significant sums of money and
lessen the impact on the environ-
ment by not having to print leaf-
lets. And of course there’s greater
longevity - whereas leaflets have a
limited shelf-life, information con-
tained on a mobile phone will re-
main usable until the user chooses
to delete it.
NFC is undoubtedly going to
have a seismic impact on the way
the world communicates over the
next few years. We’ll wonder what
we ever did with out it.
 Humanitarian Organizations and the Economic
Downfall –
Policy Implications and What the Future Holds
By Andrew Reeve, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics

The last few years have been an economic roller-
coaster. With the boom and crash of economies all over
the world, there have been major side affects in almost
every region and market. Philanthropy has suffered as
a result of a variety of factors, including the financial
squeeze of big and small business and tight economic
situations many individuals find themselves in today.
As a result, the organizations that carry out humani-
tarian work in the world have found themselves facing
problems such as lack of funding, how to handle the
global recession and how to continue their work for
humanity in the most effective manner.
G8
Summit 2011
For humanitarian organizations to sustain their
programs that better society during a global economic
downturn, they need to create their own ‘survival kits’
that give them the ability to weather economic storms in
order to continue the development of the communities
in the world that need the most help. One solution that
helps change the way these programs function would be
to decrease the funds to programs that are not working,
allowing for reform within the system.
Another way these organizations could sustain their
development in the world would be to create reserve

72

funds that allow them to sustain their most successful
programs. This would allow these organizations to
examine the program outcomes while fighting the global
problem and look at programs that may have deviated
from the original reasons for which they were created.
We can see this issue facing the American Red Cross
and possibly the Red Cross organizations around the
world, especially as we see the continuation of natural
disasters such as the recent tsunami and earthquakes
in Japan and the devastation that ensued due to an
earthquake in Haiti.
This presents us with a formula for calculating the
way things should work in the humanitarian realm.
When a recession hits, funding decreases, leading to
a decrease in the revenue of these organizations. This
means either expenses need to decrease or the organi-
zations can use funds that are on reserve—a prepared
pre-packaged financial kit. Next, these organizations
need to sustain the programs and welfare of the global
community while weathering the economic storm. This
will allow them to rethink and reform the inner-work-
ings of the goods and services they are providing, and
also allow them to logically prepare for the next growth
cycle in the global economy. The key to the equation is
never to allow the successful
programs to cease.
Although humanitar-
ian organizations may have
suffered due to the recent
housing bubble that had
crippling affects on the global
economy, there is still hope
for these organizations to
carry out work in the future to
fight the world’s humanitar-
ian problems. These organi-
zations can create their own
‘survival kit’ and diversify
the way they receive funding; rather than accepting
money from donors, governments or revenue building,
they will be able to continue their work in bettering the
world. Humanitarian organizations need to approach
their spending and the way they receive their funds in
a more diversified manner in order to face upcoming
challenges, including the booms and busts that always
occur in today’s economic climate. There are many
ways in which this ‘survival kit’ can be created. The
best way would be to create an inner financial structure
where these organizations would be able to sustain the
Global Development
welfare of those individuals in society that are in the
most need of help. If the welfare of society is not kept
at a sustainable level the world may go into another era
of turmoil where ideals, not markets, would once again
become the key factor at which governments look.
An article in The Journal of the Operational
Research Society entitled “Humanitarian Aid Logistics:
Supply Chain Management in High Gear,” argues that
logistics are key in order to create sustainability. The
article notes that many humanitarian organizations
leave the “definition of logistics open to loose interpre-
tation” but they generally define it as “the process of
planning, implementing and controlling the efficient,
cost-effective flow of storage of goods and materials as
well as related information, from point of origin to point
of consumption for the purpose of meeting the end ben-
eficiary’s requirements.” This is another key aspect that
needs to be examined in these organizations’ financial
‘survival kits’ so they can sustain their growth into the
future. Being able to receive funds, create the goods
and services needed to combat problems in the global
community and then in turn use them to fulfill the re-
quirements and goals of these organizations, like the
Millennium Development Goals of the United Nations,
will allow these organizations
to grow and fight disasters
into the future.
As we continue on our
economic rollercoaster, hu-
manitarian organizations must
stay focused on logistics,
sustainability and efficiency.
We will be able to watch the
world grow in a peaceful
manner in which the global
community, like a child, grows
in to a developed world where
all can enjoy the benefits of
economic efficiency and success.
Andrew Reeve graduated from the University
of Utah in Political Science, Economics and Interna-
tional Studies. He served Hinckley Institute of Politics
internships, in Washington, D.C., with the Center for
American Progress and in Riobamba, Ecuador, with
Ascend Humanitarian Alliance.
G8
Summit 2011
73
 The Global Economics of Obesity
By Lisa Gable, Executive Director, Healthy Weight Commitment Foundation
Obesity is a problem without borders. It is capturing
the attention of the world, especially as more and more
children suffer from it. Last year, childhood obesity was
the subject of a panel I participated on in Toronto, held
in concert with the G8 meeting nearby.
Around the world, people share similar concerns,
such as their families’ health and their children’s future.
Obesity threatens both. It is a problem in which the U.S.
seems to be taking a dubious lead, but other countries
are not far behind. According to the U.S. Centers for
Disease Control, about 70 percent of Americans are
overweight. About half of them are obese. Globally,
the World Health Organization projects that in 5 years
about 1.6 billion adults will be overweight, and about
400 million will be obese.
Countries in which the problem of obesity is only
beginning to emerge should consider the impact it is
having in the United States. About 1 in 3 kids are obese
or considered “at risk”, and other industrialized countries
are not far behind.
The impact of obesity on our physical health is
bad enough. But it also undermines our fiscal health.
Americans, for example, spend 1 percent of our
economy every year treating obesity-related ailments.
G8
Summit 2011
74
That’s the equivalent of an ongoing recession. But unlike
a recession, the economic cost of obesity just keeps
going and growing. The economic consequences of
obesity show up every day in offices, factories and other
workplaces. Over the course of a year in the United
States, obesity-related disorders are responsible for
nearly 40 million lost workdays, 239 million restricted
activity days, and 63 million doctor visits by employees.
And while the economic costs of obesity are high,
so are the potential economic benefits of addressing
it. In fact, improving the health of employees is one of
the best investments a company can make. A meta-
analysis of studies in Health Affairs found that for every
dollar companies spend on employee wellness, medical
costs fall an average of $3.27. That is the balance sheet
of obesityClearly, obesity poses a major health, social
and economic challenge. We can address it only if we
understand it: what causes it and what we must do to
solve it.
But too often, the facts become overwhelmed by
misconceptions, including a failure to fully recognize its
two-sided character. Yes, obesity is largely about how we
eat, and how many calories we consume. But it is also a
consequence of how we live, and how many calories we
expend – or fail to expend – through physical activity.

