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Social Marketing Applied - Andreasen-Herzberg

Social Marketing Applied - Andreasen-Herzberg

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Published by zubarica
This article represents a retrofit of social marketing approaches developed by Andreasen to a major
international intervention in Bosnia Herzegovina to
reduce the array of impediments to private sector
business investment and growth.
This article represents a retrofit of social marketing approaches developed by Andreasen to a major
international intervention in Bosnia Herzegovina to
reduce the array of impediments to private sector
business investment and growth.

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Published by: zubarica on Sep 21, 2011
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SOCIAL MARKETING APPLIEDTO ECONOMIC REFORMS
PEERREVIEWED
j
By Alan R. Andreasen and Benjamin Herzberg
 APPLICATIONS
3
SMQ / VOL. XI / NO. 2 / SUMMER 2005
ABSTRACT 
As social marketers seek to broaden their purview to include upstream applications, they arehandicapped by the lack of examples of such applica-tions. This article represents a retrofit of social mar-keting approaches developed by Andreasen to a major international intervention in Bosnia Herzegovina toreduce the array of impediments to private sector business investment and growth. The Bulldozer Initiative project, run by Herzberg, focused on twotarget audiences, businessmen and politicians, andsought participation by the former and support andlegislative change from the latter. The Initiative washighly successful and resulted in a major change in thebusiness climate and wide praise from an array of international agencies. Major components of the pro-gram closely conformed to ways in which social mar-keters would have constructed them.
INTRODUCTION
In a recent special issue of 
Social Marketing Quarterly 
,Gerard Hastings and Rob Donovan issued a call for social marketers to ‘‘embrace a broader perspective that encom-passes not just individual behavior change, but also thesocial and physical determinants of that behavior’’ (Hast-ings & Donovan, 2002, p. 4). The rationale for urgingattention to ‘‘upstream’’ interventions is obvious. First of all, as Hastings, Macfayden and Anderson (2000) andGoldberg (1995) have noted, many problematic behaviorsare strongly influenced by environmental factors beyondthe control of the individuals who exhibit the problematicbehavior. Proximate influences such as workplace andschool settings, friends, and family can all encourageundesirable smoking, exercise, and eating habits. Moredistal influences such as poverty or discrimination can lead
 
to problematic behaviors such as crime,spousal abuse, and child neglect. Second,elements in the upstream environmentoften inhibit change even when targetaudiences are motivated to take action.For example, if sidewalks aren’t lit, policeprotection enhanced, or bike paths paved,urban residents may find it very difficultto exercise. Or if condoms and birth con-trol pills are not available in remoteregions of Kazakhstan, women will find itvery difficult to practice birth control.Third, as Smith (2000) argues, struc-tural change may make individual beha-vior change unnecessary either becausebehavioral problems are avoided (e.g., thecigarette industry is dramatically inhib-ited) or because problematic behaviorsare no longer dangerous (e.g., air bagsprotect real dummies who neglect towear seat belts or iodizing salt in thePhilippines prevents goiter). A final rea-son for addressing upstream factors notedby Goldberg, Sandikci and Litvack (1997)is that social norms and role models canhave critical influences both for andagainst desired behavior change such asthe reduction of violence in hockey.The first author of the present paper has recently reinforced these argumentsurging social marketers to include inter-ventions aimed at audiences other thanthose exhibiting (or potentially exhibit-ing) problem behaviors (Andreasen,2004b). This requires a slight modificationof a traditional definition of social mar-keting as ‘‘the application of commercial marketing technologies to the analysis,planning, execution, and evaluation of programs designed to influence thevoluntary behavior of target audiences inorder to improve their personal welfareand that of the society of which they are apart’’ (Andreasen, 1994, p. 110). Byreplacing ‘‘and’’ with ‘‘or’’ when specifyingthe objectives of social marketing, one canmake space for upstream interventionsthat seek behavior change that benefitsthe broader society but not necessarilyimproves the social welfare of the indivi-dual targeted for change.The first author argued that social marketing is still about influencing indi-vidual behaviors. Each of the upstreaminterventions suggested in the previousparagraphs require that individuals takeaction. Legislators have to pass laws andregulators enforce them. Police have topatrol unsafe neighborhoods. Foundationexecutives have to fund desirable pro-grams. Business leaders have to changeworkplace practices and media gate-keepers have to tell stories and presentfacts to move an issue higher on the social agenda (Yankelovich, 1991). Social mar-keters are especially good at influencingbehavior. The field simply needs to exploremore extensively these new target audi-ences and consider how social marketingapproaches need to be adapted for thesedifferent circumstances – if at all.
A CALL FOR CASE STUDIES
If we are to improve our under-standing of social marketing’s potential upstream, it will be useful to have a greatrange of examples from which to drawprinciples. There are a number of examplesin social marketing already (Corti et al.,1995; Donovan, 2000; Giles-Corti et al.,2001). Further, there are undoubtedlyexamples in other disciplines using mediaadvocacy or lobbying approaches. To addmore examples within social marketing,one approach would be to take existinginterventions and retrofit a social mar-keting approach to those efforts. This isnot to say that, in such examples, social marketing approaches were used, but thatsocial marketing frameworks could easilyhave provided a simple, portable approachto such efforts since they all ultimatelyinvolve getting specific individuals to takeimportant actions. Such retrofitting may
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APPLICATIONS
SMQ / VOL. XI / NO. 2 / SUMMER 2005
 
