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Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan

Media Freedom in Afghanistan



An Investigation into the Issues of
Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan

_~:- '-~-'- '--'= -- '+-'~ s' >~-



A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree: Master of Media and Communications (Journalism)


BITA RIAZATI
Bachelor of Multimedia (Media Studies)


Faculty of Life and Social Sciences
Swinburne University of Technology
July 2009
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan

Declaration
I certify that, except where due acknowledgement has been made, the work is that of
the author alone; the work has not been submitted previously, in whole or in part, to
qualify for any other academic award; the content of the thesis is the result of work
which has been carried out since the official commencement date of the approved
research program; any editorial work, paid or unpaid, carried out by a third party is
acknowledged; and, ethics procedures and guidelines have been followed.

..
Bita Riazati
Friday 10
th
August, 2009













Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan

Contents
DEFINING THE MEDIA'S ROLE IN AFGHANISTAN
Thesis Introduction ......................................................................................... 7
Introduction: Defining Media Freedom ......................................................... 19
Defining Communitarian Philosophy and its Relevance ................................ 20
Defining Public Journalism in Afghanistan ................................................... 26

DEFINING THE ROLE OF HARMFUL REMNANTS IN THE MEDIA'S
ENABLING ENVIRONMENT
Introduction: Defining the Media's Enabling Environment ......................... 31
Defining Harmful Remnants ...................................................................... 33
The Role of Harmful Remnants in The Media's Environment ........................ 34

THE IMPACT OF HARMFUL REMNANTS BY POLITICISING THE
MEDIA'S ENVIRONMENT
Introduction: Ethnicity as a Political Instrument ............................................ 42
Defining Politicisation of Ethnicity ............................................................... 44
Defining Politicisation of Religion ................................................................ 50

STRATEGIES OF RESPONSE BY JOURNALISTS IN AFGHANISTAN
Introduction: Media Interviews ..................................................................... 58
Interview Categories ..................................................................................... 59
(1) Traditional Restrictions ........................................................................... 59
(2) Law Enforcement .................................................................................... 65
(3) Professional Experience ........................................................................... 69
(4) Responsible Journalism ........................................................................... 73

Thesis Conclusion ......................................................................................... 77
Bibliography ................................................................................................. 79
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Acknowledgements
Thanks to all the individuals who shared their valuable wisdom and contacts for
assisting my research which helped me gain better insight into the media freedom
issues of Afghanistan.

Thanks to the journalists and media professionals, Faheem Dashty (Chief Editor and
Political Analyst of Kabul Weekly), Mobina Khairandish (Producer of Radio Rabia
Balkhi), Najia Haneefi (women's rights activist and the owner of Radio Rabia Balkhi),
Sanjar Soheil (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Hasht-e Sobh), Shirazuddin
Siddiqi (Director of BBC World Service Trust Afghanistan and Afghan Education
Projects) and Associate Professor Martin Hadlow (former Director of UNESCO
office in Kabul) for accepting to be interviewed at short notice and voluntarily
providing valuable insight into the issues of Afghan media.

Thanks to Aziz Hakimi and Shirazuddin Siddiqi for answering my questions through
extended email correspondence and providing documents that otherwise I would not
have been able to find.

Thanks to my supervisor Dr Diana Bossio for her patience in providing feedback
throughout the writing process of this thesis.

Thanks to my friend Vasiliky Kasidis for her efforts in reviewing my chapters and
Torben Daeneke for his assistance during the research process.

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Abstract
This thesis utilises interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals to
develop a context for discussion of media issues in Afghanistan. I have argued the
existence of particular individuals from former regimes in post-Taliban structures
who are hindering medias ability to critically discuss particular public interest issues.
I have applied Price et als (2002) theory of media reform to identify this group as
harmful remnants in new political structures who see medias position as the fourth
estate a threat to their power renewal in Afghanistan. I have termed their negative
influence over media freedom, as the indirect politicisation of media. This indirect
politicisation focuses on sensitive aspects of Afghan culture, such as ethnicity,
language and religion to politicise the medias ability to report and consequently
hinders social change. While there are restrictions, through the interviews, the thesis
has demonstrated that many brave and courageous journalists are in fact putting their
lives at risk by strategically tackling critical social change issues.





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I have been silent too long,
But I never forget the melody,
Since every moment I whisper
The songs from my heart,
Reminding myself of
The day I will break this cage
Fly from this solitude
And sing like a melancholic.
I am not a weak poplar tree
To be shaken by any wind
I am an Afghan woman...

Afghan journalist and poetess, Nadia Anjuman (2005)
Their lives were not lost in vain



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Thesis Introduction
Brief reflection on journalism in Afghanistan
Afghan journalism has suffered under successive authoritarian regimes in the last
century. Afghan writers have been provided with little opportunity to practice and
develop a 'homegrown' understanding of free media. This oppressive period started
after the 1979 Soviet invasion, which was followed by a civil conflict between
Mujahedin groups and culminated with the rise of the Taliban (see Misdaq, 2006).
Prior to this period, Afghanistan had some exposure to relatively free media, for
example between 1911 to 1918 during Habibullah's reign, and in the 60s, King Zahir
allowed newspapers to publish views different to that of the regime for the first time
(Yarshater, 2008; see Nazemi, 2003). Journalism in Afghanistan became popularised
at the beginning of the 20th century when an Afghan intellectual, Mahmud Tarzi
started the first newspaper in Afghanistan:
1
Serajul Akhbar Afghanieh (Sims-Williams,
1980: 118-122). His vision was to gradually modernise Afghan thought by exposing
Afghans to various texts and voices (see Nazemi, 2003). He wanted to demonstrate
that modernism would not mean the end of Muslim morality (Omrani, 2007: 155).
The newspaper was closed in 1918 after it was critical of the government for its
neutrality during the First World War (Yarshater, 2008).

What is particularly significant about Afghan writing is that despite being affected by
various political upheavals throughout its history, Afghan writers and journalists have
continued their work using strategy and disguise (Lamb, 2001). For example the
Herat and Kabul 'literary circles' operated as 'sewing classes' during the Taliban reign

1
Torch of the News of Afghanistan
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(Lamb, 2001). The students were taught literary criticism, aesthetics and poetry, even
under the threat of Taliban's prosecution (Lamb, 2001). These circles were
responsible for circulating news and for educating thousands of women during
oppressive periods (Lamb, 2001). One of the women that came out of these circles,
Nadia Anjuman, became a journalist and published her first book of poetry in 2005.
She was found beaten to death at her home later that year (Lamb, 2005). Clearly,
journalists and writers in Afghanistan continue their work under the constant threat of
persecution and even death.

Since 2005, physical security and media freedom has significantly deteriorated in
Afghanistan (see Hakimi and Aziz, 2009; Mojumdar, 2005). The Reporters Without
Borders world press ranking for Afghanistan dropped from 125 in 2005 ("World Press
Freedom Index", 2005), to 156 in 2008 ("World Press Freedom Index", 2008). This
thesis aims to discuss how the contemporary Afghan medias freedom has been
affected by political, social and cultural issues.

The primary argument of this thesis is that traditional aspects of the Afghan political
system are potentially restricting the media's ability to contribute to social change in a
transitional democracy. The existence of individuals from past regimes, defined as
'harmful remnants' (see Price, Rozumilowicz, and Verhulst, 2002) utilise traditional
cultural and religious frameworks to politicise Afghanistan's media environment. This
thesis will utilise evidence from interviews with Afghan journalists and experts to
illustrate how these threats have affected the news media's role in Afghanistan's
transitional democracy, and how journalists use particular strategies to circumvent
these restrictions.
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Theoretical framework of the thesis
Although academic research is limited in the Afghan media studies area, there were a
number of theorists who were influential in proving this argument. Mohammad
Rawan (2002) has also argued the role of particular individuals in 'traditional'
structures who have represented public opinion throughout Afghan history. I have
argued that this group are in fact renewing their influence in post-Taliban structures
with new roles and new political agendas (see Tarzi and Crews, 2008).

I have not forwarded a formal literature review for this thesis, as I have critically
analysed particular arguments and theories throughout the thesis. Nonetheless it is
worthwhile to look at the major theories that have contributed to formulating my
thesis argument. There are limited books on the modern history of Afghanistan that
thoroughly present each political period of the last century, but I found Nabi Misdaq's
(2006) book, Afghanistan: political frailty and foreign interference particularly useful
for this purpose. Bernt Glatzer (2002), Conrad Schetter (2007) and Jos Oberson's
(2002) arguments showed that ethnicity has significance in discussing the issue of
media freedom in modern Afghanistan. However it was a United Nations Assistant
Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) report (2009) that included the opinions of Afghan
journalists dissatisfied with the increase in media freedom restrictions, that prompted
my research path (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009). In email correspondence, a UNAMA
media project staff member even referred to the media freedom situation as a losing
battle (A Hakimi 2009, email, 02 Mar).

Before I could examine Afghanistan's media freedom issues, the research had to
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establish a media theory appropriate for Afghanistan's early transitional phase of
democracy. My theoretical assumption is the media, like any other institution in
Afghanistan, has a role in the reconstruction of political and social life in post-
Taliban transition. The media's particular role would be to use its position in the
fourth estate to become a source of social change and to encourage information
proliferation (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus: An activity report", 2002).
With the consideration of the specific Afghan context, I have adopted Etzioni's (1998)
communitarian philosophy for discussing media's role in Afghanistan. This theory
rejects a purely objective approach to journalism and it places civic education and
public interest issues as its focus for social change. The theory suggests that
journalists have a 'public' role where they identify issues of public interest by
reflecting on the 'needs' of the community.

Other theorists that were significant in supporting the communitarian approach were
Vincenzo Zeno-Zencovich (2008) and his definition of 'freedom of expression';
Raphael Cohen-Almagor (2008) and his discussion of objectivity in ethical reporting
and Jay Rosen's (1999) text What are Journalists For. The discussion of media's role
in Afghanistan was also inspired by Martin Bell's peace journalism theory (see
Thomas Hanitzsch, 2004). While this theory focuses particularly on foreign
correspondence, I found a similarity in principles with one related to the role of a
'public journalist' (see Charity, 1995). I have adopted some of the approaches
introduced for peace journalism, such as the consideration of cultural sensitivities, to
define the responsibilities of a public journalist in chapter one.

Roshan Noorzai's (2006) thesis on Communication and Developments in Afghanistan,
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A History of Reforms and Resistance has suggested a 'participatory' approach for the
media in Afghanistan (2006: 26). He has identified "empowerment" (2006: 26) of the
masses as the theory's focus. He suggests that this allows all community's
stakeholders (2006: 26) to participate in the process so communities may
determine their own future (2006: 26). While Noorzai's (2006) argument is
concerned with the issues of the disenfranchised which are crucial to Afghan society,
his theory assumes a passive role for journalists. This contrasts with my argument
which assumes an active role for journalists in Afghan society. My thesis will suggest
that it is a journalistic responsibility to represent the issues of the disenfranchised
rather than simply allowing the disenfranchised to represent themselves. This is
particularly important because the majority of rural Afghans do not have the tools and
the knowledge to express their issues and the media needs to act according to this
need. For example women who do not have the confidence nor an understanding of
their rights can speak to female journalists who give voice to their problems in the
Afghan society (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Furthermore through interview
examples in chapter four I have recommended the practice of 'responsible' journalism,
this means that Afghan journalists need to actively think about the 'outcomes' of their
coverage and its interpretation by the public.

While journalists play a key role in social change, they need an environment that is
conducive to social change. The book Media Reform: Democratising the Media,
Democratising the State (2002) suggests that media requires particular factors in its
environment to enable change. One of these factors is identified as 'sufficient political
willingness' from the government where social change issues can be addressed (see
Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002). Price et al (2002) have laid out various
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stages for a country's democratic transition and each stage provides specific criteria
for media's environment. Using the text's (2002) model of analysis I have discussed
the political discourse between the Afghan media and its social and political
environment in chapters two and three.

Method of interview analysis
Scholarly research in Afghan media studies is very limited, thus my primary research
method has been the utilisation of qualitative interviews. The aim of the interviews
was to highlight issues raised by experienced Afghan journalists who have worked
from 2001 in media related projects or journalism in Afghanistan. Although the
research was looking for expert opinion, at the same time, the research goal was to
speak to media professionals who have encountered problems that are common for all
Afghan journalists, such as the issue of physical threats. The following is a list of
interviewees used for this research.

