This thesis utilises interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals to develop a context for discussion of media issues in Afghanistan. I have argued the existence of particular individuals from former regimes in post-Taliban structures who are hindering media’s ability to critically discuss particular public interest issues. I have applied Price et al’s (2002) theory of media reform to identify this group as ‘harmful remnants’ in new political structures who see media’s position as the fourth estate a threat to their power renewal in Afghanistan. I have termed their negative influence over media freedom, as the ‘indirect politicisation’ of media. This indirect politicisation focuses on sensitive aspects of Afghan culture, such as ethnicity, language and religion to politicise the media’s ability to report and consequently hinders social change. While there are restrictions, through the interviews, the thesis has demonstrated that many brave and courageous journalists are in fact putting their lives at risk by strategically tackling critical social change issues. Author: Bita Riazati (2009)
Original Title
An Investigation into the Issues Impacting the Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan. Bita Riazati
This thesis utilises interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals to develop a context for discussion of media issues in Afghanistan. I have argued the existence of particular individuals from former regimes in post-Taliban structures who are hindering media’s ability to critically discuss particular public interest issues. I have applied Price et al’s (2002) theory of media reform to identify this group as ‘harmful remnants’ in new political structures who see media’s position as the fourth estate a threat to their power renewal in Afghanistan. I have termed their negative influence over media freedom, as the ‘indirect politicisation’ of media. This indirect politicisation focuses on sensitive aspects of Afghan culture, such as ethnicity, language and religion to politicise the media’s ability to report and consequently hinders social change. While there are restrictions, through the interviews, the thesis has demonstrated that many brave and courageous journalists are in fact putting their lives at risk by strategically tackling critical social change issues. Author: Bita Riazati (2009)
This thesis utilises interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals to develop a context for discussion of media issues in Afghanistan. I have argued the existence of particular individuals from former regimes in post-Taliban structures who are hindering media’s ability to critically discuss particular public interest issues. I have applied Price et al’s (2002) theory of media reform to identify this group as ‘harmful remnants’ in new political structures who see media’s position as the fourth estate a threat to their power renewal in Afghanistan. I have termed their negative influence over media freedom, as the ‘indirect politicisation’ of media. This indirect politicisation focuses on sensitive aspects of Afghan culture, such as ethnicity, language and religion to politicise the media’s ability to report and consequently hinders social change. While there are restrictions, through the interviews, the thesis has demonstrated that many brave and courageous journalists are in fact putting their lives at risk by strategically tackling critical social change issues. Author: Bita Riazati (2009)
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
Media Freedom in Afghanistan
An Investigation into the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree: Master of Media and Communications (Journalism)
BITA RIAZATI Bachelor of Multimedia (Media Studies)
Faculty of Life and Social Sciences Swinburne University of Technology July 2009 Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
Declaration I certify that, except where due acknowledgement has been made, the work is that of the author alone; the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to qualify for any other academic award; the content of the thesis is the result of work which has been carried out since the official commencement date of the approved research program; any editorial work, paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is acknowledged; and, ethics procedures and guidelines have been followed.
.. Bita Riazati Friday 10 th August, 2009
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
Contents DEFINING THE MEDIA'S ROLE IN AFGHANISTAN Thesis Introduction ......................................................................................... 7 Introduction: Defining Media Freedom ......................................................... 19 Defining Communitarian Philosophy and its Relevance ................................ 20 Defining Public Journalism in Afghanistan ................................................... 26
DEFINING THE ROLE OF HARMFUL REMNANTS IN THE MEDIA'S ENABLING ENVIRONMENT Introduction: Defining the Media's Enabling Environment ......................... 31 Defining Harmful Remnants ...................................................................... 33 The Role of Harmful Remnants in The Media's Environment ........................ 34
THE IMPACT OF HARMFUL REMNANTS BY POLITICISING THE MEDIA'S ENVIRONMENT Introduction: Ethnicity as a Political Instrument ............................................ 42 Defining Politicisation of Ethnicity ............................................................... 44 Defining Politicisation of Religion ................................................................ 50
STRATEGIES OF RESPONSE BY JOURNALISTS IN AFGHANISTAN Introduction: Media Interviews ..................................................................... 58 Interview Categories ..................................................................................... 59 (1) Traditional Restrictions ........................................................................... 59 (2) Law Enforcement .................................................................................... 65 (3) Professional Experience ........................................................................... 69 (4) Responsible Journalism ........................................................................... 73
Thesis Conclusion ......................................................................................... 77 Bibliography ................................................................................................. 79 Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 4 - Acknowledgements Thanks to all the individuals who shared their valuable wisdom and contacts for assisting my research which helped me gain better insight into the media freedom issues of Afghanistan.
Thanks to the journalists and media professionals, Faheem Dashty (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Kabul Weekly), Mobina Khairandish (Producer of Radio Rabia Balkhi), Najia Haneefi (women's rights activist and the owner of Radio Rabia Balkhi), Sanjar Soheil (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Hasht-e Sobh), Shirazuddin Siddiqi (Director of BBC World Service Trust Afghanistan and Afghan Education Projects) and Associate Professor Martin Hadlow (former Director of UNESCO office in Kabul) for accepting to be interviewed at short notice and voluntarily providing valuable insight into the issues of Afghan media.
Thanks to Aziz Hakimi and Shirazuddin Siddiqi for answering my questions through extended email correspondence and providing documents that otherwise I would not have been able to find.
Thanks to my supervisor Dr Diana Bossio for her patience in providing feedback throughout the writing process of this thesis.
Thanks to my friend Vasiliky Kasidis for her efforts in reviewing my chapters and Torben Daeneke for his assistance during the research process.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 5 - Abstract This thesis utilises interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals to develop a context for discussion of media issues in Afghanistan. I have argued the existence of particular individuals from former regimes in post-Taliban structures who are hindering medias ability to critically discuss particular public interest issues. I have applied Price et als (2002) theory of media reform to identify this group as harmful remnants in new political structures who see medias position as the fourth estate a threat to their power renewal in Afghanistan. I have termed their negative influence over media freedom, as the indirect politicisation of media. This indirect politicisation focuses on sensitive aspects of Afghan culture, such as ethnicity, language and religion to politicise the medias ability to report and consequently hinders social change. While there are restrictions, through the interviews, the thesis has demonstrated that many brave and courageous journalists are in fact putting their lives at risk by strategically tackling critical social change issues.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 6 -
I have been silent too long, But I never forget the melody, Since every moment I whisper The songs from my heart, Reminding myself of The day I will break this cage Fly from this solitude And sing like a melancholic. I am not a weak poplar tree To be shaken by any wind I am an Afghan woman...
Afghan journalist and poetess, Nadia Anjuman (2005) Their lives were not lost in vain
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 7 - Thesis Introduction Brief reflection on journalism in Afghanistan Afghan journalism has suffered under successive authoritarian regimes in the last century. Afghan writers have been provided with little opportunity to practice and develop a 'homegrown' understanding of free media. This oppressive period started after the 1979 Soviet invasion, which was followed by a civil conflict between Mujahedin groups and culminated with the rise of the Taliban (see Misdaq, 2006). Prior to this period, Afghanistan had some exposure to relatively free media, for example between 1911 to 1918 during Habibullah's reign, and in the 60s, King Zahir allowed newspapers to publish views different to that of the regime for the first time (Yarshater, 2008; see Nazemi, 2003). Journalism in Afghanistan became popularised at the beginning of the 20th century when an Afghan intellectual, Mahmud Tarzi started the first newspaper in Afghanistan: 1 Serajul Akhbar Afghanieh (Sims-Williams, 1980: 118-122). His vision was to gradually modernise Afghan thought by exposing Afghans to various texts and voices (see Nazemi, 2003). He wanted to demonstrate that modernism would not mean the end of Muslim morality (Omrani, 2007: 155). The newspaper was closed in 1918 after it was critical of the government for its neutrality during the First World War (Yarshater, 2008).
What is particularly significant about Afghan writing is that despite being affected by various political upheavals throughout its history, Afghan writers and journalists have continued their work using strategy and disguise (Lamb, 2001). For example the Herat and Kabul 'literary circles' operated as 'sewing classes' during the Taliban reign
1 Torch of the News of Afghanistan Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 8 - (Lamb, 2001). The students were taught literary criticism, aesthetics and poetry, even under the threat of Taliban's prosecution (Lamb, 2001). These circles were responsible for circulating news and for educating thousands of women during oppressive periods (Lamb, 2001). One of the women that came out of these circles, Nadia Anjuman, became a journalist and published her first book of poetry in 2005. She was found beaten to death at her home later that year (Lamb, 2005). Clearly, journalists and writers in Afghanistan continue their work under the constant threat of persecution and even death.
Since 2005, physical security and media freedom has significantly deteriorated in Afghanistan (see Hakimi and Aziz, 2009; Mojumdar, 2005). The Reporters Without Borders world press ranking for Afghanistan dropped from 125 in 2005 ("World Press Freedom Index", 2005), to 156 in 2008 ("World Press Freedom Index", 2008). This thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary Afghan medias freedom has been affected by political, social and cultural issues.
The primary argument of this thesis is that traditional aspects of the Afghan political system are potentially restricting the media's ability to contribute to social change in a transitional democracy. The existence of individuals from past regimes, defined as 'harmful remnants' (see Price, Rozumilowicz, and Verhulst, 2002) utilise traditional cultural and religious frameworks to politicise Afghanistan's media environment. This thesis will utilise evidence from interviews with Afghan journalists and experts to illustrate how these threats have affected the news media's role in Afghanistan's transitional democracy, and how journalists use particular strategies to circumvent these restrictions. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 9 -
Theoretical framework of the thesis Although academic research is limited in the Afghan media studies area, there were a number of theorists who were influential in proving this argument. Mohammad Rawan (2002) has also argued the role of particular individuals in 'traditional' structures who have represented public opinion throughout Afghan history. I have argued that this group are in fact renewing their influence in post-Taliban structures with new roles and new political agendas (see Tarzi and Crews, 2008).
I have not forwarded a formal literature review for this thesis, as I have critically analysed particular arguments and theories throughout the thesis. Nonetheless it is worthwhile to look at the major theories that have contributed to formulating my thesis argument. There are limited books on the modern history of Afghanistan that thoroughly present each political period of the last century, but I found Nabi Misdaq's (2006) book, Afghanistan: political frailty and foreign interference particularly useful for this purpose. Bernt Glatzer (2002), Conrad Schetter (2007) and Jos Oberson's (2002) arguments showed that ethnicity has significance in discussing the issue of media freedom in modern Afghanistan. However it was a United Nations Assistant Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) report (2009) that included the opinions of Afghan journalists dissatisfied with the increase in media freedom restrictions, that prompted my research path (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009). In email correspondence, a UNAMA media project staff member even referred to the media freedom situation as a losing battle (A Hakimi 2009, email, 02 Mar).
Before I could examine Afghanistan's media freedom issues, the research had to Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 10 - establish a media theory appropriate for Afghanistan's early transitional phase of democracy. My theoretical assumption is the media, like any other institution in Afghanistan, has a role in the reconstruction of political and social life in post- Taliban transition. The media's particular role would be to use its position in the fourth estate to become a source of social change and to encourage information proliferation (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus: An activity report", 2002). With the consideration of the specific Afghan context, I have adopted Etzioni's (1998) communitarian philosophy for discussing media's role in Afghanistan. This theory rejects a purely objective approach to journalism and it places civic education and public interest issues as its focus for social change. The theory suggests that journalists have a 'public' role where they identify issues of public interest by reflecting on the 'needs' of the community.
Other theorists that were significant in supporting the communitarian approach were Vincenzo Zeno-Zencovich (2008) and his definition of 'freedom of expression'; Raphael Cohen-Almagor (2008) and his discussion of objectivity in ethical reporting and Jay Rosen's (1999) text What are Journalists For. The discussion of media's role in Afghanistan was also inspired by Martin Bell's peace journalism theory (see Thomas Hanitzsch, 2004). While this theory focuses particularly on foreign correspondence, I found a similarity in principles with one related to the role of a 'public journalist' (see Charity, 1995). I have adopted some of the approaches introduced for peace journalism, such as the consideration of cultural sensitivities, to define the responsibilities of a public journalist in chapter one.
