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Pragati Issue4 July2007 Community Ed

Pragati Issue4 July2007 Community Ed

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Pragati expresses several of the themes that we care about dearly: economic freedom, realism in international relations, an open society, a culture of tolerance and an emphasis on good governance. The environment, poverty eradication and rural development have long been appropriated by vested ideological and political interests, over which they have come to assert an exclusivity of sorts. We challenge these claims of intellectual monopoly…
Pragati expresses several of the themes that we care about dearly: economic freedom, realism in international relations, an open society, a culture of tolerance and an emphasis on good governance. The environment, poverty eradication and rural development have long been appropriated by vested ideological and political interests, over which they have come to assert an exclusivity of sorts. We challenge these claims of intellectual monopoly…

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Published by: pragati on Oct 06, 2008
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The IndianNational InterestReview
No 4 | July 2007
ALSO
Russia and EuropeEngaging West AfricaMoving forward on climate changeRebuilding the RightOn Afghanistan’s opium
China values its dispute
ISSN 0973-8460
www.nationalinterest.in
 
Contents
PERSPECTIVE
2
Contained by China
Nitin Pai
3
Shaking up the Continent
Zorawar Daulet Singh
4
Moving the Right
Rohit Pradhan
6
Beyond Principle
Dweep Chanana
FILTER
8
 
Realism under the rhetoric; Old secrets, but not
news; The mango crate way; America will back the
Pakistani army; The world’s defence expenditure in
2006; Love-hate relationships
IN DEPTH
10
 
Propitious omens: How India is engaging West Africa
Sushant K Singh
ROUNDUP
13
Defeating Dorothy’s menace
 Joshua Foust
15
Hard Left
Shashi Shekhar
16
Imported thunder
 Mihir Shah
BOOKS
18
Review: The Year of the Rooster
Chandrahas Choudhury
19
Review: The Reluctant Fundamentalist
 Jai Arjun Singh
Cover Photo: India-China border near Nathu La, Sikkim
 
Pragati
The Indian National Interest Review
 
No 4 | July 2007
Published by
The Indian National Interest
- an independentcommunity of individuals committed to increasing public awareness andeducation on strategic affairs, economic policy and governance.
 
Advisory Panel
Mukul G AsherV Anantha NageswaranSameer WagleSameer JainAmey V Laud
Contributing Editors
Nitin PaiK S Madhu ShankarRohit PradhanSandeep Balakrishna
Acknowledgements
Deepsan (Cover Photo)Prashant KothariThe Indian Economy BlogMintContact: pragati@nationalinterest.inSubscription: http://www.nationalinterest.in/pragati/Neither
Pragati 
nor
The Indian National Interest 
website are affiliated toany political party or platform. The views expressed in this publicationare personal opinions of the contributors and not those of their em-ployers.© 2007 The Indian National Interest. Some rights reserved.This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 2.5 IndiaLicense. To view a copy of this license, visit
http://creativecommons.org/ licenses/by/2.5/in/ 
or send a letter to Creative Commons, 543 HowardStreet, 5th Floor, San Francisco, California, 94105, USA.
Pragati 
accepts letters and unsolicited manuscripts.
Editions
Community Edition:
Pragati 
(ISSN 0973-8460) is available for freedownload at
http://www.nationalinterest.in/pragati 
- this edition may befreely distributed (in its complete form) via both electronic and non-electronic means. You are encouraged to share your copy with your localcommunity.Commercial Edition:
Pragati 
also offers an opportunity for entrepre-neurs to print and sell the publication on a commercial basis. A high-resolution high-quality edition is available upon request.
 
FOREIGN POLICY
Contained by China
The border dispute is an intentional thorn in India’s side
NITIN PAI
TWO YEARS ago, during Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao’svisit to India the two countries agreed on a set of principlesthat would be used to determine the final settlement of thedecades old border dispute. When borders are redrawn, itwas agreed, they would not disturb settled populations ineither country. But China’s position has undergone a seachange since then. Yang Jiechi, China’s new foreign minis-ter, recently stated that the mere presence of settled popula-tions does not affect China’s territorial claims. Mr Yang’sstatement confirmed what a series of events—including theChinese ambassador’s remarks last December, its refusal toissue visas to residents of Arunachal Pradesh (thereby im-plying that they are Chinese nationals) and the lack of pro-gress in the latest round of high-level border talks—sug-gested: China’s negotiating position has hardened. Why andwhy now?Well, because China sees the border dispute as an in-strument in its policy to contain India. Inscrutable though itmight sometimes appear, China’s strategy towards Indiainvolves a combination of co-operation and containment. Itco-operates with India—both bilaterally and in multilateralfora—to the extent that such co-operation is not only mutu-ally beneficial, but also relatively more advantageous toChina. So while thereis some India-Chinaco-operation in thedomain of trade andinvestment, China ismore inclined tocompete in the globalquest for energy re-sources despite at-tempts by India toprevent bidding wars.Co-operation however, is limited to the extent that itdoes not adversely affect China’s strategy of confining Indiato the subcontinent. Globalisation and India’s transforma-tion into a major regional power are changing the dynamicsof containment—while India’s larger regional role is takingit to the Eastern Pacific, Central Asia and Africa, China hasmade significant military and economic inroads in India’simmediate neighbourhood. Containment was historicallyeffected by three instruments—indirectly through the UNSecurity Council and strategic proxies and directly throughthe border dispute.After India’s 1998 nuclear tests, the Kargil war and 9/11,China could no longer act through the ‘international com-munity’ to use nuclear proliferation and the Kashmir issueto press India. But it has enhanced its use of strategic proxi-es—in addition to its long-time cultivation of Pakistan, ithas added Myanmar, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal toits list. However, India’s strategic partnership with theUnited States and an emerging quadrilateral ‘alliance of democracies’ involving Australia and Japan in addition tothe two is well-placed to counter these moves.Hence the need to keep the border dispute alive as athorn in India’s side. That Beijing has managed to settle allits border disputes except the one with India suggests itsutility to China more than it exposes ‘democratic India’sinability to compromise’.The timing of the hardening of China’s position on the border dispute, moreover, is consistent with ongoing re-gional power alignments. But it has been assisted by pres-ence of a Communist party-supported ruling coalition inNew Delhi. The Indian Left, being pro-China (see page 15),will hardly allow the Indian government to take a strongerline against China. Meanwhile, public statements from theUPA government disavow balance-of-power geopolitics. Itremains to be seen if these statements actually reflect its for-eign policy thinking. It would be unfortunate if this were so,not least because it would be a repetition of Nehru’s mis-takes in the late 1950s (see page 8). Clearly then, there is anurgent need for India to review the way in which it engagesChina.
PERSPECTIVE
PRAGATI - THE INDIAN NATIONAL INTEREST REVIEW 
 
2
Roads and railways do not always buy affection and China in anycase can build them much faster than India can. A far more effectiveway for India to bring its most distant citizens into the national main-stream would be to empower them through tangible political equality.

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