Faheem Dashty
Dashty is the political analyst and chief editor of Kabul Weekly and has experienced a
turbulent journalism career. Just days before the September 11 attacks, Dashty who
was involved in producing a documentary and in the process of writing Ahmad Shah
Massoud's biography, was injured in a blast by two terrorists who had posed as
journalists. Massoud was killed but Dashty survived, sustaining horrible injuries
(Dashty, 2004). In 1994 the newspaper's offices were closed for publishing a critical
article about the government but with the assistance of international funds, Kabul
Weekly was able to start publishing in 2002 (Dashty, 2008). During the interview,
Dashty has represented the characteristics of a fearless journalist who believes
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political issues should be scrutinised to bring government accountability (F Dashty,
Interviewed, 2 Mar).

Associate Professor Martin Hadlow
Hadlow was the director of Afghanistan's UNESCO office in Kabul between 2001-
2004 and he managed various funding and humanitarian projects during this period in
Afghanistan. For example he worked with local academics to re-establish Kabul
University and its Library that was destroyed during the war. He currently holds an
academic position as the director of Centre for Communication and Social Change at
The University of Queensland. He is also a member of the Afghan Ad Hoc
Communication and Information Commission.

Mobina Khairandish
Kheirandish is the producer of Radio Rabia Balkhi, one of the first women radio
stations established for addressing women's social issues in post-Taliban Afghanistan.
During the interviews she represented a strong persistent journalist who has no doubt
in the abilities of the women of her community.

Najia Haneefi
Haneefi is the founder of one of the first women radio stations in Afghanistan. She
has worked as a print and broadcast journalist during the communist and Mujahedin
regimes. Since 2001 she has represented Afghan women at various international
conferences, such as the 2002 and 2004 Berlin conferences on peace and
reconstruction of Afghanistan. Today she is primarily involved in women's rights
campaigns and at present she is working as a community worker for the
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disadvantaged groups in Canada.

Sanjar Soheil
Soheil is the political analyst and chief editor of Hasht-e Sobh and he suggests that
the focus of the newspaper is human rights issues (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13
Mar). The newspaper has a regularly updated Website (www.8am.af) and appears to
attract international readers as well.

Shirazuddin Siddiqi
Siddiqi is the director of the Afghan branch of the BBC World Service Trust. He is
responsible for all the Trusts initiatives in Afghanistan, including the Afghan
Education Projects (AEP) which is responsible for the bilingual radio program New
Home, New Life. Sidiqqi played a key role in mobilising MPs, Afghan journalists and
civil society organisations to take part in the debate on the Media Law and the new
concepts related to independent, free and pluralistic media (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 21
Jul).

The interview findings were discussed using theoretical evidence in chapter two and
three. The aim was to use the theorisations to provide the framework for the
interviews to discuss media freedom and restriction in chapter four. The interview
evidence in chapter four are analysed using four categories of: (1) Traditional
Restrictions, (2) Law Enforcement, (3) Professional Experience and (4) Responsible
Journalism in Afghanistan.

1. Traditional Restrictions
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The interviewees were asked about the conditions of media freedom in rural areas.
They were asked about people's perception towards the media and how media tackles
social change.

2. Law Enforcement
The interviewees were primarily asked about their perception of the Media Law, in
this regard they raised concern over the issues of ethnic and religious interference in
the legal framework.

3. Professional Experience
The interviewees were asked how they ensure accuracy in their coverage and what
their perceptions are about the journalistic work of other Afghan media.

4. Responsible Journalism
The interviewees were asked how they measure the success of their work and what
are their plans for addressing social change issues in their communities.

All four categories have contributed to the thesis discussions, however category one
and two were most influential. Using the data, I was able to identify a link between
the traditional understandings of 'freedom' and its application in the legal and political
environments. On the other hand, category three and four complement and contradict
each other. While 'responsible journalism' correlates with my argument for a
communitarian approach, the category 'professional experience' has highlighted
insufficient 'professionalism' from Afghan media, as an area of potential study for
future research in Afghanistan.
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Chapter overview
This thesis is presented in four chapters of (1) Defining Media's Role in Afghanistan,
(2) Defining the Role of Harmful Remnants in Media's Enabling Environment, (3) The
Impact of Harmful Remnants by Politicising the Media's Environment and (4)
Strategies of Response by Journalists in Afghanistan.

Chapter One: Defining Media's Role in Afghanistan
This chapter defines media freedom and the relevance of communitarian philosophy
in a transitional democracy. It discusses the theory and its application in
understanding the role of public journalism in Afghanistan.

Chapter Two: Defining the Role of Harmful Remnants in Media's Enabling
Environment
This chapter suggests the need for an 'enabling' environment for media in Afghanistan
and discusses its issues by reflecting on the discourse between the harmful remnants
and the Afghan media.

Chapter Three: The Impact of Harmful Remnants by Politicising the Media's
Environment
This chapter utilises the discussions of chapter two to define the second component of
the thesis argument which is the discussion of indirect politicisation through
instrumentalisation of religion and ethnicity in Afghanistan.

Chapter Four: Strategies of Response by Journalists in Afghanistan
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This chapter presents the interviews with Afghan journalists and media professionals
as an analytical discussion. It concludes by reflecting on how Afghan journalists have
challenged media freedom restriction through responsible journalism in Afghanistan.

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( CHAPTER ONE )

DEFINING THE MEDIA' S ROLE IN AFGHANISTAN
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Introduction: Defining Media Freedom
The purpose of this chapter is to define media freedom and socially responsible
journalism in the context of mobilising social change within Afghanistan's
transitional democracy. This chapter does not discuss the issues that impact or restrict
the media's ability. Instead, this chapter focuses on establishing a framework,
utilising relevant media theory so that media issues affecting Afghan journalists can
be discussed in the next chapters. This framework utilises communitarian philosophy
to argue that Afghan media play an important role in defining and maintaining
democratic political and social life in Afghanistan.

In a transitional democracy the media's responsibilities count towards the
development and maintenance of democracy (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4-5). I am
defining this by following a communitarian philosophy which places 'public interest
issues' and 'civic education' as its primary focus (see Etzioni, 1998). This chapter
highlights that a traditionally 'Western' approach to objective journalism is not an
appropriate framework for Afghanistan's media because the change in the country's
governance did not occur as a result of gradual social change. In Afghanistan the
media has the greater responsibility of assisting democracy by utilising information
about governance to prevent a prevent a backslide into its former authoritarian state
(Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13-19). The media undertakes this role by
becoming an 'active participator' within society (Cohen-Almagor, 2005: 80) through
information about democratic values relevant to an Afghan context.

The media's role is also defined in this context as a public servant to society. The
Afghan media act with authority as the fourth estate, to protect society's democratic
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liberties. The media shows its allegiance to democracy by contributing to social
debates that raise public awareness (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). This keeps the
government accountable and allows the public to become responsive and
responsible (Delli Carpini and Keeter, cited in Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4)
towards maintaining social change (Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4-5). A media
system that operates with limited restrictions can mobilise social change by
perceiving freedom of expression as the public's right to know information (see Zeno-
Zencovich, 2008). In the Afghan context, mobilising free media, means freedom of
expression without traditional authoritarian barriers to public opinion.
Defining Communitarian Philosophy and its Relevance
Freedom of expression is defined as a basic human right in the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights adopted by the United Nations in 1948, article 19 states that:
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right
includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive
and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of
frontiers.
Whilst this is a basic human right, journalists also need to view freedom of expression
as the 'right of the audience' (Alexander, 2005: 8). This suggests that journalists who
undertake responsible reporting acknowledge that their reportage has the 'potential to
affect other people's lives' (Cohen-Almagor, 2005:1). On one hand the right to
express opinions is an individual right, one that might be motivated by personal
'financial gain, ambition and self exhibition' (Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 12); and
personal expression is an aspect of humanness which requires actualisation (Price,
Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13). On the other hand the media is an institution
which helps in protecting this basic human right (see Zeno-Zencovich, 2008; see
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Macharia, 2008) through responsible reportage.

The press emerged in 19th century Britain, Australia and the US as a central
communication institution that aimed to speak with authority on behalf of an
otherwise disenfranchised public (Schultz, 1998 : 47). The media in this model is
understood as the 'voice of the public' with reportage constrained by what is in the
public interest (Cohen-Almagor, 2005). The role of a journalist is described by
William Stead, a 20th century British theorist, as someone who:
speaks with an authority far 'superior' to that possessed by any other
person; for he would have been the latest to 'interrogate' the democracy
(Stead, 1886).
In contrast Zeno-Zencovich (2008) does not believe journalists have the 'superior
authority', because they are business employees who work within a hierarchical
business structure and as such, restricted by professional responsibilities. For example
they cannot exercise the 'natural right' to freedom of 'personal' thought and expression
(Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 11-12). In Zeno-Zencovich's (2008) view journalists are
further constrained by clear editorial obligations and their lack of freedom to decide
on the subject or the tone of voice of their report (Zeno-Zencovich, 2008: 43).

Besides the media's role as an information provider, their role as a watchdog is
particularly important in transitional democracies where the media should reflect
public concerns and keep authorities accountable for their decisions that impact
public life (Stapenhurst, 2000: 1-5). Journalists in transitional democracies also have
an added responsibility to advocate for human rights by acting as a conduit for
information, ideas and opinions [of others] to assist in good governance of society
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(Schultz, 1998: 52). This means that journalists should monitor government activities
to ensure human rights violations or corruption is exposed (Brunettia and Wederb,
2003: 1802-1805) while a country 'transits' from an authoritarian regime to a working
democracy.

The ideal of the fourth estate positions the media as a 'watchdog' (see Stapenhurst,
2000) because its role and function is separate to the role of the judiciary, church and
government (see Schultz, 1998:). As a result of this separation the media can open
government actions to the public's external scrutiny and critical evaluation (Norris, P.
2008). The fourth estate as an independent authoritative voice (Stead, W.T. 1886)
consequently has authority to break down power monopolisation in society (Norris,
2008: 5). As media maintains its responsibility of 'interrogating' democracy (Stead,
1886), this is one of the ways that a society can transit from an authoritarian system
to a democratic state (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 13). However the
media's interrogation of government performance sparks public debate which can be
disruptive to the government's vision of the 'establishment and maintenance of
political order' especially envisaged more dogmatically by authoritarian governments
(Gunther and Mughan, 2000: 4).

Public opinion and democracy are linked if the media is successful in maintaining a
positive impact on the 'level of democracy' in society (see Hocking, 1947). Hocking
(1947) argues that democracy is connected to the media's influence and maintenance
of public opinion. While 'public' refers generally to a social consensus, 'public
opinion' refers more to majority agreement on certain issues (see Zeno-Zencovich,
2008). Zeno-Zencovich (2008) argues that the media's assertion to represent this
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public consensus is 'not in general backed up by any scientific or in any event
procedural assessment' (Zeno-Zencovich, V. 2008:20). In addition Alexander (2005)
suggests that regardless of claims for objective reporting and presenting the 'truth',
truths come with certain assumptions (Mumtaz, 2009); facts are 'linked to other
realities and sets of circumstances that can be highlighted differently based on source
preference and selection (Mumtaz, 2009). This argument suggests that the media's
claim of representing public opinion is superficial because, as Alexander (2005)
suggests, facts on their own are not always a true representation of what is happening
(see Harcup, 2009). Moreover, it is unethical to assume that all audiences are
rational, and that they are able to discern between values and mischief (Cohen-
Almagor, 2005: 80). This means that people interpret facts differently and with their
own assumptions. As a result journalists have a responsibility to consider social and
cultural values in deciding which and how events should be reported to minimise
misinterpretations, even in a case where there is evidence at hand (see Wilkins and
Christians, 2008). Their approach requires flexibility towards the country's cultural
ingredients (Blankson and Murphy, 2007: 3) and the elements of its deep structure
(Blankson and Murphy, 2007: 3), these often require innovative ways of expression to
connect journalists with the communities in which they operate (see Ruigrok et al,
2006).