Roshan Noorzai's (2006) thesis on Communication and Developments in Afghanistan, Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 11 - A History of Reforms and Resistance has suggested a 'participatory' approach for the media in Afghanistan (2006: 26). He has identified "empowerment" (2006: 26) of the masses as the theory's focus. He suggests that this allows all community's stakeholders (2006: 26) to participate in the process so communities may determine their own future (2006: 26). While Noorzai's (2006) argument is concerned with the issues of the disenfranchised which are crucial to Afghan society, his theory assumes a passive role for journalists. This contrasts with my argument which assumes an active role for journalists in Afghan society. My thesis will suggest that it is a journalistic responsibility to represent the issues of the disenfranchised rather than simply allowing the disenfranchised to represent themselves. This is particularly important because the majority of rural Afghans do not have the tools and the knowledge to express their issues and the media needs to act according to this need. For example women who do not have the confidence nor an understanding of their rights can speak to female journalists who give voice to their problems in the Afghan society (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Furthermore through interview examples in chapter four I have recommended the practice of 'responsible' journalism, this means that Afghan journalists need to actively think about the 'outcomes' of their coverage and its interpretation by the public.
While journalists play a key role in social change, they need an environment that is conducive to social change. The book Media Reform: Democratising the Media, Democratising the State (2002) suggests that media requires particular factors in its environment to enable change. One of these factors is identified as 'sufficient political willingness' from the government where social change issues can be addressed (see Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002). Price et al (2002) have laid out various Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 12 - stages for a country's democratic transition and each stage provides specific criteria for media's environment. Using the text's (2002) model of analysis I have discussed the political discourse between the Afghan media and its social and political environment in chapters two and three.
Method of interview analysis Scholarly research in Afghan media studies is very limited, thus my primary research method has been the utilisation of qualitative interviews. The aim of the interviews was to highlight issues raised by experienced Afghan journalists who have worked from 2001 in media related projects or journalism in Afghanistan. Although the research was looking for expert opinion, at the same time, the research goal was to speak to media professionals who have encountered problems that are common for all Afghan journalists, such as the issue of physical threats. The following is a list of interviewees used for this research.
Faheem Dashty Dashty is the political analyst and chief editor of Kabul Weekly and has experienced a turbulent journalism career. Just days before the September 11 attacks, Dashty who was involved in producing a documentary and in the process of writing Ahmad Shah Massoud's biography, was injured in a blast by two terrorists who had posed as journalists. Massoud was killed but Dashty survived, sustaining horrible injuries (Dashty, 2004). In 1994 the newspaper's offices were closed for publishing a critical article about the government but with the assistance of international funds, Kabul Weekly was able to start publishing in 2002 (Dashty, 2008). During the interview, Dashty has represented the characteristics of a fearless journalist who believes Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 13 - political issues should be scrutinised to bring government accountability (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar).
Associate Professor Martin Hadlow Hadlow was the director of Afghanistan's UNESCO office in Kabul between 2001- 2004 and he managed various funding and humanitarian projects during this period in Afghanistan. For example he worked with local academics to re-establish Kabul University and its Library that was destroyed during the war. He currently holds an academic position as the director of Centre for Communication and Social Change at The University of Queensland. He is also a member of the Afghan Ad Hoc Communication and Information Commission.
Mobina Khairandish Kheirandish is the producer of Radio Rabia Balkhi, one of the first women radio stations established for addressing women's social issues in post-Taliban Afghanistan. During the interviews she represented a strong persistent journalist who has no doubt in the abilities of the women of her community.
Najia Haneefi Haneefi is the founder of one of the first women radio stations in Afghanistan. She has worked as a print and broadcast journalist during the communist and Mujahedin regimes. Since 2001 she has represented Afghan women at various international conferences, such as the 2002 and 2004 Berlin conferences on peace and reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today she is primarily involved in women's rights campaigns and at present she is working as a community worker for the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 14 - disadvantaged groups in Canada.
Sanjar Soheil Soheil is the political analyst and chief editor of Hasht-e Sobh and he suggests that the focus of the newspaper is human rights issues (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). The newspaper has a regularly updated Website (www.8am.af) and appears to attract international readers as well.
Shirazuddin Siddiqi Siddiqi is the director of the Afghan branch of the BBC World Service Trust. He is responsible for all the Trusts initiatives in Afghanistan, including the Afghan Education Projects (AEP) which is responsible for the bilingual radio program New Home, New Life. Sidiqqi played a key role in mobilising MPs, Afghan journalists and civil society organisations to take part in the debate on the Media Law and the new concepts related to independent, free and pluralistic media (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 21 Jul).
The interview findings were discussed using theoretical evidence in chapter two and three. The aim was to use the theorisations to provide the framework for the interviews to discuss media freedom and restriction in chapter four. The interview evidence in chapter four are analysed using four categories of: (1) Traditional Restrictions, (2) Law Enforcement, (3) Professional Experience and (4) Responsible Journalism in Afghanistan.
1. Traditional Restrictions Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 15 - The interviewees were asked about the conditions of media freedom in rural areas. They were asked about people's perception towards the media and how media tackles social change.
2. Law Enforcement The interviewees were primarily asked about their perception of the Media Law, in this regard they raised concern over the issues of ethnic and religious interference in the legal framework.
3. Professional Experience The interviewees were asked how they ensure accuracy in their coverage and what their perceptions are about the journalistic work of other Afghan media.
4. Responsible Journalism The interviewees were asked how they measure the success of their work and what are their plans for addressing social change issues in their communities.
All four categories have contributed to the thesis discussions, however category one and two were most influential. Using the data, I was able to identify a link between the traditional understandings of 'freedom' and its application in the legal and political environments. On the other hand, category three and four complement and contradict each other. While 'responsible journalism' correlates with my argument for a communitarian approach, the category 'professional experience' has highlighted insufficient 'professionalism' from Afghan media, as an area of potential study for future research in Afghanistan. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 16 -
Chapter overview This thesis is presented in four chapters of (1) Defining Media's Role in Afghanistan, (2) Defining the Role of Harmful Remnants in Media's Enabling Environment, (3) The Impact of Harmful Remnants by Politicising the Media's Environment and (4) Strategies of Response by Journalists in Afghanistan.
Chapter One: Defining Media's Role in Afghanistan This chapter defines media freedom and the relevance of communitarian philosophy in a transitional democracy. It discusses the theory and its application in understanding the role of public journalism in Afghanistan.
Chapter Two: Defining the Role of Harmful Remnants in Media's Enabling Environment This chapter suggests the need for an 'enabling' environment for media in Afghanistan and discusses its issues by reflecting on the discourse between the harmful remnants and the Afghan media.
Chapter Three: The Impact of Harmful Remnants by Politicising the Media's Environment This chapter utilises the discussions of chapter two to define the second component of the thesis argument which is the discussion of indirect politicisation through instrumentalisation of religion and ethnicity in Afghanistan.
Chapter Four: Strategies of Response by Journalists in Afghanistan Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 17 - This chapter presents the interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals as an analytical discussion. It concludes by reflecting on how Afghan journalists have challenged media freedom restriction through responsible journalism in Afghanistan.
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( CHAPTER ONE )
DEFINING THE MEDIA' S ROLE IN AFGHANISTAN Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 19 - Introduction: Defining Media Freedom The purpose of this chapter is to define media freedom and socially responsible journalism in the context of mobilising social change within Afghanistan's transitional democracy. This chapter does not discuss the issues that impact or restrict the media's ability. Instead, this chapter focuses on establishing a framework, utilising relevant media theory so that media issues affecting Afghan journalists can be discussed in the next chapters. This framework utilises communitarian philosophy to argue that Afghan media play an important role in defining and maintaining democratic political and social life in Afghanistan.
In a transitional democracy the media's responsibilities count towards the development and maintenance of democracy (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4-5). I am defining this by following a communitarian philosophy which places 'public interest issues' and 'civic education' as its primary focus (see Etzioni, 1998). This chapter highlights that a traditionally 'Western' approach to objective journalism is not an appropriate framework for Afghanistan's media because the change in the country's governance did not occur as a result of gradual social change. In Afghanistan the media has the greater responsibility of assisting democracy by utilising information about governance to prevent a prevent a backslide into its former authoritarian state (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13-19). The media undertakes this role by becoming an 'active participator' within society (Cohen-Almagor, 2005: 80) through information about democratic values relevant to an Afghan context.
The media's role is also defined in this context as a public servant to society. The Afghan media act with authority as the fourth estate, to protect society's democratic Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 20 - liberties. The media shows its allegiance to democracy by contributing to social debates that raise public awareness (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). This keeps the government accountable and allows the public to become responsive and responsible (Delli Carpini and Keeter, cited in Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4) towards maintaining social change (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4-5). A media system that operates with limited restrictions can mobilise social change by perceiving freedom of expression as the public's right to know information (see Zeno- Zencovich, 2008). In the Afghan context, mobilising free media, means freedom of expression without traditional authoritarian barriers to public opinion. Defining Communitarian Philosophy and its Relevance Freedom of expression is defined as a basic human right in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1948, article 19 states that: Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers. Whilst this is a basic human right, journalists also need to view freedom of expression as the 'right of the audience' (Alexander, 2005: 8). This suggests that journalists who undertake responsible reporting acknowledge that their reportage has the 'potential to affect other people's lives' (Cohen-Almagor, 2005:1). On one hand the right to express opinions is an individual right, one that might be motivated by personal 'financial gain, ambition and self exhibition' (Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 12); and personal expression is an aspect of humanness which requires actualisation (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13). On the other hand the media is an institution which helps in protecting this basic human right (see Zeno-Zencovich, 2008; see Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 21 - Macharia, 2008) through responsible reportage.
The press emerged in 19th century Britain, Australia and the US as a central communication institution that aimed to speak with authority on behalf of an otherwise disenfranchised public (Schultz, 1998 : 47). The media in this model is understood as the 'voice of the public' with reportage constrained by what is in the public interest (Cohen-Almagor, 2005). The role of a journalist is described by William Stead, a 20th century British theorist, as someone who: speaks with an authority far 'superior' to that possessed by any other person; for he would have been the latest to 'interrogate' the democracy (Stead, 1886). In contrast Zeno-Zencovich (2008) does not believe journalists have the 'superior authority', because they are business employees who work within a hierarchical business structure and as such, restricted by professional responsibilities. For example they cannot exercise the 'natural right' to freedom of 'personal' thought and expression (Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 11-12). In Zeno-Zencovich's (2008) view journalists are further constrained by clear editorial obligations and their lack of freedom to decide on the subject or the tone of voice of their report (Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 43).
Besides the media's role as an information provider, their role as a watchdog is particularly important in transitional democracies where the media should reflect public concerns and keep authorities accountable for their decisions that impact public life (Stapenhurst, 2000: 1-5). Journalists in transitional democracies also have an added responsibility to advocate for human rights by acting as a conduit for information, ideas and opinions [of others] to assist in good governance of society Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 22 - (Schultz, 1998: 52). This means that journalists should monitor government activities to ensure human rights violations or corruption is exposed (Brunettia and Wederb, 2003: 1802-1805) while a country 'transits' from an authoritarian regime to a working democracy.
The ideal of the fourth estate positions the media as a 'watchdog' (see Stapenhurst, 2000) because its role and function is separate to the role of the judiciary, church and government (see Schultz, 1998:). As a result of this separation the media can open government actions to the public's external scrutiny and critical evaluation (Norris, P. 2008). The fourth estate as an independent authoritative voice (Stead, W.T. 1886) consequently has authority to break down power monopolisation in society (Norris, 2008: 5). As media maintains its responsibility of 'interrogating' democracy (Stead, 1886), this is one of the ways that a society can transit from an authoritarian system to a democratic state (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13). However the media's interrogation of government performance sparks public debate which can be disruptive to the government's vision of the 'establishment and maintenance of political order' especially envisaged more dogmatically by authoritarian governments (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4).
