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First Year Law Teaching as Political Action

First Year Law Teaching as Political Action

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Published by Matias Bailone

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Published by: Matias Bailone on Oct 03, 2011
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 First Year Law Teaching asPolitical Action*
 Duncan Kennedy**
 To suggest, as the title does, that teaching first year law stu-dents is a form of political action may seem like a joke; perhaps,if one is sufficiently hostile to the law/academic milieu, an ob-scene joke. Reading the title, I think of Milovan Djilas, whowondered whether it was legitimate to emphasize as greatly ashe did the way in which political activists in pre-War Yugoslaviawithstood police torture.
1
My thoughts turn also to politicalstruggles in Chile and Argentina. Obviously, teaching first year law students bears only an oblique relationship, if any, to politi-cal action of that dimension and intensity.It is also true, however, that our situation as members of theAmerican academic intelligentsia bears little relation to that of the intellectual community in those countries. I persist, there-fore, in exploring the possibility that what we do—teachinglaw—is or could be a form of political action.My comments are intended as a proposal to law schoolteachers who have tenure. Untenured teachers should consider my views as a set of suggestions about what to do if tenure isever acquired.I propose that we develop our first year courses into system-atic embodiments of our views about the present and future or-ganization of social life. In particular, we should teach our stu-dents that bourgeois or liberal legal thought is a form of mystification. We should teach our students to understand thecontradictions of that thought, and we should make utopian pro- posals to them about how to overcome those contradictions.I have encountered two quite different lines of objection tomy proposal. I will call them the Green Critique and the BlueCritique.
 __________________________________________________________ 
* Speech presented at the Second National Conference on Critical Legal Studies,Madison, Wisconsin, November 10, 1978.** Professor of Law, Harvard University.1. M.
 
D
JILAS
,
 
M
EMOIR OF A
EVOLUTIONARY
(1973).
 
48
 LAW & SOCIAL PROBLEMS 
[Vol. 1:47The Green Critique is not friendly. It asserts that my pro-gram is not only hypocritical but is at best a cop-out and atworst a liberal deviation. That I am doing this activity atHarvard proves that it is either no good or if it
is
good, it cannot be done elsewhere. There is some truth to this argument. Thehierarchical structure of the teaching profession is so corruptthat anything associated with Harvard (or Yale or Stanford or . . .) is censurable per se; nevertheless I persist.First, according to the Green Critique, first-year law stu-dents are committed to career patterns and "personal life styles"that are incompatible with any form of genuine leftism. Either they have already been bought off by wealth and power withinthe system, or they long to be bought off by that wealth and power. It is therefore hopeless to look for converts among lawstudents. Indeed, to pretend that working with them is politicalactivism is a farce. At best it is an empty show, preaching toinfidels who are wearing earplugs.Second, the Green Critique argues, even if the studentswere not committed to the status quo, activism implies an en-gagement with mass strata of the population capable of actionthat would transform the system. For example, virtually anycontact with factory workers is activism because factory workersare an imaginable revolutionary class. Other potential targetsare vaguer, but two general criteria exist. The target should be(1) a mass stratum and (2) deprived. Thus, welfare recipients,"the poor," or even "voters" qualify. Interaction with thesegroups probably will not spark revolutionary action, but at leastwe are concerning ourselves with the system's losers, those atwhose expense it runs. To focus on law students, therefore, is adouble betrayal. Nothing law students do could change the sys-tem, and no benefits that accrue to them from political actioncould be deserved. Political work with these students is theequivalent of legislative lobbying for economic reforms that,while wrapped in bogus leftist rhetoric, benefit only the middleclass.Third, states the Green Critique, even if political activismdoes not imply a mass, deprived stratum as its target, it impliessomething more strenuous than mouthing off in front of a cap-tive audience that is paying royally for the privilege of hearingyou. The moral qualities of the activist are simply incompatible
 
1980]
TEACHING AS POLITICAL ACTION 
49with the armchair nature of university teaching. Even if activismis futile, it is at least exhausting. To claim that the daily routineI deeply enjoy is activism is a sophisticated excuse for doingnothing.I find this indictment overwhelming. When it is delivered indeadly earnest by a person who is working full time organizing poor tenants or farm workers, or by a person who has raisedthousands of dollars for a far left electoral candidate, I have noanswer at all. I can only hang my head and put on a sheepishgrin.That, however, is not what usually happens. Before I can begin feeling really terrible about my work, I typically am sub- jected to the Blue Critique. The reason that the attacks come insuch quick succession will become evident once the content of the second onslaught is examined.Although the Green Critique has an unpleasant, hostiletone, the Blue is modest, mild, self-doubting, and generally hu-manly attractive.First, my critical friend asks whether I have a systematic setof views about the present and future organization of society."Your proposal," he says, "sounds a little pompous. I'm short oncertainties. I agree with you that the existing order is philistineand unjust, but I subscribe to no absolutes. Moreover, I'm a lit-tle repelled by the true believer tone.""Second," my friend wonders, "even if I do have viewsabout societal organization, how can I make a first year lawschool course embody them? I have to teach a lot of dreck. Idon't want to, but I have to. I doubt that I could make thatmaterial more expressive of the fundamental evils of capitalismthan a head-on view of my behind. I would not know where tostart if I were to try. I use a casebook; I would have to scrap itand start from scratch.""Third," my friend declares, "even if I did all that. I wonder whether my students would buy it. They are interested in pass-ing the bar and learning how to practice law. True, if they reallyunderstood, they might cherish my social theoretical gems morehighly than the warmed-over 
Gilbert's
that my colleagues serveup. The fact is, however, they don't really understand. The ideaof myself as the Castro of Contracts and the Trotsky of Tortsappeals to me; but can you guarantee that I won't just discredit

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