Merrill (interviewed by Corrigan, 2000) and Lippmann (1998) however do not
believe that journalists have a responsibility to consider the impact of their reporting
over public life or how news and coverage may be interpreted. They argue that a
journalists' job is to stand apart and give a picture of what is going on in society
(Corrigan, D. 2000) by reporting objectively (Corrigan, D. 2000). This perception
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towards journalism does not entail social responsibilities because a journalist's job is
solely to impart information (Eksterowicz and Roberts, 2000: 124); and people will
interpret that information within their own pre-existing stereotypes (Lippman,
1998: 89). Furthermore, Lippmann (1998) believes that it cannot be expected of
average citizens to have a reliable opinion (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 64)
since public opinion is irrational (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 64) and citizens
are not expertly qualified to participate in debates of public interest (Lippmann, cited
in Rosen, 1999: 64). As public opinion is not qualified insiders are the ones who
know about public issues (Lippmann, cited in Rosen, 1999: 65). This argument for
understanding media freedom does not represent public opinion and fails to define
public 'consensus' on issues of public interest; since it views media coverage as a
mere product that is not dynamic towards community's needs and therefore can not
'protect' and work towards continuous improvement of public life (see Macharia,
2008). Moreover this perception about the role of a journalist also fails to address the
media's role in representing the disenfranchised in society and could be considered
unconstructive in transitional democracies (see Mendel, 2007).

The communitarian philosophy utilised in this thesis rejects a purely objective
approach to journalism. The theory perceives journalism as a profession that
addresses community issues and is concerned with social change (see Craig, 1996)
rather than '
2
detached' objective reporting (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). This philosophy
puts the responsibility of social change on media institutions which suggests
journalists should be active participators of democracy rather than passive observers

2
I am making a reference to Martin Bell's 'journalism of attachment' in peace journalism,
where he believes reporters are participants in the conflicts they report, and as a consequence take part
in the public debate about the conflict and they need to be aware of the meanings of their reports (see
Ruigrok et al, 2006).
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who demand tolerance towards their coverage (see Coronel, 2004). The notion of
objective reporting is further rejected by the argument that journalists are subscribed
to the universal declaration of respect for humanity (Wilkins and Christians, 2008:
260) and like any world citizen they owe democracy their allegiance (Cohen-
Almagor, 2005: 80). This obligates journalists to take responsibility for the outcomes
of their reporting since they are contributing to debates that impact public life and
consequently they are participants of society (see Ruigrok et al, 2006). Thus they
should strive to protect the freedom provided to them by the foundation of democracy
(see Ruigrok et al, 2006). As Etzioni (1993) suggests, freedom to report is not a
freedom from responsibilities:
It is a mistaken notion that just because we desire to be free from
governmental control, we should also be free from responsibilities to the
commons and indifferent to the community (Etzioni, A. 1993: 247).
Following communitarian philosophy, the media in Afghanistan requires reflection on
the needs, wants, ambitions and wisdom of (Rosen, 1999: 19) the community to
identify issues that are in the public interest. This can gradually enable a grassroots
reform movement (Rosen, 1999: 1). A communitarian approach to socially
responsible journalism recognises that:
the preservation of individual liberty depends on the active maintenance of
the institutions of civil society where citizens learn respect for others as
well as self-respect; where we acquire a lively sense of our personal and
civic responsibilities; along with an appreciation of our own rights and the
rights of others; where we develop the skills of self-government as well as
the habit of governing ourselves and learn to see others not just self
(Etzioni, A. 1998: xxv)
Therefore consideration of others' liberties and taking a less individualistic approach
to journalism forms the foundation of 'public journalism' which promotes the link
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 26 -
between social change and reporting. Public journalism places citizen input at the
centre of journalistic concerns (Eksterowicz and Roberts, 2000: 3) and promotes
personal and civic responsibilities in societies (Etzioni, 1998). This is achieved by
reflecting on issues affecting the disenfranchised. This approach is most effective in
Afghanistan where the voiceless are marginalized because of poverty, gender, ethnic
or religious affiliation (Coronel, 2004: 6). Afghanistan's social environment requires
coverage of issues such as women's legal rights and investigative reporting on issues
that create public debate which are fundamental to social change.
Defining Public Journalism in Afghanistan
Public journalism in Afghanistan can constitute a source of civic importance as the
nation is impacted by civil conflict, illiteracy and lack of access to diverse
information (see Blankson and Murphy, 2007). Journalists have a role in highlighting
problematic issues constructively and contributing to debates. This must be taken in
the consideration of Afghanistan's cultural 'ingredients', where cultural and religious
values are particularly sensitive. For example the Afghan BBC World Service project
has tackled taboo subjects such as unsafe sex and women's education through its
creative scripting of the program New Home, New Life for the last 15 years (S Siddiqi
2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Women's community radio such as Radio Rabia Balkhi has
delicately pursued women's issues such as forced marriages, domestic violence and
suicide by offering legal advice rather than directly criticising sharia which can
promote blasphemy charges (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar).

This approach to journalism is effective in establishing the 'right' of expression
(Alexander, 2005: 8) for the marginalised segments of Afghan community. Skuse's
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 27 -
(2002) investigation shows that the media has challenged traditional hierarchies and
gender restrictions by allowing women to participate in social debates. This is
especially important as women, particularly in villages are perceived to have no
business discussing radio news (Skuse, 2002: 276) and men are perceived as the
social arbiters of 'news talk' (Skuse, 2002: 276). Therefore women's radio exercises
freedom of expression though also practising self-containment and self-control
(Cohen-Almagor, 2005: 70) to protect the circumstances that allow for the
functioning of their liberties. Their goal is to mobilise social change without
'eliminating' their audiences (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) or offending
traditional structures that can become destructive to a democratic transition (see
Mendel, 2007). They ensure that their debates are not merely critical but result
oriented so that debates do not end in closure of the station (Kumar, 2006: 134).

Besides promoting civic input, the media also plays a reconciliation role in
transitional democracies where there is history of
3
civil conflict by looking at how
journalists can be part of the solution rather than part of the problem (Hanitzsch,
2004: 2). This means that instead of fanning the flames of ethnicity and religious
divides the media strive to promote unity, reconstruction and reconciliation within
communities (Macharia, 2008: 30-33; see Coronel, 2004). Media in sensitive
communities can promote reconciliation through careful reportage that gives voice to
many sides of an issue (Coronel, 2004: 2). This method of reporting demands more
investigative research on behalf of the journalist and requires lengthier 'conflict

3
The Rwanda massacres of 1994 indicate that objective journalism can be manipulated to
become irresponsible journalism, that impacts public opinion and consequently destroys human life
(Krschner-Pelkmann, 2008: 1). Radio Mille Collines an independent radio, propagated news that
provoked hatred against the Tutsi ethnicity; most of the listeners of the radio were members of the
military and soldiers who went on a rampage and killed anyone who was denounced on the radio
(Krschner-Pelkmann, 2008: 1).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 28 -
resolution' and historical explanations rather than just focusing on the damages (see
Lynch, 2007). It resists giving unnecessary attention to violence and ethnic
background (Lynch, 2007: 7). Instead it focuses on the impacts and outcomes of the
issue from both sides of the debate and also highlights 'moral lessons' (Coronel, S.
2004: 6).

Public journalism rejects sensationalism, nationalism and production of prejudices
against certain ethnic groups or persons (Celenk, 2007: 16). This is particularly
significant in Afghanistan as Pashtun ethnic group form a majority population in
government ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 13) but
private media are primarily in the hands of non-Pashtuns. This does not necessarily
pose a problem to reportage as many community journalists have focused on
reconstruction by reflecting on the issues of the whole community. However some
government officials have demonstrated Pashtun nationalism and have targeted non-
Pashtun journalists.
Conclusion
With the careful consideration of the Afghan context, this chapter argued that
communitarian philosophy which promotes a public journalism approach, is most
effective at this stage of Afghanistan's transition. I defined this theory as 'socially
responsible' journalism which considers social change as its main focus. So although
watchdog journalism is important, the media also has a role in informing the public
about a variety of public issues, such as the their social rights in the Afghan society.
The discussion of these issues create public awareness and debate, which assist in
progressing Afghanistan's democratic transition. Since the Afghan public are
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 29 -
composed of different ethnic groups, cultures, religions and languages, they interpret
the media's messages with their particular subjectivities. Therefore the media should
also consider Afghan cultural 'ingredients' when reporting on sensitive issues. While
this chapter has defined the role of media in Afghanistan and their impact over social
change, the next chapter looks at medias environment and what is required from its
social and political frameworks to enable social change in Afghanistan.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 30 -


( CHAPTER TWO )

DEFINING THE ROLE OF HARMFUL REMNANTS
IN MEDIA' S ENABLING ENVIRONMENT

Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 31 -
Introduction: Defining the Media's Enabling Environment
This chapter defines the requirements for an environment that allows the media to
address social change issues by practicing responsible journalism. The need for this
definition was highlighted by the interview discussions conducted for this thesis,
where journalists and media professionals raised concerns over the existence of
'pressure groups' (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) within the political structures of
Afghanistan. It was noted that these constraints could potentially hinder the
implementation and structuring of particular media laws.

Taking from the interview evidence, this chapter argues that there are potentially
harmful factors (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22) stemming from
previous governmental regimes that perceive a democratic media as a threat to their
traditional interests. The research in this chapter will show that some political,
religious and ethnic leaders who have been traditionally influential in Afghan social
structures (see Rawan, 2002) have obtained positions in Parliament, Ministries,
Judiciaries and Courts (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan",
2006). This chapter will provide evidence that they are structuring or implementing
legislation in ways that impede the development of media freedom in Afghanistan.

As discussed in chapter one this thesis assumes that a democratic and socially
responsible media system can be a source of social change through public and
watchdog journalism. The interviewees (2009) have highlighted that there are social
and political factors restricting the development of media freedom in Afghanistan.
This chapter defines the role of those social and political forces and the extent in
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 32 -
which they can impact the media's ability to drive social change. The combination of
social and political factors and their influence over media explain whether the media
can 'enable' social and political reforms (see Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst,
2002). I will use the term enabling environment ( Price, Rozumilowicz and
Verhulst, 2002: 17) to explain the cause and effect discourse between media and its
political environment.

In order to define the media's enabling environment in Afghanistan I have used the
stages of transition model introduced in Media Reform: Democratising the Media,
Democratising the State (2002), applying its criteria for social change in
Afghanistan's political environment. This model consists of four theoretical stages.
Each stage has criteria that define the enabling environment and the democratic
elements required for media to become a source of social change ( Price,
Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 17).

I have identified Afghanistan to be in the secondary stage (Price, Rozumilowicz
and Verhulst, 2002: 21) of transition that is characterised by a country that is fine-
tuning (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21) its media legislative
framework. At this stage there is either immediate consolidation (Price,
Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21) which means the reforming regime accepts the
fully functional legislative framework or there is authoritarian backlash (Price,
Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 21), where the reforming regime abandons the
reform process and slides back into the primary stage where a ruptured transition
(Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19) occurs. A ruptured transition is
characterised by a government that contains individuals from the former regime who
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 33 -
are attempting to establish renewed control, and will also attempt to structure
legislative framework in a manner most advantageous to their own interests (Price,
Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19-23).

Although Afghanistan's political structure is showing signs of 'ruptured transition'
(Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 19) the government has not deliberately
abandoned the reform process and there are still some signs of negotiation. This is
evident for example in contradictions presented by Afghanistan's Media Law (2007).
A parliament that is largely controlled by fundamentalist Mujahedin ("Country of
Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 99) and other conservatives have
passed media laws which place the government-owned broadcaster in the public
service sector (see "Mass Media Law", 2007; Najibullah, 2007; S Siddiqi 2009, email,
20 Mar). While this demonstrates political willingness for positive change (S Siddiqi
2009, Interview, 17 Mar), Afghanistan's President Hamed Karzai has refused to order
the publication of the Media Law (Wafa and Gall, 2007). Some members of
government now argue that the government should have its own radio, television and
newspapers (Wafa and Gall, 2007). Since legislation that has been passed must
become effective immediately, the government has acted against the Afghan
Constitution by not publishing the Media Law (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 20 Mar). This
shows that the democratic transition has not completely regressed but there are strong
authoritarian elements that can hinder the media reform process at any time.
Defining Harmful Remnants
The existence of pressure groups in Afghanistan's current legal and political
structures were identified as a problem to media freedom by the interviewees (2009).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 34 -
They perceive the media's watchdog role as a threat to the renewal of their ideologies
and they have responded to the media's interruption of political order by
demobilising (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) public opinion in a variety of ways.
This is represented especially in the number of assaults reported by a media watch
organisation called Nai (Khalwatgar, 2008). It has reported 28 cases of assault on
journalists by government officials who claim those journalists were acting against
the country's laws (Khalwatgar, 2008).

