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The Origin of the Hindu Caste System and Presence of Caste System in Other Societies of World
by Premendra Priyadarshi, MBBS, MD, FRCP Edin mail: top_doctors@hotmail.co.uk
(Paper presented at the International Conference of World Association for Vedic Studies held at New Jersey, USA on 31 July, 2011. Paper was remotely presented)

Issues and Background

In the last century, a general belief was generated that the ugly hereditary caste system is an exclusive legacy of India, particularly of the Hindus. It was emphasized that the caste system has religious sanction in Hinduism, and this feature is unique to Hindu religion. Impression was created that it existed nowhere outside India. It was claimed that the Hindu caste system takes origin from the Vedic varnas. The Purusha Sukta of the Rig-Veda was interpreted to be the source of caste system. It was further alleged that the caste system had such an ugly form at the time of Buddha, that Buddha decided to rebel against Hinduism, with the goal of starting a casteless egalitarian religion. It was also alleged that there was no caste system among the Muslims and Christians when they came to India, but they too adopted the caste system from the Hindus. Thus Hindus were not only bad themselves--they made others also bad by their contact. On examination, we find that none of these theories are true, and they are products of an organized campaign to malign Hinduism. By this time these untruths have been repeated so many times that it has become a general view that Hinduism is the source of the caste system. Hence the whole thing needs evidence based examination. This article examines the evidence available in literature.

Definitions
It is important while discussing the caste system to have the same definition of caste throughout. The caste has been defined by Kroeber (1930: 254) as an endogamous and hereditary subdivision of an ethnic unit occupying a position of superior or inferior rank or social esteem in comparison with other such subdivisions.1 The definition has not changed since. An endogamous and hereditary is the key phrase to constitute caste has been largely accepted by everyone (Basham 1999:148; Srinivas 1989:4; Supreme Court AIR 1993: 483 & 553).2 Its oft-mentioned other features, like hierarchicality, professionality, patron-client relationship, commensality, judicial function (caste panchayat) etc are additional features and they are neither essential nor enough to constitute a caste. Many social groups, which cannot be called castes, do posses these latter features. As long as a class is changeable (i.e. not closed), it is not a caste. Being closed means marriage partners cannot be accepted from outside the caste, and no new member can be admitted into the caste, except by birth into the same caste. However, castes had the power to excommunicate individuals or particular family from the caste, as a punishment of violation

of certain rules and norms of the caste, and were called out-caste in Europe. For this particular regulatory function, caste was like an association of members or a guild.

Relationship of Varna and Caste

Many people think that varna and caste are related, and castes emerged from varnas. But in fact, as scholars of eminence have pointed out, the two systems are completely unrelated. Varna is neither hereditary nor endogamous, while caste essentially is both. Any class system, whether based on wealth, colour, race, profession, language or country of origin cannot constitute caste system if it is not endogamous and hereditary. Scholars have condemned the practice of translating varna as caste. Basham wrote, The term varna does not mean caste and has never meant caste by which term it is often loosely translated. (Basham:35; emphasis added). M.N. Srinivas, while discussing caste, wrote, The varna-model has produced a wrong and distorted image of caste. It is necessary for the sociologist to free himself from the hold of the varna-model if he wishes to understand the caste system. It is hardly necessary to add that it is more difficult for Indian sociologist than it is for non-Indian. (Srinivas 1989:66; emphasis added).

Absence of Caste during Vedic India

Presence of caste in ancient India has not been proven so far by any evidence. What many naive authors have done is just translated the word varna as caste which is a completely inappropriate and condemnable practice as discusses above. None of the Vedic social groups viz vish, kula, gotra, vamsha, pravara, jana or varna had features of caste. In fact exogamy, and not endogamy, was the favoured mode of marriage when Vedic injunctions were followed. Al-Biruni writes, According to their marriage law it is better to marry a stranger than a relative. The more distant the relationship of a woman with regard to her husband, the better. (Sachau:444). N.K. Bose, an important anthropologist of the last century, asserted It is known with tolerable certainty that, although portions of the Vedas were left in the keeping of particular priestly lineages, yet there was no hereditary system of castes marked by endogamy and of which the members practiced complementary professions from one generation to another, unaltered, as became the norm later. (Bose 1967:4).3 Max Waber, noted, Perhaps the most important gap in the ancient Veda is its lack of any reference to caste. nowhere does it refer to the substantive content of the caste order in the meaning which it later assumed and which is characteristic only of Hinduism. (Weber: 396).4 Moreover, the shudra (the working class) is always a product of industrial and economic growth. Rig-Veda had low-intensity farming and non-nomadic settled pastoralism. Hence existence of shudra class at that time must have been suspect. Basham noted that the oldest of Hindu texts the Rig Veda mentions the word shudra only once and that is of a doubtful etymology (Basham:143). The context where the word shudra occurs only once in the Rig-Veda is the Purusha Sukta of the tenth mandala which is considered a late interpolation. And there too it is a poetic or metaphorical representation of society, which means that the brahmana is the mouth (or

reservoir of knowledge) of the society, the kshatriya is the arms (defence force) of the society, the vaishya is the thighs (productive force) of the society and the shudra is the feet (moving force on which society moves) of the society. Association with feet is not to derogate the working classes, but to assert that the society cannot move or progress without the shudras. The Vedic sukta neither implies hereditary nature of the four sections of the society, nor that they been endogamous. Hence the Vedic classes (varna-s) bear in no way any resemblance with the caste system. In fact caste appears in India only during the late medieval (or Muslim) period of Indian history (Basham:148).

Linguistic Evidence for Absence of Caste from Ancient India

Linguistics has been commonly used for deciphering Indian history. Linguistically too, we find no word for caste in any of the native languages of India. Basham noted that the currently used word for caste jati in modern Indian languages does not occur in ancient Indian literature to mean caste. All ancient Indian sources make a sharp distinction between the two terms; varna is much referred to but jati very little, and when it does appear in the literature it does not always imply the comparatively rigid and exclusive social groups of later times. (Basham: 148). Max Weber also holds that the Vedic varnas were not castes (supra). Word jati has been rarely used to mean lineage or status of birth in ancient literature. Only Mausmriti, Yajnavalka Smriti (which are just before Muslim arrival in India) and Katyayana Shraut Sutra have used this word once each in this sense. Romila Thapar too opines, on the basis of her more recent studies, that varna is not caste, and it is the word jati which represents caste. Jati comes from the root meaning birth, and is a status acquired through birth. Jati had a different origin and function from varna and was not just the subdivision of the latter. (Thapar 2003:123). However, given the fact that it was rarely used in ancient literature, it can be surmised that jati or caste was absent from Ancient India. In many of the modern Indian languages, like Bengali and Assamese, jati means nation, and not caste.5 Hence nation seems to be the original general meaning of the word jati, before caste system was established in India. Had caste been present in ancient periods, there should have been a word meaning caste at ancient times too in Sanskrit, and other Indian languages too should have had appropriate words for caste. We note above that the word jati did not have the meaning caste during ancient India. However, today the word jati is used in Hindi and many other languages for caste too. This leaves us wondering about its etymology in modern Indian languages. Adoption of the word jati by the non-Indo-Aryan languages to mean caste or tribe seems to have occurred only recently after the word jati had been thrust the meaning caste in the Hindi belt. Thus today the Dravidian as well as Sino-Tibetan and Austro-Asiatic languages of India like Tamil, Bodo, Dimasa, Naga, Khasi, Tripuri, Santal, Kurukh and many other languages use the word jati to mean tribe or caste.6 This clearly proves that these Indian languages had no word for caste. Had caste been an old entity in India, there must have been original word meaning caste in these languages, and they should not have borrowed the Sanskrit word jati, which itself never meant caste during ancient times (supra). And had varna ever meant caste, this word must have been preserved in both north and south Indian languages to mean caste even today, because they use a large number of ancient Sanskrit cultural words even today in their speech.