As the World Health Organization puts it: “The
fundamental cause of obesity and overweight is an
energy imbalance between calories consumed on one
hand, and calories expended on the other hand.” Along
with a global shift in diet, the WHO has cited “a trend
towards decreased physical activity due to the increas-
ingly sedentary nature of many forms of work, changing
modes of transportation, and increasing urbanization.”
Our increasingly sedentary lifestyle seems to start
in childhood. In addition to the lure that video games,
computers and videos have for children, parents
concerned about their children’s safety increasingly
keep them from parks, playgrounds and sports fields.
And many municipalities and school districts are unable
to afford an adequate parks and recreation budget. In
the United States, less than four percent of elementary
schools, less than eight percent of middle schools, and
just over two percent of high schools provide physical
education or its equivalent for the entire school year.
The reduced access to physical education in
schools is a double threat. Healthy physical activity is
important for both the body and the mind. For example,
a 2007 Journal of Sports and Exercise study in the
U.S. state of Illinois found that children who got good
Global Health
marks on aerobic fitness and body-mass index tended
to have higher scores in reading and mathematics,
regardless of gender or socioeconomic differences. A
study in the southern U.S. state of Georgia found that
after 14 weeks students who spent 40 minutes a day in
organized physical activity demonstrated academic and
cognitive gains that were twice as large as those who
spent only 20 minutes a day. It’s no wonder that Harvard
psychologist Dr. John Ratey has described exercise as
“Miracle Gro for the brain.”
The benefits of energy balance are clear. To reap
them, we have to take in fewer calories, and expend
more through physical activity. We must transform
our sedentary culture into a culture of fitness and
physical action.
It sounds like a simple formula. But we can’t be
simplistic in how we pursue it. We can’t nag people into
living or eating healthier. No one likes being told what
to eat. That is why the Healthy Weight Commitment
Foundation – a unique coalition of more than 150
retailers, food and beverage manufacturers, sporting
goods and insurance companies, trade associations,
NGOs and professional sports associations – is pursuing
an agenda based on balance and moderation. We
believe that the only effective approach is to promote
solutions that make it easier for people to make healthy
choices, to manage “calories-in with calories-out.”
Food manufacturers are making that easier for
consumers through such measures as reducing portion
sizes of existing single-serve products, developing
lower-calorie options, or reformulating recipes. A study
conducted by the Center for Human Nutrition found that
portion-controlled packaging may increase awareness
of portion size, leading to reduced consumption.
But at the same time, it is important that all stake-
holders work to encourage people to increase physical
activity, while decreasing the calories they consume.
The problem will be solved only if we deal with both
sides of that coin.
Lisa Gable is Executive Director of the Healthy
Weight Commitment Foundation and a Senior Advisory
Board member of The Diplomatic Courier magazine.
Prior to her work with the Foundation, Gable held
personal rank of ambassador when she represented the
United States at the 2005 World EXPO in Aichi, Japan.
At 30, she served as an advisor to the Secretary of
Defense holding the protocol status of a 3 star general.
G8
Summit 2011
75
 G8 Should Deliver on Aid Pledges
to Sub-Saharan Africa
Department of Economic and Social Affairs, and Rudi von Arnim, Assistant Professor of Economics at the University of Utah and Hinckley
Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
In 2005 at the Gleneagles Hotel in Scotland, leaders
of G8 countries made commitments to debt relief and
increased aid to the poorest countries, especially in
sub-Saharan Africa. The G8 countries had committed
to the Millennium Declaration in 2000. It was clear that a
concerted effort was needed to achieve the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. Progress,
however, has been slow. G8 aid to Africa falls well short
of promised levels, and falls even below contributions
from the Nordic countries.
G8
Summit 2011
76
Meanwhile, growth in sub-Saharan Africa has picked
up, mainly due to increased world demand for minerals
and other natural resources. The acceleration of growth
rates of gross domestic product (GDP) in sub-Saharan
Africa during the past decade has fueled hopes that the
continent will finally begin to catch up after a lost quarter
century. The acceleration of growth is real, but needs to
be put in perspective. (Together with Oliver Schwank,
we discuss these issues in detail in Working Paper No.
102 of the United Nations’ Department of Social and
Economic Affairs. In this brief essay, sub-Saharan Africa
excludes South Africa unless otherwise noted.)
First, sub-Saharan African annual per capita real GDP
growth averaged a respectable 2 percent in the 1960s,
but slowed down during the 1970s. Between 1980 and
1999, real per capita income for sub-Saharan countries
shrank by about three quarters of a percentage point
annually. From 2000 to 2008, growth was again faster
at 2.4 percent per year. Sub-Saharan Africa has been
second only to East Asia in recovering from the global
crisis, but a lot of ground still needs to be made up.
Second, growth during the last decade was largely
driven by a worldwide boom in minerals and further
discoveries of mineral deposits in the continent. The share
of primary commodities in total exports reached almost
90 percent in the past decade, up from 86 percent in the
previous decade. Economic performance often closely
follows the vagaries of the global commodity price cycle.
High commodity prices might be here to stay—due to
a combination of high demand from emerging market
economies, ‘peak oil’ and political events in oil-export-
ing countries—but such bubbles always end. Further,
natural resource extraction does not have the same
potential as manufacturing to impact development.
In fact, no country in the world has successfully
developed without experiencing a substantial increase
in the share of manufacturing in GDP. On this score,
sub-Saharan Africa does not do well. The share of
manufacturing in GDP for the region is 8 percent, and
has fallen to that level from a high of 12 percent in the
1980s. The manufacturing share for all developing
countries averaged 23 percent in the past decade, with
27 percent in developing Asia. Premature trade liberal-
ization has further damaged already limited manufac-
turing and related export capacities. The region’s share
of world merchandise exports fell from 5 percent in the
1950s to 1.8 percent during 2000-08; its share of world
manufactured exports stands at a paltry one-fifth of one
percentage point.
With deindustrialization came a retreat of
government—even though government must facilitate
private sector economic activity by enforcing the rule
of law, providing political stability and financing public
infrastructure, services and education. Since many
transactions in developing countries are informal and
hence untaxed, poor developing country governments
have traditionally relied on tariffs to raise revenue. Trade
liberalization has reduced the ability to do so, without
providing alternate sources of financing. (A good chunk
of government revenues in the region are, in fact,
taxes on natural resource extraction and exports.) As
a consequence, the share of government spending in
GDP has fallen from about 16 percent during 1980-99
to an average of 13 percent during 2000-08.
Unfortunately, private investment has not picked up
the slack. The share of investment in GDP in sub-Saharan
Africa has steadily fallen during past decades, to only
17 percent now. Many years ago, Nobel Laureate
Arthur Lewis suggested that the principal problem of
development is to transform an economy that saves
only a few percent to one that saves a larger share of
national income, to finance productive investments.
External financial liberalization in the 1980s and
1990s was supposed to mobilize foreign resources.
But portfolio investments in sub-Saharan Africa are
negligible, and ill-suited to facilitate sustainable growth.
Foreign direct investment (FDI) has more potential
to make a positive impact. Appropriately structured
and targeted, FDI can lead to diffusion of technology.
However, Africa’s share of FDI to all developing
economies has fallen from 21 percent in the 1970s to
only 11 percent in recent years, or from 5 percent to
only 3 percent of global FDI.
Moreover, FDI in sub-Saharan Africa overwhelm-
ingly targets natural resource extraction. For example,
the five sub-Saharan countries with the highest share of
regional FDI during the past decade are Angola, Nigeria,
Sudan, Equatorial Guinea and Chad—all oil-exporting
countries. Positive spillovers from these investments
are, of course, limited.
While sub-Saharan growth has resumed after
more than two lost decades, concentration of growth
in natural resource extraction activities has limited its
poverty reducing impact. According to World Bank
estimates, the share of sub-Saharan African population
living in extreme poverty stood at 50 percent in 1980,
and rose to a peak of 58 percent in 1998 before falling
back to 50 percent in 2005. Certainly, this is a welcome
development, but not enough. G8 member countries
should lead the international community, especially the
OECD economies, to fulfill their decades old pledges of
aid to Africa.
Jomo Kwame Sundaram (jomo@un.org) Jomo K.
S. has been Assistant Secretary General for Economic
Development in the United Nations’ Department of
Economic and Social Affairs (DESA) since 2005, and
(Honorary) Research Coordinator for the G24 Inter-
governmental Group on International Monetary Affairs
and Development since 2006. Jomo has authored
or edited over 100 books and translated 12 volumes
besides writing many academic papers and articles for
the media. During 2008-2009, he served as a member
of the [Stiglitz] Commission of Experts of the President
of the United Nations General Assembly on Reforms
of the International Monetary and Financial System. In
2007, he was awarded the Wassily Leontief Prize for
Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought.
Rudiger von Arnim (rudiger.vonarnim@economics.
utah.edu) is Assistant Professor at the University of Utah
in Salt Lake City, UT, USA. He received the doctoral
degree in Economics from the New School for Social
Research in New York, NY, in 2008. His research
focuses on international macroeconomics, trade and
development, particularly the application of computer
simulated models for policy analysis. Von Arnim has
consulted the ILO’s International Institute of Labour
Studies (IILS), Oxfam, UK, and the Inter-governmental
group of Twenty Four (G24), among others.
G8
Summit 2011
77
 The G8 Africa Partnership Must Face
the Challenge of China
By David K. Schneider, Professor of Chinese Studies at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst
On the G8 agenda this year is the partnership with
Africa—development assistance, debt relief, AIDS
programs, food safety, and health. Yet, promoting
development will require not only an approach to these
perennial problems, but also an answer to the challenge
of China’s vision for the continent.
Indeed, the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation
(FOCAC) assumes the “injustice and inequality” of the
international system and seeks to establish “a just
and equitable new international political and economic
order.” As the vastly stronger partner in the relationship,
Beijing will determine what this new order will look like.
The risk for Africa, and the problem for the G8, is
that Africa may well be swallowed up in China’s own
unbalanced economic structure, while losing opportu-
nities to build a private-sector driven system, with free
connectivity with global trade and capital markets.
Employment and political stability in China depend
upon massive capital investment in heavy industry and
cheap exports. Beijing therefore needs two things:
reliable access to resource supplies and a competitive
yuan exchange rate.
The first is essential for the viability of the
state-owned–socialist–industrial sector, and the second
to keep exports competitive–the engine of China’s
capitalist sector. Both are highly sensitive to commodity
inflation on the one hand, and exchange rate apprecia-
tion on the other.
China’s quest for reliable flows of commodity
resources involves not the West, but Central Asia,
the Middle East, and Africa. The diplomatic organiza-
tions that govern these relationships–the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization, the China-Arab Cooperation
Forum, and the FOCAC–operate as mercantile organi-
zations.
As in Central Asia and the Middle East, Beijing is
committing considerable investment to the infrastruc-
ture and resource capacity of a number of African
countries, with robust government support for Chinese
enterprises building transportation, communications,
water conservancy, electricity, and energy projects.
Growth rates in Africa have risen as a result. But the
economic boost may not last as long as many hope.