Public opinion and democracy are linked if the media is successful in maintaining a positive impact on the 'level of democracy' in society (see Hocking, 1947). Hocking (1947) argues that democracy is connected to the media's influence and maintenance of public opinion. While 'public' refers generally to a social consensus, 'public opinion' refers more to majority agreement on certain issues (see Zeno-Zencovich, 2008). Zeno-Zencovich (2008) argues that the media's assertion to represent this Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 23 - public consensus is 'not in general backed up by any scientific or in any event procedural assessment' (Zeno-Zencovich, V. 2008:20). In addition Alexander (2005) suggests that regardless of claims for objective reporting and presenting the 'truth', truths come with certain assumptions (Mumtaz, 2009); facts are 'linked to other realities and sets of circumstances that can be highlighted differently based on source preference and selection (Mumtaz, 2009). This argument suggests that the media's claim of representing public opinion is superficial because, as Alexander (2005) suggests, facts on their own are not always a true representation of what is happening (see Harcup, 2009). Moreover, it is unethical to assume that all audiences are rational, and that they are able to discern between values and mischief (Cohen- Almagor, 2005: 80). This means that people interpret facts differently and with their own assumptions. As a result journalists have a responsibility to consider social and cultural values in deciding which and how events should be reported to minimise misinterpretations, even in a case where there is evidence at hand (see Wilkins and Christians, 2008). Their approach requires flexibility towards the country's cultural ingredients (Blankson and Murphy, 2007: 3) and the elements of its deep structure (Blankson and Murphy, 2007: 3), these often require innovative ways of expression to connect journalists with the communities in which they operate (see Ruigrok et al, 2006).
Merrill (interviewed by Corrigan, 2000) and Lippmann (1998) however do not believe that journalists have a responsibility to consider the impact of their reporting over public life or how news and coverage may be interpreted. They argue that a journalists' job is to stand apart and give a picture of what is going on in society (Corrigan, D. 2000) by reporting objectively (Corrigan, D. 2000). This perception Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 24 - towards journalism does not entail social responsibilities because a journalist's job is solely to impart information (Eksterowicz and Roberts, 2000: 124); and people will interpret that information within their own pre-existing stereotypes (Lippman, 1998: 89). Furthermore, Lippmann (1998) believes that it cannot be expected of average citizens to have a reliable opinion (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 64) since public opinion is irrational (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 64) and citizens are not expertly qualified to participate in debates of public interest (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 64). As public opinion is not qualified insiders are the ones who know about public issues (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 65). This argument for understanding media freedom does not represent public opinion and fails to define public 'consensus' on issues of public interest; since it views media coverage as a mere product that is not dynamic towards community's needs and therefore can not 'protect' and work towards continuous improvement of public life (see Macharia, 2008). Moreover this perception about the role of a journalist also fails to address the media's role in representing the disenfranchised in society and could be considered unconstructive in transitional democracies (see Mendel, 2007).
The communitarian philosophy utilised in this thesis rejects a purely objective approach to journalism. The theory perceives journalism as a profession that addresses community issues and is concerned with social change (see Craig, 1996) rather than ' 2 detached' objective reporting (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). This philosophy puts the responsibility of social change on media institutions which suggests journalists should be active participators of democracy rather than passive observers
2 I am making a reference to Martin Bell's 'journalism of attachment' in peace journalism, where he believes reporters are participants in the conflicts they report, and as a consequence take part in the public debate about the conflict and they need to be aware of the meanings of their reports (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 25 - who demand tolerance towards their coverage (see Coronel, 2004). The notion of objective reporting is further rejected by the argument that journalists are subscribed to the universal declaration of respect for humanity (Wilkins and Christians, 2008: 260) and like any world citizen they owe democracy their allegiance (Cohen- Almagor, 2005: 80). This obligates journalists to take responsibility for the outcomes of their reporting since they are contributing to debates that impact public life and consequently they are participants of society (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). Thus they should strive to protect the freedom provided to them by the foundation of democracy (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). As Etzioni (1993) suggests, freedom to report is not a freedom from responsibilities: It is a mistaken notion that just because we desire to be free from governmental control, we should also be free from responsibilities to the commons and indifferent to the community (Etzioni, A. 1993: 247). Following communitarian philosophy, the media in Afghanistan requires reflection on the needs, wants, ambitions and wisdom of (Rosen, 1999: 19) the community to identify issues that are in the public interest. This can gradually enable a grassroots reform movement (Rosen, 1999: 1). A communitarian approach to socially responsible journalism recognises that: the preservation of individual liberty depends on the active maintenance of the institutions of civil society where citizens learn respect for others as well as self-respect; where we acquire a lively sense of our personal and civic responsibilities; along with an appreciation of our own rights and the rights of others; where we develop the skills of self-government as well as the habit of governing ourselves and learn to see others not just self (Etzioni, A. 1998: xxv) Therefore consideration of others' liberties and taking a less individualistic approach to journalism forms the foundation of 'public journalism' which promotes the link Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 26 - between social change and reporting. Public journalism places citizen input at the centre of journalistic concerns (Eksterowicz and Roberts, 2000: 3) and promotes personal and civic responsibilities in societies (Etzioni, 1998). This is achieved by reflecting on issues affecting the disenfranchised. This approach is most effective in Afghanistan where the voiceless are marginalized because of poverty, gender, ethnic or religious affiliation (Coronel, 2004: 6). Afghanistan's social environment requires coverage of issues such as women's legal rights and investigative reporting on issues that create public debate which are fundamental to social change. Defining Public Journalism in Afghanistan Public journalism in Afghanistan can constitute a source of civic importance as the nation is impacted by civil conflict, illiteracy and lack of access to diverse information (see Blankson and Murphy, 2007). Journalists have a role in highlighting problematic issues constructively and contributing to debates. This must be taken in the consideration of Afghanistan's cultural 'ingredients', where cultural and religious values are particularly sensitive. For example the Afghan BBC World Service project has tackled taboo subjects such as unsafe sex and women's education through its creative scripting of the program New Home, New Life for the last 15 years (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Women's community radio such as Radio Rabia Balkhi has delicately pursued women's issues such as forced marriages, domestic violence and suicide by offering legal advice rather than directly criticising sharia which can promote blasphemy charges (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar).
This approach to journalism is effective in establishing the 'right' of expression (Alexander, 2005: 8) for the marginalised segments of Afghan community. Skuse's Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 27 - (2002) investigation shows that the media has challenged traditional hierarchies and gender restrictions by allowing women to participate in social debates. This is especially important as women, particularly in villages are perceived to have no business discussing radio news (Skuse, 2002: 276) and men are perceived as the social arbiters of 'news talk' (Skuse, 2002: 276). Therefore women's radio exercises freedom of expression though also practising self-containment and self-control (Cohen-Almagor, 2005: 70) to protect the circumstances that allow for the functioning of their liberties. Their goal is to mobilise social change without 'eliminating' their audiences (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) or offending traditional structures that can become destructive to a democratic transition (see Mendel, 2007). They ensure that their debates are not merely critical but result oriented so that debates do not end in closure of the station (Kumar, 2006: 134).
Besides promoting civic input, the media also plays a reconciliation role in transitional democracies where there is history of 3 civil conflict by looking at how journalists can be part of the solution rather than part of the problem (Hanitzsch, 2004: 2). This means that instead of fanning the flames of ethnicity and religious divides the media strive to promote unity, reconstruction and reconciliation within communities (Macharia, 2008: 30-33; see Coronel, 2004). Media in sensitive communities can promote reconciliation through careful reportage that gives voice to many sides of an issue (Coronel, 2004: 2). This method of reporting demands more investigative research on behalf of the journalist and requires lengthier 'conflict
3 The Rwanda massacres of 1994 indicate that objective journalism can be manipulated to become irresponsible journalism, that impacts public opinion and consequently destroys human life (Krschner-Pelkmann, 2008: 1). Radio Mille Collines an independent radio, propagated news that provoked hatred against the Tutsi ethnicity; most of the listeners of the radio were members of the military and soldiers who went on a rampage and killed anyone who was denounced on the radio (Krschner-Pelkmann, 2008: 1). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 28 - resolution' and historical explanations rather than just focusing on the damages (see Lynch, 2007). It resists giving unnecessary attention to violence and ethnic background (Lynch, 2007: 7). Instead it focuses on the impacts and outcomes of the issue from both sides of the debate and also highlights 'moral lessons' (Coronel, S. 2004: 6).
Public journalism rejects sensationalism, nationalism and production of prejudices against certain ethnic groups or persons (Celenk, 2007: 16). This is particularly significant in Afghanistan as Pashtun ethnic group form a majority population in government ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 13) but private media are primarily in the hands of non-Pashtuns. This does not necessarily pose a problem to reportage as many community journalists have focused on reconstruction by reflecting on the issues of the whole community. However some government officials have demonstrated Pashtun nationalism and have targeted non- Pashtun journalists. Conclusion With the careful consideration of the Afghan context, this chapter argued that communitarian philosophy which promotes a public journalism approach, is most effective at this stage of Afghanistan's transition. I defined this theory as 'socially responsible' journalism which considers social change as its main focus. So although watchdog journalism is important, the media also has a role in informing the public about a variety of public issues, such as the their social rights in the Afghan society. The discussion of these issues create public awareness and debate, which assist in progressing Afghanistan's democratic transition. Since the Afghan public are Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 29 - composed of different ethnic groups, cultures, religions and languages, they interpret the media's messages with their particular subjectivities. Therefore the media should also consider Afghan cultural 'ingredients' when reporting on sensitive issues. While this chapter has defined the role of media in Afghanistan and their impact over social change, the next chapter looks at medias environment and what is required from its social and political frameworks to enable social change in Afghanistan. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 30 -
( CHAPTER TWO )
DEFINING THE ROLE OF HARMFUL REMNANTS IN MEDIA' S ENABLING ENVIRONMENT
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 31 - Introduction: Defining the Media's Enabling Environment This chapter defines the requirements for an environment that allows the media to address social change issues by practicing responsible journalism. The need for this definition was highlighted by the interview discussions conducted for this thesis, where journalists and media professionals raised concerns over the existence of 'pressure groups' (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) within the political structures of Afghanistan. It was noted that these constraints could potentially hinder the implementation and structuring of particular media laws.
Taking from the interview evidence, this chapter argues that there are potentially harmful factors (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22) stemming from previous governmental regimes that perceive a democratic media as a threat to their traditional interests. The research in this chapter will show that some political, religious and ethnic leaders who have been traditionally influential in Afghan social structures (see Rawan, 2002) have obtained positions in Parliament, Ministries, Judiciaries and Courts (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006). This chapter will provide evidence that they are structuring or implementing legislation in ways that impede the development of media freedom in Afghanistan.
As discussed in chapter one this thesis assumes that a democratic and socially responsible media system can be a source of social change through public and watchdog journalism. The interviewees (2009) have highlighted that there are social and political factors restricting the development of media freedom in Afghanistan. This chapter defines the role of those social and political forces and the extent in Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 32 - which they can impact the media's ability to drive social change. The combination of social and political factors and their influence over media explain whether the media can 'enable' social and political reforms (see Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002). I will use the term enabling environment ( Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 17) to explain the cause and effect discourse between media and its political environment.
In order to define the media's enabling environment in Afghanistan I have used the stages of transition model introduced in Media Reform: Democratising the Media, Democratising the State (2002), applying its criteria for social change in Afghanistan's political environment. This model consists of four theoretical stages. Each stage has criteria that define the enabling environment and the democratic elements required for media to become a source of social change ( Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 17).