I have identified these pressure groups as the former leaders and members of militant
factions such as the former Mujahedin who have emerged as new political parties to
represent conservative interests through their direct or indirect influence in
Parliament, Ministries, Judiciary and the Supreme Court (see "Country of Origin
Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006). Amin Tarzi (2008) a prominent scholar in
Afghan studies, calls this group the neo-Taliban (Tarzi 2008, 314). Although this
term explains the ideological ties of this group to their former counterparts, the term
harmful remnants (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22) is more suitable in
describing these pressure groups. This is because it describes the harmful existence of
a variety of remaining elements and individuals from former regimes who are
attempting to renew control in the new political structures of Afghanistan. I will
argue this by firstly drawing on historical examples to explain the influence of these
harmful remnants and secondly I will discuss how they have posed restrictions to the
media's role as a result.
The Role of Harmful Remnants in The Media's Environment
In order to understand the role of these harmful remnants in modern political
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 35 -
structures and why they see media's role as a threat, it is important to reflect on their
historical influence and their traditional methods of control over public opinion.
These harmful remnants initially emerged from Afghan political structures during the
decade of 1964 to 1973 which is referred to by historians as the decade of
Constitutional law (Nazemi, 2004: 28) where political parties were organised for the
first time (Misdaq, 2006: 81). The King had not ratified the part of the Constitution
dealing with the formation of political parties and their obligations, and thus many
different Islamist parties emerged (Misdaq, 2006: 81). Once the Soviet government
established power in Afghanistan during 1978 many of those Islamist parties moved
their operations to Pakistan and later emerged as militant factions to overthrow the
communist government (Ewans, 2002: 180). Militant faction ideologies were based
on the leader's ethnicity, tribal beliefs and school of Islam ("Afghanistan - Political
Parties", 2009). Between 1989 and 1992 Mujahedin emerged from these Islamist
factions to combat the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA)
("Afghanistan - Political Parties", 2009).

After the Soviet withdrawal the factions who had once become united as Mujahedin
to fight one common enemy started to use their ethnic and Islamist ideologies to fight
for governance in Afghanistan ("Afghanistan - Political Parties", 2009). The rivalries
between the factions led to the outbreak of a civil war where the Mujahedin
committed heinous war crimes against ordinary civilians as well as the opposition
("War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001." 2001: 56-60). Their crimes
included the killing and torture of Afghan refugees who opposed Mujahedin leaders
or those who worked for humanitarian organisations with the abuse continuing until
2001 ("War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001." 2001: 56-60).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 36 -

Continuing violence led to the emergence of the more conservative Pashtun faction,
the Taliban ("The Emergence of Taliban", 2002). The Taliban wanted to combat the
Mujahedin who were raping women and carrying out brutal attacks on civilians
(Misdaq, 2006: 193; "War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity 1978-2001", 2001:
19-20). Today these former militant faction leaders and their members have evolved
beyond Mujahedin and Taliban to encompass new groups with new agendas (Tarzi,
2008: 276) manifesting themselves in post-Taliban structures and under new party
names since 2004 ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 21-
23).

Since party registration laws prohibit parties from maintaining their own militias
("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 21), militant factions
such as Ittihad-e Islami re-emerged as Daw'at-e Islami to show a separation of their
ideologies from former militant factions who were associated with violence, brutality
and undemocratic values ("Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan",
2006: 22). Changing party names has allowed the members and leaders from these
former factions to legally operate and maintain influence in the post-Taliban political
framework of Afghanistan (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 16-17).

These harmful remnants have influence over decision-making processes and because
of their influence they can inappropriately structure the law to benefit their own
political interests (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22). For example former
4
Ittihad-e Islami faction leader Abdul Rasul Sayyaf chaired a Parliamentarian working

4
This faction is now Dawat-e Islami Party (see "Wardak Provincial Summary." 2008)
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 37 -
group in 2003 for drafting the Constitution of Afghanistan ("Abdul Rasul Sayyaf",
2009). He suggested that working groups should be divided based on ethnicity,
gender and expertise rather than a random selection so that the results of the
discussion and debate will be positive, and closer to each other ("Abdul Rasul
Sayyaf", 2009). The decision to structure the working group in this way does not
distribute power equally because it allows a particular ethnic, religion or gender
group to dominate outcomes that are beneficial to a margin of society and undermines
the democratic process. Sayyaf who was elected into parliament ("Country of Origin
Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 219) has further secured his position and
interests by placing his 'clients' in top court positions (Tarzi, 2008: 328) such as
Mawlawi Fazl Hadi Shinwari a religious cleric as the Supreme Court Judge and
Wahid Muzhda in lower court positions (Tarzi, 2008: 328). Shinwari, during his
period as the Supreme Judge appointed 128 judges to the Supreme Court, which has
further strengthened intolerance within the justice system (Price, 2009). Thus harmful
remnants have maintained influence in the political system and judiciary either
directly or through their political proxies who can pose restrictions on media freedom
and politicise the media's enabling environment.

As a result of the existence of harmful remnants in the Judiciary and other political
institutions the media's role is undermined as a government watchdog because the
decisions of the Judiciary are highly politicised:
The decisions of judges are open to the influence of the political and
military leadership independently or via the Supreme Court. Such activities
dangerously blur the line between the executive and the judiciary branches
of the Afghan government in Kabul and throughout the country. (Nojumi,
Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 17)
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 38 -
The line between the Executive and the Judiciary branches is blurred because the
conservative sharia graduates represent both of these sectors and have ties to party
leaders such as Sayyaf (Tarzi, 2008: 328). The more progressive law school graduates
from Kabul University have less power on cabinet and at ministerial levels (Nojumi,
Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 12).

These influences are problematic in a case of corruption, for example, because the
motions against high ranking officials are likely to be dismissed or overturned by
more powerful officials (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 15). If the media
reports on corruption or accountability of government officials, it is also highly likely
that the critical journalists are targeted or are accused of spreading rumors and are
reprimanded (Khalwatgar, 2008). For instance in 2003 two Aftab Daily journalists
were charged with defaming Islam (Behzad, 2003) for publishing articles critical of
the government's performance and reporting on their links to former Mujahedin who
carried out war crimes (Behzad, 2003). The journalists were not criticising Islam or
sharia but because they were discussing the performance of former Mujahedin who
hold positions in government (Behzad, 2003) the laws were misused by their allies in
the justice system for stopping these journalists from uncovering corruption. The
interpretation of the journalists' conduct was politicised for two reasons; firstly
Shinwari who is the Supreme Court Judge has close ties to Sayyaf (Tarzi, 2008: 328)
whose faction carried out the massacre of 700 Hazarahs in the Afshar District of West
Kabul in 1993 ("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 5), also the Supreme judge
can override any rulings (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 15) and since he shared
a political interest in the matter he could not be relied on to have an impartial
decision. Secondly, because the Mujahedin were fighting the infidel (Knapp, 2003:
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 39 -
90) communists, their role is compared to Jihad in Islam which was carried out
against apostates (Knapp, 2003: 84). Thus they are perceived as heroes (Tarzi,
2007) and it is considered unpatriotic to denounce them as corrupt. As a result of such
mis-interpretation of the laws and the mis-representation of justice in the legal system
by harmful remnants, the judge was able to order the arrest of the Aftab Daily
journalists.

These harmful remnants are also in positions of power where they can create or
restructure legislation for their own protection. For instance an amnesty bill was
passed by the majority of the Parliament in 2007 which sought immunity for the
Mujahedin from prosecution (see Tarzi, 2007). The bill states that Mujahedin war
criminals should not be subjected to any criticism (Tarzi, 2007) as well as any legal
or judicial proceedings (Tarzi, 2007). Although the law has not been signed yet by the
President (Synovitz, 2007) this example evidently shows the influence of harmful
remnants in undermining the democratic processes by protecting their interests. This
contributes to the backsliding of the country's democratic transition as the media is
unable to create accountability.
Conclusion
A number of different pressure groups were identified as harmful remnants who have
maintained or renewed control in post-Taliban structures. Some of the most harmful
militant factions have re-established their influence through tactics such as changing
party names. Due to their influences and connections to key political positions they
are not only creating threats to media's activities, but they can also develop new laws
that legitimise their power monopoly further. As they used ethnic and religious
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 40 -
differences in the past to oppress particular ethnic groups ("Wardak Provincial
Summahry", 2008: 5), they can renew old tactics to drive new political agendas by
politicising religion and ethinicity. The next chapter looks at how these harmful
remnants impact media freedom by their indirect politicisation of the media's
environment.


Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 41 -


( CHAPTER THREE )

THE IMPACT OF HARMFUL REMNANTS
BY POLITICISING THE MEDIA' S ENVIRONMENT

Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 42 -
Introduction: Ethnicity as a Political Instrument
This chapter discusses the utilisation of ethnicity (Schetter, 2007: 5) and religion as
a social change demobiliser (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) in Afghanistan. I will
argue that the harmful remnants are using these two sensitive elements of Afghan
culture to politicise media's environment. Furthermore, this type of politicisation also
has an indirect impact on media's role which can potentially politicise the media's role
in Afghanistan. I will discuss the issue of politicisation in relation to the Media's
social and legal environments. In this chapter, the 'ethnic politicisation' section is
mainly concerned with the social environment, while the 'politicisation of religion'
section is focused on the legal and legislative frameworks for media. These two
sections assess two sides of the media's environment and whether they are enabling
media to be a source of social change in Afghanistan.

In chapter three I identified the harmful remnants as the religious scholars and former
faction leaders in the political system (see Tarzi and Crews, 2008). They view media's
role as a threat to their power monopoly in Afghan society (see Tarzi and Crews,
2008). This chapter will use historical evidence to show that politicisation has been
used by leaders in the past for political purposes. Due to the emergence of these
former leaders in modern political structures of Afghanistan, once again politicisation
is becoming an issue. I will argue this by making a link between historical evidence
and modern examples related to the inappropriate restructuring of particular laws by
the harmful remnants. I will discuss these links and their relationship to media, by
discussing two key case studies of language politicisation and Perwiz Kambakhsh's
blasphemy case that occurred in 2007 to 2008. As evident by the dates, they are
current cases and the purpose of this chapter is to address the issue of the indirect
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 43 -
politicisation of media at its early stages.

As it was discussed in chapter two, the media requires an enabling environment with
appropriate social and legal frameworks that support social change. This chapter
discusses the impact of harmful remnants over media freedom by politicising Media's
enabling environment. More specifically, this chapter looks at the issue of
politicisation and its role in demobilising media's ability to critically cover social
issues. For example, media's ability to discuss issues of women's equal rights in
Afghan society which also has religious connotations. There are other ways in which
media can become a political instrument; such as the direct politicisation of media
through financial aid by various governments and parties. The term political media
(Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 18) is used by Afghan journalists to refer to the type of
media funded by political parties; furthermore it would also be interesting to look at
the role of foreign donors in Afghanistan. However this thesis is focusing on the
indirect politicisation of media through its environment and therefore renders the
role of political media out of the scope of this thesis.

In this chapter I will tackle two aspects of indirect politicisation; firstly, I will discuss
the issue of ethnic nationalism (Misdaq, 2006: 5) and its role in media's social
environment. For example the use of ethnicity by Pashtun politicians for the
marginalisation of non-Pashtuns in the media (Najafizadeh, 2008); and the use of
ethnicity by the harmful remnants for developing restrictive laws that contradict
media's social change efforts in Afghanistan (Tarzi, 2003). Secondly the politicisation
of the legal framework by religious clerics for further restricting media from
discussing social issues that are tied to religious or tribal values.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 44 -

Pashtun leaders have traditionally held a large amount of authority to endorse
Pashtun life-style and values, the political and ideological integration of fragmented
Pashtun groups as well as the active promotion of Pashto as lingua franca (Oberson,
2002: 14). Jose Oberson (2002) refers to this endorsement of culture as
Pashtunising or Pashtunisation (Oberson, 2002: 12). Najia Haneefi (2009) also
raised this issue as Pashtunsazi (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). This term carries
political connotations, because it is used for describing Pashtun leaders' dissemination
of Pashtun culture and values over other ethnic groups in Afghanistan. Furthermore it
describes the instrumentalisation of ethnicity (Schetter, 2007: 3) by Pashtun leaders
to build sovereignty among themselves and 'depending on the circumstances', against
other minorities in Afghanistan (see Oberson, 2002).
Defining Politicisation of Ethnicity
Ethnic politicisation can become a mobilisation instrument for politicians (Schetter,
2007: 5). In contemporary Afghanistan, politicians are able to utilise ethnicity to
justify inappropriate restructuring of legislative frameworks for political gain, such as
elections (see Hakimi and Aziz, 2009). This was seen in 2009 when legislation was
structured inappropriately to appeal to potential Hazarah voters in the August
elections (Boone, 2009). In this case ethnicity became an electoral issue (Kelstrup,
2000: 162) where a marital law was passed that acted in the interest of Hazarah men
in Afghan society, potentially promoting 'marital rape' (Price, 2009). The Hazarah
ethnic group who have historically been discriminated against for their Mongolian
features, language and religion (Schetter, 2007: 3; "Country of Origin Information
Report: Afghanistan", 2006: 120), are given their own sense of identity through the
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 45 -
'Shia' marital law that undermines women's rights (Boone, 2009).