We note that in Persian there has been a word zat meaning caste.7 Word zat is also present in Pushto, where it means caste e.g. bad-zat means born in low caste. 8 Another word meaning caste today in North India is biradari, which too is Persian in origin.9 These two words were brought to India by Persian speaking Muslims after 1000 AD. Because of absence of z sound in India, zat became jat in North India. More recently, there was a trend to Sanskritize language, i.e. to replace vernacular words with similar sounding Sanskrit words. Hence people of Hindi region started using its nearest sounding Sanskrit word jati for literary and academic purposes. Yet the Muslims of North India still use the Persian word zat to mean caste in both written and spoken Urdu. That means currently used Indian word for caste jati is a product of derivation from Persian zat, and not the same word as Sanskrit jati. Al-Biruni, who visited India in about 1000 AD, was aware of Iranian caste system (vide infra). His mother tongue being Persian, he was using the word zat for caste. Although AlBiruni noted the four classes of people in India, he could not find any word for caste in India. Hence he noted, The Hindus call their castes colours. (Ibid.:p. 66). The statement is highly significant. It clearly shows that the Hindus did not have an equivalent word for caste. And it also makes clear that al-Biruni had a word for caste in his own language, exact equivalent of which he could not find in India. This is a philological or linguistic evidence of absence of caste system in India at about 1000 AD.

Ambedkar on Origin of Caste

This fact, that the caste was absent from early Indian society, was noted by no less a person than Bhim Rao Ambedkar, who noted: society is always composed of classes. It may be an exaggeration to assert the theory of class conflict, but existence of definite classes in a society is a fact. Their basis may differ. They may be economic or intellectual or social, but an individual in a society is always a member of a class. This is a universal fact and early Hindu society could not have been an exception to this rule, and, as a matter of fact, we know it was not. If we bear this generalization in mind, our study of the genesis of caste would be very much facilitated, for we have only to determine what was the class that first made itself into a caste,A Caste is an enclosed Class. We shall be well advised to recall at the outset that the Hindu society, in common with other societies, was composed of classes and the earliest known are the (1) Brahmin or the priestly class; (2) the Kshatriya or the military class; (3) the Vaishya or the merchant class; (4) the Shudra or the artisan and the menial class. Particular attention has to be paid to the fact that this was essentially a class system, in which, individuals, when qualified, could change their class, and therefore the classes did change their personnel (emphasis added).10

Respect for the Shudras and other downtrodden in Ancient India

Regarding the allegorical association of working classes with the feet of the divine, it has been opined that the Hindus worship the feet of the divine. Shudras were certainly revered in

the Vedic society, which has been explicitly mentioned in many of the hymns of the Vedas. For example, the Krishna Yajurveda (Taittiriya Samhita, 4.5.4.1, seventh line.) offers prayers to the downtrodden kSullaka11 and mahadbhaya.12 The Veda further salutes and pays tributes to carpenters, cart-makers, pottery-makers, blacksmiths, bird-hunters, fishermen, bowmakers, hunters and dog-eaters in the following hymns :13 Namas-takshabhyo14 rathakarebhyash-cha vo namah We salute the carpenters and the cart-makers. Namah kulalebhayah15 karmarebhashcha16 vo namah We salute the pottery makers and the blacksmiths. Namah punjishthebhyo17 nishadebhyah cha vo namah We salute the bird-hunters and the nishada (fishermen) [i.e. tribal people] Nama ishukridbhyo18 dhanvakridbhyah19 cha vo namah We salute the arrow-makers and the bow-makers (artisans). Namo mrigayubhayah svanibhayah namo namah We salute those who live by hunting animals, and we salute those who survive on dogs.20 Similar hymns have been included in the Shukla Yajurveda too:21 Homage to you carpenters, and to you chariot-makers homage. Homage to you potters and to you blacksmiths, homage. Homage to you Nishdas and to you Pujishthas, homage. Homage to you dog-leaders, and to you hunters, homage. Here the words used namo namah for salutation to the working classes and the downtrodden are the same which Vedas use to salute God and the divine. Such great respect was accorded to the downtrodden and workers because the Vedic society acknowledged the great importance of contributions of the shudras in the society. This is in contrast with other civilizations which almost always gave status of slave to the working classes. Shukla Yajurveda further says:22 I to all the people may address this salutary speech, To priest and nobleman, Sdra and Arya, to one of our own kin and to the stranger. And also in the same Veda:23 O Lord! Please fill the brahmanas with light, kshatriyas with light, vaishyas with light and the shudras with light; and in me fill the same light. The hard work of the shudras was considered with tapa or worship and this has been acknowledged in the thirteenth chapter of the Shatapatha Brahmana in the following words:24 Tapase shudram, tapo vai shudrastapa eva tattapasa samardhyatyevameta devata

