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The John Locke Foundation
is a501(c)(3) nonproft, nonpartisan researchinstitute dedicated to improving public policy debate in North Carolina. Viewpoints expressed by authors do not necessarilyreect those o the sta or board o the Locke Foundation.
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No. 415 – October 13, 2011
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nErgy
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, E
conomic
E
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k :• nergy efciency, as defned by those who embraceit as a policy guide, is ocused strictly on saving energy even i it means sac-rifcing overall economic efciency.• nergy efciency programs ocus on the relationship between one inputinto the production process, energy, relative to the output generated by thatprocess.• his simplistic view maes no consideration or the strong possibility thatother inputs — labor, plastic, steel, glass, etc. — might actually increase.• conomic efciency, on the other hand, relates total costs to the value o the output that those costs generate.• We may observe people maing decisions that we consider to be inefcient,but the proper conclusion to draw is that we, not they, are misperceivingtheir costs and benefts.• or an increase in energy efciency to translate into an increase in eco-nomic efciency, it would have to result in an overall decrease in the aver-age cost o production or, i you are a consumer, the cost o consumption.he people implementing the energy efciency plan would have to be bettero rom their own perspectives.• Mandates and special incentive programs would not have to be put inplace to promote energy efciency, unless we assume that the governmentis in a better position to judge the best interest o individuals or businessesthan the individuals or businesses themselves.• When experts and policy advocates push energy taxes, incentives, andmandates to promote energy efciency, they do what Nobel Prize-winningeconomist riedrich Haye warned against: crat policy through a “pretenseo nowledge.” hey pretend to have inormation about other people’s pre-erences and alternative uses o resource that they could not possibly obtain.• Ultimately, energy efciency programs are necessarily an exercise in pa-ternalism and behavior modifcation.
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ver the past decade a new buzzword has come to be infused into the public policy debate. “Energy efciency”is now a major part of any new initiative in the areas of energy policy, transportation policy, environmentalpolicy, land use policy, building code and zoning policy, and even tax policy. It seems that no matter what gov-ernments at any level do, from building buildings to formulating and implementing legislation, “energy efciency” hasto be a consideration.The problem is that the term, as dened by those who embrace it as a policy guide, is focused strictly on savingenergy even if it means sacricing overall economic efciency. Indeed, the standard denitions (see below) display analmost obsessive concern for the energy input into production and consumption processes while showing no regard atall for the very real possibility that saving energy would also require the wasteful use of other resources.
he Meaning o nergy fciency
Below are three denitions of energy efciency. Each of these is from federal and state government documents.These denitions are typical of how the term is used by government agencies and trade associations, as well as how, asnoted in language from North Carolina’s SB3, which mandates “energy efciency,” it is codied in legislation.
‘Energy efciency measure’ means an equipment, physical, or program change … that results inless energy used to perorm the same unction.
— NC Senate Bill 3, passed in 2007
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 Reducing energy or demand requirements without reducing the end-use benefts.
— The Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program
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…products or systems using less energy to do the same or better job than conventional productsor systems…
— U.S. Environmental Protection Agency
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 When examined carefully, none of those denitions have anything to do with actual economic efciency. They focuson the relationship between one input into the production process, energy, relative to the output generated by thatprocess.The denitions essentially express a ratio putting the amount of energy used — i.e., BTUs — in the numerator andthe benets received from a given amount of energy in the denominator. Policies that are said to promote energy ef-ciency, such as those that set energy efciency standards for appliances, homes, or commercial buildings, or mandatethe kind of light bulbs we can use, ultimately have as their goal to reduce that ratio.This simplistic view makes no consideration of the strong possibility that other inputs — labor, plastic, steel, cop-per, glass, etc. — might actually increase in the process. In fact, since energy efciency is single-mindedly focused onthe energy, any tradeoffs for other inputs are left out of the equation. For that reason the above denitions have noth-ing to do with overall economic efciency. In fact implementation of policies that promote energy efciency so denedcould easily lead to overall reductions in economic efciency if the quantity or, more appropriately, the value of otherresources used more than compensates for the value of energy saved.
conomic fciency
The typical denition of energy efciency does not express an economic relationship but a technical relationship;i.e., quantity of energy (BTUs) in comparison to some measure of actual services provided (illumination, warmth in thewinter, coolness in the summer, cleanliness of clothes, etc.). Economic efciency, on the other hand, relates total costs
 
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to the value of the output that those costs generate.From an economics perspective, the term costs here does not simply refer to monetary outlays, but any sacricethat the business or consumer must make to obtain a given benet — that would include sacrices in time or conve-nience, which are subjective and valued differently by different people. For this reason, economists generally arguethat outside observers (such as energy efciency experts, politicians, and bureaucrats) cannot decide what is an ef-ciency-enhancing decision for others.We may observe people making decisions that we consider inefcient, but the proper conclusion to draw is thatwe, not they, are misperceiving their costs and benets. Indeed to do otherwise is to take the path of paternalism andsocial engineering.
How Does conomic fciency Dier rom nergy fciency?
Energy efciency and economic efciency are unrelated. In order for an increase in energy efciency, as denedabove, to translate into an actual increase in economic efciency, it would have to result in an overall decrease in theaverage cost of production or, if you are a consumer (using a home appliance, paying for electricity, etc.), the cost of con-sumption. In other words, the people implementing the energy efciencyplan would have to be better off from their own perspectives. As already alluded to, if using less energy, or more accurately, spend-ing less money on energy, meant that the person had to invest in otherequipment whose cost more than offset the savings, then even though en-ergy efciency might be enhanced, economic efciency would be reduced.If the opposite were the case, mandates and special incentives programswould not have to be put in place to promote energy efciency, unless weare to assume that the government is in a better position to judge thebest interest of individuals or businesses than the individuals or busi-nesses themselves.To square this circle — in other words, to justify energy efciencyprograms on the grounds of economic efciency — proponents are in-deed advancing the idea that the experts know better than the individual. As William H. Golove and Joseph H. Eto,researchers from Lawrence Berkley National Laboratories, put it: there is an “efciency gap” between people’s percep-tions of costs and benets and reality. As the authors describe it:Proponents of government intervention believe that substantial market barriers prevent so-cially desirable levels of investment in energy efciency. … This belief justies continued gov-ernment intervention in energy service markets to correct or overcome the distortions inherentin market-based resource allocations. … [T]here is a substantial “efciency gap” between a con-sumer’s actual investments in energy efciency and those that appear to be in the consumer’sown interest.
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This conclusion, which Golove and Eto subscribe to, is the conclusion that governs the energy efciency movementgenerally, including those programs launched in North Carolina under the banner of its mandated energy-efciency/ renewable-portfolio standard (SB3) and other subsidy and mandate programs funded by state and local governments. As stated more succinctly in a document published by the federal Environmental Protection Agency meant to supportimplementation of its energy efciency programs, “energy efciency remains critically
underutilized
in the nation’senergy portfolio.”
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(Emphasis added.)
We may observe peoplemaking decisions that weconsider inefcient, butthe proper conclusion todraw is that we, not they,are misperceiving theircosts and benets.
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