Over dependence on China risks making Africa a mere
G8
Summit 2011
78
regional component of China’s state-owned industrial
sector. Beijing’s development credits are tied; the
continent exports energy and raw materials to China’s
heavy industries as payment for imports of Chinese
capital equipment and machinery. African economies will
thus develop as mirror images of the Chinese economy.
That reflection, however, will not include an African
private sector with global connectivity and growing
export industries, the very factors that produced all
post-WWII development miracles. It is not only resource
exports and infrastructure investment that produce
development. Deregulation and integration into global
free trade must follow for a breakout to occur. It was
when New Delhi began to disempower the “License
Raj” and to empower its private sector to trade with the
world that the Indian economy began to take off.
But the best example is China itself. Rapid growth in
trade and foreign investment came with China’s opening
to global markets over the past 30 years, facilitated by
Beijing’s capitalist economic diplomacy, a web of trade
and investment agreements with the West and Japan,
and later, full membership in the World Trade Organiza-
tion (WTO).
The reforms have now advanced to the point where
China’s trade is regulated not so much by administra-
tive means but by the exchange rate. An undervalued
yuan prolongs China’s dependence on low value-added
exports—whose profit margins are sometimes so low
as to require state subsidies to maintain employment—
and denies other developing countries, including
African countries, opportunities to invest in these same
industries.
The need to keep exports running at a sprint
pace entails pegging the yuan to the dollar and other
currencies and keeping it undervalued, not a sustainable
development model over the long term. While the
government has begun an effort to reduce China’s
dependence on exports and to move toward a domestic,
consumer-driven economy, the transition will be difficult.
As the yuan appreciates, Chinese domestic
purchasing power will rise and inflation will diminish.
But the export engine will slow, putting growth and
employment in that sector into decline before growth
in the consumer sector can generate a compensating
source of employment.
 This would raise the risk of an economic crash similar
to that Japan experienced at the beginning of the 1990s,
with one significant difference: in China such an outcome
would lead to serious social and political upheaval,
threatening Communist rule. Thus, significant exchange
rate liberalization is highly unlikely in the near term.
This places African nations in a double bind: first,
integration into China’s socialist-mercantile system links
Africa with the least efficient sectors of the Chinese
economy, while embedding the continent in a web of
managed trade regulations, tied to the vicissitudes of
Beijing’s economic priorities.
Second, China’s exchange rate dilemma crowds out
significant opportunities for African development of the
very export industries that are now lifting China, India
and other emerging economies out of poverty, thereby
limiting Africa’s potential for lucrative connectivity with
global trade and capital markets.
The G8 must craft an approach to Africa that deals
with these problems. One important step will be a firm
multilateral effort to work with Beijing to implement a
sustained transition toward a more balanced growth
strategy that emphasizes consumption as well as
G8
Summit 2011
80
investment and exports, designed to move China
toward full integration with the world free trade and
investment regime, and leading eventually to full con-
vertibility of the yuan.
In the meantime, the traditional aid strategy will not
be enough. The G8 governments must offer a strong
alternative program of trade liberalization, privatization,
private sector investment financing and tax incentives,
especially for small and medium sized enterprises, and
debt relief, combined with vigorous public and diplomatic
support for African linkages with global markets and
private capital investment.
After decades of stagnation, some African nations
are poised to lead the continent toward a bright
economic future. But to get there, Africa, like China
before it, will need extensive inflows of private capital
from the West and access to global free markets to
make the transition from stagnation and dependence to
prosperous independence.
David K. Schneider, formerly a U.S. Foreign
Commercial Service Officer with posts to Beijing and
St. Petersburg, is a professor of Chinese Studies at the
University of Massachusetts, Amherst
 Promoting Economic and
Political Liberty and Women’s Equality in Africa
By Michelle D. Bernard, Chairman, Founder, President and CEO, the Bernard Center for Women, Politics & Public Policy
Public attention is focused on Libya, but internation-
al poverty underlies much of the conflict in the Middle
East. The suffering of billions of people around the
globe remains one of our most serious challenges. The
West learned the secrets of economic growth centuries
ago. Asia is now catching up economically. It is Africa’s
turn to provide its people with freedom and opportunity.
The history of humanity was one of poverty. The rise
of commercial society transformed the old social order.
Today, the G8 members demonstrate how capitalism
uplifts the poor. Markets are not enough to ensure
that everyone prospers, but markets are essential for
prosperity. And that prosperity is necessary for most
other measures of social progress, such as providing
better health care.
Democracy also matters. Accountability of political
leaders, respect for the dignity of the human person,
protection for personal and family autonomy—all of
these are necessary to build prosperous and good
societies.
Related to both is the status of women. The point is
not just the immorality of treating women as chattel. It
is the practical waste of treating women as chattel. As
columnist Kathleen Parker noted: “Without exception,
every nation that oppresses women is a failed and,
therefore, dangerous nation.”
At its May summit the G8 should make Africa’s
transformation a priority. No doubt, there is fatigue in the
West dealing with decades of crises in Africa. Indeed,
experience demonstrates that traditional foreign aid
G8
Summit 2011
82
often hinders progress. Government-to-government
transfers tend to entrench political and economic elites.
But only the democratic, capitalist nations in the West
have answers for Africa’s problems.
After years of distress, Africa has been growing over
the last decade. However, many countries, such as
Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of the Congo,
remain limited by past crises. Moreover, a number of
African nations risk taking a counterproductive detour
through Beijing.
No doubt, the People’s Republic of China has
grown spectacularly. And it has done so because its
rulers chose to abandon Maoist collectivism for relatively
free markets. But the Chinese model has limits. Most
obviously, no African nation has the PRC’s large
reservoir of low-paid workers for employment in Western
enterprises. Moreover, even China may be running into
economic constraints: the supply of Chinese workers is
not endless and many now are demanding sizable pay
increases. More important, China’s attempt to expand
an economic marketplace within an autocratic political
framework risks social explosion. Even the Beijing
authorities acknowledge tens of thousands of protests
every year. These would overwhelm most African
nations.
Chinese investment in Africa has proved useful,
but the Chinese are no less controlling than European
colonial overlords. For instance, Zambia has been
rocked by protests over Chinese mine managers who
shot 13 protesting workers last year.
Perhaps the best African model is Botswana. It is
more democratic and capitalist than China. Botswana
shows African nations how to succeed. And it shows
the G8 countries what Africa needs to succeed.
Africa doesn’t need more promises of aid.
Observed economist Bill Easterly, “The G8’s solution
to the problems of the poor is apparently to bore them
out of poverty through sheer wordiness. They reaffirm
previous reaffirmations, amplify previous amplifications,
and clarify previous clarifications.”
At the upcoming G8 Africa summit both rich and
poor nations need to take a different approach. The first
is to expand market opportunities for African nations.
That can be best achieved by reducing Western protec-
tionism. The U.S. and Europe should stop protecting
their farmers at the expense of poor peoples around the
world. The Doha round of the World Trade Organiza-
tion needs to be reinvigorated. Wealthy nations should
unilaterally reduce trade barriers.
The second approach is sensible debt cancel-
lation. The West should not reward political improvi-
dence by routinely relieving indebted governments of
their obligations. But when an earlier dictatorial regime
ran up the debts, reforms have been made, and new
leaders commit to limit future borrowing, debt relief may
be warranted.
Third, the G8 should continue to promote
democracy. Rather than emphasizing human rights, the
West should point to stability. Political repression has
wrecked Zimbabwe. A stolen election in Ivory Coast
led to national conflict. A potent mix of autocracy and
poverty exploded in the Middle East. Even China may
eventually realize that more popular participation is
necessary to promote social stability.
Finally, the West should promote the role of women.
Although human rights underlie the case for equality,
there is a more practical objective: to employ all of
Africa’s human talent. The status of women in Africa
is not as bad as that in some Middle Eastern nations,
but they nevertheless suffer from social discrimination,
inadequate education, and violent mistreatment. Yet,
even today the rate of female entrepreneurship is higher
in Africa than in any other region of the world.
Countries that have suffered the most have the
greatest need to draw upon their women’s talents.
For instance, in Rwanda women have been making
substantial economic and political advances. The U.S.
Department of State recently sent a women’s technology
delegation to Liberia and Sierra Leone, explaining that
these two nations “are now positioned to lead change
and build better futures for women and girls.”
The road ahead remains long and difficult. It is
critical to improve education and economic opportu-
nities. But long-term economic growth also requires
political and social reform. The G8 cannot force Africa
to change. But the West can, and must, encourage
greater home-grown change.
Michelle D. Bernard is the chairman, founder,
president and CEO of the Bernard Center for
Women, Politics & Public Policy and an MSNBC
political analyst. Ms. Bernard is a regular panelist
with Hardball with Chris Matthews, the Dylan
Ratigan Show, and The McLaughlin Group.
Ms. Bernard is the author of Women’s Progress: How
Women Are Wealthier, Healthier and More Independent
Than Ever Before.
G8
Summit 2011
83
 Helping the South Sudanese Diaspora Return Home
By Sheldon Wardwell, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Amid this year’s political change in North Africa,
many forget that history is also being made to the south
and east of Libya, Tunisia and Egypt. 2011 will also
usher in the birth of the world’s newest country: South
Sudan. Despite a great deal of international support
and a promising financial boon from oil reserves,
South Sudan faces many challenges in establishing a
functioning state.
In an extremely poor and volatile region composed
primarily of former rebel fighters and returning refugees,
loyalty often belongs to tribal leaders, not to the nascent
government run by the Sudanese People’s Liberation
Movement (SPLM), whose army led the fight for inde-
pendence. In order to avoid a massive internal conflict
and establish trust among its citizens, the government
must implement widespread public services and institu-
tions aimed at developing a middle class and giving the
people a voice.
Beyond the tribalism, there remains an important
distinction between southerners: those who stayed
and fought as rebels, and those who fled the region
as refugees, most ending up in refugee camps in poor
G8
Summit 2011
84
neighboring countries. Though neither situation is
something to be scoffed at, those who fought in the
bush faced atrocious conditions, often went for days
without food, gave up any possibility of receiving an
education and continued fighting with no end in sight.
Understandably, these former soldiers, who form a bulk
of the ruling SPLM, are hesitant to share their new-found
power with others.
Though many experts believe it will be at least a
lifetime before significant power is shared, the SPLM
has shown willingness to include others in establishing
the new government. Such was the case at the political
parties’ conference held in October 2010, in which
23 political parties united, calling for timely and
transparent conduct of the referendum, which would
later allow them to vote for unity or separation with the
north. The gathering resolved that if the south achieved
independence the government would establish a consti-
tutional review committee composed of members from
various parties.
Months later, the south went on to win its right for in-
dependence with an astonishing 99 percent of the vote,