Meaning: Shudras are like taporupa, ascetics, their hard work increases the wealth and tapas of society. Kunal (2005) provides a large compilation of mantras expressing respect for the shudras from ancient Hindu texts like the Vedas, the Puranas and the Shatapatha Brahmana etc. Many verses explicitly mention that the involvement of the shudras in Vedic rituals is essential, and that reverence to the lower classes pleases God. 25 It is important to exclude many of the Smritis and Purans from consideration, which had been written or finally edited during seventh to eleventh centuries, and a foreign influence is clearly visible on them. There was an influx of people from Iran and West Asia to north India and the Malabar Coast at this time. This is the time when distortions in Hinduism had started, and the distortions were complete long after the Muslim rule had been firmly rooted in India. The Apastamba Dharma Sutra gives due respect to the working classes by stating that the knowledge of the shudras is equivalent to the Atharva Veda.26 Thus the skills of the shudras were considered at par in status with the skills of the brahmanas. Kunal interprets this sutra to mean that the sudras have originated from the Atharva Veda. Such an association is possible because the Atharva Veda shows evidence of greater industrialization and specialization of professions. The Tattiriya Brahmana mentions that the vaishya varna has originated from the Rig Veda, the kshatriya varna has originated from the Yajur Veda and the brahmana varna has originated from the Sama Veda.27 This allegory may actually mean that the Atharva Veda is more about skills of different occupations which were performed by the shudras, while the Sama Veda is more orientated to the knowledge of atman and Brahman. In the Mahabharata, Rishi Parashara compares shudra-s with God Vishnu, and explains this to king Janaka, both of whom were great scholars of Hindu theology: Vaideha! Kam kam shudramudaharanti dvija maharaja shrutopapannah. Aham hi pashyami narendra devam vishvashya Vishnum jagatah pradhanam. Meaning: O Vaideha (king Janaka), the brahmin scholars of Vedas compare the shudras with Brahma; but I see the shudras as the Lord of the world, God Vishnu. 28 Here meaning of kam is Brahma, as explained in the Shatapatha Brahmana, 2.5.2.13: kam vai prajapatih.29 Another mantra of the Atharva Veda states, O Lord, make me beloved of (or dear to) the gods, the princes, the shudras and the noble men. (Atharva Veda, 19. 62) The fifteenth kanda of the Atharva Veda is devoted to praising the vratyas,30 who were those shudra-s who had not received the Vedic samskaras, and who did not follow the Vedic rituals and yajna-s (Atharva Veda, 15.1-18). Translator Ralph Griffith titles two of hymns (viz. AV, 15.1and 2) as The hyperbolical glorification of the Vrtya or Aryan Non-conformist.31 The Veda declares in the first hymn that Lord Mahadeva (Shiva) was a vratya, who got later elevated to the level of the Chief Vratya and lord of gods (AV, 15.1). In the second hymn the Veda claims that anyone who hates the vratya-s, earns the wrath of gods, and loses the fruits of many sacrifices (AV, 15.2). In the rest of the kanda 15, vratya-s have been allegorically

depicted as the divine or the Parabrahma. Monier Williams notes in his dictionary that the the kshatriya-s and even the Brahmanas are said to have sprung from the vratya who is identified with the Supreme Being (AV 15.8.1; 15.9.1).32 Thus we find that this particular hymn of the Veda declares the shudra class to be the Parabrahma, the highest Reality of Hindu theology. Shukla Yajurveda makes it mandatory to include the shudras for the purpose of yajna dedicated to the God Savita (Sun). 33 (For Brahman he binds a Brahmana to the stake, for royalty, a Rjanya; for the Maruts a Vaisya; for Penance a Sdra.). Ancient acharya Badari, who is also the author of the Brahma Sutras, directs that the shudras have all the rights to perform Vadic yajnas (sacrifices and rituals). (Jaimini, 6.1.27; Kunal:65) Apastamba Dharma Sutra also explicitly mentions that the shudras did have right to cook offerings for the deities and participate in the samskaras (rituals). (Apastamba Dharma Sutra, 2.1.18; Kunal, p. 65). Puranas, although very late texts, explicitly declare that many of the religious texts, especially the eighteen Puranas, the Ramayana and the Mahabharata have been created especially for the benefit of the shudras, Dharma shastrani rajendra shrinu tani nripottama, visheshashcha shudranam pavanani manishibhih. (Bhavishya Purana, 1.1. 54-55) (Quoted by Kunal:27-8). The Vedic Maharshi Kavasha Ailusha was not only born in a shudra family but also practicing shudra, just like Sant Ravidas of our age. But he was offered the presiding seat on the occasion of a great congregation of Vedic rishis, where all of them considered him the best of all rishis.34 The lawmaker Apastamba not only considers shudras and women entitled to education but also considers their knowledge more stable and full of dedication. (Apastamba Dharma Sutra, 2.29.11). He considers their knowledge equivalent to the Atharva Veda. (Ibid. 2.29.12). All the remaining elements of dharma should be learnt from the women and from all the other varnas (which includes shudra). (Ibid. 2.29.15). The Sushruta Samhita, a medical text-book, clearly states that the knowledge of Ayurveda should be imparted to the shudra child also after giving him the sacred thread. (Sushruta Samhita, Sutrasthanam, 2.5). Apart from these there is mention in the Rig Veda that all the five classes of people are eligible to participate in the Vaidic havana and eat the havisha (Rig Veda, 10.53.4). In the next mantra the Rig Veda states, O all the pancha-jana, you may get pleased with mine offerings (yajna) and the calves gifted to you all. (Rig Veda, 10.53.5). The general meaning of the pancha-janas in the Vedas is the five guilds of artisans of that time viz. Rathakara, Karmakara, Takshaka, Kumbhakara and Nishada-sthapati, which had evolved from the five forms of Vishvakarma namely, Twostar, Daksha, Takshaka, Maya and Rhibhus. 35 However Kunal thinks that it is a reference to five classes of people, the four Vedic varnas plus Nishad, because Yaska had interpreted pancha-jana mentioned in this hymn as brahmana, kshatriya, vaishya, shudra and nishada (Kunal: 65). However, Griffith feels that the reference here is to the five Vedic tribes. Some authors opine that word pancha-jana meant the five Vedic tribes viz. Yadu, Turvasha, Puru, Anu and Druhyu. 36

It may be worthwhile mentioning here that the common mistake which historians have committed is the assumption that all the Vedic tribes, including these five aforementioned tribes, were Kshatriyas. However, Jayaswal (1978) makes it clear that each such tribe had people working in all the different strata like brahmana (philosophers), kshatriya (warriors), labouring class (shudra) etc. He quotes from Panini that there were brahmanas and kshatriyas within the Parshva Vedic tribe (Jayaswal:31, footnote).37 He then quotes from Panini and Patanjali to prove that there were brahmana, kshatriya, shudra etc. within the Vahika (Bahlika) and Malava tribes too (ibid:29, and footnote of pp. 29 & 30). Panini also mentioned brahmana among the Nishada. Hence we can surmise that all the varnas were present in all the tribes.

The Allegations relating to Eklavya, Karna, Shambuka etc.

