SPECIAL ARTICLE

CIENCE OF

HRINKING

UMAN

EADS

: T

RIBAL

ARFARE AND

EVENGE AMONG THE

OUTH

MERICAN

IVARO

-S

HUAR

Rahul Jandial, M.D.

Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego, San Diego, California

Samuel A. Hughes, M.D.,Ph.D.

Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego, San Diego, California

Henry E. Aryan, M.D.

Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego, San Diego, California

Lawrence F. Marshall,M.D.

Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego, San Diego, California

Michael L. Levy, M.D.,Ph.D.

Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego, and Division of Neurosurgery, Children’s Hospitalat San Diego, San Diego, California

Reprint requests:

Henry E. Aryan, M.D.,Division of Neurosurgery,University of California atSan Diego Medical Center, 200West Arbor Drive, Suite 8893,San Diego, CA 92103-8893.Email: hearyan@ucsd.edu

Received,

June 18, 2003.

Accepted,

September 15, 2003.

THE PRACTICE OF “head-shrinking” has been the proper domain not of Africa butrather of the denizens of South America. Specifically, in the post-Columbian period, ithas been most famously the practice of a tribe of indigenous people commonly calledthe Jivaro or Jivaro-Shuar. The evidence suggests that the Jivaro-Shuar are merely thelast group to retain a custom widespread in northwestern South America. In bothceramic and textile art of the pre-Columbian residents of Peru, the motif of trophyheads smaller than normal life-size heads commonly recurs; the motif is seen even insurviving carvings in stone and shell. Moreover, although not true shrunken heads,trophy heads found in late pre-Columbian and even post-Columbian graves of theregion demonstrate techniques of display very similar to those used by the Jivaro-Shuar, at least some of which are best understood in the context of head-shrinking.Regardless, the Jivaro-Shuar and their practices provide an illustrative counterexampleto popular myth regarding the culture and science of the shrinking of human heads.

KEY WORDS:

Anthropology, Head-shrinking, Jivaro, South America, Tribal warfare

Neurosurgery 55:1215-1221, 2004

DOI: 10.1227/01.NEU.0000140986.83616.28

www.neurosurgery-online.com

ne need not look far to find evidenceof the hold on the Western imagina-tion enjoyed not only by the practiceof head-hunting but especially the practice ofhead-shrinking. Although the popular mediaoften locate the latter practice among the res-idents of the continent of Africa, from the veryfirst use of the expression “head-shrinking” inEnglish, by G.M. Dyott in his book

On the Trailof the Unknown in the Wilds of Ecuador and the Amazon

, published in 1926, it has been theproper domain of the denizens of SouthAmerica (2). Specifically, in the post-Columbian period, it has been most famouslythe practice of a tribe of indigenous peoplecommonly called the Jivaro or Jivaro-Shuar.The evidence suggests that the Jivaro-Shuar,far from developing the technique on theirown in isolation, are merely the last group toretain a custom widespread in northwesternSouth America (1, 6). In both ceramic andtextile art of the pre-Columbian residents ofPeru, the motif of trophy heads smaller thannormal life-size heads commonly recurs; themotif is seen even in surviving carvings instone and shell. Moreover, although not trueshrunken heads, trophy heads found in latepre-Columbian and even post-Columbiangraves of the region demonstrate techniquesof display very similar to those used by the Jivaro-Shuar, at least some of which are bestunderstood in the context of head-shrinking.Regardless, the Jivaro-Shuar and their prac-tices provide an illustrative counterexample topopular myth regarding the culture and sci-ence of the shrinking of human heads.

THE JIVARO-SHUAR

The upper Amazon basin of southeasternEcuador and northern Peru provides the hostrange of the Jivaro-Shuar (

Fig. 1

). Althoughthere are parts of the country that are compar-atively level, the land the Jivaro-Shuar inhabitis generally mountainous, holding within its boundaries the lower slopes of the easternAndes. Lying just south of the Equator, theregion is one of heavy rainfall and lush trop-ical jungle. Overland travel is difficult, histor-ically conducted along rough foot trails thatare nearly impassable during the long rainyseason of March to October. Consequently, theregion’s navigable rivers, including some orall of the headwaters and drainage of such

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rivers as the Santiago, the Tigre, the Pastaza, the Morona, andothers, are its principal avenues of travel.Unfortunately for the Jivaro-Shuar, the headwater streamsof the Santiago also happen to be rich in gold. This gold wasprobably the factor that drew the region to the attention firstof the Incas and later of the Conquistadors, who lost little timein identifying the source of the precious metal that they foundin such abundance among the inhabitants of ancient Peru.During the 16th century, the Jivaro-Shuar took little interest inthe intrusions of the Spanish. Rather, they were too busyengaging in their own traditional forms of intertribal warfare(

Fig. 2

). Eventually, the Spanish were able to establish them-selves as suitable enemies, attempting to make inroads into Jivaro-Shuar territory and colonize the indigenous populace.After enduring roughly 30 years of colonization and system-atic oppression, however, the Jivaro-Shuar engaged in a uni-fied revolt in 1599 that won them enduring freedom fromforeign rule despite continuous subsequent efforts to exploittheir territory. Specifically, throughout the 17th through early20th centuries, the Jivaro resisted both military incursions andattempts at civilian settlement, whether motivated by mineralor agricultural interests.Aside from the legendary united effort against the Spanishin 1599, however, from the published sources it seems that thesocial and political organizations of the Jivaro-Shuar haveremained fairly constant throughout their known history, atleast until the middle of the 20th century. So far as can bedetermined, the Jivaro-Shuar identify themselves along the boundaries of shared language. They are widely dispersedacross their native land, however, and organize themselves(despite outside classification into various tribal divisions)through alliances between freestanding, independent house-holds. These households are composed of patrilineal groupsliving under a single roof (