set to take effect on July 9, 2011. The government has
since been criticized after some key political parties
pulled out of the constitutional review committee for what
they called the SPLM’s “dominance over all decisions.”
In response, the government has assured the people
that the interests and views of all South Sudanese will
be considered when writing the new constitution, and
citing the opposition parties’ extreme demands (50
percent of power in parliament, the cabinet and state
governments) as the source of the committee’s fracture.
Although the government’s sincerity about
addressing the interests of the people may be ques-
tionable, one thing remains clear: the time for taking
full responsibility of the country is very near, and if the
government wishes to avoid a catastrophe similar to
the ones which have plagued the region for the last
50 years, it needs to make sure the people are heard.
The government’s success and livelihood will depend,
in large, on its ability to ensure that public services are
accessible to all ordinary people, which is a daunting
task, especially considering the lack of infrastructure in
the region and the fact that the ruling SPLM is dominated
by semi-literate military figures.
Creating a competent government is going to
require a forged relationship between those who stayed
and fought, the ruling SPLM, and the refugees who have
been pouring in since the 2005 comprehensive peace
agreement. Largely untapped, and potentially one of
the most valuable resources available to the south, are
the thousands of refugees currently living in developed
western countries, namely the United States, where
they have been receiving advanced educations and
gaining critical skills in fields such as business, public
policy, engineering, health and education. They have
also become accustomed to democratic processes
and norms, attributes which will prove indispensable for
building a new democratic state.
With 6.8 billion barrels in proven oil reserves, and
an abundance of untapped minerals (gold, copper, iron
ore and more), a stable South Sudan offers the exciting
Africa
prospect of a major natural resource exporter, as well
as a moderate ally in a dangerous neighborhood. For
this and many other reasons, leading countries such as
the United States and China have shown a great deal of
interest in seeing that the region achieve stability. As in-
dependence draws nearer, assisting a broad workforce
of skilled and educated South Sudanese to return home
may be the most effective form of aid the international
community can offer.
Over the past two years, I have had the opportunity
to interview several South Sudanese, including soldiers
and citizens in Juba, South Sudan’s capital, and refugees
currently living within the United States. Despite
reports of resentment between SPLM leadership and
those wishing to return home, nearly every interviewee
expressed a strong sense of camaraderie with their
distant brothers, many in Juba noting the crucial
support they had received from the diaspora in the form
of remittances, small loans and construction projects.
Conversely, a majority of South Sudanese within the
U.S. clearly long to return home and assist with recon-
struction; the major factor holding them back, however,
is the prohibitive cost of relocating and finding work.
Programs offering assistance to such refugees have
already been proposed, such as the Return of the Lost
Boys and Lost Girls of Sudan Act, introduced in the
United States House of Representatives in 2007. The
bill sought to assist the well-known group in voluntarily
returning to South Sudan to assist in reconstruction.
Citing the resilient and ambitious nature of this group,
their reputation for maintaining employment while
pursuing higher education, as well as their expressed
interest to return, the bill proposed creating a program
which, in coordination with the Sudanese government
and international actors, would identify projects that
could benefit from the talents and skills of those returning
and appropriate funds to help cover the travel, living,
student loan repayment and other costs associated with
the transition. Though the bill never passed the House
Committee on Foreign Affairs, it offers an outline of
what G8/G20 governments could potentially do, though
the eligibility of such a program should be expanded
to include all Southern Sudanese refugees, not just the
Lost Boys and Lost Girls.
Sheldon Wardwell graduated from the University
of Utah in 2009 with a B.S. in Political Science and Inter-
national Relations Certificate. After graduation, Sheldon
served a Hinckley Institute of Politics Internship with the
Rwanda Governance Advisory Council, and conducted
field research in South Sudan.
G8
Summit 2011
85
 Tools of Engagement:
Winning the Social Media War
Expanding dialogue can help develop and restore trust
By Sheldon Wardwell, Hinckley Institute of Politics
More than 200 years before the invention of the
Internet, a Boston tradesman gave a powerful demon-
stration of the efficacy of social networking. As British
troops prepared to march toward the American cities
of Lexington and Concord on April 18, 1775, Paul
Revere and William Dawes rode through the night on
separate routes delivering a message meant to mobilize
opposition. Author Malcolm Gladwell, in his book
The Tipping Point, described how the well-traveled
Revere’s many social connections enabled him to set
the countryside on fire in a way Dawes was unable to
match. The success of the famous “Midnight Ride”
helped the American colonists win a decisive military
and public relations battle.
Today, digital technology has brought new tools to
quickly and effortlessly bring people together. Reports
of protests aided by technology are not new. Text
messages were said to have aided the successful 2001
ouster of Philippine President Joseph Estrada and were
also credited with galvanizing support in Ukraine’s 2005
Orange Revolution.
More recent events in Iran, Moldova, Egypt, Libya
and Tunisia have demonstrated the global reach of
newer social media tools such as Facebook, YouTube
and Twitter. These tools do not drive revolutions any
more than Paul Revere’s horse mobilized an army. But
they do act as an accelerant allowing natural events to
organize and take shape much more quickly and broadly
than they otherwise might have.
The response to these tools has ranged from hope
to fear. Any tool that brings together protestors who
can bring down governments is powerful. Depending
on where you stand, a digitally-networked population
can be your strongest weapon or your worst nightmare.
Sensing a potential threat, some governments have
tried to censor or shut down access to social media.
These efforts will fail. Social networking technologies are
here to stay. Their influence and reach will only continue
to grow. And frankly, that’s a good thing. Today’s digital
delivery services offer unprecedented opportunities for
governments and citizens to engage and interact.
Recognizing the power of social media, U.S.
Speaker of the House of Representatives John Boehner
asked me to lead a Technology Operations Team to
G8
Summit 2011
86
expand the dialogue between the American people
and their elected leaders. Speaker Boehner recognizes
the potential of these technologies to help us more
effectively unite people, monitor public perspectives and
share information.
When Paul Revere and his fellow colonists initially
fought the British, they did so as a single colony. But
as word slowly began to spread, all 13 colonies came
together, forming Committees of Correspondence
to coordinate their efforts. Today in America, those
connections among the like-minded are happening
faster than ever. The swift rise of a freshman Illinois
Senator to President of the United States was aided in
part by social media tools. Similarly, the surge of the
so-called Tea Party movement in response to President
Obama’s policies was equally rapid and significant.
Such movements can develop quickly. If we don’t run
with these tools, we will be run over by them.
In addition to uniting the like-minded, digital tools
provide a critical portal into public opinion. Had King
George III and the British Parliament in 1775 been able
to see the thought bubbles of the American subjects
(thoughts we now see expressed on Twitter), they might
not have been so surprised by the response to the battles
at Lexington and Concord. From 3,000 miles away, the
British expected American colonists to be grateful for the
protection provided by the King. They were completely
unaware how deeply the message of freedom and in-
dependence was resonating across British America. It