The issue of Ekalavya is often raised by Hindu bashers. The case of Ekalavya was not that of caste discrimination. Ekalavya was son of a feudatory tribal king affiliated to Jarasandha, the King of Magadh. Dronacharya understood that the talented boy if be allowed to grow his archery skills, would become the undefeatable worrier. With his help Magadha would be able to win over all other kings of India including his own employer the king of Kuru dynasty. Dronacharyas loyalty to his master and love for his favourite student Arjuna superseded his basic human morality. Moreover, the Nishada were not shudra, and if they left forest life and entered Vedic social order, they were placed in brahmana or kshatriya class too depending on their education and skills. Hence we find Nishada-gotra Brahmana mentioned by Panini. (Nath:32).38 In all likelihood, Ekalavya would have become a Nishada-gotra Khatriya had he been allowed to pursue archery. The semantic analysis of word suta-putra, used by Pandavas to taunt at Karna, also proves absence of caste system during Mahabharata period. Karna was always taunted as suta-putra (son of a suta; son of a stable-keeper), but never as suta. In a caste system, phrases like son of a Kayastha or son of a Gujjar etc are not used. Son of a Kayastha is a Kayastha. Son of a Gujjar is also a Gujjar. Hence calling Karna not a suta, but son of a suta is evidence that hereditary caste did not exist at the time of Mahabharata, and hence Karna was not a suta, even though he was son of a suta. The matter is further proved when we find that Karna is appointed the king of Anga, and later the Commander in Chief of the Kaurava army at the later phase of the Mahabharata warthe highest position a kshatriya could aspire to attain. One aberration from norm, which is oft-mentioned to demoralize Hindus, is the story of Shambuka. This story has not been described by Tulsidasa. The Ramayana text was written several thousand years after the times of Rama, and was edited several times even after the first Muslim arrivals in India. Hence it is classed as smriti text along with the Puranas. The opinion of the acharyas is that smriti texts cannot be trusted if they deviate from Vedas and other shruti text. The whole episode is an interpolation by some wicked soul. The Valmikiya Ramayana cannot be trusted to be true, and much of it is fiction. The injustice in the interpolated story done to Shambuka attracted large-scale disapproval of the Hindus, and Tulsidas and many other authors of Ramayana preferred to discard this episode. That shows a general sympathy of the Hindus for Shambuka. Bhavabhuti, a later author also re-wrote Ramayana by the title Uttara Ramacharita and has described Rama as condemning himself full of feeling of guilt. Bhavabhutis Rama says to his own right hand, O my right hand, why do you hesitate in striking the shudra muni, you are part of the same cruel Rama who banished his own pregnant wife. After striking the

death blow, Bhavabhutis Rama says in self condemnation, This was a cruel and mean work which only Rama could do. After death, Shanbuka stays with Rama for a long time and discusses various topics of spiritual value. A divine vehicle comes to take him to svarga, the abode of God (Kunal:169). The Ananda Ramayana another text of story of Rama describes an extremely friendly relation of Shambuka with Rama (Kunal:171-2), and this murder is not mentioned. The Skanda Purana too in its Kedara-Khanda describes the story of Shambuka and Rama. In this story, Shambuka is not killed by Rama, but both are friends and Shambuka dies while living with Rama (Kunal, p. 172). Again, a much older Jain text Pauma Charita, written by Vimalasuri also describes the story of Rama and Shambuka, wherein Shambuka has been stated to be a nephew of Ravana, and friend of Rama, who was a brahmana by varna. Rama, who ate the half-eaten fruits of a dalit lady Shabari, and lived with tribals for 14 years could not have actually committed any such heinous act, and the story is certainly a late interpolation. And, the whole of the Hindu society cannot be responsible for mean or aberrant acts of Dronacharya or a few individuals, in the same way as the whole of Jewish (or Christian or Muslim) community cannot be condemned for murder by Prophet David of Uriah, a loyal servant of David, after David did adultery and made Uriahs beautiful wife Bathsheba pregnant, when Uriah was away in battlefield (2 Samuel:11.2-15, Holy Bible). On the other hand shruti literature like Upanishads show great justice done to the downtrodden. When Satyakama approached Haridrumata Gautam to take admission in his gurukula, the teacher asked his gotra (lineage). Satyakama did not know, and therefore returned home to ask his mother. She told him, My child, I do not know of what lineage you are. I who was engaged as paricharini (maid-servant) attending to many people and got you in my youth. Having been such, I could not know what lineage you are. 39 Satyakama returned to Gautama Rishi and told him his mothers words. Thus Satyakama was born to an unmarried shudra lady. This made the Rishi satisfied and happy, because he thought truthfulness was the most essential character desirable of anyone who wanted to become a brahmana. Satyakama later became a great Vedic scholar and was known after her mothers name Jabala. In any other religion, the boy would have been labelled bastard and declared outcaste (as in medieval and ancient Europe). In some religions, he would not have born at all, because his mother would have been lynched for becoming pregnant without marriage. 40

Changeability of Varna (Class)

Similarly in Shanti Parva of the Mahabharata mentions Indra, who became kshatriya because of his work, was son of a brahmana (Indro vai brahmanah putrah karmana kshatriyo-abhavat. Mahabharata, Shanti-Parva, 22.11).41 Similarly, there is another verse that says that people are born shudra (meaning unskilled, uneducated), it is by work that they attain brahmana-hood. (Janmana shudrah karmana brahmanah). There are thousands of such examples. However, the commonly cited example of Vishvamitra is not appropriate. Because Vishvamitras was a different case. He graduated with specialization to become a kshatriya. After remaining a kshatriya for some time he decided to change into a brahmana. Such change from one profession to another after expiry of student-period was not permissible, as per guild laws. Because it was not just a case of changing label from kshatriya to brahmana, but it required acquiring necessary knowledge and skills expected of a brahmana. Ultimately Vishvamitra had to work hard to prove to the guild of scholars (brahmana-s) that he

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possessed necessary competence to be included in the scholarly profession. Lastly he was granted the permission and he converted from kshatriya to brahmana. But in other cases, where father belonged to one varna and the son opted to join other varna at education stage itself, and pursued necessary curriculum and instructions with a suitable teacher, the process was simple and smooth. Probably Vishvamitras case can be compared to a contemporary medical doctors case who wishes to become a historian after having obtained doctorate in medicine, and faces huge resistance from historians. There is a very large number of examples apart from the abovementioned ones that indicate that varna was not at all hereditary. Parashara, Vyasa, king Puru, Ravana etc are examples well known to scholars and lay people alike. Thus in the ancient India, different individuals from the same lineage could attain different varna status. Thapar too supports this: The process became apparent when members of the same group, for example, the Abhirars (Ahir), were given different varna statuses brahmana or shudra (Thapar 2003:66).

Not every individual belonged to varna in the Vedic Period

Even during the Vedic period, when varna system was followed, not all of the Hindus belonged to the varnas. Children, ascetics and widows were outside the system (Basham:138). This is because they had no profession, and varna is about profession. This is in sharp contrast to the caste system where caste is trust at birth and no one is excluded. Varna was applicable to grihastha stage of life alone, when one engages in any profession. After retirement, every individual is without profession and therefore without varna. An adolescent student (brahmachari) had no varna (because he had no profession), and he attained a particular varna only after graduation ceremony (snataka). The varna attained depended on the choice of profession and qualifications attained by the graduate. Then the person got married and entered the grihastha (house-holder) ashrama. After completing seventy five years, one left home and profession to go and live in the forest. After seventy five years of age people entered the sannyasa stage. Sannyasis had no varna. Many people entered sannyasa direcly after brahmacharya (student) stage, and they also did not have varna. Thus a large majority of ancient Indian population lived outside varna status at any given point of time. This is in contrast with the caste system in which caste is thrust on to the individual at birth and it does not leave him till death. Thus in the varna system, late swami Vivekananda and sannyasi Baba Ramdev have no varna. Yet in the casteist mentality, Ramdev is a Yadav, and Vivekananda was a Kayastha by birth.