I have identified Afghanistan to be in the secondary stage (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21) of transition that is characterised by a country that is fine- tuning (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21) its media legislative framework. At this stage there is either immediate consolidation (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21) which means the reforming regime accepts the fully functional legislative framework or there is authoritarian backlash (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21), where the reforming regime abandons the reform process and slides back into the primary stage where a ruptured transition (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19) occurs. A ruptured transition is characterised by a government that contains individuals from the former regime who Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 33 - are attempting to establish renewed control, and will also attempt to structure legislative framework in a manner most advantageous to their own interests (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19-23).
Although Afghanistan's political structure is showing signs of 'ruptured transition' (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19) the government has not deliberately abandoned the reform process and there are still some signs of negotiation. This is evident for example in contradictions presented by Afghanistan's Media Law (2007). A parliament that is largely controlled by fundamentalist Mujahedin ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 99) and other conservatives have passed media laws which place the government-owned broadcaster in the public service sector (see "Mass Media Law", 2007; Najibullah, 2007; S Siddiqi 2009, email, 20 Mar). While this demonstrates political willingness for positive change (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar), Afghanistan's President Hamed Karzai has refused to order the publication of the Media Law (Wafa and Gall, 2007). Some members of government now argue that the government should have its own radio, television and newspapers (Wafa and Gall, 2007). Since legislation that has been passed must become effective immediately, the government has acted against the Afghan Constitution by not publishing the Media Law (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 20 Mar). This shows that the democratic transition has not completely regressed but there are strong authoritarian elements that can hinder the media reform process at any time. Defining Harmful Remnants The existence of pressure groups in Afghanistan's current legal and political structures were identified as a problem to media freedom by the interviewees (2009). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 34 - They perceive the media's watchdog role as a threat to the renewal of their ideologies and they have responded to the media's interruption of political order by demobilising (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) public opinion in a variety of ways. This is represented especially in the number of assaults reported by a media watch organisation called Nai (Khalwatgar, 2008). It has reported 28 cases of assault on journalists by government officials who claim those journalists were acting against the country's laws (Khalwatgar, 2008).
I have identified these pressure groups as the former leaders and members of militant factions such as the former Mujahedin who have emerged as new political parties to represent conservative interests through their direct or indirect influence in Parliament, Ministries, Judiciary and the Supreme Court (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006). Amin Tarzi (2008) a prominent scholar in Afghan studies, calls this group the neo-Taliban (Tarzi 2008, 314). Although this term explains the ideological ties of this group to their former counterparts, the term harmful remnants (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22) is more suitable in describing these pressure groups. This is because it describes the harmful existence of a variety of remaining elements and individuals from former regimes who are attempting to renew control in the new political structures of Afghanistan. I will argue this by firstly drawing on historical examples to explain the influence of these harmful remnants and secondly I will discuss how they have posed restrictions to the media's role as a result. The Role of Harmful Remnants in The Media's Environment In order to understand the role of these harmful remnants in modern political Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 35 - structures and why they see media's role as a threat, it is important to reflect on their historical influence and their traditional methods of control over public opinion. These harmful remnants initially emerged from Afghan political structures during the decade of 1964 to 1973 which is referred to by historians as the decade of Constitutional law (Nazemi, 2004: 28) where political parties were organised for the first time (Misdaq, 2006: 81). The King had not ratified the part of the Constitution dealing with the formation of political parties and their obligations, and thus many different Islamist parties emerged (Misdaq, 2006: 81). Once the Soviet government established power in Afghanistan during 1978 many of those Islamist parties moved their operations to Pakistan and later emerged as militant factions to overthrow the communist government (Ewans, 2002: 180). Militant faction ideologies were based on the leader's ethnicity, tribal beliefs and school of Islam ("Afghanistan - Political Parties", 2009). Between 1989 and 1992 Mujahedin emerged from these Islamist factions to combat the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) ("Afghanistan - Political Parties", 2009).
After the Soviet withdrawal the factions who had once become united as Mujahedin to fight one common enemy started to use their ethnic and Islamist ideologies to fight for governance in Afghanistan ("Afghanistan - Political Parties", 2009). The rivalries between the factions led to the outbreak of a civil war where the Mujahedin committed heinous war crimes against ordinary civilians as well as the opposition ("War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001." 2001: 56-60). Their crimes included the killing and torture of Afghan refugees who opposed Mujahedin leaders or those who worked for humanitarian organisations with the abuse continuing until 2001 ("War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001." 2001: 56-60). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 36 -
Continuing violence led to the emergence of the more conservative Pashtun faction, the Taliban ("The Emergence of Taliban", 2002). The Taliban wanted to combat the Mujahedin who were raping women and carrying out brutal attacks on civilians (Misdaq, 2006: 193; "War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001", 2001: 19-20). Today these former militant faction leaders and their members have evolved beyond Mujahedin and Taliban to encompass new groups with new agendas (Tarzi, 2008: 276) manifesting themselves in post-Taliban structures and under new party names since 2004 ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 21- 23).
Since party registration laws prohibit parties from maintaining their own militias ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 21), militant factions such as Ittihad-e Islami re-emerged as Daw'at-e Islami to show a separation of their ideologies from former militant factions who were associated with violence, brutality and undemocratic values ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 22). Changing party names has allowed the members and leaders from these former factions to legally operate and maintain influence in the post-Taliban political framework of Afghanistan (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 16-17).
These harmful remnants have influence over decision-making processes and because of their influence they can inappropriately structure the law to benefit their own political interests (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22). For example former 4 Ittihad-e Islami faction leader Abdul Rasul Sayyaf chaired a Parliamentarian working
4 This faction is now Dawat-e Islami Party (see "Wardak Provincial Summary." 2008) Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 37 - group in 2003 for drafting the Constitution of Afghanistan ("Abdul Rasul Sayyaf", 2009). He suggested that working groups should be divided based on ethnicity, gender and expertise rather than a random selection so that the results of the discussion and debate will be positive, and closer to each other ("Abdul Rasul Sayyaf", 2009). The decision to structure the working group in this way does not distribute power equally because it allows a particular ethnic, religion or gender group to dominate outcomes that are beneficial to a margin of society and undermines the democratic process. Sayyaf who was elected into parliament ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 219) has further secured his position and interests by placing his 'clients' in top court positions (Tarzi, 2008: 328) such as Mawlawi Fazl Hadi Shinwari a religious cleric as the Supreme Court Judge and Wahid Muzhda in lower court positions (Tarzi, 2008: 328). Shinwari, during his period as the Supreme Judge appointed 128 judges to the Supreme Court, which has further strengthened intolerance within the justice system (Price, 2009). Thus harmful remnants have maintained influence in the political system and judiciary either directly or through their political proxies who can pose restrictions on media freedom and politicise the media's enabling environment.
As a result of the existence of harmful remnants in the Judiciary and other political institutions the media's role is undermined as a government watchdog because the decisions of the Judiciary are highly politicised: The decisions of judges are open to the influence of the political and military leadership independently or via the Supreme Court. Such activities dangerously blur the line between the executive and the judiciary branches of the Afghan government in Kabul and throughout the country. (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 17) Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 38 - The line between the Executive and the Judiciary branches is blurred because the conservative sharia graduates represent both of these sectors and have ties to party leaders such as Sayyaf (Tarzi, 2008: 328). The more progressive law school graduates from Kabul University have less power on cabinet and at ministerial levels (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 12).
These influences are problematic in a case of corruption, for example, because the motions against high ranking officials are likely to be dismissed or overturned by more powerful officials (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 15). If the media reports on corruption or accountability of government officials, it is also highly likely that the critical journalists are targeted or are accused of spreading rumors and are reprimanded (Khalwatgar, 2008). For instance in 2003 two Aftab Daily journalists were charged with defaming Islam (Behzad, 2003) for publishing articles critical of the government's performance and reporting on their links to former Mujahedin who carried out war crimes (Behzad, 2003). The journalists were not criticising Islam or sharia but because they were discussing the performance of former Mujahedin who hold positions in government (Behzad, 2003) the laws were misused by their allies in the justice system for stopping these journalists from uncovering corruption. The interpretation of the journalists' conduct was politicised for two reasons; firstly Shinwari who is the Supreme Court Judge has close ties to Sayyaf (Tarzi, 2008: 328) whose faction carried out the massacre of 700 Hazarahs in the Afshar District of West Kabul in 1993 ("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 5), also the Supreme judge can override any rulings (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 15) and since he shared a political interest in the matter he could not be relied on to have an impartial decision. Secondly, because the Mujahedin were fighting the infidel (Knapp, 2003: Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 39 - 90) communists, their role is compared to Jihad in Islam which was carried out against apostates (Knapp, 2003: 84). Thus they are perceived as heroes (Tarzi, 2007) and it is considered unpatriotic to denounce them as corrupt. As a result of such mis-interpretation of the laws and the mis-representation of justice in the legal system by harmful remnants, the judge was able to order the arrest of the Aftab Daily journalists.
These harmful remnants are also in positions of power where they can create or restructure legislation for their own protection. For instance an amnesty bill was passed by the majority of the Parliament in 2007 which sought immunity for the Mujahedin from prosecution (see Tarzi, 2007). The bill states that Mujahedin war criminals should not be subjected to any criticism (Tarzi, 2007) as well as any legal or judicial proceedings (Tarzi, 2007). Although the law has not been signed yet by the President (Synovitz, 2007) this example evidently shows the influence of harmful remnants in undermining the democratic processes by protecting their interests. This contributes to the backsliding of the country's democratic transition as the media is unable to create accountability. Conclusion A number of different pressure groups were identified as harmful remnants who have maintained or renewed control in post-Taliban structures. Some of the most harmful militant factions have re-established their influence through tactics such as changing party names. Due to their influences and connections to key political positions they are not only creating threats to media's activities, but they can also develop new laws that legitimise their power monopoly further. As they used ethnic and religious Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 40 - differences in the past to oppress particular ethnic groups ("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 5), they can renew old tactics to drive new political agendas by politicising religion and ethinicity. The next chapter looks at how these harmful remnants impact media freedom by their indirect politicisation of the media's environment.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 41 -
( CHAPTER THREE )
THE IMPACT OF HARMFUL REMNANTS BY POLITICISING THE MEDIA' S ENVIRONMENT
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 42 - Introduction: Ethnicity as a Political Instrument This chapter discusses the utilisation of ethnicity (Schetter, 2007: 5) and religion as a social change demobiliser (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) in Afghanistan. I will argue that the harmful remnants are using these two sensitive elements of Afghan culture to politicise media's environment. Furthermore, this type of politicisation also has an indirect impact on media's role which can potentially politicise the media's role in Afghanistan. I will discuss the issue of politicisation in relation to the Media's social and legal environments. In this chapter, the 'ethnic politicisation' section is mainly concerned with the social environment, while the 'politicisation of religion' section is focused on the legal and legislative frameworks for media. These two sections assess two sides of the media's environment and whether they are enabling media to be a source of social change in Afghanistan.
In chapter three I identified the harmful remnants as the religious scholars and former faction leaders in the political system (see Tarzi and Crews, 2008). They view media's role as a threat to their power monopoly in Afghan society (see Tarzi and Crews, 2008). This chapter will use historical evidence to show that politicisation has been used by leaders in the past for political purposes. Due to the emergence of these former leaders in modern political structures of Afghanistan, once again politicisation is becoming an issue. I will argue this by making a link between historical evidence and modern examples related to the inappropriate restructuring of particular laws by the harmful remnants. I will discuss these links and their relationship to media, by discussing two key case studies of language politicisation and Perwiz Kambakhsh's blasphemy case that occurred in 2007 to 2008. As evident by the dates, they are current cases and the purpose of this chapter is to address the issue of the indirect Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 43 - politicisation of media at its early stages.
As it was discussed in chapter two, the media requires an enabling environment with appropriate social and legal frameworks that support social change. This chapter discusses the impact of harmful remnants over media freedom by politicising Media's enabling environment. More specifically, this chapter looks at the issue of politicisation and its role in demobilising media's ability to critically cover social issues. For example, media's ability to discuss issues of women's equal rights in Afghan society which also has religious connotations. There are other ways in which media can become a political instrument; such as the direct politicisation of media through financial aid by various governments and parties. The term political media (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 18) is used by Afghan journalists to refer to the type of media funded by political parties; furthermore it would also be interesting to look at the role of foreign donors in Afghanistan. However this thesis is focusing on the indirect politicisation of media through its environment and therefore renders the role of political media out of the scope of this thesis.