is incumbent upon leaders to listen to the people we
represent and to address the concerns that resonate
within our communities. Instead of shutting down
dialogue, we win the social media war by encouraging
engagement and even participating in it. To the extent
there is widespread dissatisfaction with government
policies, we can work to address concerns before they
develop into full scale revolts. Although social media
does not give us an omniscient perspective of public
opinion, it provides valuable snapshots that can confirm
public support or warn us of danger ahead.
As beneficial as connecting with and receiving
public feedback can be, the real advantage of
social media is the ability to join the conversation.
Public perception is shaped by facts. People are
smart. When we make public policy, they want
to understand the facts that drive our policies.
Therein lies the greatest opportunity and challenge
of a social media age.
The American colonists understood that winning
the public relations battle meant getting the truth out
first. Anticipating that the British version of events
would likely differ from theirs, Boston’s Sons of Liberty
hastily compiled narratives describing the battles at
Lexington and Concord from the American perspective.
Recognizing that British General Thomas Gage’s report
was traveling on a slow ship, the Americans deliberately
sent their stories via the fastest ship they could find.
By the time General Gage’s version of events arrived in
England, British newspapers had already reported the
facts of the battle from the American perspective.
In order to build support for our policies and
positions, it is necessary to address misperceptions
with real facts. Complex problems can be intimidating
to understand and difficult to explain. Some citizens will
see complicated issues like foreign or monetary policy
as a big elephant they could never eat. But social media
allows us to feed people that elephant one bite at a time
– sharing facts over time that ultimately educate and
enlighten. If we want to build support for our policies
and positions, we have to be able to compete with a
broad range of messages in the public marketplace.
The surest way to build support is to have facts on our
side. When our solutions make sense, our facts are
unimpeachable and our message resonates, there’s
virtually no limit to how far and fast our message can
travel in today’s digital age. The axiom that “if you’re
explaining, you’re losing” does not have to be true.
Social media does not create or even drive political
revolution. But the effectiveness of these tools in accel-
erating existing movements means leaders ignore them
at their peril. Instead, we must use these tools to earn
and instill public trust in our institutions and account-
ability in ourselves. Paul Revere’s success came from
his ability to deliver a message that resonated to people
who shared his concerns. To the extent we are willing to
govern responsively, we have more to gain from social
media than we have to fear.
Congressman Jason Chaffetz was elected in
2008 to represent Utah’s Third Congressional District.
He distinguished himself by building a grass roots
campaign organization rooted in principle and with a
demonstrated commitment to fiscal discipline.
G8
Summit 2011
87
 Tunisia: Perfect Storm for Reform?
By Abdulwahab Alkebsi, Regional Director for Africa and the Middle East, Center for International Private Enterprise
In recent months, the Tunisian and Egyptian people
have peacefully overturned decades of authoritarian
rule, withstanding an onslaught of state apparatuses
that have kept them in fear for decades. The new face of
the Arab people – young, vibrant, educated, organized,
connected, and hungry for democracy – has replaced
stereotypes of a people mired in authoritarian political
structures. The claims that the Arab world does not
want democracy may finally be put to rest.
In Tunisia, the immediate challenge is for the people
to shift from protesting against, to deciding what they
are for as they shape their country’s future. But in a
worrisome trend, politicians are not offering substantive
reform solutions, calling instead for populist “quick-fix”
responses such as government salary increases,
subsidies, and public sector expansion. While such
measures may appease Tunisians in the short term, they
will provoke massive capital flight if they continue, and
lead to a vicious circle of shrinking opportunity, rising
anger, and further chaos.
That said, Tunisia has every chance of improving
economic life for its citizens as well as attracting foreign
investment if it follows through with a democratic trans-
formation and includes the right economic reforms.
A democratic state that is dependent on revenues
generated from its citizens and businesses will
necessarily become accountable to its citizens. Unlike
other countries in the region, Tunisia’s economy is not
solely dependent on natural resources but on the pro-
ductivity of its workforce and the ability and innovation
of its private sector. Tunisia has many valuable assets at
the ready: ample human capital, including an educated
and hardworking youth population; connectivity to the
developed world; a secular middle class; and a reform-
minded private sector. Tunisia’s many assets create the
opportunity for this period of transition to become a
perfect storm for reform.
Ultimately, the country’s leaders must come together
and develop their own roadmap for reform. Yet, it is
clear that any plan would have to include some basic
elements:
Legal & Regulatory Reform – There is an urgent need
to harmonize and simplify the laws that govern the local
economy and investment. Reducing legal and regulatory
burdens will reduce opportunities for corruption, foster
private sector growth, increase transparency, and
strengthen rule of law. This will have a direct influence
on consolidating democratic governance and improving
economic growth.
Anti-Corruption – Tunisians must make combating
corruption a national priority and address it from an in-
G8
Summit 2011
88
stitutional level, including developing a robust respect
for the rule of law. Transparency in decision-making
means not only addressing opportunities for corruption
in government institutions, but also supporting
businesses’ understanding of corporate governance
and the many linkages between improving private and
public governance. One prominent example is the
improvement of customs offices and regulations to
eliminate the opportunities for bribery.
Public Sector Reform – Current levels of public
sector employment are an untenable strain on
resources. Reform of this inefficient sector must be a
national priority. Improved governance of state-owned
enterprises would increase the efficiency and effective-
ness of the public sector. In a new Tunisia, the private
sector needs to be the engine of growth, competitive-
ness, and high-value job generation.
The Role of Civil Society – Civil society organiza-
tions represent a diverse group of reform-oriented
institutions, including chambers of commerce, asso-
ciations, and think tanks. They need assistance with
strategic planning and advocacy techniques so that
citizens from all positions on the political spectrum
can participate in the marketplace of ideas and enrich
Tunisia’s democratic experience.
The private sector’s immediate and dedicated
political engagement is crucial for Tunisia to attain its
development goals and take its place as the economic
powerhouse of the region. This includes active
dialogue with emergent political parties as they develop
substantive economic platforms. In Tunisia, youth used
its collective voice to demand democratic change.
Tunisia can be the test case for a new development
model for the entire region, leaving behind authoritarian-
ism and economic stagnation and moving forward with
healthy improvements in economic growth, high-quality
jobs, and democratic, accountable governance.
This model will only succeed if the new policymak-
ing process for the country includes input from diverse
actors within Tunisian society – political parties, civil
society, labor, and, importantly, the voice of the private
sector. Crucially, the enormous excitement generated by
a “perfect storm” of favorable conditions for reform must
be harnessed into positive energy if Tunisia is to realize
the full potential of this golden opportunity.
Abdulwahab Alkebsi recently conducted a trip
to Tunisia, where he met with political leaders from
government and the opposition, as well as leaders of
the private sector, labor, and civil society.
 Does your marketing message
get remembered?
- Don’t just tell’em...SHOW’em