Moreover the law was signed by the government (Boone, 2009) to potentially appeal
to one of the most influential Hazarah political parties in Afghanistan ("Wardak
Provincial Summahry", 2008: 3). This is the Shia Hazara party, called Hezb-e Wahdat
and led by Haji Muhammad Muhaqiq. Muhaqiq, as a member of the Wolesi Jirga
[lower house] and party leader, Mohaqiq has increased his popularity among the
Hazarah by focusing on issues relevant to the Hazarajat and the Hazarah population
("Wardak Provincial Summahry", 2008: 3). It is believed that the party is supporting
Karzai ("Information on Hezb-e Wahdat", 2003) and have negotiated power sharing
under a future government (Salahuddin, 2009). Therefore ethnicity has been
potentially instrumentalised for maintaining voting preferences. The formation of
such legislation is not unrelated to media, because it shows that the harmful remnants
are capable of restructuring and implementing inappropriate legislations which can
create potential restrictions for media. This legislation further demonstrates how
ethnicity can be politicised by authorities to legalise other forms of discrimination in
Afghan society.

Ethnicity on its own is not the problem in Afghan society (see Glatzer, 2002) and
language differences do not appear to pose communication problems:
You will sit in a place where two people will have a conversation, one
person will speak one language and the other will speak the other language.
Because they have been living together [in mixed communities] they
understand each other perfectly well and they do not see the need to switch
it [the language]. (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar)
The local media also usually reflect on a variety of languages to reach diverse groups.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 46 -
For instance the program New Home, New Life runs in Pashto and Persian. However
as Sidiqqi (2009) explains, some audiences listen to both services because they like
the program and they want to compare the acting in different languages. Moreover, as
Schetter (2007) suggests Afghans are not restricted to the characteristics of their
ethnic groups. For example, many Pashtuns are bilingual (Girard and Spek, 2002: 14)
and the the former King Zahir was a Pashtun who did not speak a word of Pashto
(Schetter, 2007: 3).

Glatzer (2002) views tribes as social and political units (2002: 6) that have been
used as instruments (2002: 6). Glatzer (2002) and Schetter (2007) agree that
Afghanistan's political problems are not driven by ethnic differences. As Glatzer
(2002) suggests, ethnic and tribal boundaries are not fixed but are a matter of
negotiation (2002: 12). This means that utilisation of ethnicity by leaders is
dependent on opportunities and tactics and may change quickly (Glatzer, 2002: 12).
For example the Pashtun militant faction leader Gulbudin Hekmatyar initially focused
his public speeches on pan-Islamism and the Islamic ummah which calls on a plural
Muslim society (Glatzer, 2002: 12). However when he recruited in Pashtun areas
(Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 224) he appealed to the ethnic and tribal solidarity
of the Pashtuns who should defend their identity and honour against the rest of the
world (Glatzer, 2002: 12). Therefore ethnic differences are intentionally highlighted
for driving particular political agendas. Moreover it appears that ordinary Afghans
from different ethnic backgrounds have been able to coexist (see Gregorian, 1969)
and adapt each other's culture and language without any problems (see Schetter,
2007; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The only time ethnicity has become a
problem is when it is utilised by leaders who have master[ed] the cultural [ethnic]
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 47 -
patterns (Schetter, 2007: 3) for mobilising particular groups and driving particular
political motives (see Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail, 2007).

Politicisation of language
Another element of ethnic difference is language in Afghanistan. Language is also
potentially becoming an instrument of politicisation because non-Pashtuns who are
generally Persian speakers share this language with Iran. Pashtun nationalists, in
particular the Pashtun militant group the Taliban, had political frictions with Iran.
External political issues with Iran have reflected negatively in the treatment of
Persian speakers by harmful remnants of Pashtun ethnicity in post-Taliban
Afghanistan. I will illustrate this form of politicisation by firstly arguing that Persian
language is local to Afghanistan, secondly presenting evidence of political friction
between Iran and ethnic nationalist Pashtuns and thirdly demonstrating through a case
study how language can be politicised through the media in Afghanistan.

Anthropologists generally group non-Pashtun minorities by their language of Persian
while Pashtuns are generally united by the elements of a common tribal heritage (see
Lyon, 2006), Pashtunwali tribal code and the Pashto language in Afghanistan
(Wardak, 2003: 1; Lyon, 2006: 184). There is no official census available since 1979,
but Persian appears to be more prominently spoken through out the country ("The
CIA world factbook 2008", 2007). Misdaq (2006) suggests this is due to
Afghanistan's historical ties to Persia's courts, which was particularly influential
during the 18th century where many Pashtuns adopted Persian as their language as
well (Misdaq, 2006: 8). As a result of the language commonalities with Iran, Persian
speaking Afghans have been influenced by Iranian literature, history and culture
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 48 -
(Misdaq, 2006: 21). There is even dispute over the nationality of certain philosophers
and intellectuals, for example Ibn Sina and Seyd Jamaludin Afghani (or Seyd
Jamaludin Asadabadi in Iran) are claimed by both nations of Persian speakers. This
shows the fluidity of Persian culture between Persian speaking Afghans and the
Iranians. Latif Nazemi (2003) is an Afghan journalist and poet working for Deutsche
Welle and in the article A Look at Persian Literature in Afghanistan, he provides
further evidence of this fluidity (see Nazemi, 2003). On the other hand, Pashtuns have
historically wanted to separate themselves and build their own nation called
Pashtunistan (Misdaq, 2006: 77). Pashtuns' ambitious plans for establishing a
unique sense of identity in the region have also led to genocides and civil conflict,
particularly in the last three decades (see Misdaq, 2006).

Pashtuns see Iran as a potential threat to their political ambitions (see Arabzadah,
2008). As suggested by Olivier Roy (1986), it appears that Iran with a Shia majority
government is attempting to:
strengthen its control over the Shia minorities and to use them as pawns in
a policy of regional expansion, for, in spite of its fine phrases, Iranian
policy is more a manifestation of Persian nationalism than a universal
revolution. (Roy, 1986: 213)
Hostilities have been seen more visibly between militant Pashtun factions and Iran in
recent history. In 1997, the Taliban killed a number of Iranian diplomats in the
consulate offices of Mazar Sharif and closed the Iranian Embassy in Kabul (Lyon,
2006: 187-189). In early 2002, the Iranian government expelled ("Iran expels
Afghan warlord", 2002) one of the most influential Taliban leaders, Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar, leading to the closure of his Hizb-i Islami party office in Tehran ("Hizb-i-
Islami, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar", 2009). The product of these hostilities in foreign
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 49 -
politics coupled with Pashtun nationalism, have attached political connotations to
Persian language in Afghanistan. Such issues have politicised the nature of Persian
language in Afghanistan and Pashtun leaders have openly shown their opposition to
its use. This is reflected by Haneefi, who believes they are discriminated and called
political agents (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar) for speaking their own language:
It is very difficult for us Persian speakers because we are discriminated by
Pashtun politicians who call us agents of Iran, when we are only using our
mother tongue. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar)
The issue of language politicisation became a public matter in 2008, when the
Minster of Information and Culture, Karim Khorram reprimanded a Balkh RTA
reporter for using
5
Persian words in a broadcast (Najafizadeh, 2008). Khorram is a
Pashtun and a former member of the militant party, Hizb-i-Islami (Synovitz, 2008)
known to follow similar ideologies to the Taliban, led by one of the most wanted
former Mujahedin leaders, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar ("Logar Province", 2008; Synovitz,
2008). The minister criticised the reporter for introducing alien (Najafizadeh, 2008)
Iranian words to the 'Afghan language' (Najafizadeh, 2008). Criticisms were baseless
because, firstly the Afghan Constitution (2004) promotes the use of various dialects
and languages (2004: 7) and secondly the news broadcast was in Persian and in the
province of Balkh (Najafizadeh, 2008) which is predominantly composed of Tajiks
("Provincial Profile - Balkh" 2006) who are Persian speakers. Thirdly, he replaced the
Ministry's Persian entrance sign to a Pashto language sign upon becoming the
minister (Najafizadeh, 2008). These events characterise an active disregard for non-
Pashtuns which further promote ethnic patriotism and language politicisation in
Afghanistan. The politicisation led to ethnic discrimination and the dissemination of

5
Such as 'daneshgah and daneshjoo' to refer to 'university and student' rather than using the
Pashto word, 'Pohantun' (Najafizadeh, 2008)
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 50 -
ethnic hatred, leading to fighting among students at Balkh and Kabul Universities and
200 students were injured (Arabzadah, 2008).

These events have a negative effect over media because the minister's actions have set
ethnic frameworks to media's reportage. Moreover harmful remnants benefit from
ethnic conflict as it keeps the country segmentary (Misdaq, 2006: 64) and maintains
their monopoly over public opinion (see Rawan). The media demonopolises the
power of these harmful remnants by democratising the public opinion; if its role is
politicised, instead, the media will initiate these harmful remnants' political
aspirations (see Hackett and Carroll, 2006).
Defining Politicisation of Religion
While ethnicity is a sensitive aspect of Afghan culture that has been evidently
instrumentalised to politicise the media's environment, religion is another sensitive
aspect of Afghan culture that can be used by harmful remnants. The harmful remnants
in this case are religious clerics who have powerful positions within the government
and control the Judiciary (see "Country of Origin Information Report: Afghanistan",
2006). Religion is politicised by these harmful remnants to restrict the critical
coverage of social issues that are tied to religious values. Because religious leaders
are judges or have influence over legal decisions, the judges' interpretation of the
Media Law are based on the sharia (see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). This is
problematic for media's ability to critically cover a variety of social issues, in
particular issues related to women's equal rights in society.

As illustrated by Suhrke and Borchgrevink, in the Afghan legal framework there is
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 51 -
hardly a distinction made between the 'rule of law' and the law as pronounced by the
ulama (Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 216). In rural areas this issue may be
complicated by the influence of tribal elders (Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 216)
and tribal Islam's influence over legal decisions. While the influence of ulama in the
legal framework has already been established by researchers (see Suhrke and
Borchgrevink, 2009; Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004; Mendoza, 2004) as a
problem within the legal framework of Afghanistan, the issue for journalists is further
complicated by the lack of an independent blasphemy legislation for the media. This
provides prosecutors with a political vacuum where they can make sharia applicable
to media conduct.

While the Media Law stipulates that the Afghan government promote and guarantee
the right to freedom of thought and speech ("Mass Media Law", 2007: 1). Article 1
states that the Media Law is developed with the consideration of Islam pursuant to
Article 34 of the Constitution and Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights ("Mass Media Law", 2007: 1). At this point one would make the assumption
that Article 34 of the Afghan Constitution (2004) discusses Islamic principles that
Afghan citizens must adhere to. However article 34 shows one of the ways in which
the Media Law struggles to define its position on religion, because the article also
defends freedom of expression rather than providing any form of definition (see "The
Constitution of Afghanistan", 2004):
Every Afghan shall have the right to express thoughts through speech,
writing, illustrations as well as other means in accordance with provisions
of this Constitution ("The Constitution of Afghanistan", 2004: 10).
Furthermore, other articles of the Afghan Constitution (2004) and the Penal Code
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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(1976) are also silent on definitions of blasphemy. The three laws mention some
general prohibitions but they are ambiguous. For example article 3 of the Constitution
(2004) states that no law shall contravene the tenets and provisions of Islam (2004:
4), and article 45(1) of the Media Law (2007) specifies that content must not be
contrary to the principles and provisions of Islam (Tarzi, 2007b); but there is no
explanation provided as to what these 'provisions' are. The Afghan Media Law
(2007), the Constitution (2004) and the Penal Code (1976) in fact demonstrate a
liberal approach to interpreting freedom for the Media; but because the statements are
ambiguous, they provide the prosecutors with a vacuum for individual applications of
the sharia.