In this chapter I will tackle two aspects of indirect politicisation; firstly, I will discuss the issue of ethnic nationalism (Misdaq, 2006: 5) and its role in media's social environment. For example the use of ethnicity by Pashtun politicians for the marginalisation of non-Pashtuns in the media (Najafizadeh, 2008); and the use of ethnicity by the harmful remnants for developing restrictive laws that contradict media's social change efforts in Afghanistan (Tarzi, 2003). Secondly the politicisation of the legal framework by religious clerics for further restricting media from discussing social issues that are tied to religious or tribal values. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 44 -
Pashtun leaders have traditionally held a large amount of authority to endorse Pashtun life-style and values, the political and ideological integration of fragmented Pashtun groups as well as the active promotion of Pashto as lingua franca (Oberson, 2002: 14). Jose Oberson (2002) refers to this endorsement of culture as Pashtunising or Pashtunisation (Oberson, 2002: 12). Najia Haneefi (2009) also raised this issue as Pashtunsazi (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). This term carries political connotations, because it is used for describing Pashtun leaders' dissemination of Pashtun culture and values over other ethnic groups in Afghanistan. Furthermore it describes the instrumentalisation of ethnicity (Schetter, 2007: 3) by Pashtun leaders to build sovereignty among themselves and 'depending on the circumstances', against other minorities in Afghanistan (see Oberson, 2002). Defining Politicisation of Ethnicity Ethnic politicisation can become a mobilisation instrument for politicians (Schetter, 2007: 5). In contemporary Afghanistan, politicians are able to utilise ethnicity to justify inappropriate restructuring of legislative frameworks for political gain, such as elections (see Hakimi and Aziz, 2009). This was seen in 2009 when legislation was structured inappropriately to appeal to potential Hazarah voters in the August elections (Boone, 2009). In this case ethnicity became an electoral issue (Kelstrup, 2000: 162) where a marital law was passed that acted in the interest of Hazarah men in Afghan society, potentially promoting 'marital rape' (Price, 2009). The Hazarah ethnic group who have historically been discriminated against for their Mongolian features, language and religion (Schetter, 2007: 3; "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 120), are given their own sense of identity through the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 45 - 'Shia' marital law that undermines women's rights (Boone, 2009).
Moreover the law was signed by the government (Boone, 2009) to potentially appeal to one of the most influential Hazarah political parties in Afghanistan ("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 3). This is the Shia Hazara party, called Hezb-e Wahdat and led by Haji Muhammad Muhaqiq. Muhaqiq, as a member of the Wolesi Jirga [lower house] and party leader, Mohaqiq has increased his popularity among the Hazarah by focusing on issues relevant to the Hazarajat and the Hazarah population ("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 3). It is believed that the party is supporting Karzai ("Information on Hezb-e Wahdat", 2003) and have negotiated power sharing under a future government (Salahuddin, 2009). Therefore ethnicity has been potentially instrumentalised for maintaining voting preferences. The formation of such legislation is not unrelated to media, because it shows that the harmful remnants are capable of restructuring and implementing inappropriate legislations which can create potential restrictions for media. This legislation further demonstrates how ethnicity can be politicised by authorities to legalise other forms of discrimination in Afghan society.
Ethnicity on its own is not the problem in Afghan society (see Glatzer, 2002) and language differences do not appear to pose communication problems: You will sit in a place where two people will have a conversation, one person will speak one language and the other will speak the other language. Because they have been living together [in mixed communities] they understand each other perfectly well and they do not see the need to switch it [the language]. (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) The local media also usually reflect on a variety of languages to reach diverse groups. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 46 - For instance the program New Home, New Life runs in Pashto and Persian. However as Sidiqqi (2009) explains, some audiences listen to both services because they like the program and they want to compare the acting in different languages. Moreover, as Schetter (2007) suggests Afghans are not restricted to the characteristics of their ethnic groups. For example, many Pashtuns are bilingual (Girard and Spek, 2002: 14) and the the former King Zahir was a Pashtun who did not speak a word of Pashto (Schetter, 2007: 3).
Glatzer (2002) views tribes as social and political units (2002: 6) that have been used as instruments (2002: 6). Glatzer (2002) and Schetter (2007) agree that Afghanistan's political problems are not driven by ethnic differences. As Glatzer (2002) suggests, ethnic and tribal boundaries are not fixed but are a matter of negotiation (2002: 12). This means that utilisation of ethnicity by leaders is dependent on opportunities and tactics and may change quickly (Glatzer, 2002: 12). For example the Pashtun militant faction leader Gulbudin Hekmatyar initially focused his public speeches on pan-Islamism and the Islamic ummah which calls on a plural Muslim society (Glatzer, 2002: 12). However when he recruited in Pashtun areas (Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 224) he appealed to the ethnic and tribal solidarity of the Pashtuns who should defend their identity and honour against the rest of the world (Glatzer, 2002: 12). Therefore ethnic differences are intentionally highlighted for driving particular political agendas. Moreover it appears that ordinary Afghans from different ethnic backgrounds have been able to coexist (see Gregorian, 1969) and adapt each other's culture and language without any problems (see Schetter, 2007; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The only time ethnicity has become a problem is when it is utilised by leaders who have master[ed] the cultural [ethnic] Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 47 - patterns (Schetter, 2007: 3) for mobilising particular groups and driving particular political motives (see Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail, 2007).
Politicisation of language Another element of ethnic difference is language in Afghanistan. Language is also potentially becoming an instrument of politicisation because non-Pashtuns who are generally Persian speakers share this language with Iran. Pashtun nationalists, in particular the Pashtun militant group the Taliban, had political frictions with Iran. External political issues with Iran have reflected negatively in the treatment of Persian speakers by harmful remnants of Pashtun ethnicity in post-Taliban Afghanistan. I will illustrate this form of politicisation by firstly arguing that Persian language is local to Afghanistan, secondly presenting evidence of political friction between Iran and ethnic nationalist Pashtuns and thirdly demonstrating through a case study how language can be politicised through the media in Afghanistan.
Anthropologists generally group non-Pashtun minorities by their language of Persian while Pashtuns are generally united by the elements of a common tribal heritage (see Lyon, 2006), Pashtunwali tribal code and the Pashto language in Afghanistan (Wardak, 2003: 1; Lyon, 2006: 184). There is no official census available since 1979, but Persian appears to be more prominently spoken through out the country ("The CIA world factbook 2008", 2007). Misdaq (2006) suggests this is due to Afghanistan's historical ties to Persia's courts, which was particularly influential during the 18th century where many Pashtuns adopted Persian as their language as well (Misdaq, 2006: 8). As a result of the language commonalities with Iran, Persian speaking Afghans have been influenced by Iranian literature, history and culture Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 48 - (Misdaq, 2006: 21). There is even dispute over the nationality of certain philosophers and intellectuals, for example Ibn Sina and Seyd Jamaludin Afghani (or Seyd Jamaludin Asadabadi in Iran) are claimed by both nations of Persian speakers. This shows the fluidity of Persian culture between Persian speaking Afghans and the Iranians. Latif Nazemi (2003) is an Afghan journalist and poet working for Deutsche Welle and in the article A Look at Persian Literature in Afghanistan, he provides further evidence of this fluidity (see Nazemi, 2003). On the other hand, Pashtuns have historically wanted to separate themselves and build their own nation called Pashtunistan (Misdaq, 2006: 77). Pashtuns' ambitious plans for establishing a unique sense of identity in the region have also led to genocides and civil conflict, particularly in the last three decades (see Misdaq, 2006).
Pashtuns see Iran as a potential threat to their political ambitions (see Arabzadah, 2008). As suggested by Olivier Roy (1986), it appears that Iran with a Shia majority government is attempting to: strengthen its control over the Shia minorities and to use them as pawns in a policy of regional expansion, for, in spite of its fine phrases, Iranian policy is more a manifestation of Persian nationalism than a universal revolution. (Roy, 1986: 213) Hostilities have been seen more visibly between militant Pashtun factions and Iran in recent history. In 1997, the Taliban killed a number of Iranian diplomats in the consulate offices of Mazar Sharif and closed the Iranian Embassy in Kabul (Lyon, 2006: 187-189). In early 2002, the Iranian government expelled ("Iran expels Afghan warlord", 2002) one of the most influential Taliban leaders, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, leading to the closure of his Hizb-i Islami party office in Tehran ("Hizb-i- Islami, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar", 2009). The product of these hostilities in foreign Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 49 - politics coupled with Pashtun nationalism, have attached political connotations to Persian language in Afghanistan. Such issues have politicised the nature of Persian language in Afghanistan and Pashtun leaders have openly shown their opposition to its use. This is reflected by Haneefi, who believes they are discriminated and called political agents (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) for speaking their own language: It is very difficult for us Persian speakers because we are discriminated by Pashtun politicians who call us agents of Iran, when we are only using our mother tongue. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) The issue of language politicisation became a public matter in 2008, when the Minster of Information and Culture, Karim Khorram reprimanded a Balkh RTA reporter for using 5 Persian words in a broadcast (Najafizadeh, 2008). Khorram is a Pashtun and a former member of the militant party, Hizb-i-Islami (Synovitz, 2008) known to follow similar ideologies to the Taliban, led by one of the most wanted former Mujahedin leaders, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar ("Logar Province", 2008; Synovitz, 2008). The minister criticised the reporter for introducing alien (Najafizadeh, 2008) Iranian words to the 'Afghan language' (Najafizadeh, 2008). Criticisms were baseless because, firstly the Afghan Constitution (2004) promotes the use of various dialects and languages (2004: 7) and secondly the news broadcast was in Persian and in the province of Balkh (Najafizadeh, 2008) which is predominantly composed of Tajiks ("Provincial Profile - Balkh" 2006) who are Persian speakers. Thirdly, he replaced the Ministry's Persian entrance sign to a Pashto language sign upon becoming the minister (Najafizadeh, 2008). These events characterise an active disregard for non- Pashtuns which further promote ethnic patriotism and language politicisation in Afghanistan. The politicisation led to ethnic discrimination and the dissemination of
5 Such as 'daneshgah and daneshjoo' to refer to 'university and student' rather than using the Pashto word, 'Pohantun' (Najafizadeh, 2008) Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 50 - ethnic hatred, leading to fighting among students at Balkh and Kabul Universities and 200 students were injured (Arabzadah, 2008).
These events have a negative effect over media because the minister's actions have set ethnic frameworks to media's reportage. Moreover harmful remnants benefit from ethnic conflict as it keeps the country segmentary (Misdaq, 2006: 64) and maintains their monopoly over public opinion (see Rawan). The media demonopolises the power of these harmful remnants by democratising the public opinion; if its role is politicised, instead, the media will initiate these harmful remnants' political aspirations (see Hackett and Carroll, 2006). Defining Politicisation of Religion While ethnicity is a sensitive aspect of Afghan culture that has been evidently instrumentalised to politicise the media's environment, religion is another sensitive aspect of Afghan culture that can be used by harmful remnants. The harmful remnants in this case are religious clerics who have powerful positions within the government and control the Judiciary (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006). Religion is politicised by these harmful remnants to restrict the critical coverage of social issues that are tied to religious values. Because religious leaders are judges or have influence over legal decisions, the judges' interpretation of the Media Law are based on the sharia (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). This is problematic for media's ability to critically cover a variety of social issues, in particular issues related to women's equal rights in society.