Caste and Buddha

People have often been made to believe that Hindu society was within the grips of caste system, which Buddha disliked, and started a new religion to end caste discrimination. It is further alleged that Buddha criticized the Brahmanas, and it was because of this that most of the masses consisting of lower castes converted to Buddhism. Such claims have no basis, and they are products of fertile brains. Buddha never claimed departure from the Sanatana Dharma (Esa Dhammo Sanatano, Thus is the Sanatana Dharma; Dhammapada, 5). Fact is that at the time of Buddha, brahmanas were a class (vide supra) not by birth, but by education and profession. Buddha indeed spoke very highly of the

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brahmanas and dedicated a full chapter on them.42 He describes in this chapter the characters of an ideal brahmana which is in consonance with the charecters of brahmanas described by Hindu scriptures. Of all the classes of people, Buddha selected the brahmana alone to declare that "no one should ever hurt a Brahmin". 43 Buddha rated service to brahmana at par with serving the parents. He said the common man must serve his parents, the wandering sannyasins and the brahmins (atho brahmannata sukha; Dhammapada, 332).44 Some translations give meaning of this verse as it is a blessing to be a brhamana.45 Hence we can say that Buddha was full of praise for this classbrahmana. The hereditary caste system did not exist at the time of Buddha, otherwise he must have condemned it. Later Buddhists too supported the varna system, yet they claimed that kshatriya was the highest varna and brahmana was below that (Basham:139). In the Jataka Kathas, stories of former lives of Buddha, written by Buddhist monks, Buddha (Bodhisattva) was almost always born in either a brahmana family or a kshatriya family.46

Absence of Caste in Post-Vedic Ancient Period

Tenth century Jain poet and historian Pushpadant in his Mahapurana states that there were four varnas during his times, which were not based on birth, but on the duty one performed in his life. He advocated that under the varna system, people get liberty to choose a profession of their choice, and thus they get opportunity to show their merit. 47 Basham noted that Huen Tsang in the 7th century was well aware of the four classes, and also mentioned many mixed classes, no doubt accepting the orthodox view of the time that these sprang from intermarriage of the four, but he shows no clear knowledge of existence of caste in its modern form. (Basham:149). Thapar notes, Interestingly, an account of Indian society written by the Greek, Megasthenes, in the fourth century BC, merely refers to seven broad divisions without any association of degrees of purity. He says that the philosophers are the most respected, but includes in this group the brahmanas as well as those members of heterodox sects-- the shramanaswho did not regard the brahmanas as being of the highest status. (Thapar 2003:62) This finding is consistent with the fact that Buddha too had considered the bhikshu, the shramana and the brahmana at par: so brahmano, so sramano, so bhikkhuh (Dhammapada, 142). Even as late as about 1000 A.D., shudras were entitled to have religious merit, al-Biruni notes: Whilst according to the Hindu philosophers, liberation is common to all castes and to the whole human race, if their intention of obtaining it is perfect. This view is based on the saying of Vyasa: learn to know twenty five things thoroughly. Then you may follow whatever religion you like; you will no doubt be liberated. This view is also based on the fact that Vasudeva was a descendant of a shudra family, and also on the following saying of his, which he addressed to Arjuna, God distributes recompense without injustice and without partialitywhether those people be Vaishya or Shudra or women. How much more this be the case when they are Brahmana or Kshatriya.48 (emphasis added). Al-Biruni did not get three or four thousand castes in India in c. 1000 A.D., but found only four varna-s. He noted These castes (actually meaning varna) are from the very beginning only four. (Sachau: 66). Apart from these, there were people who lived outside social realm, the antyaja-s, which were divided into eight groups. But these groups were not endogamous. (Sachau: 67). Because of absence of endogamy, these eight groups too were not castes. Thus even the eight classes among the antyaja-s were not eight antyaja castes during al-Birunis

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times. Thus we find that endogamy had not started by al-Birunis time in India. Hence we can conclude that caste formation had not taken place by that time, and al-Biruni shows no awareness of existence of caste in its modern form. While in other countries the lowest classes were converted into slaves, no such slavery existed in ancient India. The Kautilyas Arthashastra clearly states that even a shudra could not be made a slave. Arthashashtra declares that servitude is not in the nature of the Indians (in which term the shudra is explicitly included). (Basham:152 and 153). It has been proved beyond doubt that slave system did not exist in ancient India. Megasthenes declared that there were no slaves in India. 49 In fact slave trade started in India only after Turko-Afghan occupation of India and for the first time in thirteenth century, slave markets at Delhi appears from the accounts of Barani. 50 Hence by Marxist analysis, Ancient India was more advanced than the feudal system, because slave system is a feature up to feudal systems and not beyond that. Absence of slavery implies capitalism which implies modernism and market economy. Thus contrary to the common notions, allegations and propaganda, the pre-Medieval Hindu religion was egalitarian, and all classes were equally respected. However, it is possible that some wicked author may have occasionally spoken against the working classes, such perverted views do not represent the authoritative Hindu scriptural cannon, but represent personal views of individuals. Some such sentences may be even interpolation by later wicked persons.

Origin of Indian Castes from Tribes and Guilds

It may be understood that original Indian population must have consisted of innumerable tribes based on territoriality. Whether they spoke AA or IE or Dravidian or Sino-Tibetan, each smallest unit was a tribe. As civilization evolved, tribes were drawn into larger regional civilizations (like Mehrgarh or Harappa). It was only after a level of civilization had been achieved, that people were considered as classes. Vedas mention these classes. The oldest verses of Rig-Veda mention only two classes, brahmana and rajanya (or kshatriya), and the other two (vaishya and shudra) appear only in the last mandal, ie Mandala 10, indicating that these latter classes were products of increasing civilizational complexity in production, industry and trade. If we accept the Vedic timeline of Kazanas, the shudra varna (not caste) became prominent during the Indus Civilization, which would correspond with the period of the Atharva Veda. Although varnas were only few, Vedas always mentioned a large number of vedic tribes (called jana or jan) like Kuru, Puru, Bharata, Panchala etc. These tribes had local territories of origin. Each tribe later developed its brahmana, khshatriya and other classes depending on profession. Vedic values laid stress on forgetting inter-tribal (or inter-jana) rivalry, and encouraged gotra-exogamy. Gotra-exogamy led to establishing inter-jana relationships, and a stronger feeling of Indian identity, leading to weakening of jana identity or tribal identity, until advent of Islam terminated the Vedic customs in India. When Vedic institutions ended after destruction of ancient Indian Civilization by Muslim invaders, regrouping of Hindu people occurred, not on the basis of profession, but on the basis of lineage, clan, etc, leading to formation of modern castes. These regroupings were endogamous and based on either trade-guilds (gold-smith, black-smith, carpenter etc), or