While in the Anglo-American world the conditions of modernity have made legal
prosecutions against blasphemy not only rare but also obsolete (Hassan, 2008: 158).
In Islam an insult to God, to the Prophet or any of the divine revelations is considered
blasphemous conduct. Moreover suspicions of apostasy (Hassan, 2008: 158) is also
a crime that can be punishable by
6
death. This is evident in Kambakhsh's case, where
the ulama have interpreted his conduct as the weakness of faith in Islam ("Journalism
student given 20-year jail term in Afghanistan", 2008). Demonstration of apostasy has
stemmed from the article's critic of polygamy ("Afghan Journalist's Death Sentence
Commuted", 2008) which is allowed in Islam. Under these interpretations any form of
expression that suggests 'infidelity' towards Islam is also considered blasphemous
(Hassan, 2008: 158). For example the former communist regime were called 'infidels'
by the former Mujahedin and Taliban (Knapp, 2003: 90).


6
Such as the case of Salman Rushdie a former Shia Muslim, who wrote the book The Satanic
Verses that lead to Khomeini's controversial Fatwa in 1988 (Brooks, 2008; Hassan, 2008: 158).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 53 -
Blasphemy is instrumentalised to silence opinions contrary to the regime, hence
restricting the media's ability to cover religious issues critically. This further limits
the media's ability to engage a public debate about issues like women's rights in
Afghan society. This is important for ordinary Afghans who have not acquired up to
date knowledge about the religion during the last three decades of conservative rule
and their understanding about their rights and social issues are limited (N
Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). The media's
restrictions are created by politicising the religious law, making religion an
instrument of power legitimisation for remnants of an authoritarian regime (Esposito,
2000: 50; Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009: 215-216). Political scientists are referring
to this as 'political Islam' where religion is no longer just mediat[ing] between man
and god (Fuller, 2003: 13) but is used by governments to fill a political vacuum (see
Fuller, 2003). This is problematic for media, because sharia requires the interpretation
of the ulama who make those meanings relevant to everyday life (Mendoza, 2004: 3).
Religious scholars base their interpretations on Islamic sources which are the Quran,
Prophet's teachings the Sunna and divine revelations the Hadith (Radan, Meyerson
and Croucher, 2005: 273). Religious scholars read and interpret the Sharia by using
a particular set of rules (Mendoza, 2004: 3) from those Islamic sources (Mendoza,
2004: 3). In Afghanistan these ulama who are the harmful remnants, not only step in
to protect religion but also to protect themselves from journalists who challenge their
power monopoly in the government.

Many judges act with dual positions (see Suhrke and Borchgrevink, 2009), for
example Shinwari was a senior member of Afghanistan's Council of Islamic Scholars
(Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328) while also serving as the Supreme Court Judge between
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 54 -
2002 to 2006 (Price, 2009; Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328). Evidently, these judges
could have a conflict of interest in blasphemy cases, because they could use their
positions to act as a moral guardian, censor and defender of broad jurisdiction for the
sharia (Tarzi and Crews, 2008: 328). In a consultation event hosted by the UNAMA
("Multi-stakeholder Consultation on Freedom of Expression in Afghanistan", 2009),
journalists also believed that many of the judges wanted to act as a guardian of
religion (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 18). For example journalists have suggested that
Perwiz Kambakhsh's blasphemy case was intentionally politicised to 'teach a lesson'
to others not to question conservative religious interpretations, their authority and that
of their political allies (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 16). Perwis Kambakhsh, a journalist
and a student, received the death penalty for downloading an article that was critical
of polygamy and gender inequalities in Islam ("Afghan Journalist's Death Sentence
Commuted", 2008). Even under the assumption that Kambakhsh did 'attack' Islam, the
Penal code (1976) in reference to Crimes Against Religions in article 348, specifies
only a short imprisonment and cash fine for an attack on Islam ("Penal Code",
1976: 101).

Lack of a blasphemy legislation in Afghanistan also means that there is no clear
indication between what is religion and tribal custom (see Nojumi, Mazurana and
Stites, 2004). Due to the numerous tribes and ethnic groups in Afghanistan,
interpretations of what constitutes blasphemous can also vary. The issue of tribal
Islam is especially problematic in rural regions, where journalists can also be directly
targeted by local commanders or tribesmen (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). In
Pashtun tribal regions and villages, social 'norms' are more strictly interpreted based
on Pashtun customs (see Kakar, 2003). Pashtun customary law is comprised of
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 55 -
traditions specified in Pashtunwali code (see Kakar, 2003). This code has been
historically enforced through the tribal council of jirga which has traditionally acted
as the village court (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 37). So as Soheil (2009) has
suggested there is an influence of tribal mentality (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13
Mar) in the court system which is problematic, because in many instances tribal
customs even override sharia (Moghadam, 1993: 210). For instance according to
Pashtun tribal code a woman accused of adultery can be executed based on rumours,
while this contradicts sharia which requires four witnesses (Moghadam, 1993: 210).

This indicates that Islam is not the only institution that regulates everyday affairs
(Misdaq, 2006: 275) in Afghanistan, and Afghan Islam is a hybrid of sharia and
customary laws. As Schetter argues, Afghan Islam contrasts with the concept of an
'Islamic ummah' or a plural Muslim society because of the fragmentation of society
along ethnic lines (Schetter, 2007: 4). Therefore this contradicts Gregorian's (1969)
belief that Islam is a unifying factor among Afghans. As a result of the existence of a
tribal Islam, the harmful remnants in Judiciary and courts also interpret blasphemy
conducts based on their ethnic understandings of the sharia (see Mendoza, 2004).
Conclusion
The restrictions raised in Afghanistan's media environment at this stage of transition
are caused by a lack of separation between the rule of law, religion and customs. In
the Afghan context these issues are intertwined and related, once one element, such as
religion is politicised, the three elements become instruments for regressing or
stalling social change in Afghanistan. These sensitive aspects of Afghan culture are
utilised by the harmful remnants who justify the inappropriate implementation of the
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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rule of law under Islam. The Media Law interpretations are therefore politicised for
the institutionalisation of the enforcement of further restrictions over media in
Afghanistan.

This is problematic for media freedom because journalists are limited in the way in
which they can critically discuss social issues crucial to ordinary Afghans. In this
context sharia is applicable to journalistic conduct, this demonstrates a lack of
willingness for social change from the legal framework. The journalists at the
UNAMA's consultation (2009) have suggested that the Afghan media environment is
not conducive (Hakimi and Aziz, 2009: 17) for discussing religious issues critically.
In this context of blasphemy, journalists are not perceived as the fourth estate but
rather as 'faithful' Muslims who have no business acting as the state watchdog or
discussing particular issues of public interest.






Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan


CHAPTER FOUR

STRATEGIES OF RESPONSE BY JOURNALISTS
IN AFGHANISTAN


Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 58 -
Introduction: Media Interviews
Previous chapters identified the issue of harmful remnants and their politicisation of
ethnicity and religion for restricting media freedom. These issues were discussed
within their social, cultural and political contexts. This chapter presents evidence of
these restrictions from the Afghan journalists perspective. The aim of this chapter is
also to provide recommendations about how Afghan journalists can negotiate
restrictions for driving social change in Afghanistan.

As discussed in chapter one, the most suitable approach for media in Afghanistan is
public journalism, where civic education and public interest issues are prioritised (see
Etzioni, 1998). This chapter, in particular the section on 'responsible journalism'
demonstrates how journalists tackle social change issues through communitarian
philosophy. The interviews were conducted with Faheem Dashty (Chief Editor and
Political Analyst of Kabul Weekly), Mobina Khairandish (Producer of Radio Rabia
Balkhi), Najia Haneefi (women's rights activist and the owner of Radio Rabia Balkhi),
Sanjar Soheil (Chief Editor and Political Analyst of Hasht-e Sobh) and Shirazuddin
Siddiqi (Director of BBC World Service Trust Afghanistan and Afghan Education
Projects), Associate Professor Martin Hadlow (former Director of UNESCO office in
Kabul). While the radio journalists often represent public journalism that promote
civic education, the newspapers in Afghanistan often represent political journalism.
The interviewees are selected from diverse professional backgrounds, which assists
the thesis in presenting a range of perceptions about the current restrictions and steps
forward for addressing social change issues in Afghanistan.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 59 -
Interview Categories
The issues and strategies raised by interviewees are categorised into four groups of
(1) traditional restrictions, (2) law enforcement, (3) professional experience and (4)
responsible journalism in Afghanistan. Category (1) presents the interviewees'
perceptions of 'freedom' in the context of traditional and cultural environments. These
environments have been defined in chapter two, and in this section those definitions
'frame' the analysis provided by the interviews. Category (2) presents the journalists'
understanding of the Media Law restrictions and their suggestions on how the law and
the issues of its enforcement could be addressed. Category (3) presents media
professionalism issues in Afghanistan, and highlights an area for further study for
future research. Category (4) presents how Afghan journalists are battling the
restrictions I have highlighted in chapters two and three of this thesis. This section
also supports my argument for a communitarian philosophy which prevails a public
oriented media approach in Afghanistan.

(1) Traditional Restrictions
The journalists interviewed believe that tribal mindsets (S Soheil 2009,
Interviewed, 13 Mar) exist among Afghans and more evidently amongst rural
Afghans (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar; S
Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar; S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). In villages,
provinces and regional areas in particular local commanders, tribal and religious
leaders can cause physical threats to journalists ("Main threat to Afghan journalists is
from government", 2009). Soheil (2009) suggests that these individuals perceive
freedom of expression as a disruption to their tribal autonomy. Autonomy in this
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 60 -
sense, refers to the way Afghan traditional living is structured (S Soheil 2009,
Interviewed, 13 Mar). For example, there are inequalities within tribes, especially
between genders and there is a hierarchical social structure (Giustozzi and Ullah
2006: 3) which affects Afghan's understanding of freedom of expression:
In Afghan households children are told 'you do not understand and
therefore you do not participate in adult discussions'. When we are adults
we are always nervous about expressing our opinions because we are
worried about being wrong. This type of mindset exists among the educated
and the uneducated in Afghanistan. In Afghan society there has never been
a chance for us to ask questions. We are not allowed to ask questions from
our elders in our families and the leaders in our society. In elders'
gatherings [jirga] I am told that I do not have the right to speak. Why don't I
have the right? (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar)
The apparent communication hierarchy within the family defines an individuals right
to freedom of expression and their ability to participate in discussions. Besides the
enforcement of a communication hierarchy in the family, communication is further
'institutionalised' (Rawan, 2002: 156) through the tribal gatherings of jirga (Rawan,
2002: 166). As a traditional communication channel (Rawan, 2002: 166) the jirga
eliminates the voice of the disenfranchised such as women (Nojumi, Mazurana and
Stites, 2004: 3) but only a selection of individuals from local tribes can participate in
decision making processes (see Wardak, 2003):
Although jirgas may be positive for collaboration in essence their structure
is very undemocratic. Ordinary Afghans do not get a say in what is decided
for the village. The members of the jirga are usually the male elders of the
tribes who promote the patriarchal structure of our society and it is
important for these leaders to maintain their tribal structure. (S Soheil
2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar).
Jirga is a tribal council, mainly common among the Pashtun populated areas, which is
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 61 -
represented by the community's opinion leaders (Rawan, 2002: 166). These opinion
leaders are defined by Rawan (2002) as the leaders of tribes, mullahs, commanders
and land owners (2002: 166). The gathering of these powerful individuals allows
them to make decisions on public issues (see Rawan, 2002). This representation of
public opinion allows the jirga members to have a monopoly over public opinion in
the village (Gregorian, 1969: 42; see Mendoza, 2004) and they have traditionally
disseminated news through their communication channels (Giustozzi and Ullah,
2006: 16), such as the through the Bazaar and the mosque sermons (Rawan, 2002:
156). Therefore the jirga's role is comparable to modern media as the fourth estate,
which traditionally represented a form of public consensus in Afghan society
(Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail, 2007: 146).

However the jirga functions in contradictions to the local media which is attempting
to democratise the public opinion. Historically politicisation of ethnic groups in
Afghanistan were carried out by the jirga (see Schetter, Glassner and Karokhail,
2007; Wardak, 2003). The jirga's hegemonic control over public opinion has enabled
them to motivate a wide range of
7
rivalries and vendettas alive among the Afghan
tribes (Gregorian, 1969: 42). In contemporary Afghanistan, the opinion leaders
have emerged as harmful remnants in modern political structures who can politicise
the public opinion through the instrumentalisation of ethnicity and religion. They can
impact the public opinion against their non-Pashtun rivals as it has been demonstrated
in the past.