thensuggestotherapplicationswheresocial marketing approaches may be superior.One such case presents itself in arecent effort by international agencies topromote the growth of private enterprisein a developing country. This project isthe Bulldozer Initiative in BosniaHerzegovina, which was developed andimplemented by the second author of thisarticle (Herzberg). While it was not guidedby social marketing frameworks, it wasguided by marketing principles, and aretrospective look at the effort shows howa social marketing approach could haveintegrated and guided a great manydiverse efforts by diverse parties. In thisexample, approaches developed byAndreasen (1995) are used to frame actual steps taken in this Initiative. The retro-fitting is intended to suggest how theseframeworks and tools might be used in asyet untried applications.
THE SETTING
Bosnia Herzegovina (BiH) is acentral European country that wascreated out of a region of the oldYugoslavia and reorganized after armedconflict in the mid-1990s under theDayton Peace Accords. The signing of the Accords in 1995 was immediatelyfollowed by significant involvementof hundreds of international organiza-tions and NGOs trying to createpolitical, social, and economicstability and promote growth in thisnew, ethnically complex political entity.However, after much initial enthusiasm,by 2003 foreign aid was drying up.The country found itself with an official unemployment rate of 40%, a fragmentedmarket (the country of 3.5 millioninhabitants was now divided into twoseparate entities), GDP per capita of only U.S. $1800 – among the lowest inEurope – and limited foreign directinvestment.International agencies recognizedthat a major engine of change
could be 
the private sector. However, in 2002 thecomplexity of the BiH political structure,the presence of obsolete laws and reg-ulations, and the inefficiency of variousbureaucracies proved significant impedi-ments. As a consequence, it was estimatedthat the ‘‘informal economic sector’’ or ‘‘gray economy’’ that avoided official lawsand regulations comprised 40% of total economic activity. A range of interna-tional agencies and trade organizationshad already attempted large-scale reformsthat were expected to improve exportopportunities, privatization, the labor market, and corporate governance. How-ever, for the aspiring young entrepreneurswho should comprise the hope for thecountry’s economic future, the moreimmediate reality was that a stifling arrayof sometimes petty obstacles kept themfrom getting new ventures off the ground,growing existing businesses, and makingthem profitable. These early attempts atstructural reform also provided a perfectground for local politicians to rally their ethnic constituencies behind them onprotectionist themes, thus prolonging theethnic divide created by the war. Themuch-needed reforms triggered strongopposition as they were directly menacingthe vested interest of the various politi-cians who identified with each of BiH’sseparate and ethnically distinct entities.The initiative to bring about reform inbusiness environment conditions wasdeveloped and headed by BenjaminHerzberg of the Office of the High Repre-sentative (OHR) for Bosnia Herzegovina.Because the Dayton Accords granted theOHR significant power, the Office couldhave attempted to bring about reformsfrom the top down, even to impose them.However, it was immediately clear toHerzberg that significant changes both inthe business climate and in BiH civil 
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SMQ / VOL. XI / NO. 2 / SUMMER 2005

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