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micro-geographical territorial origins (like Marwari, Mathur, Kanaujiya, Ramgarhiya, Kanaujiya, etc) or religion (like Lingayat, Kabirpanthi, Satnami etc). It is important to note that all the OBCs and SCs of Bihar, East UP and much of Central India, do not have notion of exogamy, and they do not have gotra-exogamy either. Even some of the upper castes like Varshneya Vaishya of UP follow gotra-endogamy, because for them gotra and caste are one and the same thing. Max Weber noted the European trade guilds had all the features of modern Hindu cases, including even untouchability (vide infra). Hence it is quite possible that many of the modern Indian castes were trade guilds during the mediaval period, and with passage of time they adopted the colour of caste. A.L. Bashams Readings: Basham explains how caste did not exist in India before the Muslim period (Medieval Age), and how it originated from tribes and guilds during Muslim period of Indian history: It was only in late medieval times that it was finally recognized that exogamy and sharing meals with members of other classes were quite impossible for respectable people. These customs and many others such as widow-remarriage, were classed as kalivarjyacustoms once permissible, but to be avoided in this dark Kali Age, when men are no longer naturally righteous. (p. 148). In attempting to account for the remarkable proliferation of castes in 18 th- and 19th- century India, authorities credulously accepted the traditional view that by a process of inter marriage and subdivision the 3000 or more castes of modern India had evolved from the four primitive classes, and the term caste was applied indiscriminately to both varna or class and jati or caste proper. This is a false terminology; castes rise and fall in social scale, and old castes die out and new ones are formed, but the four great classes are stable. They are never more or less than four, and for over 2,000 years their order of precedence as not altered. If caste is defined as a system of groups within the class, which are normally endogamous, commensal and caste exclusive, we have no real evidence of its existence until comparatively late times. (p. 148, emphasis added). It is impossible to show its origin conclusively, and we can do little more than faintly trace its development, since early literature paid scanty attention to it; but it is practically certain that the caste did not originate from the four classes. Admittedly it developed later than they, but this proves nothing. There were subdivisions in the four classes at a very early date, but the Brahman gotras, which go back to Vedic times, are not castes, since the gotras are exogamous, and members of the same gotras are to be found in many castes. (p. 148, emphasis added). Many trades were organized in guilds, in which some authorities have seen the origin of the trade castes; but these trade groups cannot be counted as fully developed castes. A 5th century inscription from Mandsore shows us a guild of silk-weavers emigrating in a body from Lata (the region of the lower Narmada) to Mandsor, and taking up many other crafts and professions, from soldiering to astrology, but still maintaining its guild consciousness. We have no evidence that this group was

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endogamous or commensal, and it was certainly not craft-exclusive, but its strong corporate sense is that of a caste in the making.(p. 149) Indian society developed a very complex social structure, arising partly from tribal affiliations and partly from professional associations, which was continuously being elaborated by the introduction of new racial groups into the community, and by the development of new crafts. In the Middle Ages the system became more or less rigid, and the social group was now a caste in the modern sense. Prof J.J. Hutton has interpreted the caste system as an adaptation of one of the most primitive of the social relationships, whereby a small clan, living in a comparatively isolated village, would hold itself aloof from its neighbours by a complex system of taboos, and he has found embryonic caste features in the social structure of some of the wild tribes of presentday India. The caste system may well be the natural response of the many small and primitive peoples who were forced to come to terms with a more complex economic and social system. It did not develop out of the four Aryan varnas, and the two systems have never been thoroughly harmonized (p. 149-150, emphasis added). Equalitarian religious reformers of the middle ages such as Basava, Ramanand, and Kabir tried to abolish caste among their followers; but their sects soon took characteristics of new castes. (p. 151) Thapar (2003:66) also holds identical views about origin of castes from guilds, tribes and religious sects: The conversion from tribe or clan to caste, or from jana to jati as it is sometimes called, was one of the basic mutations of Indian social history.. (p. 66) The conversion of clan to jati was not the only avenue to creating castes. Since caste identities were also determined by occupations, various professional associations, particularly urban artisans, gradually coalesced into jatis, beginning to observe jati rules by accepting a social hierarchy that defined marriage circles and inheritance laws, by adhering to common custom and by identifying with a common location. Yet another type of jati was the one that grew out of a religious sect that may have included various jatis to begin with, but started functioning so successfully as a unit that eventually it too became a caste. A striking example of this is the history of the Lingayat caste in the peninsula. (p. 66, emphasis added.)51 Bashams finding that the Hindu caste system became fully developed only during the late Middle Ages, corroborates well with similar findings by other investigators. Raghuvanshi noted that the travellers of the early Medieval Period were silent on the complex caste structure of the society, but by the time of the later Mughals, the institution of caste had grown to maturity, and its ramifications into sub-castes were numerous.52 Romila Thapars Changed Views on the Origins of Caste: Romila Thapar earlier subscribed to the racist theory of Indian castes, that the original Indians were subordinated by invading Aryans into lower castes and the Aryans placed themselves in the top castes. However, Thapar changed her mind and now finds that castes originated from guilds and tribes (Thapar 2003: 422). Historians took longer to understand

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origin of caste because, as Srinivas had rightly pointed out, many of the Indians can actually never understand the difference between varna and caste. Romila Thapar earlier (1966) used caste to denote varna and sub-caste to denote jati.53 But in her latest book (2002, reprint 2003) she uses the terms varna and jati in English also, and avoids the word caste at most of the places.54 Prof Basham also had strongly discouraged the use of word caste to mean varna, and Srinivas had also held similar views (vide supra). Thapar writes: One of the current debates relating to the beginning of Indian history involves both archeology and linguistics, and attempts to differentiate between indigenous and alien peoples. ... To categorize some people as indigenous and others as alien, to argue about the first inhabitants of the subcontinent, and to try and sort out these categories for the remote past, is to attempt the impossible. (p.xxiv) It was not just the landscape that changed, but society also changed and often quite noticeably. But this was a proposition unacceptable to colonial perceptions that insisted on the unchanging character of Indian history and society. (p. xxiv) That the study of institutions did not receive much emphasis was in part due to the belief that they did not undergo much change: an idea derived from the conviction that Indian culture had been static, largely owing to the gloomy, fatalistic attitude to life. (p. xxv) The formation of caste is now being explored as a way of understanding how Indian society functioned. Various possibilities include the emergence of castes from clans of forest dwellers, professional groups or religious sects. Caste is therefore seen as a less rigid and frozen system than it was previously thought to be, but at the same time this raises a new set of interesting questions for social historians. (p. xxvii; emphasis added) However, there have been other ways of looking at the origins and functioning of caste society. A concept used equally frequently for caste is jati. It is derived from a root meaning birth, and the number of jatis are listed by name and are too numerous to be easily counted. The hierarchical ordering of jatis is neither consistent nor uniform, although hierarchy cannot be denied. The two concepts of jati and varna overlap in part but are also differentBut it can also be argued that the two were distinct in origin and had different functions, and that the enveloping of jati by varna, as in the case of Hindu castes, was a historical processThe origin of varna is reasonably clear from the references in the Vedic corpusThe genesis of the jati may have been the clan, prior to its becoming a caste. (p. 63). There are close parallels between the clan (tribe) as a form of social organization and the jati. (p. 64, bracket added) Thus we have noted views of Hutton, Basham and Thapar that the caste system did not originate from the ancient Hindu varna system. It is on record that many of the brahmana castes and Rajput caste are products of mobility of clan and tribes (and later, of castes). Thapar notes this phenomenon in the following words:

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The temple could also act as a conduit of social mobility. In coastal Andhra, a large herd of cows was donated to Draksharama remple. The herd was cared for by the local Boya tribal community. In the course of time, and because they were looking after the temple property, these Boyas rose in status from from outcasts to shudras. As shudras they entered the lower echelons of administration and gradually some attained high office. (p. 390). A number of new groups entered the established hierarchy of castes. Perhaps most visible were the new kshatriya castes. They were open to those who had acquired political authority and could claim the status through geneology or an appropriate marriage alliance. Other than those claiming connection with existing kshatriya castes, they were grantees in category of samantas or chiefs that had been inducted into the caste societyBy the end of this period, designations such as rauta, ranaka, thakkura and such like were available to those who had received grants of land and became grantees. (Thapar, Ibid., p. 462). Other Authors on Conversion of Tribes into Castes In this context, von Furer-Haimendorf examines the case of Gond tribe. He finds that this tribe cleared the forests, and settled on the land as farming tribe. Later others (non-Gonds) came into the area. Yet with passage of time, although the Gonds are tribes till date, yet are very near to an upper caste in the spectrum. He notes: Even the mainstream Hindu immigrant populations see Gonds as having attributes of purity. If a Hindu is asked how he evaluates the Gonds status in varna system, he will say that Gonds must therefore be considered as high castes. 55 Many Gonds were indeed able to enter Hindu caste system as a Rajput (upper caste) clan (vide infra). Max Weber too noted that when an Indian tribe loses its territorial significance it assumes the form of an Indian caste. In this way the tribe is a local group whereas caste is a social group.56 The study of a Central Himalayan tribe Tharu reveals that though they have a tribal matrix and continue to practice certain distinctive tribal customs, richer elite among them have a tendency to claim kshatriya-hood and may possibly merge into Rajputs. One such example is the landed peasantry Tharus of Champaran district of Bihar in India.57 A large section of Tharu tribe has named itself Rana Tharu. Rana is the feudal aristocratic Rajput caste of Nepal and also in Rajasthan state of India. Thus affluent among the Tharus have been placed at a higher level in the caste hierarchy. Khasa is another Himalayan tribe, which has been accepted as a Rajput (upper caste) in the Hindu caste society of Uttarakhanda state of India.58 In fact conversion of tribals into Rajput was such a general feature that Sinha coined the concept of Rajput-Tribe Continuum. Thus Bhumij, Munda and Gond tribes of Central Inida were able to establish their kingdoms (Munda Raj in Chotanagpur; Bhumij state in Barabhum and Raj Gond state of Gondwana), which added to their claims of Kshatriya status, and often melting into the Rajput caste by specific groups of these tribes. 59 William Crooke quotes from Risley that Rajputs development from original tribes can be with more or less confidence be assumed. 60 He notes that often Bhil or Gond tribal man

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becomes leader of his sept and claims to be a Rajput sept. He is not at once admitted into the matrimonial fold of the Rajputs, but if he is rich enough and persistent in his claim, this boon is granted sooner or later. 61 As a result of this constant conversion of tribes into Rajputs, Rajput became the single largest caste of India with widest territorial distribution. Trend to become Rajput was most marked during the Muslim period. It is because in any feudalarchy, it is the feudal caste which wields maximum power, respect and avenues. Purity of blood and supremacy of lineage are powerful ideologies during feudal period. Muslim period of India was the Golden Age of feudalism, and Dark Age for knowledge and capitalism. William Crooke too noted this relationship between tribes and the Rajputs (an upper caste). Dravidian Gonds (tribe) were enrolled as Rajputs. Raja of Singrauli was a pure Kharwar (tribe), but became a banbansi Kshatriya during the life of the author. Col Sleeman gives the case of an Oudh Pasi who became a Rajput. The names of many septs (of Rajputs), as Baghel, Ahban, Kalhans, and Nagbansi, suggest a totemistic origin, and Nagbansi suggests a totemistic origin which would bring them in line with the Chandrabanshi, who are promoted Dravidian Cheros and other similar septs of undoubtedly aboriginal race. 62 Kharwar is a tribe. Many Rajput (upper caste Hindu) dynasties have been said to belong to Kharwar group. Apart from the ones mentioned by Crooke, there is documentary evidence of Kharwar Rajput in Mirzapur, which revolted in 1857.63 More such relations between tribes and Rajputs have been noted by Sadasivan from records of older authors, Dr Francis Buchanan upon evidence states that the Pratihara Rajputs of Sahabad are descendants of tribe of Bhars. Chandels observes Vincent Smith who appear to have their descent from the Gonds closely connected with another tribe the Bhars, first carved out a petty principality near Chhatrapur. Sir Denzil Ibbetson is also almost certain that the so called Rajput families were aboriginal, and he instanced the Chandels. Recent investigation has shown writes H. A. Rose (A Glossory of Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and the North-West Province) that the Pratihara (Parihar) clan of the Rajputs was really a sections of the Gujars and other fireborn Rajput clans, Solanki (Chalukyas), Punwars (Paramaras), Chauhans (Chahumanas or Chahuvamsha) must be assigned similar origin. Clans and families says Vincent Smith, who succeeded in winning chieftainship were made kshatriyas and Rajputs, and there is no doubt the Parihars and many other Rajput clans of the north, were developed out of the barbarian hoardes besides various other aboriginal tribes the Gonds, the Bhars and the Khanwars underwent the same process of social promotion to emerge as the Chandels, Rathods and the Gahadwars equipped with pedigree reaching back to the sun or moon. 64 Sherring writes that Rajas of Singarauli and Jushpore, although claim to descendants of Rajput rajas, are descendants of Kharwar tribes (ibid).