As illustrated by Suhrke and Borchgrevink, in the Afghan legal framework there is Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 51 - hardly a distinction made between the 'rule of law' and the law as pronounced by the ulama (Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 216). In rural areas this issue may be complicated by the influence of tribal elders (Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 216) and tribal Islam's influence over legal decisions. While the influence of ulama in the legal framework has already been established by researchers (see Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009; Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004; Mendoza, 2004) as a problem within the legal framework of Afghanistan, the issue for journalists is further complicated by the lack of an independent blasphemy legislation for the media. This provides prosecutors with a political vacuum where they can make sharia applicable to media conduct.
While the Media Law stipulates that the Afghan government promote and guarantee the right to freedom of thought and speech ("Mass Media Law", 2007: 1). Article 1 states that the Media Law is developed with the consideration of Islam pursuant to Article 34 of the Constitution and Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights ("Mass Media Law", 2007: 1). At this point one would make the assumption that Article 34 of the Afghan Constitution (2004) discusses Islamic principles that Afghan citizens must adhere to. However article 34 shows one of the ways in which the Media Law struggles to define its position on religion, because the article also defends freedom of expression rather than providing any form of definition (see "The Constitution of Afghanistan", 2004): Every Afghan shall have the right to express thoughts through speech, writing, illustrations as well as other means in accordance with provisions of this Constitution ("The Constitution of Afghanistan", 2004: 10). Furthermore, other articles of the Afghan Constitution (2004) and the Penal Code Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 52 - (1976) are also silent on definitions of blasphemy. The three laws mention some general prohibitions but they are ambiguous. For example article 3 of the Constitution (2004) states that no law shall contravene the tenets and provisions of Islam (2004: 4), and article 45(1) of the Media Law (2007) specifies that content must not be contrary to the principles and provisions of Islam (Tarzi, 2007b); but there is no explanation provided as to what these 'provisions' are. The Afghan Media Law (2007), the Constitution (2004) and the Penal Code (1976) in fact demonstrate a liberal approach to interpreting freedom for the Media; but because the statements are ambiguous, they provide the prosecutors with a vacuum for individual applications of the sharia.
While in the Anglo-American world the conditions of modernity have made legal prosecutions against blasphemy not only rare but also obsolete (Hassan, 2008: 158). In Islam an insult to God, to the Prophet or any of the divine revelations is considered blasphemous conduct. Moreover suspicions of apostasy (Hassan, 2008: 158) is also a crime that can be punishable by 6 death. This is evident in Kambakhsh's case, where the ulama have interpreted his conduct as the weakness of faith in Islam ("Journalism student given 20-year jail term in Afghanistan", 2008). Demonstration of apostasy has stemmed from the article's critic of polygamy ("Afghan Journalist's Death Sentence Commuted", 2008) which is allowed in Islam. Under these interpretations any form of expression that suggests 'infidelity' towards Islam is also considered blasphemous (Hassan, 2008: 158). For example the former communist regime were called 'infidels' by the former Mujahedin and Taliban (Knapp, 2003: 90).
6 Such as the case of Salman Rushdie a former Shia Muslim, who wrote the book The Satanic Verses that lead to Khomeini's controversial Fatwa in 1988 (Brooks, 2008; Hassan, 2008: 158). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 53 - Blasphemy is instrumentalised to silence opinions contrary to the regime, hence restricting the media's ability to cover religious issues critically. This further limits the media's ability to engage a public debate about issues like women's rights in Afghan society. This is important for ordinary Afghans who have not acquired up to date knowledge about the religion during the last three decades of conservative rule and their understanding about their rights and social issues are limited (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The media's restrictions are created by politicising the religious law, making religion an instrument of power legitimisation for remnants of an authoritarian regime (Esposito, 2000: 50; Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 215-216). Political scientists are referring to this as 'political Islam' where religion is no longer just mediat[ing] between man and god (Fuller, 2003: 13) but is used by governments to fill a political vacuum (see Fuller, 2003). This is problematic for media, because sharia requires the interpretation of the ulama who make those meanings relevant to everyday life (Mendoza, 2004: 3). Religious scholars base their interpretations on Islamic sources which are the Quran, Prophet's teachings the Sunna and divine revelations the Hadith (Radan, Meyerson and Croucher, 2005: 273). Religious scholars read and interpret the Sharia by using a particular set of rules (Mendoza, 2004: 3) from those Islamic sources (Mendoza, 2004: 3). In Afghanistan these ulama who are the harmful remnants, not only step in to protect religion but also to protect themselves from journalists who challenge their power monopoly in the government.
Many judges act with dual positions (see Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009), for example Shinwari was a senior member of Afghanistan's Council of Islamic Scholars (Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328) while also serving as the Supreme Court Judge between Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 54 - 2002 to 2006 (Price, 2009; Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328). Evidently, these judges could have a conflict of interest in blasphemy cases, because they could use their positions to act as a moral guardian, censor and defender of broad jurisdiction for the sharia (Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328). In a consultation event hosted by the UNAMA ("Multi-stakeholder Consultation on Freedom of Expression in Afghanistan", 2009), journalists also believed that many of the judges wanted to act as a guardian of religion (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 18). For example journalists have suggested that Perwiz Kambakhsh's blasphemy case was intentionally politicised to 'teach a lesson' to others not to question conservative religious interpretations, their authority and that of their political allies (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 16). Perwis Kambakhsh, a journalist and a student, received the death penalty for downloading an article that was critical of polygamy and gender inequalities in Islam ("Afghan Journalist's Death Sentence Commuted", 2008). Even under the assumption that Kambakhsh did 'attack' Islam, the Penal code (1976) in reference to Crimes Against Religions in article 348, specifies only a short imprisonment and cash fine for an attack on Islam ("Penal Code", 1976: 101).
Lack of a blasphemy legislation in Afghanistan also means that there is no clear indication between what is religion and tribal custom (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). Due to the numerous tribes and ethnic groups in Afghanistan, interpretations of what constitutes blasphemous can also vary. The issue of tribal Islam is especially problematic in rural regions, where journalists can also be directly targeted by local commanders or tribesmen (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). In Pashtun tribal regions and villages, social 'norms' are more strictly interpreted based on Pashtun customs (see Kakar, 2003). Pashtun customary law is comprised of Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 55 - traditions specified in Pashtunwali code (see Kakar, 2003). This code has been historically enforced through the tribal council of jirga which has traditionally acted as the village court (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 37). So as Soheil (2009) has suggested there is an influence of tribal mentality (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar) in the court system which is problematic, because in many instances tribal customs even override sharia (Moghadam, 1993: 210). For instance according to Pashtun tribal code a woman accused of adultery can be executed based on rumours, while this contradicts sharia which requires four witnesses (Moghadam, 1993: 210).
This indicates that Islam is not the only institution that regulates everyday affairs (Misdaq, 2006: 275) in Afghanistan, and Afghan Islam is a hybrid of sharia and customary laws. As Schetter argues, Afghan Islam contrasts with the concept of an 'Islamic ummah' or a plural Muslim society because of the fragmentation of society along ethnic lines (Schetter, 2007: 4). Therefore this contradicts Gregorian's (1969) belief that Islam is a unifying factor among Afghans. As a result of the existence of a tribal Islam, the harmful remnants in Judiciary and courts also interpret blasphemy conducts based on their ethnic understandings of the sharia (see Mendoza, 2004). Conclusion The restrictions raised in Afghanistan's media environment at this stage of transition are caused by a lack of separation between the rule of law, religion and customs. In the Afghan context these issues are intertwined and related, once one element, such as religion is politicised, the three elements become instruments for regressing or stalling social change in Afghanistan. These sensitive aspects of Afghan culture are utilised by the harmful remnants who justify the inappropriate implementation of the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 56 - rule of law under Islam. The Media Law interpretations are therefore politicised for the institutionalisation of the enforcement of further restrictions over media in Afghanistan.
This is problematic for media freedom because journalists are limited in the way in which they can critically discuss social issues crucial to ordinary Afghans. In this context sharia is applicable to journalistic conduct, this demonstrates a lack of willingness for social change from the legal framework. The journalists at the UNAMA's consultation (2009) have suggested that the Afghan media environment is not conducive (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 17) for discussing religious issues critically. In this context of blasphemy, journalists are not perceived as the fourth estate but rather as 'faithful' Muslims who have no business acting as the state watchdog or discussing particular issues of public interest.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
CHAPTER FOUR
STRATEGIES OF RESPONSE BY JOURNALISTS IN AFGHANISTAN
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 58 - Introduction: Media Interviews Previous chapters identified the issue of harmful remnants and their politicisation of ethnicity and religion for restricting media freedom. These issues were discussed within their social, cultural and political contexts. This chapter presents evidence of these restrictions from the Afghan journalists perspective. The aim of this chapter is also to provide recommendations about how Afghan journalists can negotiate restrictions for driving social change in Afghanistan.
As discussed in chapter one, the most suitable approach for media in Afghanistan is public journalism, where civic education and public interest issues are prioritised (see Etzioni, 1998). This chapter, in particular the section on 'responsible journalism' demonstrates how journalists tackle social change issues through communitarian philosophy. The interviews were conducted with Faheem Dashty (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Kabul Weekly), Mobina Khairandish (Producer of Radio Rabia Balkhi), Najia Haneefi (women's rights activist and the owner of Radio Rabia Balkhi), Sanjar Soheil (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Hasht-e Sobh) and Shirazuddin Siddiqi (Director of BBC World Service Trust Afghanistan and Afghan Education Projects), Associate Professor Martin Hadlow (former Director of UNESCO office in Kabul). While the radio journalists often represent public journalism that promote civic education, the newspapers in Afghanistan often represent political journalism. The interviewees are selected from diverse professional backgrounds, which assists the thesis in presenting a range of perceptions about the current restrictions and steps forward for addressing social change issues in Afghanistan. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 59 - Interview Categories The issues and strategies raised by interviewees are categorised into four groups of (1) traditional restrictions, (2) law enforcement, (3) professional experience and (4) responsible journalism in Afghanistan. Category (1) presents the interviewees' perceptions of 'freedom' in the context of traditional and cultural environments. These environments have been defined in chapter two, and in this section those definitions 'frame' the analysis provided by the interviews. Category (2) presents the journalists' understanding of the Media Law restrictions and their suggestions on how the law and the issues of its enforcement could be addressed. Category (3) presents media professionalism issues in Afghanistan, and highlights an area for further study for future research. Category (4) presents how Afghan journalists are battling the restrictions I have highlighted in chapters two and three of this thesis. This section also supports my argument for a communitarian philosophy which prevails a public oriented media approach in Afghanistan.
(1) Traditional Restrictions The journalists interviewed believe that tribal mindsets (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar) exist among Afghans and more evidently amongst rural Afghans (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar; S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). In villages, provinces and regional areas in particular local commanders, tribal and religious leaders can cause physical threats to journalists ("Main threat to Afghan journalists is from government", 2009). Soheil (2009) suggests that these individuals perceive freedom of expression as a disruption to their tribal autonomy. Autonomy in this Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 60 - sense, refers to the way Afghan traditional living is structured (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). For example, there are inequalities within tribes, especially between genders and there is a hierarchical social structure (Giustozzi and Ullah 2006: 3) which affects Afghan's understanding of freedom of expression: In Afghan households children are told 'you do not understand and therefore you do not participate in adult discussions'. When we are adults we are always nervous about expressing our opinions because we are worried about being wrong. This type of mindset exists among the educated and the uneducated in Afghanistan. In Afghan society there has never been a chance for us to ask questions. We are not allowed to ask questions from our elders in our families and the leaders in our society. In elders' gatherings [jirga] I am told that I do not have the right to speak. Why don't I have the right? (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar) The apparent communication hierarchy within the family defines an individuals right to freedom of expression and their ability to participate in discussions. Besides the enforcement of a communication hierarchy in the family, communication is further 'institutionalised' (Rawan, 2002: 156) through the tribal gatherings of jirga (Rawan, 2002: 166). As a traditional communication channel (Rawan, 2002: 166) the jirga eliminates the voice of the disenfranchised such as women (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 3) but only a selection of individuals from local tribes can participate in decision making processes (see Wardak, 2003): Although jirgas may be positive for collaboration in essence their structure is very undemocratic. Ordinary Afghans do not get a say in what is decided for the village. The members of the jirga are usually the male elders of the tribes who promote the patriarchal structure of our society and it is important for these leaders to maintain their tribal structure. (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). Jirga is a tribal council, mainly common among the Pashtun populated areas, which is Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 61 - represented by the community's opinion leaders (Rawan, 2002: 166). These opinion leaders are defined by Rawan (2002) as the leaders of tribes, mullahs, commanders and land owners (2002: 166). The gathering of these powerful individuals allows them to make decisions on public issues (see Rawan, 2002). This representation of public opinion allows the jirga members to have a monopoly over public opinion in the village (Gregorian, 1969: 42; see Mendoza, 2004) and they have traditionally disseminated news through their communication channels (Giustozzi and Ullah, 2006: 16), such as the through the Bazaar and the mosque sermons (Rawan, 2002: 156). Therefore the jirga's role is comparable to modern media as the fourth estate, which traditionally represented a form of public consensus in Afghan society (Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail, 2007: 146).