7
This is evident through the factionalisation of the Mujahedin (see "Country of Origin
Information Report: Afghanistan", 2006), the Hazarah ethnic genocides ("Wardak Provincial
Summary", 2008: 5) and the revolting of the Khost Pashtun tribes against Amanullah's 1919 social and
political reforms (Misdaq, 2006: 64).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 62 -
The jirga functions like an internal government for the tribes (Elphinstone, cited in
Wardak, 2003: 11) and they see the media as a threat to their interests:
Local media talks about democratic decision making, elections and rights
and that there is no hierarchy among people. Evidently this is a threat to
their tribal autonomy and they want to protect it. (S Soheil 2009,
Interviewed, 13 Mar)
This is similar to the reaction of authoritarian governments who want to influence the
media and target journalists who challenge the status quo. For example the ethnic
group, the Pashtuns have the most elaborate tribal structures which are defined by
codes like the Pashtunwali (see Kakar, 2003). This code defines gender roles, tribal
governance, conflict resolution and even hospitality (see Gregorian, 1969).There are
entrenched inequalities in this code, such as the trading of women for resolving tribal
feuds (Kakar, 2003: 4).

As a result of these traditions and customs, village tribesmen perceive women's
leadership positions and involvement in society contradictory to their culture (see
Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). Since Afghan Islam is a mixture of tribal and
religious traditions, the tribe opinion leaders are also against women's participation in
an Islamic society (Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004: 20). This kind of attitude has
led to the killing of women like Zakia Zaki, a prominent women's rights activist and
journalist for speaking against militant leaders and advocating for women's rights in
rural Afghanistan ("Afghan woman radio head shot dead", 2007). These opinion
leaders who have emerged as harmful remnants have also confronted women's
involvement in the establishment of women's radio; Hadlow (2009) who was involved
in setting up Voice of Afghan Women Radio explains that they encountered a
community backlash prior to going on air:
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 63 -
They said they do not want to hear women's voices on the radio but the
women went ahead and did it - but it is easier in Kabul because of security.
The journalists have to be cautious, it is very difficult for them because they
have to step on the streets later and face the authorities and the
8
warlords
who do not agree with them. (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar)
Evidently female journalists face great danger in Afghanistan; firstly for challenging
gender restrictions, and secondly, for the nature of their work. This issue is confirmed
by Khairandish (2009) who initially faced threats by starting the women's radio
station, Rabia Balkhi which broadcasts to Balkh and nearby villages:
In the beginning the men were against our programs, they did not want to
accept the establishment of a women's radio station in Balkh. They thought
the programs would destroy their family values or encourage socially
unacceptable attitudes among women, if those women understand their
rights. But now, even men call us and provide feedback on how programs
could be improved or what else we could cover. So far they have not
created problems for us. (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar)
Although Khairandish (2009) is positive about the community's tolerance, she
explains that the station has negotiated cultural restrictions to create an environment
where they have broadcast safely for the past eight years (N Khairandish,
Interviewed, 9 Mar). This negotiation means that Rabia Balkhi has prioritised
women's involvement in Afghan society, rather than challenging the local authority
(N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). They have achieved this by protecting the
circumstances that allow their female employees to work by focusing on civic
education, which is fundamental to Afghan women's social growth (N Khairandish,
Interviewed, 9 Mar). Due to issues of physical security and fears of being shut down,
the radio generally refrains from undertaking a traditional watchdog role:

8
My interpretation of warlords is militant groups who function as political factions or armed
individuals.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 64 -
Two years ago we had a critical program about Mazar Sharif's local
government. We were told that we have gone 'beyond our journalistic
boundaries' and this is going to become problematic for us. (N
Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar)
On the contrary, the chief editor of Kabul Weekly, Dashty (2009) believes that
because the Afghan media law (2007) promotes and guarantees freedom of
expression, journalists should not refrain from reporting on political subjects. He
suggests that through careful consideration of Afghan laws and undertaking
responsible journalism the media can be free and act as a watchdog:
We have not had any deaths or arrests at Kabul Weekly but we have
received threats. I ensure that we do not go beyond the frame of law. That
is why I think we have less problems. (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar)
Dashty (2009) suggests that the Afghan Media Law supports freedom of expression
and if it is implemented correctly, it offers journalists legal protection. However,
Haneefi (2009) believes the law fails to support freedom of expression because
Afghan customary laws do not entitle women to equal rights in society (see Nojumi,
Mazurana and Stites, 2004):
When we cannot talk about women's rights because it is considered an
exported Western ideology - how can one call this freedom? (N Haneefi,
Interviewed, 8 Mar)
Furthermore, Khairandish (2009) does not believe the law offers any legal protection
because of the lack of its appropriate enforcement:
If the Afghan government implement the current Media Law in its true
meaning then essentially all of our problems will be solved. If the officials
understand the law and what it upholds then we will not have problems (N
Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar).
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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The issues of protection provided by the Media Law for journalists has been much
debated; as discussed in chapter three, the Afghan laws do not pose direct restrictions
on freedom of expression, however all the interviewed journalists and media
professionals have raised concern over the law's inappropriate implementation by
the authorities.
(2) Law Enforcement
While many of the interviewees agree that Afghan Media Law (2007) is democratic in
nature and provides freedom of expression 'on paper', all the interviewees agree that it
is not enforced appropriately (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar; M Hadlow, Interviewed,
3 Mar; N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar; Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar; S Siddiqi
2009, Interview, 17 Mar; S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). Events of
inappropriate law enforcement are two fold; firstly the Media Law's ambiguities on
issues such as insult to national personalities, Islam and slander ("Afghan journalist
union says Media Law vulnerable to misuse", 2008) and secondly the existence of
individuals in positions of power who take advantage of those ambiguities and mis-
interpret the law for shutting down media and arresting of journalists. Dashty (2009)
suggests, ambiguities in the Afghan Media Law are problematic for journalists:
There are at least eight articles in the Media Law which are the prohibited
issues. For example, not accusing, lying and talking against the national
interest of Afghanistan or Islam. These are the red lines, but we were
expecting these. What we want is some definition on these articles so the
law can not be misused. (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar)
The majority of the Media Law's prohibitions are related to blasphemy and
defamation; the law itself is merely a list of prohibitions which are not defined
("Mass Media Law." 2007). Siddiqi (2009) suggests the existence of vacuum in the
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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Media Law allows religious and 'political interest groups' or as defined in this thesis
as harmful remnants, fill in the gap with their own interpretations and Haneefi (2009)
agrees:
There are many generalisations made in the Media Law, tohin, 'insult' is
not defined, which allows religious scholars to label journalists' conducts as
an insult to religious values and make journalists vulnerable to
prosecution. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar)
Similarly lack of definition on blasphemy articles means that journalists cannot
always predict the consequences of their work and sometimes have to refrain from
discussing certain topics because of potential outcomes. For example Haneefi (2009)
suggests that 'religious violence' against women cannot be discussed as it can be
potentially considered blasphemous. Siddiqi (2009) believes this is a problem as the
nation is largely uneducated, as ordinary Afghans have not been exposed to critical
thinking for almost three decades, and as an Islamic country the media cannot ignore
religion as an interesting topic (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). He suggests that
the line between blasphemy and critical coverage of religion must be defined to allow
those discussions (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar).

Soheil (2009) believes that the issue of inappropriate law enforcement is caused by
the presence of religious leaders in government, legislative and judiciary who have
control over development and implementation of the laws. Haneefi (2009) in
particular raised concern over the involvement of former members of political
factions and Mujahidin leaders in the post-Taliban government. She estimates eighty
percent majority of the current Afghan parliament to be composed of harmful
remnants or otherwise from former factions who she suggests have posed problems to
media freedom:
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 67 -
In my opinion the situation of media freedom compared to previous
regimes is improved but there is limited freedom. Nothing can be said
against religious and political values (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar).
Soheil (2009) also raises the issue of corruption in the justice system which allow
judicial decisions to be impacted by bribery. Furthermore, his newspaper has been
highly critical of government's actions towards the misrepresentation of the law.
Below is an excerpt from an article in Hasht-e Sobh that has criticised the government
for freeing drug traffickers because of the request of influential tribesmen:
The release of five drug traffickers who had been sentenced to long terms
of imprisonment by the Court, has once again showed the total negligence
of those officials who must protect and implement the law [...] It has been a
long time now that an innocent young man, Parwiz Kambakhsh, is
languishing in his cell on the basis of groundless accusations, but the
president does not show mercy towards him. Nonetheless, Mr Hamidzada
has added that 'mediation and guarantees by some elders and influential
figures can help release the repentant prisoners, because their release is for
the good of society and everyone'. ("Afghan paper hits out at president's
order to free drug traffickers." 2009)
Afghan journalists flag
9
Kambakhsh's blasphemy case who was initially given the
death penalty, as an example of misusing the Media Law ("Afghan journalist union
says Media Law vulnerable to misuse", 2008; "Afghanistan: Journalist Given Death
Sentence For 'Blasphemy' ", 2008). He was convicted for downloading and
distributing an article discussing women's rights in Islam, later the death sentence was
reduced to twenty years in jail after international pressures ("Afghan Court Upholds
Journalism Student's 20 Year Blasphemy Sentence ", 2009).


9
For discussion of this case study refer to the section on 'politicisation of religion' in chapter
three.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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Besides the misinterpretation of religion to restrict media freedom, there is further
constraint on media through its ethnicisation ("Afghan paper highlights need for
decentralization of power", 2009); this is potentially caused by the centralisation
and dominance ("Afghan paper highlights need for decentralization of power",
2009) of one ethnic group over the other in Afghanistan's political system ("Afghan
paper highlights need for decentralization of power", 2009). In the past political
factions have mobilised their members based on common tribal heritage (Glatzer,
2002: 12), and journalists fear that those groups may be renewing their power to
'demobilise' (Hackett and Carroll, 2006: 12) the public opinion once again:
The religious leaders can influence public opinion and encourage people
against the local media. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar)
Haneefi (2009) used the term 'Pashtunsazi' to describe the 'ethnic politicisation'
tactics utilised by Pashtun politicians in key political positions:
In the parliament there are two or three representatives from the Taliban.
The Information and Culture Ministry is controlled by a former Pashtun
political faction leader and he has similar views to the Taleban. He is trying
to reduce the use of Persian language in the media and he promotes
backward Islamic ideologies. They [Pashtun politicians] disseminate their
[tribal] ideologies through the [state owned] media that they have control
over. (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar)
While particular remnants attempt at politicising media's reportage, many private
media promote pluralism and national unity through their style of coverage. Dashty
(2009) acknowledges that media can inflame ethnic division in Afghanistan and
therefore Kabul Weekly takes the ethnic factor into consideration when reporting:
Ethnic division is one of the biggest problems in Afghanistan and I said to
all my colleagues that no one has the right to touch the issue negatively. If
we promote national unity, people will also accept and appreciate it. (F
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar)
Moreover, Afghan media needs to address ethnic diversity by producing content in
more than one language. For example the Kabul Weekly publishes in languages of
Persian-Dari, English and Pashto (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar). While Rabia Balkhi
has eighteen hours of daily broadcast in Persian-Dari, Pashto, Uzbeki and Torbeki
and news in English (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). This promotion of various
languages by local media, is one way public journalism can promote tolerance for
social change in Afghanistan's transitional environment.
(3) Professional Experience
Despite the work that public journalism does in mobilising social change, many of the
interviewees raised concern over the lack of professionalism in Afghan media:
I think some journalists cannot differentiate between critical coverage and
insulting. Sometimes they are making accusations without evidence at
hand (F Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar).
Mr Seddiqi's concern (2009) is that some reports do not contribute to public debates,
even though they may not constitute blasphemy:
The media has to use it [critical coverage of religion] to educate the nation
and contribute to development of religious education in an objective way.
But to do that media practitioners also need to be extremely professional.
Some of the articles published in the media have not actually proved that
the media practitioners and journalists have got there yet. (S Siddiqi 2009,
Interview, 17 Mar).
The interviewees (2009) believe that the lack of responsible journalism by some
media is caused by insufficient training or experience. Hadlow (2009) who worked on
media development projects in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2004 explains that the
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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issue stems from impacts of Soviet-style journalism in Afghanistan.
At Kabul University all the lecturers had received degrees from Soviet
Universities such as Moscow or Ukraine State Universities and they
certainly brought that back. (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar)
This kind of journalism has promoted self-censorship in some Afghan media; because
the media under the Soviet regime acted as the 'voice of the government'. Skuse
(2002) suggests the advent of the Soviet presence accelerated the pace at which
alternatives were sought and it is during this period that many current perceptions and
opinions concerning the 'quality, impartiality and accuracy' of national radio
broadcasting services were formed (2002: 269). As Skuse's (2002) investigation in
the Afghan media under the Soviet regime shows, not only the ordinary Afghans lost
'trust' in the quality of the local media, but this perception is also reflected in the
perceptions of current journalists who cannot see a link between democracy and the
media:
Some of the journalists I met were members of the old Soviet Association
of Journalists and of course they still saw things as they have always seen.
In the seminars and training courses we had on the issue of what is the role
of free press is, in a democracy there were many spirited arguments;
because some journalists could not see that it [free press] was particularly
useful (M Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar).
Soheil suggests that this kind of journalism training will fail to produce journalists
who can meet the needs of their communities and contribute to reconstruction and
change in Afghanistan.