Be unique and be remembered

Instantly establish personal connection and credibility
Outstanding results - Modest investment

How it works Where to use it When to use it

You provide us a 15-60 second script or completed video In an email campaign Monthly email news letter
We can provide you a spokesperson of your choice In your email signature Send a tip of the month
We put your video marketing card together On your web page Daily email correspondence
We attach links to the front and back of your card On your facebook page Personal greeting
We send you the code to embed it in your online marketing On Linkedin and Twitter Follow up

www.intro60.com . email@intro60.com . 801-694-6449

 Increasing Access to Workforce-Ready Talent:
A Look at the “Partnership for Lebanon”
By Christopher K. Bramwell, America-Mideast Education and Training Services, Inc. (AMIDEAST)
The ability to hire workforce-ready employees is one
of the most mission-critical requirements for any orga-
nization. For decades, U.S. companies have expanded
operations in international markets, but there is
something emerging here: a “disconnect” that demands
companies’ attention.
We are entering an era of talent scarcity where lack
of access to ready talent threatens a favorable business
climate and creates drag on a company’s achievement of
its performance goals, or those of its partners, including
suppliers and distributors.
When education systems produce professionals
with basic knowledge, but not the skills to apply it in the
workplace, multinationals face a talent gap that slows
their performance.
Closing the Talent Gap
Only 25 percent of Indian professionals are
considered employable by multinationals, according to
research published by Hewlett and Rashid in the May
2010 issue of the Harvard Business Review.
Companies that ignore the other 75 percent—using
the India example as an illustrative case—will face an
ever-deepening talent gap as they and their partners
attempt to penetrate or expand into new international
markets and have to manage the risks related to hiring
unprepared labor.
Corporate decision makers walk a fine line between
expanding international operations into areas that
are not workforce ready and waiting for interven-
tions that will produce a more prepared labor force.
They could expand operations too quickly or too
soon and play catch up with local talent that is ill-pre-
pared to meet job demands.
Or they could wait, but wait for what? Wait for local
education systems to produce job-ready talent? Wait
for cultural shifts that encourage such values as collabo-
ration across networks, continuous learning, or leading
by influence?
Companies don’t have to wait for major sectoral
changes in a country’s education system to achieve
the workforce readiness they require to grow. Nor
do companies have to “fix” education systems. They
can instead focus on market segments and create
G8
Summit 2011
90
alternative pathways for getting professionals into
the workforce. The result is enhanced career oppor-
tunities for the community and a more innovative and
effective workforce for the company and its partners.
This advances the company and creates the favorable
business climate necessary for performance and
shareholder value.
“Partnership for Lebanon”
In 2007, Cisco Systems teamed with the non-gov-
ernmental organization America-Mideast Education
and Training Services, Inc. (AMIDEAST) under the
“Partnership for Lebanon” to create alternative pathways
to employment. The plan pipelined high-potential talent
into pathways that served as direct feeders into the
Lebanese workforce.
Qualified Lebanese professionals worked as interns
with companies in Lebanon and in the U.S. One group of
interns was placed with different Cisco Systems partners
in Lebanon—companies that were not in a position to
take on new staff. Through this program, Cisco covered
the costs, allowing the interns to develop revenue-gen-
erating work streams and otherwise add value to the
partner company. At the end of the 11-month program,
all the interns were hired by the partner companies as
full-time employees, where they continue to enhance
business operations and generate new revenue.
Other groups of Lebanese professionals were
pipelined into six-month internships with the Cisco
Systems corporate headquarters in San Jose, California.
All returned to Lebanon and found full-time employment
with Cisco Systems, Cisco partners or other institutions,
including a bank that became a Cisco client after the intern
it hired convinced them to purchase Cisco products.
In the partnership, AMIDEAST provided support
that Cisco preferred to outsource: identifying the talent,
developing the corporate internships in Lebanon and
monitoring the progress of the interns in Lebanon and
those in the U.S. Cisco Systems funding supported
the activities, Cisco headquarters worked directly
with U.S.-based interns, and it was Cisco’s vision that
determined the objectives and overall direction.
As a result of this program, Cisco Systems stands
to gain market share in Lebanon through greater
innovation from the interns, new growth and strength
from its partner companies, increased market reach and
growth, and increased competitiveness.
 The program not only empowered the interns
and increased their sense of well-being, but it has
a multiplier effect in doing so for the interns’ families
and the communities in which they live. In this way,
Cisco has also contributed to a more favorable climate
in which to conduct business and they enhanced their
brand and reputation.
Corporate Social Responsibility Funding or Busi-
ness Strategy Investing?
Workforce-readiness programs that are accountable
to advancing the company and creating a favorable
business climate can be articulated as a strategy of
investing in high-value programs and partnerships that
promote human progress and economic development.
An education and training focus within that strategy,
such as pipelining talent through internships, will achieve
a better workforce and a better community in which the
business can operate.
Improving the business and investment environment
and services for the company makes capital safe.
Improving the capacities of the company to operate
makes capital welcome. And improving the impact of
investment on the educated, but unprepared labor force
is where we talk about profitability for companies and
their partners.
In other words, this strategy with its focus on
education and training addresses three dimensions of
capital. Human capital development results in a more
prepared labor pool. Increased social capital provides
a better community and business climate in which to
operate. Financial capital advances the business and
achieves required performance with profitability and
financial return.
A surprising bonus is that where these three areas
overlap, you have what might be called “strategic philan-
thropy” that companies can capitalize on for reputation
and employee retention, which are both important
business drivers.
Companies can fund this kind of program as
a corporate social responsibility strategy that has
business value or invest in this as a business strategy
that also has social value. Either way, companies have
the most convenient platform of all to work with—their
own business operations. Through mentoring and
internship pathways that use that platform, companies
can serve as direct feeders for talent into the workforce,
driving their own core business strategy, and creating
social capital.
For more information about the Cisco-AMIDEAST
partnership or details about the program to pipeline
high-potential talent, contact Ms. Kate Archambault,
karchambault@amideast.org.
Christopher K. Bramwell is based in Washington,
D.C., and has worked on development assistance
programs with non-governmental organizations for over
25 years. Chris has experience in over 50 countries,
speaks three languages, and holds a bachelor’s degree
from Brigham Young University and a master’s degree
from Harvard University.
G8
Summit 2011
91
 Social Media and Rethinking
‘The Clash of Civilizations.’
By Graig Klein, Contributor, The Diplomatic Courier
The rapidly maturing field of social media, spe-
cifically websites such as Facebook and Twitter, has
powerfully challenged dictatorial legitimacy, becoming
a platform for democratic discussion under repressive
regimes, challenging the way we theorize the nature
of conflict itself. While dictatorial countries might
have tried over the past decade to control social
media outlets, China and Iran, for instance, censure
and sometimes block websites including Facebook,
Twitter and Flickr, these same websites, have played
a significant role in the initiation and the brevity of
the overthrow of dictators in Egypt and Tunisia, and
are currently influencing pro-democracy movements
throughout the Middle East including in Bahrain and
Syria since the beginning of 2011.
As the nature of peace and conflict has so greatly
shifted in the past decade so must the dialogue. Since
Foreign Affairs published Samuel Huntington’s influential
article, “The Clash of Civilizations,” in 1996, it has
become a relic, a symbol of the dynamics of conflict
before the average citizen was given an internation-
al cyber venue. Huntington argued on the nature of
conflict after the Cold War: While cultures may mitigate
geographic boundaries (i.e. the Western culture, the
Arab culture) and form alliances based on broader
ideologies (a phenomena attributed to the Cold War),
differences between countries that share the same
ideology would diminish in significant as globalization
intensified and civilizations with dissimilar cultural norms
and ideologies would also more frequently interact
resulting in the new frontier of conflict–the clash of civi-
lizations. But as the world becomes more technologi-
cally advanced, can this theory be applied to the future
nature of conflict as we have observed it over the past
few months? Could it instead be argued that cultural
differences and cleavages are lessened by the greater
level of cross-cultural communication and interaction
that social media outlets have provided; that instead
of becoming more distinguishable culturally and letting
our differences divide us, are we in fact, the younger
generations, becoming more united under democratic
principles?
The lack of cross-cultural communication has been
a challenging dilemma for nation states, especially
repressed countries, to overcome in the past decade,
yet, recently it seems as though these cyber platforms,
becoming more utilized, have helped aid revolutionary
thinking and have stimulated the brevity of revolution
itself. The effortlessness of disseminating opinion,
G8 photographs and activities and the overly easy viewing
Summit 2011
92
of such information provides a new dimension in cross-
cultural communication and develops a new frontier
for transcending ostensible cultural blockades and
impasses.
Aside from challenging Huntington’s perception of
the dynamic path of conflict, technological advance-
ments confront nation states’ relative monopoly on
technology to influence peace and security. Social
media platforms provide a means of quickly arousing a
critical mass, an ingredient for a successful revolution.
By providing a platform for mass communication and
mass dissemination of protest locations and information,
it can enable activists to quickly assemble support and
achieve the critical mass required to initiate reform. As
technology continues to increase in importance, in both
21st century revolutions and other political and social
demonstrations, it has become a crucial aspect for any
group to accomplish its agenda.
The recent non-violent protest movements in the
Middle East and North Africa provide a good example
of this utilization: as early as April 2010, Facebook
groups were formed not only in Egypt, but throughout
the Middle East in support of Mohammad El Baradei’s
return to Egypt and suspicion of his political ambitions.
When protests began in Cairo in January 2011, they
centered around the leadership of youth who utilized
Facebook to organize and vent frustration over the
torture and death of innocent individuals throughout the
country. Egypt quickly recognized the influence social
media had on the democratic movement and attempted
to stop the organizing ability of social media platforms
by shutting down internet connectivity. An example of
government attempting to maintain the monopoly over
technological advantages in conflict, but it did not work.
Several international organizations and countries urged
Egypt to reactivate internet connectivity. Twitter and
Google did not wait for Egypt’s response; instead the
two companies violated this monopoly: undermining
the dynamics of the country’s political system. A service
was created that turned mobile phone calls into tweets.
Pro-democracy dissidents managed to topple a thirty
year regime in mere weeks through the effective use
of social media platforms, thus sending a stunning
and stern warning to dictators around the world.
Although Egypt is the best example of the success of
internet technology challenging the peace and security of
a nation state, there have been other recent examples of
opposition movements widely and effectively utilizing this
platform. In 2009, after corrupt elections in Iran, anti-gov-