However the jirga functions in contradictions to the local media which is attempting to democratise the public opinion. Historically politicisation of ethnic groups in Afghanistan were carried out by the jirga (see Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail, 2007; Wardak, 2003). The jirga's hegemonic control over public opinion has enabled them to motivate a wide range of 7 rivalries and vendettas alive among the Afghan tribes (Gregorian, 1969: 42). In contemporary Afghanistan, the opinion leaders have emerged as harmful remnants in modern political structures who can politicise the public opinion through the instrumentalisation of ethnicity and religion. They can impact the public opinion against their non-Pashtun rivals as it has been demonstrated in the past.
7 This is evident through the factionalisation of the Mujahedin (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006), the Hazarah ethnic genocides ("Wardak Provincial Summary", 2008: 5) and the revolting of the Khost Pashtun tribes against Amanullah's 1919 social and political reforms (Misdaq, 2006: 64). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 62 - The jirga functions like an internal government for the tribes (Elphinstone, cited in Wardak, 2003: 11) and they see the media as a threat to their interests: Local media talks about democratic decision making, elections and rights and that there is no hierarchy among people. Evidently this is a threat to their tribal autonomy and they want to protect it. (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar) This is similar to the reaction of authoritarian governments who want to influence the media and target journalists who challenge the status quo. For example the ethnic group, the Pashtuns have the most elaborate tribal structures which are defined by codes like the Pashtunwali (see Kakar, 2003). This code defines gender roles, tribal governance, conflict resolution and even hospitality (see Gregorian, 1969).There are entrenched inequalities in this code, such as the trading of women for resolving tribal feuds (Kakar, 2003: 4).
As a result of these traditions and customs, village tribesmen perceive women's leadership positions and involvement in society contradictory to their culture (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). Since Afghan Islam is a mixture of tribal and religious traditions, the tribe opinion leaders are also against women's participation in an Islamic society (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 20). This kind of attitude has led to the killing of women like Zakia Zaki, a prominent women's rights activist and journalist for speaking against militant leaders and advocating for women's rights in rural Afghanistan ("Afghan woman radio head shot dead", 2007). These opinion leaders who have emerged as harmful remnants have also confronted women's involvement in the establishment of women's radio; Hadlow (2009) who was involved in setting up Voice of Afghan Women Radio explains that they encountered a community backlash prior to going on air: Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 63 - They said they do not want to hear women's voices on the radio but the women went ahead and did it - but it is easier in Kabul because of security. The journalists have to be cautious, it is very difficult for them because they have to step on the streets later and face the authorities and the 8 warlords who do not agree with them. (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar) Evidently female journalists face great danger in Afghanistan; firstly for challenging gender restrictions, and secondly, for the nature of their work. This issue is confirmed by Khairandish (2009) who initially faced threats by starting the women's radio station, Rabia Balkhi which broadcasts to Balkh and nearby villages: In the beginning the men were against our programs, they did not want to accept the establishment of a women's radio station in Balkh. They thought the programs would destroy their family values or encourage socially unacceptable attitudes among women, if those women understand their rights. But now, even men call us and provide feedback on how programs could be improved or what else we could cover. So far they have not created problems for us. (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar) Although Khairandish (2009) is positive about the community's tolerance, she explains that the station has negotiated cultural restrictions to create an environment where they have broadcast safely for the past eight years (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). This negotiation means that Rabia Balkhi has prioritised women's involvement in Afghan society, rather than challenging the local authority (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). They have achieved this by protecting the circumstances that allow their female employees to work by focusing on civic education, which is fundamental to Afghan women's social growth (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Due to issues of physical security and fears of being shut down, the radio generally refrains from undertaking a traditional watchdog role:
8 My interpretation of warlords is militant groups who function as political factions or armed individuals. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 64 - Two years ago we had a critical program about Mazar Sharif's local government. We were told that we have gone 'beyond our journalistic boundaries' and this is going to become problematic for us. (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar) On the contrary, the chief editor of Kabul Weekly, Dashty (2009) believes that because the Afghan media law (2007) promotes and guarantees freedom of expression, journalists should not refrain from reporting on political subjects. He suggests that through careful consideration of Afghan laws and undertaking responsible journalism the media can be free and act as a watchdog: We have not had any deaths or arrests at Kabul Weekly but we have received threats. I ensure that we do not go beyond the frame of law. That is why I think we have less problems. (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar) Dashty (2009) suggests that the Afghan Media Law supports freedom of expression and if it is implemented correctly, it offers journalists legal protection. However, Haneefi (2009) believes the law fails to support freedom of expression because Afghan customary laws do not entitle women to equal rights in society (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004): When we cannot talk about women's rights because it is considered an exported Western ideology - how can one call this freedom? (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) Furthermore, Khairandish (2009) does not believe the law offers any legal protection because of the lack of its appropriate enforcement: If the Afghan government implement the current Media Law in its true meaning then essentially all of our problems will be solved. If the officials understand the law and what it upholds then we will not have problems (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 65 - The issues of protection provided by the Media Law for journalists has been much debated; as discussed in chapter three, the Afghan laws do not pose direct restrictions on freedom of expression, however all the interviewed journalists and media professionals have raised concern over the law's inappropriate implementation by the authorities. (2) Law Enforcement While many of the interviewees agree that Afghan Media Law (2007) is democratic in nature and provides freedom of expression 'on paper', all the interviewees agree that it is not enforced appropriately (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar; M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar; N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar; S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). Events of inappropriate law enforcement are two fold; firstly the Media Law's ambiguities on issues such as insult to national personalities, Islam and slander ("Afghan journalist union says Media Law vulnerable to misuse", 2008) and secondly the existence of individuals in positions of power who take advantage of those ambiguities and mis- interpret the law for shutting down media and arresting of journalists. Dashty (2009) suggests, ambiguities in the Afghan Media Law are problematic for journalists: There are at least eight articles in the Media Law which are the prohibited issues. For example, not accusing, lying and talking against the national interest of Afghanistan or Islam. These are the red lines, but we were expecting these. What we want is some definition on these articles so the law can not be misused. (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar) The majority of the Media Law's prohibitions are related to blasphemy and defamation; the law itself is merely a list of prohibitions which are not defined ("Mass Media Law." 2007). Siddiqi (2009) suggests the existence of vacuum in the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 66 - Media Law allows religious and 'political interest groups' or as defined in this thesis as harmful remnants, fill in the gap with their own interpretations and Haneefi (2009) agrees: There are many generalisations made in the Media Law, tohin, 'insult' is not defined, which allows religious scholars to label journalists' conducts as an insult to religious values and make journalists vulnerable to prosecution. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) Similarly lack of definition on blasphemy articles means that journalists cannot always predict the consequences of their work and sometimes have to refrain from discussing certain topics because of potential outcomes. For example Haneefi (2009) suggests that 'religious violence' against women cannot be discussed as it can be potentially considered blasphemous. Siddiqi (2009) believes this is a problem as the nation is largely uneducated, as ordinary Afghans have not been exposed to critical thinking for almost three decades, and as an Islamic country the media cannot ignore religion as an interesting topic (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). He suggests that the line between blasphemy and critical coverage of religion must be defined to allow those discussions (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar).
Soheil (2009) believes that the issue of inappropriate law enforcement is caused by the presence of religious leaders in government, legislative and judiciary who have control over development and implementation of the laws. Haneefi (2009) in particular raised concern over the involvement of former members of political factions and Mujahidin leaders in the post-Taliban government. She estimates eighty percent majority of the current Afghan parliament to be composed of harmful remnants or otherwise from former factions who she suggests have posed problems to media freedom: Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 67 - In my opinion the situation of media freedom compared to previous regimes is improved but there is limited freedom. Nothing can be said against religious and political values (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). Soheil (2009) also raises the issue of corruption in the justice system which allow judicial decisions to be impacted by bribery. Furthermore, his newspaper has been highly critical of government's actions towards the misrepresentation of the law. Below is an excerpt from an article in Hasht-e Sobh that has criticised the government for freeing drug traffickers because of the request of influential tribesmen: The release of five drug traffickers who had been sentenced to long terms of imprisonment by the Court, has once again showed the total negligence of those officials who must protect and implement the law [...] It has been a long time now that an innocent young man, Parwiz Kambakhsh, is languishing in his cell on the basis of groundless accusations, but the president does not show mercy towards him. Nonetheless, Mr Hamidzada has added that 'mediation and guarantees by some elders and influential figures can help release the repentant prisoners, because their release is for the good of society and everyone'. ("Afghan paper hits out at president's order to free drug traffickers." 2009) Afghan journalists flag 9 Kambakhsh's blasphemy case who was initially given the death penalty, as an example of misusing the Media Law ("Afghan journalist union says Media Law vulnerable to misuse", 2008; "Afghanistan: Journalist Given Death Sentence For 'Blasphemy' ", 2008). He was convicted for downloading and distributing an article discussing women's rights in Islam, later the death sentence was reduced to twenty years in jail after international pressures ("Afghan Court Upholds Journalism Student's 20 Year Blasphemy Sentence ", 2009).
