One Dimensional Woman
By Nina Power
4.5/5
()
About this ebook
Nina Power
Nina Power is a senior lecturer in philosophy at Roehampton University and tutor in Critical Writing in Art & Design at the Royal College of Art. She is the author of One-Dimensional Woman and has written widely on politics, philosophy, feminism, and culture.
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Reviews for One Dimensional Woman
3 ratings1 review
- Rating: 4 out of 5 stars4/5Balcan 1 more or less perfectly summed up this book. I would also recommend this book to anybody who wants to gain a better understanding of Feminism and how in recent years it's been polluted....
Book preview
One Dimensional Woman - Nina Power
fine.
0.1 Equality?
Capitalism has had a complex effect on our understanding of ‘equality’. On the one hand, there is seemingly nothing discriminatory about the compulsion to accumulate – it doesn’t matter who does the work, as long as profit is generated and value extracted. What, then, would be the point of discriminating against women qua women? Or blacks qua blacks? Or homosexuals qua homosexuals? On the other hand, as more or less everybody knows, women still earn less than men for the same work, and are heavily over-represented in part-time and badly-paid jobs, and it is clear that ethnic minorities and homosexuals are massively under-represented in certain forms of employment.
Perhaps, though, we should be less concerned about representation than about serious structural and ideological factors. After all, the argument about getting women, ethnic minorities and homosexuals into ‘top positions’ is an argument that is currently being won by the right. Barack Obama’s recent election is perhaps a progressive hint of things to come, but it remains to be seen just how redistributive his ‘change’ will be. Condoleezza Rice, Ayaan Hirsi Ali and Pim Fortuyn are (or were) all atypical candidates for their respective positions, but it doesn’t stop them being, respectively, a war-mongerer, a neo-conservative thinker and an anti-immigration politician who favored a ‘cold war’ with Islam. All those who (the first election around, anyway) made Margaret Thatcher the first female British Prime Minister ‘for feminist reasons’ were to be punished for their progressive aspirations with a slew of reforms of a rather different ‘progressively’ neo-liberal kind. It is not enough to have women in top positions of power, it depends upon what kind of women they are and what they’re going to do when they get there. As Lindsey German puts it:
It is the time of the token woman … Paradoxically the triumph of the rhetoric of feminism has taken place exactly at a time when the actual conditions of women’s lives have worsened, and this rhetoric has been used to justify policies which will harm women.³
It has long been clear that we need to extend the concept of tokenism to take account of the fact that often these ‘exceptional’ women and minorities are not just included in positions of power but come to represent the worst aspects of it. Zillah Eisenstein uses the term ‘decoy’ to describe the way in which ‘imperialist democracy’ covers over its structural sins with a thin veneer of representational respectability: ‘The manipulation of race and gender as decoys for democracy reveals the corruptibility of identity politics.’⁴ Getting women and ethnic minorities into positions of power is not necessarily going to improve the lives of women and ethnic minorities in general, and certainly hasn’t so far. Condoleezza Rice may well have been the United States Secretary of State, but it was black women (and black men and children) who suffered most during Hurricane Katrina.⁵
This creates problems for feminism, or at least for an unproblematic usage of the term. The next section shows just how complicated complicated the word can get, via an examination of the phenomenon that was Sarah Palin’s 2008 vice-presidential campaign in which ‘feminism’ came to mean a great many things indeed.
0.2. Sarah Palin, or How Not
to be a Feminist
During the build-up to the 2008 American election, Jacques-Alain Miller, arch-Lacanian and part-time moralist, published a piece entitled ‘Sarah Palin: Operation Castration
’.⁶ In it, he argued that vice-presidential candidate Palin represents a certain kind of ‘post-feminist’ woman, one who knows that ‘the phallus is a semblance’ (more on this anon). Jessica Valenti in The Guardian takes the perhaps more intuitive line that Palin is an ‘anti-feminist’ through and through, because, among other things, she would limit women’s right to choose and abolish sex education.⁷ Palin herself has long been involved in blurring the boundaries of the term, especially by virtue of her membership of the advocacy organization ‘Feminists for Life,’ who take an apparently feminist commitment to ‘non-aggression’ to mean that any violence directed towards a fetus (even if the pregnancy is the result of rape) is incompatible with the supposedly natural non-belligerence of the female sex.
Here we have three different takes on the same word, in which a) for Miller, a pre-Palin feminist would be a woman (Ségolène Royal, for example) who ‘imitated man, respected the phallus, and performed as if they had one’ and thus would be easy to dismiss as lesser or sub-standard men, b) for Valenti, a feminist is someone who supports a woman’s right to choose, who fights for equality in every walk of life and c) for Palin herself, who is both fiercely maternal and politically aggressive, a feminist would indeed be a ‘pitbull in lipstick’. A shallow conception of feminism, and a common response whenever individual women achieve power of any substantive kind, would be one that says ‘look, there’s a woman Prime Minister! A woman CEO! Haven’t you gotten what you wanted?’ As Valenti puts it, this position is premised on the false belief that that all women want is … another woman.’ Beyond whatever she actually says or does, Palin is painted as a success story for women, simply because she is