ernment protesters took to the streets and the internet.
Videos were sent around the world of police brutality and
Neda Salehi’s death via mobile phones and social media
outlets. Not only did these images spur greater protests
in Tehran, they encouraged international pressure for
foreign intervention. Social media proved incapable of
change in Iran, but less than two years later, it greatly
aided in overthrowing the Egyptian regime.
As the wave of democratization continues to spread
throughout North Africa and the Middle East, countries
that border these regions have taken notice of the
magnificent effect cyber connectivity has had in revolu-
tionary movements. Sudan, a volatile borderland between
Islam and Christianity, resources and bareness and au-
thoritarianism and democracy, has experienced pro-
democracy propaganda disseminated via the internet.
Bashir’s rule has already been dealt a significant blow by
the results of the South Sudan referendum and he refuses
to cede anymore authority to opposition leaders within
the territory he continues to govern. Additionally, though
Bashir is aware of these pro-democracy changes, instead
of listening to the online dissidents, Sudan is releasing
“cyber jihadists” to monitor social media sites and
intimidate possible free speakers through government
oversight and violations of the human right of freedom
of speech. While cyber warfare is not something new,
Sudan’s approach to online security extends far beyond
the normal parameters of government oversight and in-
vestigation into online speech; Bashir is not monitoring
social media cyber waves for state security, he is using
government resources to monitor it for his personal and
political security.
The influence of the cyber venues on political and
social demonstrations and progress has primarily
affected underdeveloped and developing autocratic
countries, but developed, pluralistic, liberal democracies
are not immune to the impact of social media platforms.
For example, the United States, the beacon of
democracy, has experienced the effects of these online
venues. Sarah Palin has maintained popularity by
frequently tweeting dissatisfaction with politics or indi-
vidual’s statements, anti-union legislation in numerous
states was met with heavy handed online responses
through pro-union solidarity petitions, pro and anti union
Facebook groups and a steady stream of tweets offering
support for both sides. In pluralistic societies, social
media often does not pose a direct threat to the ruling
regime; it simply acts as the new frontier of freedom
ofspeech and propaganda dissemination and serves as
a public soap box.
Middle East
Although the internet may present less danger to
democratic governments, social media empowers these
democracies in a unique way. Instead of protecting
government secrets or attempting to infiltrate foreign
hard drives and networks for their government secrets,
as China, the United States and Russia have been
routinely charged with orchestrating, governments could
engage in covert missions to spread more democratic
and secular ideology. Government operations could
largely remain faceless by creating and maintaining
fake online accounts. While this cannot serve as the
only means of disseminating democratic ideals and
working to democratize the world, establishing false
online identities and working to assist pro-democrat-
ic groups provides a cheaper and easier means of
reaching the next generation of leaders in a language
they understand; especially in the Middle East where
internet access and literacy is rapidly increasing in part
by globalization, in part to infrastructure development
and in a large part due to the rapidly increasing youth
populations.
The average citizen, with the internet, experiences
unprecedented access to political and social develop-
ments minute by minute and can thus influence political
discourse from his couch. The amount of effort and time
required to reach a critical mass has been exponential-
ly reduced. When laughing babies can attract twenty
million views on Youtube, social media can catalyze the
overthrow of a thirty year regime in a country of eighty
million within a few weeks, changing our theoretical
definition of conflict itself. Opposition leaders, once in
danger of assassination, can avoid public appearances
that put themselves in grave danger by organizing in
the comfort of their home or secure location. Social
media is an international language understood by and
ingrained in the younger and future generations of the
world which has knocked down the wall to cross-cultur-
al communication, lessoning the “clash” between civili-
zations.
The unprecedented popularity and successful use
of social media platforms opens the stage for a new age
of political discourse, challenging the theoretical nature
of conflict as it has existed between different countries
and cultures throughout history.
Graig Klein is a Contributor with The Diplomatic
Courier magazine in Washington, DC.
G8
Summit 2011
93
 Modernization of Russia: Real or a Pipedream?
By Richard Rousseau, Professor, Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy in Baku
During his first trip to the U.S. in June 2010 Russian
President Dmitry Medvedev tried to show the world that
Russia is open to innovations and investment from the
West since these are the pillars of his plan to improve
the country’s economy. He also made known to all
that he keeps abreast of rapid technological advances:
He and a group of other Russians met with high-tech
industry leaders in Silicon Valley, including Apple CEO
Steve Jobs. Medvedev bought the latest model iPhone
and created a Twitter account. At home, he unveiled
plans to develop an ultramodern technology hub (called
“innograd” or innovation city) in Skolkovo, not far from
Moscow.
In 2009, President Medvedev announced that Russia
will travel the road to prosperity and modernization. In
an article posted on the official website of the President
of Russia (Kremlin.ru) he self-confidently criticized
the “primitive economy based on raw materials and
endemic corruption” and the “paternalistic attitude” of
Russian citizens. He set five modernization priorities:
Improving energy production and transportation
efficiency, raising nuclear technology to world standards,
upgrading information technology by using “supercom-
puters” and other equipment, developing the country’s
ground and space infrastructure by putting new space
satellites into orbit with the capacity to “observe the
whole world” and becoming a leader in the production
of medical equipment and medicines for the treatment
of various diseases.
Since then, the President has encouraged public
debate on the modernization of Russia. Political parties
have been encouraged to develop their own visions
on this issue. Ordinary citizens have been given the
opportunity to send e-mails to the Kremlin with their
proposals. The President has already referred to some
of these in his official speeches and statements.
Medvedev’s modernization rhetoric is an appropriate
response to Russia’s current economic situation. The
Russian economy relies heavily on revenues from energy
exports. The level of corruption has increased steadily
since 2001. In 2004 Russia was ranked 90th out of 149
countries in the global corruption index of Transparency
International, whereas in 2010 it was 154th, alongside
notoriously corrupt countries such as East Timor, Sierra
Leone, Zimbabwe and neighboring Ukraine. Despite
police repression, mass demonstrations are becoming
more frequent in each of the country’s 9 time zones,
from Kaliningrad to Vladivostok. The situation in the
North Caucasus is more problematic than ever, with
frequent terrorist attacks from Islamic and Al Qaeda-
G8
Summit 2011
94
affiliated rebels. Disasters caused by human error, such
as the explosion in August 2009 at Russia’s biggest
hydropower plant in southern Siberia, have claimed
dozens of lives and last summer’s terrible wildfires
will prove one more ordeal for hundreds of thousands
of Russians.
The Kremlin has taken a restrictive approach to
modernization: it is only interested in making technologi-
cal progress. One segment of the Russian elite wants to
adapt to the new global realities, including those resulting
from the economic crisis and the predicted decline of
conventional energy, without undertaking a substantial
political transformation. “We are not going to hurry up.
Rush and hastiness in the matter of political reforms had
already caused tragic consequences a number of times
in our history,” repeats Medvedev.
For all the media hype concerning the modernization
of the economic framework, the ruling class is intent on
implementing only cosmetic changes in the way Russia
is managed and governed. In Medvedev’s opinion, the
enhancement of information technology will make it
possible to introduce more democratic freedoms. To
support his argument, he often points to China and
Singapore, two countries which have been successful
in modernizing their economies without deep political
liberalization.
Unfortunately this authoritarian modernization,
rather than liberal-oriented modernization, has found
support among the elite and large segments of Russian
society. A national survey conducted in March 2010
showed that nearly half of Russians believe their country
has been heading in the right direction since Vladimir
Putin became President in 2000. Almost fifty per cent
of Russians believe that ensuring stability is now more
important than introducing radical reforms. The stability
which Putin’s Presidency achieved is used as the main
argument for technological modernization without
political change. The Russian public strongly fear the
“bad democracy” experienced in the early nineties, when
the country, ruled by the oligarchs, sank into chaos and
instability. For the political elite, preserving the status quo
means maintaining its own power. Everyone knows that
if Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, who favors authoritar-
ian modernization, rules out running for President in the
2012 election this would signal the beginning of the end
for all those brought into the political apparatus since his
takeover of the Kremlin in 2000.
Is Medvedev’s modernization program a big scam
if it is not accompanied by true democratization?

Several members of the Russian democratic opposition
believe that modernization without democratization is
not possible. They generally argue that the “managed
democracy” built in Putin’s Russia lacks a genuine
program of modernization. The siloviki, the former
security agents who have flooded the Russian political
class, are interested in preserving the status quo which
has allowed them to build political and economic power.
United Russia, the dominant party in the Duma–Putin’s
party–serves mainly as a political facade for Putin’s per-
sonalized power.
Authoritarian modernization has proven successful
only in societies which have made the transition from
a poor, capital-scarce, low-income agrarian economy
to a non-diversified, primary sector-based economy. To
carry out post-industrial modernization, creative energy
and citizens’ initiatives are prerequisites. Russia needs
a new social group ready to fulfill the task of ushering in
the necessary parameters for a bona fide post-modern
and globalised state. However, there is nowhere to
go to find this “enlightened” group, for the current
political class feels comfortable with “managed
democracy” and liberals long ago lost people’s support.
Medvedev’s team of “modernizers” exists mostly in the
Middle East
imagination of some scholars. Without economic and
political changes being made the President’s plan is
as utopian as The City of the Sun (an important early
utopian work written in 1602 by the Italian Dominican
philosopher Tommaso Campanella).The “innograd” in
Skolkovo has all the hallmarks of a science fiction story,
another Potemkin village.
Following a bilateral summit in Rostov at the end of
May 2010, the EU and Russia sent certain signals that
they may be willing to work together on the platform
known as “Partnership for Modernization.” However,
nothing serious will happen before the Russian Presi-
dential election of 2012. If Medvedev stays in power, he
might be given the chance to bring about his modern-
ization program. If Putin returns to the Kremlin he will
most likely stay there for the next 6-12 years. With that
scenario, real democratization in Russia will not be on
the agenda for a long time to come.
Richard Rousseau, Ph.D. is a professor of inter-
national relations at the Azerbaijan Diplomatic Academy
in Baku and a Contributor to The Diplomatic Courier
magazine in Washington, DC.
G8
Summit 2011
95
 G-8 profiles
Canada France Germany Japan

Leader: Leader: Leader: Leader:

Prime Minister President Chancellor Prime Minister

Stephen Harper Nicolas Sarkozy Angela Merkel Naoto Kan

Geographical Geographical Geographical Geographical

information: information: information: information:

Area: 9,970,610 km2 Area: 550,000 km2 Area: 357,021 km2 Area: 377,864 km2
Population: 32.6 million Population: 63.0 million Population: 82.3 million Population: 127.7 million
(2006) (2006) (2006) (2006)
Annual population growth Annual population growth Annual population growth Annual population growth
rate: 1.0% (2006) rate: 0.5% (2006) rate: -0.2% (2006) rate: -0.003% (2006)
Capital: Ottawa Capital: Paris Capital: Berlin Capital: Tokyo
Official languages: Official language: Official language: Language:
English and French French German Japanese