9 For discussion of this case study refer to the section on 'politicisation of religion' in chapter three. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 68 - Besides the misinterpretation of religion to restrict media freedom, there is further constraint on media through its ethnicisation ("Afghan paper highlights need for decentralization of power", 2009); this is potentially caused by the centralisation and dominance ("Afghan paper highlights need for decentralization of power", 2009) of one ethnic group over the other in Afghanistan's political system ("Afghan paper highlights need for decentralization of power", 2009). In the past political factions have mobilised their members based on common tribal heritage (Glatzer, 2002: 12), and journalists fear that those groups may be renewing their power to 'demobilise' (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) the public opinion once again: The religious leaders can influence public opinion and encourage people against the local media. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) Haneefi (2009) used the term 'Pashtunsazi' to describe the 'ethnic politicisation' tactics utilised by Pashtun politicians in key political positions: In the parliament there are two or three representatives from the Taliban. The Information and Culture Ministry is controlled by a former Pashtun political faction leader and he has similar views to the Taleban. He is trying to reduce the use of Persian language in the media and he promotes backward Islamic ideologies. They [Pashtun politicians] disseminate their [tribal] ideologies through the [state owned] media that they have control over. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) While particular remnants attempt at politicising media's reportage, many private media promote pluralism and national unity through their style of coverage. Dashty (2009) acknowledges that media can inflame ethnic division in Afghanistan and therefore Kabul Weekly takes the ethnic factor into consideration when reporting: Ethnic division is one of the biggest problems in Afghanistan and I said to all my colleagues that no one has the right to touch the issue negatively. If we promote national unity, people will also accept and appreciate it. (F Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 69 - Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar) Moreover, Afghan media needs to address ethnic diversity by producing content in more than one language. For example the Kabul Weekly publishes in languages of Persian-Dari, English and Pashto (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar). While Rabia Balkhi has eighteen hours of daily broadcast in Persian-Dari, Pashto, Uzbeki and Torbeki and news in English (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). This promotion of various languages by local media, is one way public journalism can promote tolerance for social change in Afghanistan's transitional environment. (3) Professional Experience Despite the work that public journalism does in mobilising social change, many of the interviewees raised concern over the lack of professionalism in Afghan media: I think some journalists cannot differentiate between critical coverage and insulting. Sometimes they are making accusations without evidence at hand (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar). Mr Seddiqi's concern (2009) is that some reports do not contribute to public debates, even though they may not constitute blasphemy: The media has to use it [critical coverage of religion] to educate the nation and contribute to development of religious education in an objective way. But to do that media practitioners also need to be extremely professional. Some of the articles published in the media have not actually proved that the media practitioners and journalists have got there yet. (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The interviewees (2009) believe that the lack of responsible journalism by some media is caused by insufficient training or experience. Hadlow (2009) who worked on media development projects in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2004 explains that the Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 70 - issue stems from impacts of Soviet-style journalism in Afghanistan. At Kabul University all the lecturers had received degrees from Soviet Universities such as Moscow or Ukraine State Universities and they certainly brought that back. (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar) This kind of journalism has promoted self-censorship in some Afghan media; because the media under the Soviet regime acted as the 'voice of the government'. Skuse (2002) suggests the advent of the Soviet presence accelerated the pace at which alternatives were sought and it is during this period that many current perceptions and opinions concerning the 'quality, impartiality and accuracy' of national radio broadcasting services were formed (2002: 269). As Skuse's (2002) investigation in the Afghan media under the Soviet regime shows, not only the ordinary Afghans lost 'trust' in the quality of the local media, but this perception is also reflected in the perceptions of current journalists who cannot see a link between democracy and the media: Some of the journalists I met were members of the old Soviet Association of Journalists and of course they still saw things as they have always seen. In the seminars and training courses we had on the issue of what is the role of free press is, in a democracy there were many spirited arguments; because some journalists could not see that it [free press] was particularly useful (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar). Soheil suggests that this kind of journalism training will fail to produce journalists who can meet the needs of their communities and contribute to reconstruction and change in Afghanistan.
Siddiqi (2009) suggests that Afghan media suffers from insufficient investigation and overtly opinionated pieces. He also believes Afghan journalists should be more Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 71 - selective about what they broadcast (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). For example reporters should take the cultural 'ingredients' into consideration and avoid obvious inflammatory broadcasts that do not contribute to a constructive debate (see Mendel, 2007). For example an Afghan TV station broadcasted some of the asleep officials at the Afghan national assembly which created a backlash from those officials who were humiliated (see Mendel, 2007). With the careful consideration of the Afghan cultural context that is intertwined with religious and tribal traditions, critical ways of looking at issues should be introduced so the program does not go against audience's taste (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) and journalists should be liberal in the eyes of the conservative (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar), proposes a need for journalistic strategy that actively considers how coverage will be interpreted by a variety of audiences (Cohen-Almagor, R. 2005: 80). For example New Home, New Life is tackling issues of sexually transmitted diseases in rural Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Their investigation unraveled some of the 10 causes of the recent rise in HIV transmissions in Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The program created public awareness about the issue by showing that the character had blood transfusion and the blood was not screened; before he was aware he had already transmitted it to his wife (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). This coverage related a potentially sensitive topic without drawing on tribal or religious issues, therefore considering the audience's sensitivities.
Although BBC through its training programs have provided a benchmark for professional journalism in Afghanistan (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus:
10 Their investigation showed that HIV was transmitted through unscreened blood as only thirty percent of the blood at the blood banks were tested. The infected who were among the drug addicts had introduced injection to Afghanistan and in this way they had increased the chances of HIV transmission. Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 72 - An activity report", 2002), Afghan media still suffer from the lack of a standard setter (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Hadlow suggests that the county needs to set up Radio and Television Afghanistan (RTA) as a public service broadcaster (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar). RTA, as a state owned broadcaster, is posing problems to public journalism, because in regional areas politicians have more influence over the broadcast content (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). For example, a journalist in Balkh province working for the RTA, was reprimanded by the Minster of Information and Culture for using non-Pashto words (Najafizadeh, 2008). Many Afghan journalists and members of the international community have lobbied for the political independence of RTA ("Change at Radio Television Afghanistan", 2007), which was made a public service broadcaster in the most recent Media Law (2007) but since the law remains unpublished it is not enforceable (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 20 Mar). Journalists and media professionals suggested that the government has not published the law because: It grants an independent status to Radio and Television Afghanistan (RTA) as a public service broadcaster placing it formally outside the control of the Ministry of Information and Culture and the rest of government. ("Situation of Freedom of Expression in Afghanistan: Summahry of Consultations", 2009). Most interviewees believed that lack of professionalism from some Afghan media is jeopardising the limited liberties available currently in the media's environment, potentially prompting the government to propose further restrictions. The interviewees suggest the requirement for up to date training to address issues of professional journalism in universities. Furthermore, the government needs to show its commitment to the country's laws and publish the approved Media Law, so RTA can also be utilised for public education rather than a tool for dissemination of state Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 73 - generated content. (4) Responsible Journalism While all the journalists (2009) interviewed have raised issues about restricted political reporting and coverage of religion, they believe they are undertaking responsible journalism by carefully challenging these boundaries. For example Soheil (2009) believes that Hasht-e Sobh newspaper is playing a role in addressing corruption and human rights issues. His primary target audience are the marginal segments of the Afghan public who can read and are familiar with literary forms of the language. This group also share an interest in political debates and can afford to buy newspapers (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). His journalism is attempting to change the political 'willingness' of the elite members of the Afghan public who have direct or indirect impact over the democratic transition of Afghanistan: We want to change the way our leaders think. Because if our leaders create positive reforms and make structural changes to the way the country is managed then our social and local problems will also be solved easier. (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). He believes fundamental changes need to be made for the political and legal frameworks of the country to complement social change (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). The newspaper is trying to create awareness about the problems through efforts such as the dedicated column in the newspaper and on its website for 'letters to future president' which engages public opinion for the upcoming elections (2009,"--- ='--= = -'- '- ---'- "). While this is good for creating a public response, the majority of Afghans also need their immediate problems regarding health, poverty and education addressed (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus", 2002). An investigation conducted by the BBC World Service Trust (2002) Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 74 - team has highlighted the importance of media to reach the poorest in Afghanistan ("Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus", 2002: 6). Siddiqi (2009) is a contributor in this report ("Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus", 2002: 40) and he has reinforced the importance of media's educational role in Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). In his view newspapers are ineffective in mobilising social change because they target the elite and the elite have been insignificant to recent history of Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar): They [elite] did not have any role in changing or defining the direction of history. It is been the masses and it is actually gone to the countryside. Even at the moment the problem is not necessarily in the cities - it is in the country side (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) This is supported by historical examples of the 1919 reforms, where Amanullah placed intellectuals in positions of power to direct his social and political changes (Misdaq, 2006: 64). His reign is marked as a time of cultural developments, where significant changes were made to the Constitution (Nazemi, 2003: 27). Moreover new legislations were introduced and women were given equal rights (Nazemi, 2003: 27). However rural Afghans were not ready for such reforms and a tribal and religious backlash resulted in a reversal of those changes (Tarzi, 2003). This slided back the country's transition for over three decades and the culture stayed stagnant well into the 1960s (Nazemi, 2003: 27). Hence Siddiqi suggests that for modern media to be effective it should mobilise a 'grassroots reform movement' (Rosen, 1999: 1) among the ordinary Afghans.
Haneefi (2009) believes former militants in Afghan government pose restrictions on the media's ability to drive a reform movement as they do not allow the open discussion of human rights issues in Afghanistan (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). In Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 75 - contrast Dashty (2009) does not think there are such restrictions because in his opinion the President and his performance can be scrutinised without any problems (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar). However Haneefi (2009) does not believe this type of freedom is useful because it does not address women's issues in Afghan society. She acknowledges that women's radios are a phenomenon (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) in Afghanistan, because women listen to women's voices (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) and since the majority of Afghan women do not undertake work outside of home, they listen to the programs daily (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). This is effective because it encourages a 'responsive public opinion' (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4-5) as the women call in and discuss their issues with other female journalists who can give voice (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar) to their problems: Even women who work have very little chances of being heard in society and it is more likely that women will feel more comfortable to speak to female journalists about their problems. In these radios women have a much higher chance to be involved. Because we are passionate about common issues. This gives women a voice, to me this is social change (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). These radio programs are a source of social change for women in Afghanistan as women previously had no rights under the Taliban. Although this change is positive, on the other hand, rural women are still largely denied a voice and denied fair justice within customary and even institutional legal systems in post-Taliban Afghanistan (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). Furthermore there are also social and political restrictions on what and how female journalists can discuss women's issues (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). Women's positions in voting and in education may be legally changed, but socially and culturally their conditions are still very restricted Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 76 - (Halliday, 1978: 36). As a result women have to report sensitive issues with greater care: I am sure that if we try to practice our right to freedom of expression it creates the most impact on the women who work with us. As some of them live in conservative families. So we have 'to keep the society on our side' and work within the social boundaries so we can always be active. Surely the changes we create will inform our youth in building a better future tomorrow (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). According to Khairandish (2009), Altai marketing has reported an estimated 300,000 listeners in Balkh and villages around the province. This is potentially a large audience that the radio has been able to maintain through careful coverage. Sixty percent of the programs are dedicated to women's legal, social and religious rights as well as issues of care, pregnancy, intimacy, violence and where women can seek help (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). This community focus has created positive outcomes where Afghan women are speaking about their problems: Women are starting to voice their problems, something that they would have not done in the past due to low self confidence and lack of understanding of their roles in the Afghan society. (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar) Evidently the women's dedicated radio has created a positive movement for social change in Afghanistan. In a society where women's rights are traditionally dictated by 'cultural codes', these radios provide an arena where women can familiarise themselves with their rights. These radios are discreetly contributing to the women's movement in Afghanistan.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 77 - Thesis Conclusion In this thesis I argued the emergence of a variety of pressure groups in Afghanistan's post-Taliban social and political frameworks and I defined them through the term 'harmful remnants' (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22). In the current stage of Afghanistans democratic transition, the importance of an 'enabling environment' with an appropriate media blasphemy legislation was identified. My investigation found that the harmful remnants are working in contradictions with the media and they are renewing a variety of tactics for demobilising media's social change efforts in Afghanistan.
Demobilisation of public opinion has generally been known through the direct politicisation of the Afghan media; such as bribery and rise of political media which are owned by parties and governments (see Hakimi, 2009; Hakimi and Aziz, 2009). My research has identified a new form of politicisation which explains how those harmful remnants are demobilising social change through instrumentalisation of ethnic and religious factors in post-Taliban structures. Through various historical and interview evidence I have demonstrated that this type of politicisation has stalled social change in the past and if appropriate media strategies are not proposed and practiced, those remnants can effectively backslide Afghanistan's democratic transition.
The interview analysis in this thesis has provided the strategies undertaken by journalists for social change in Afghanistan. Various journalists have made suggestions on how public interest issues can be addressed without creating a Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan - 78 - political confrontation. While many recent reports (see Hakimi and Aziz 2009; Wafa, and Gall, 2007) have expressed disappointment with the level of tolerance and willingness from the political frameworks, on the other hand many Afghan journalists perceive reconstruction of Afghan society as their job. They are not demanding freedom of expression rights and tolerance from their environments, but their efforts are to create the factors that enable and advance social change in Afghanistan.
The interviewees (2009) believe that Afghans are ready to accept a range of views and ideas while also keeping their cultural values: When we are given opportunities and others support us in our cause, our women achieve big things in society. They along with the men can play a role in the reconstruction of their country. Their involvement is evident today, and even in the past, where they had very little resources and opportunities to be involved (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Evidently this powerful spirit is not easily shaken but steps must be taken to address the issues of Afghanistans deteriorating media environment, for these journalists to be safe and to continue their work in Afghanistan.
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