Siddiqi (2009) suggests that Afghan media suffers from insufficient investigation and
overtly opinionated pieces. He also believes Afghan journalists should be more
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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selective about what they broadcast (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). For example
reporters should take the cultural 'ingredients' into consideration and avoid obvious
inflammatory broadcasts that do not contribute to a constructive debate (see Mendel,
2007). For example an Afghan TV station broadcasted some of the asleep officials at
the Afghan national assembly which created a backlash from those officials who were
humiliated (see Mendel, 2007). With the careful consideration of the Afghan cultural
context that is intertwined with religious and tribal traditions, critical ways of looking
at issues should be introduced so the program does not go against audience's taste
(S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar) and journalists should be liberal in the eyes of
the conservative (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar), proposes a need for
journalistic strategy that actively considers how coverage will be interpreted by a
variety of audiences (Cohen-Almagor, R. 2005: 80). For example New Home, New
Life is tackling issues of sexually transmitted diseases in rural Afghanistan (S Siddiqi
2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Their investigation unraveled some of the
10
causes of the
recent rise in HIV transmissions in Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar).
The program created public awareness about the issue by showing that the character
had blood transfusion and the blood was not screened; before he was aware he had
already transmitted it to his wife (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). This coverage
related a potentially sensitive topic without drawing on tribal or religious issues,
therefore considering the audience's sensitivities.

Although BBC through its training programs have provided a benchmark for
professional journalism in Afghanistan (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus:

10
Their investigation showed that HIV was transmitted through unscreened blood as only thirty
percent of the blood at the blood banks were tested. The infected who were among the drug addicts had
introduced injection to Afghanistan and in this way they had increased the chances of HIV transmission.
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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An activity report", 2002), Afghan media still suffer from the lack of a standard
setter (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). Hadlow suggests that the county needs to
set up Radio and Television Afghanistan (RTA) as a public service broadcaster (M
Hadlow, Interviewed, 3 Mar). RTA, as a state owned broadcaster, is posing problems
to public journalism, because in regional areas politicians have more influence over
the broadcast content (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar). For example, a journalist
in Balkh province working for the RTA, was reprimanded by the Minster of
Information and Culture for using non-Pashto words (Najafizadeh, 2008). Many
Afghan journalists and members of the international community have lobbied for the
political independence of RTA ("Change at Radio Television Afghanistan", 2007),
which was made a public service broadcaster in the most recent Media Law (2007)
but since the law remains unpublished it is not enforceable (S Siddiqi 2009, email, 20
Mar). Journalists and media professionals suggested that the government has not
published the law because:
It grants an independent status to Radio and Television Afghanistan (RTA)
as a public service broadcaster placing it formally outside the control of the
Ministry of Information and Culture and the rest of government.
("Situation of Freedom of Expression in Afghanistan: Summahry of
Consultations", 2009).
Most interviewees believed that lack of professionalism from some Afghan media is
jeopardising the limited liberties available currently in the media's environment,
potentially prompting the government to propose further restrictions. The
interviewees suggest the requirement for up to date training to address issues of
professional journalism in universities. Furthermore, the government needs to show
its commitment to the country's laws and publish the approved Media Law, so RTA
can also be utilised for public education rather than a tool for dissemination of state
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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generated content.
(4) Responsible Journalism
While all the journalists (2009) interviewed have raised issues about restricted
political reporting and coverage of religion, they believe they are undertaking
responsible journalism by carefully challenging these boundaries. For example Soheil
(2009) believes that Hasht-e Sobh newspaper is playing a role in addressing
corruption and human rights issues. His primary target audience are the marginal
segments of the Afghan public who can read and are familiar with literary forms of
the language. This group also share an interest in political debates and can afford to
buy newspapers (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar). His journalism is attempting to
change the political 'willingness' of the elite members of the Afghan public who have
direct or indirect impact over the democratic transition of Afghanistan:
We want to change the way our leaders think. Because if our leaders create
positive reforms and make structural changes to the way the country is
managed then our social and local problems will also be solved easier. (S
Soheil 2009, Interviewed, 13 Mar).
He believes fundamental changes need to be made for the political and legal
frameworks of the country to complement social change (S Soheil 2009, Interviewed,
13 Mar). The newspaper is trying to create awareness about the problems through
efforts such as the dedicated column in the newspaper and on its website for 'letters to
future president' which engages public opinion for the upcoming elections
(2009,"--- ='--= = -'- '- ---'- "). While this is good for creating a public
response, the majority of Afghans also need their immediate problems regarding
health, poverty and education addressed (see "Afghan Media Reconstruction in
Focus", 2002). An investigation conducted by the BBC World Service Trust (2002)
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 74 -
team has highlighted the importance of media to reach the poorest in Afghanistan
("Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus", 2002: 6). Siddiqi (2009) is a contributor in
this report ("Afghan Media Reconstruction in Focus", 2002: 40) and he has reinforced
the importance of media's educational role in Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview,
17 Mar). In his view newspapers are ineffective in mobilising social change because
they target the elite and the elite have been insignificant to recent history of
Afghanistan (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar):
They [elite] did not have any role in changing or defining the direction of
history. It is been the masses and it is actually gone to the countryside. Even
at the moment the problem is not necessarily in the cities - it is in the
country side (S Siddiqi 2009, Interview, 17 Mar)
This is supported by historical examples of the 1919 reforms, where Amanullah
placed intellectuals in positions of power to direct his social and political changes
(Misdaq, 2006: 64). His reign is marked as a time of cultural developments, where
significant changes were made to the Constitution (Nazemi, 2003: 27). Moreover new
legislations were introduced and women were given equal rights (Nazemi, 2003: 27).
However rural Afghans were not ready for such reforms and a tribal and religious
backlash resulted in a reversal of those changes (Tarzi, 2003). This slided back the
country's transition for over three decades and the culture stayed stagnant well into
the 1960s (Nazemi, 2003: 27). Hence Siddiqi suggests that for modern media to be
effective it should mobilise a 'grassroots reform movement' (Rosen, 1999: 1) among
the ordinary Afghans.

Haneefi (2009) believes former militants in Afghan government pose restrictions on
the media's ability to drive a reform movement as they do not allow the open
discussion of human rights issues in Afghanistan (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). In
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 75 -
contrast Dashty (2009) does not think there are such restrictions because in his
opinion the President and his performance can be scrutinised without any problems (F
Dashty, Interviewed, 2 Mar). However Haneefi (2009) does not believe this type of
freedom is useful because it does not address women's issues in Afghan society. She
acknowledges that women's radios are a phenomenon (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8
Mar) in Afghanistan, because women listen to women's voices (N Haneefi,
Interviewed, 8 Mar) and since the majority of Afghan women do not undertake work
outside of home, they listen to the programs daily (N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar).
This is effective because it encourages a 'responsive public opinion' (Gunther and
Mughan, 2000: 4-5) as the women call in and discuss their issues with other female
journalists who can give voice (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar) to their
problems:
Even women who work have very little chances of being heard in society
and it is more likely that women will feel more comfortable to speak to
female journalists about their problems. In these radios women have a much
higher chance to be involved. Because we are passionate about common
issues. This gives women a voice, to me this is social change (N Haneefi,
Interviewed, 8 Mar).
These radio programs are a source of social change for women in Afghanistan as
women previously had no rights under the Taliban. Although this change is positive,
on the other hand, rural women are still largely denied a voice and denied fair justice
within customary and even institutional legal systems in post-Taliban Afghanistan
(see Nojumi, Mazurana and Stites, 2004). Furthermore there are also social and
political restrictions on what and how female journalists can discuss women's issues
(N Haneefi, Interviewed, 8 Mar). Women's positions in voting and in education may
be legally changed, but socially and culturally their conditions are still very restricted
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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(Halliday, 1978: 36). As a result women have to report sensitive issues with greater
care:
I am sure that if we try to practice our right to freedom of expression it
creates the most impact on the women who work with us. As some of them
live in conservative families. So we have 'to keep the society on our side'
and work within the social boundaries so we can always be active. Surely
the changes we create will inform our youth in building a better future
tomorrow (N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar).
According to Khairandish (2009), Altai marketing has reported an estimated 300,000
listeners in Balkh and villages around the province. This is potentially a large
audience that the radio has been able to maintain through careful coverage. Sixty
percent of the programs are dedicated to women's legal, social and religious rights as
well as issues of care, pregnancy, intimacy, violence and where women can seek help
(N Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). This community focus has created positive
outcomes where Afghan women are speaking about their problems:
Women are starting to voice their problems, something that they would
have not done in the past due to low self confidence and lack of
understanding of their roles in the Afghan society. (N Khairandish,
Interviewed, 9 Mar)
Evidently the women's dedicated radio has created a positive movement for social
change in Afghanistan. In a society where women's rights are traditionally dictated by
'cultural codes', these radios provide an arena where women can familiarise
themselves with their rights. These radios are discreetly contributing to the women's
movement in Afghanistan.

Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 77 -
Thesis Conclusion
In this thesis I argued the emergence of a variety of pressure groups in Afghanistan's
post-Taliban social and political frameworks and I defined them through the term
'harmful remnants' (Price, Rozumilowicz and Verhulst, 2002: 22). In the current stage
of Afghanistans democratic transition, the importance of an 'enabling environment'
with an appropriate media blasphemy legislation was identified. My investigation
found that the harmful remnants are working in contradictions with the media and
they are renewing a variety of tactics for demobilising media's social change efforts
in Afghanistan.

Demobilisation of public opinion has generally been known through the direct
politicisation of the Afghan media; such as bribery and rise of political media which
are owned by parties and governments (see Hakimi, 2009; Hakimi and Aziz, 2009).
My research has identified a new form of politicisation which explains how those
harmful remnants are demobilising social change through instrumentalisation of
ethnic and religious factors in post-Taliban structures. Through various historical and
interview evidence I have demonstrated that this type of politicisation has stalled
social change in the past and if appropriate media strategies are not proposed and
practiced, those remnants can effectively backslide Afghanistan's democratic
transition.

The interview analysis in this thesis has provided the strategies undertaken by
journalists for social change in Afghanistan. Various journalists have made
suggestions on how public interest issues can be addressed without creating a
Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
- 78 -
political confrontation. While many recent reports (see Hakimi and Aziz 2009; Wafa,
and Gall, 2007) have expressed disappointment with the level of tolerance and
willingness from the political frameworks, on the other hand many Afghan journalists
perceive reconstruction of Afghan society as their job. They are not demanding
freedom of expression rights and tolerance from their environments, but their efforts
are to create the factors that enable and advance social change in Afghanistan.

The interviewees (2009) believe that Afghans are ready to accept a range of views
and ideas while also keeping their cultural values:
When we are given opportunities and others support us in our cause, our women
achieve big things in society. They along with the men can play a role in the
reconstruction of their country. Their involvement is evident today, and even in the
past, where they had very little resources and opportunities to be involved (N
Khairandish, Interviewed, 9 Mar). Evidently this powerful spirit is not easily shaken
but steps must be taken to address the issues of Afghanistans deteriorating media
environment, for these journalists to be safe and to continue their work in
Afghanistan.








Issues of Media Freedom in Post-Taliban Afghanistan
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Interviews
Dashty, Faheem. Personal interview. 02 March 2009
Hadlow, Martin. Personal interview. 03 March 2009
Haneefi, Najia. Personal interview. 08 March 2009
Khairandish, Mobina. Personal interview. 09 March 2009
Siddiqi, Shirazuddin. Personal interview. 17 March 2009.
Soheil, Sanjar. Personal interview. 13 March 2009

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