Economic data: Economic data: Economic data: Economic data:

GDP (nominal) 2007 [2] GDP (nominal) 2007 [2] GDP (nominal) 2007 [2] GDP (nominal) 2007 [2]
- Total $1,436 billion - Total $2,593 billion - Total $ 3,321 billion - Total $ 4,382 billion
- Pro capita $43,674 - Pro capita $ 42,033 - Pro capita $ 40,400 - Pro capita $ 34,296
- % World GDP 2.6% [4] - % World GDP 4.8 [4] - % World GDP 6.2 [4] - % World GDP 8.0 [4]

GDP (PPP) 2007 [3] GDP (PPP) 2007 [3] GDP (PPP) 2007 [3] GDP (PPP) 2007 [3]
- Total $ 1,270 billion - Total $ 2,068 billion - Total $ 2,812 billion - Total $ 4,292 billion
- Pro capita $38,617 - Pro capita $ 33,508 - Pro capita $ 34.212 - Pro capita $ 33,596
- % World GDP 2%[4] - % World GDP 3.2 [4] - % World GDP 4.3 [4] - % World GDP 6.6 [4]

Form of government: Form of government: Form of government: Form of government:

Federal parliamentary Presidential republic Parliamentary federal Parliamentary

monarchy republic constitutional monarchy

G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date:

Kananaskis Summit (2002) Evian Summit (2003) Heiligendamm Summit Hokkaido Toyako Summit
Halifax Summit (1995) Lyon Summit (1996) (2007) (2008)
Toronto Summit (1988) Summit of the Arch (1989) Cologne Summit (1999) Kyushu-Okinawa Summit
Ottawa Summit (1981) Versailles Summit (1982) Munich Summit (1992) (2000)
Rambouillet Summit Bonn Summit (1985) Tokyo Summit (1993)
(1975) Bonn Summit (1978) Tokyo Summit (1986)
Tokyo Summit (1979)
G8
Summit 2011

96
Italy United Kingdom United States of Russia
Ameica

Leader: Leader: Leader: Leader:

Prime Minister Prime Minister President President

Silvio Berlusconi David Cameron Barack Obama Dmitriy Medvedev

Geographical Geographical Geographical Geographical

information: information: information: information:

Area: 301,255 km2 Area: 244,820 km2 Area: 9,629,091 km2 Area: 17,075,200 km2
Population: 58.3 million Population: 60.5 million Population: 299.4 million Population: 142.8 million
(2006) (2006) (2006) (2006)
Annual population growth Annual population growth Annual population growth Annual population growth
rate: 0.3% (2006) rate: 0.5% (2006) rate: 0.9% (2006) rate: -0.5% (2006)
Capital: Rome Capital: London Capital: Washington D.C. Capital: Moscow
Official language: Official language: Official language: Official language:
Italian English English Russian

Economic data: Economic data: Economic data: Economic data:

GDP (nominal) 2007 [2] GDP (nominal) 2007 [3] GDP (nominal) 2007 [2] GDP (nominal) 2007 [2]
- Total $ 2,105 billion - Total $ 2,804 billion - Total $ 13,808 billion - Total $ 1,290 billion
- Pro capita $ 35,745 - Pro capita $ 46,098 - Pro capita $ 45,725 - Pro capita $ 9,074
- % World GDP 3.9 [4] - % World GDP 5.1 [4] - % World GDP 25.3 [4] - % World GDP 2.4 [4]

GDP (PPP) 2007 [3] GDP (PPP) 2007 [2] GDP (PPP) 2007[3] GDP (PPP) 2007 [3]
- Total $ 1,787 billion - Total $ 2,168 billion - Total $ 13,808 billion - Total $ 2,090 billion
- Pro capita $ 30,365 - Pro capita $ 35,634 - Pro capita $ 45,725 - Pro capita $ 14,705
- % World GDP 2.8 [4] - % World GDP 3.3 [4] - % World GDP 21.3 [4] - % World GDP 3.2 [4]

Form of government: Form of government: Form of government: Form of government:

Parliamentary republic Parliamentary constitu- Presidential federal Federal Republic

tional monarchy republic

G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date: G-8s held to date:

Genoa Summit (2001) Gleneagles Summit (2005) Sea Island, Georgia (2004) Saint Petersburg Summit
Naples Summit (1994) Birmingham Summit Denver, Colorado (1997) (2006)
Venice Summit (1987) (1998) Houston, Texas (1990)
Venice Summit (1980) London Summit (1991) Williamsburg, Virginia
London Summit (1984) (1983)
London Summit (1977)

G8
Summit 2011

97
 Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis
A Global Emergency
Requires an Innovative
Response
TB: A Global Overview
Tuberculosis (TB), often thought
of as a disease of the past, continues
to plague the world’s most vulnerable
people. The World Health Organiza-
tion (WHO) estimates there were 9.4
million new cases of TB globally in
2009; in the same year, 1.7 million
people died of TB – equal to about
4,700 deaths each day.
The WHO estimates that of all
new TB cases in 2009, about 3.3
percent of these were the drug-re-
sistant form of TB, called multidrug-
resistant tuberculosis, or MDR-TB.
These findings by the WHO mark
the highest rates ever of MDR-TB.
In some settings in the former Soviet
Union, these rates peaked at about
28% of new TB cases.
These dire statistics are even
more dismal considering that TB
and MDR-TB are treatable and
curable. The real problem lies in the
fact that TB – in all its forms – is a
complex disease, one which is not
only a medical problem; it is also
a social and economic problem.
A Multi-Pronged Approach to
MDR-TB
The Lilly MDR-TB Partnership
is a public-private initiative that
encompasses global health and
relief organizations, academic insti-
tutions and private companies, and
is led by Eli Lilly and Company. Its
mission is to address the expanding
crisis of MDR-TB. Created in 2003
to address the growing challenge
of MDR-TB, the Partnership has
adopted a 360-degree approach,
and mobilizes over 25 global
healthcare partners on five continents
to share resources and knowledge
to confront TB and MDR-TB.
To drive the Partnership, Lilly
is contributing US$ 120 million in
cash, medicines, advocacy tools
and technology to focus global
G8 resources on prevention, diagnosis
Summit 2011
98
and treatment of patients with
MDR-TB; and an additional US$ 15
million to the Lilly TB Drug Discovery
Initiative to accelerate the discovery
of new drugs to treat TB.
Empowering Local Communities
In order to prevent the spread
of the disease and effectively care
for those infected, the Lilly MDR-TB
Partnership has implemented com-
munity-level programmes to raise
awareness about MDR-TB, increase
access to treatment, ensure correct
completion of treatment and
empower patients by eliminating the
stigma of the disease in communities
and workplaces.
The Partnership also trains
healthcare workers to recognize,
treat, monitor and prevent the
further spread of MDR-TB. These
training materials and courses have
been designed to ensure that the
knowledge learned is passed on
to peers, furthering the quality of
patient care.
A Global Approach for Global
Results
While community and country-
based activities empower local
populations to fight MDR-TB, global
change requires a global view.
With this in mind, the Partnership
works with policymakers to raise
awareness about the toll that TB
takes on the global population and
encourages new initiatives that curb
the spread of MDR-TB. Additionally,
the Partnership promotes adherence
to the World Health Organization’s
standards on TB treatment and
supports national TB programs that
have been developed using these
standards.
Sustainable Access
to Medicines
One of Lilly’s many goals is
to increase the supply of high-
quality, affordable medicines to
the people who need them most.
To do this, Lilly has partnered with
manufacturers in countries hardest
hit by MDR-TB, providing both
Advertisement
knowledge and financial assistance
to create sustainable, local sources
for MDR-TB drugs. These locally
produced drugs enable access to
medicines at affordable prices for
MDR-TB patients, while supporting
local economies and ensuring high-
quality manufacturing.
New Drug Discovery Initiative
While access to medicine and
care help patients significantly,
MDR-TB treatment remains a long,
isolated process. To encourage
patients to complete treatment
and avoid even more drug-resis-
tant strains of TB, research and
development are necessary to
discover faster-acting medicines. To
address this need, Lilly has created
the Lilly TB Drug Discovery Initiative,
which is a not-for-profit public-pri-
vate partnership that will draw on
the global resources of its partners,
including medicinal libraries donated
by Lilly, to pioneer research.
A Public-Private Partnership for
Those in Need
Lilly and its Partners work
together closely, sharing knowledge,
expertise and research in the quest
to contain and conquer MDR-TB,
a disease that disproportionately
affects impoverished populations.
The initiatives of the Lilly MDR-TB
Partnership all have one thing in
common: improved care for some
of the world’s most vulnerable
people, delivered in a manner that
is sustainable and builds capacity
within the communities where it is
needed most.
www.lillymdr-tb.com
Email: mdrtb@lilly.com
Phone: +41 22 306 0333
 G8
COVER - see page 1
G - 8 S U M M I T M A G A Z I N E F O R V I P S D E L E G AT E S A N D D I P L O M AT S

Please insert spine info

G8
The authoritative magazine for VIP’s, delegates and diplomats Summit 2011

101