Fig. 3

). Each such household hastraditionally been autonomous and is led by the eldest man,known by the Spanish loan-word

capito

. When households inproximity to one another ally, their leading warrior is known by the Quechua term

kakáram

curaka

(

Fig. 4

).Although the number can fluctuate broadly, an individual

curaka

will typically lead a half-dozen or so households spreadacross a 5- or 6-mile area along a given small river (5). Suchcoalitions are nameless save for the designation of theirstream, although often closely related by blood and alwaysallied for the sake of blood revenge. The

curaka

is a verylimited leader, having only an advisory capacity strictly lim-ited to the administration of warfare. Generally, he qualifiesfor his office because he is the most accomplished warrior inhis region. Consequently, he is without specific insignia orprerogatives beyond the prestige his position gives him. More-over, under unusual pressures, a weak

curaka

may in turn allyhimself and the households under his leadership with a stron-ger

curaka

. Such arrangements tend to be short-lived, however, because of both the limitations of the central power of theoffice and the diverse interests of individual households be-yond the context of the conflict that motivates consolidation.

PREPARATION FOR HEADHUNTING

War among the Jivaro-Shuar is, in general, waged againstother, distant households and motivated by a desire for bloodrevenge. The desire for revenge follows from the belief that an

FIGURE 1.

Map showing upper Amazon basin of southeastern Ecuadorand northern Peru, which provides the host range of the Jivaro-Shuar.

FIGURE 2.

Drawing of 16th century Jivaro-Shuar tribal warrior.

ANDIAL ET AL

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| VOLUME 55 | NUMBER 5 | NOVEMBER 2004 www.neurosurgery-online.com

individual’s death is usually the product of the sorcery of hisenemies, whose identities may be determined by his shamanunder the influence of a hallucinogenic beverage called

natéma

(8). Consequently, a bereaved household is nearly invariablylikewise an aggrieved household. It is in this context that the

curaka

plays his part. As the wartime leader and protector ofhis subject households, he organizes the war party that willavenge the fallen warrior. Months before the planned raid, the

curaka

negotiates with a respected male elder to serve as hostat the first victory celebration after the war party’s return. Hesends younger kinsmen to canvass nearby households anduses his own influence in recruiting additional warriors; healso may delegate an experienced warrior to notify the ene-my’s household of his group’s martial intentions. Finally, inthe weeks leading up to the raid, he coordinates scoutingsorties into the territory of the enemy against whom he is tolead his party.So organized, Jivaro-Shuar war parties vary in size from asfew as two or three warriors to as many as 30 to 50 alliedfighters. Some sources indicate that the sizes of the partieshave tended to shrink in recent decades and that the largerparties attested to derive from earlier descriptions in the 17ththrough mid-20th centuries (2, 3). Likewise, there is a reporteddecline in the frequency of warfare among the Jivaro-Shuar.What had been at the turn of the last century a frequency ofnearly monthly raids had become an annual occurrence by the1970s. No seasonal variation is noted, probably because of thelack of a distinct dry season in the jungle foothills of the tribe’shome range.

THE RAID

On the night before the raid, a log drum that serves as thecall to war summons the warriors in the raiding party. Theyassemble in a house specially built for the celebrations thatprecede and follow a raid. They drink manioc beer and

natéma

and exchange war chants with the host elder, or

curaka

. For hispart, the

curaka

may also drink the

natéma

or another drinkcalled

maikua

to commune with ancestral spirits whom he seesin dreams about the possible success of the raid. If the visionhe has is favorable, the warriors reassemble at dawn to set outon the raid.Setting out, the warriors and a supporting party of oldermen, children, and women travel by river or by foot into theirenemy’s territory. Because of the distances involved and thedifficulty of travel from isolated household to isolated house-hold, the party may have to travel a number of days and makea number of camps before reaching its destination. Each war-rior brings with him both a

chonta

wood spear for battle and a blowgun for hunting along with eating utensils and otheressentials as well as feather ornaments that he will wear into battle; in recent times, a firearm has often been includedamong the warrior’s goods. In general, however, the use offirearms is avoided, because it may give the enemy warning ofthe party’s approach. On arrival, a base camp is constructednear enemy territory, from which the attackers’ raids will setforth. Although great prestige is derived from the kill, recentreports suggest that the

curaka

need not accompany any givenparty on its incursion, especially if he is of an advanced age.Swinging traps and deadfalls may be laid in the approach-ing paths to the house, and a camouflaged moat studded withspikes may likewise be excavated. Faced with such bulwarks,the raiders have a number of tactical approaches available tothem. They can engage in verbal taunts calling the besiegeddefenders out to do battle, firing their guns in the generaldirection of the house to indicate their putative overwhelmingforce. This is often met with calls from within the house thatthe defenders are well stocked with ammunition and, as such,they invite the attackers in. If the attacking party believes thatits force is overwhelming, the warriors may advance undercover of darkness and adorned in a pitch-like substance called

sua

; complete victory or repulse is the likely consequence.Conversely, in the unusual circumstance that the attackers feelthat they are overmatched, they may withdraw or be drivenoff by a counterattack by the defensive force. If neither side iswilling to advance on the other, however, the attackers canmake feints or feign withdrawal in an effort to draw theentrenched enemy out. Should they feign retreat, the circum-stance is similar to that in which a smaller force makes an

FIGURE 3.

Photograph showing household of patrilineal group livingunder a single roof.

FIGURE 4.