Views of Srinivas on Origin of Castes from Tribes:

Srinivas gave a very well studied view of caste tribe relationship: The category of Shudra subsumes, in fact, the vast majority of nonBrahminical castes which have little in common. It may at one end include a rich, powerful and highly Sanskritized group while at the other end may be tribes whose assimilation to Hindu fold is only marginal. The Shudra-category

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spans such a wide structural and cultural gulf that its sociological utility is very limited. It is well known that occasionally a shudra caste has, after the acquisition of economic and political power, Sanskritized its customs and ways, and has succeeded in laying claim to be kshatriyas. The classic example of the Raj Gonds, originally a tribe, but who successfully claimed to be kshatriyas after becoming rulers of a tract in Central India, shows up the deficiency of the varna-classification. The term kshatriya, for instance, does not refer to a closed ruling group which has always been there since the time of the Vedas. More often it refers to the position attained or claimed by a local group whose traditions and luck enabled it to seize politico-economic power. (pp. 65-66). But in Southern India the Lingayats 65 claim equality with, if not superiority to the Brahmin, and orthodox Lingayats do not eat food cooked or handled by the Brahmin. The Lingayats have priests of their own caste who also minister to several other non-Brahmin castes. Such a challenge to the ritual superiority of the Brahmin is not unknown though not frequent. The claim of a particular caste to be Brahmin is, however, more often challenged. Food cooked or handled by Marka Brahmins of Mysore, for instance, is not eaten by most Hindus, not excluding Harijans. (Ibid. p. 66) It is necessary to stress here that innumerable small castes in a region do not occupy clear and permanent positions in the system. Nebulousness as to position is of the essence of the system in operation as distinct from the system in conception. The varna-model has been the cause of misinterpretation of the realities of the caste system. A point that has emerged from recent fieldresearch is that the position of a caste in the hierarchy may vary from village to village. It is not only that the hierarchy is nebulous here and there, and the castes are mobile over a period of time, but the hierarchy is also to some extent local. The varna-scheme offers a perfect contrast to this picture. (Ibid, p. 67, emphasis added). We may note here that in some countries (like Arabic speaking and other Muslim countries) caste word is not used by English language authors and media and instead tribe word is often used. In these situations tribe often means a caste and nothing else. Though caste exists as an entity in these Muslim nations too, yet its existence is denied by English media by resorting to use of the word tribe instead of caste. This is done deliberately to reserve the use of the word caste exclusively for India.

Were the Lower Castes deprived from education

Raghuvamshi notes, on the authority of Martin, Adams and Buchanan, that even lower castes like Baidyas, Kayasthas and and a number of artisan classes labelled shudra studied Sanskrit, if it was relevant to their profession, and there was no bar on Sanskrit education imposed on to them because of their caste. 66 The bar actually resulted from financial uselessness of studying higher Sanskrit, as Sanskrit educated graduates could not be absorbed as staff in the state machinery which functioned in Persian language, nor as teachers in state funded educational institutions (muderssas) teaching in Arabic and Persian languages only.

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Dharampal notes from the survey data recorded by British officials for Hindu educational institutions in the south India that soodra (meaning lower caste) students constituted overwhelming majority of students, and out of about 700 students studying in schools in Madras state, only 4 were Brahmins. However, out of 517 students studying at homes, 98 were Brahmins. These data clearly expose the bogusness of claims that the lower castes/ shudras were not imparted education by the Brahmins. 67

Anti-Caste approach of Orthodox Hindu Religion during Muslim Period

Hindu religion is essentially egalitarian based on the concept of divine in all beings. Hindu scriptures unequivocally declare that all the beings have to be seen as god: Ishavasyamidam sarvam yat kinchit yam jagat (Ishavasya Upanishad, 1) (Whatever exists in this world is permeated by God). Yastu arvani bhutanyatmanyevanupashyati Sarvabhuteshu chatmanam tato na vijugupsate (Ishavasya Upanishad, 6) (One who sees all living beings as equal to himself, and sees himself in all the living beings is the person who has the clear vision) Yasmin sarvani bhutanyatmaivabhud vijanatah Tatra ko mohah kah shoka ekatvamanupashyatah. (Ishavasya Upanishad, 7) (One who knows all beings to be same as himself, and sees unity in all of them, he never suffers from any sufferings.) Bhagvad-Gita clearly states that Brahmana, cow, elephant, dog and chandala should be seen equally by the people who are knowledgeable. Vidyavinayasampanne brahmane gavi hastini Shuni chaiva shvapake cha panditah samadarshinah. (Bhagavad-Gita, 5.18) Hence it is intriguing if anyone claims that Hindu religion supports caste system and untouchability. It should be noted that even after the caste system and untouchability became established in India during the Muslim period, all the orthodox Hindu religious movements militated against the caste system and untouchability. Chaitanya a Vaishnavite saint born in a brahmana family, rejected the caste system and led a movement for Dalit uplift. He said, if anyone takes food from the same plate with a sweeper, he becomes entitled to obtain the favour of God.68 Chaitanya is considered an incarnation of Lord Vishnu Himself in Bengal, and modern ISCON is an offshoot of his sect Gauriya Vaishnavism. Chaitanya reemphasized the old Hindu doctrine that leaving the Varnashrama-Dharma was essential for attaining salvation.69 Chaitanya was no communist or secularist. He was a thorough orthodox Hindu. One of the Brahmana disciples of Chaitanya named Kali Das made it a mission of his life to partake of refuse food left on the plates of untouchables (Chandals).70 Not only in Bengal, but at other places also, orthodox Hinduism movements erupted as anti-caste Vaishnavite movements during the Muslim rule in India. It was appreciated by these great Hindu saint-leaders that caste system was something alien to Hindu religion which had lately grabbed the Hindus. Thus great orthodox religious leaders like Basava, Ramananda, Tukaram, Namdev and Ramanuja tried to abolish caste, and opposed untouchability. 71 The originator of the

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Vaishnavism, Ramanuja used the word Thirukkural for the shudras which means one belonging to the highest lineage. 72 Still later, many orthodox Hindu religious leaders like Dayananda, Vivekananda etc. worked hard to remove the caste barriers and untouchability. Many Hindu saints came from untouchable castes, and they were highly revered by one and all Hindus from all castes. Ravidas (Raidas) was a shoe-maker. Yet he was guru of a very large section of Hindus, including the famous Vaishnavite poetess and princess Mirabai. Dayananda, an orthodox Hindu sannyasi, extensively referred from the Vedic texts to prove that caste system was alien to Hinduism. His sect Arya Samaj shuns caste and untouchability. The list is endless. Hence it is clearly inferred that the Hindu religion is against caste differences.

The Genesis of the Confusion

We have seen that there was no caste system until the Muslim rule got established in India (supra). Muslim rule destroyed ancient Hindu traditions and centres of Vedic studies. This led to withering away of the four varnas. Populations regrouped on the basis of clan, tribe, occupational guilds or religious sects, and thousands of castes were now formed, none of which we find mentioned in any earlier Indian text. However, these new grouping known as castes or zat (in Persian) soon started claiming status of Vedic Brahmana, Kshatriya, Vaishaya or Shudra. Hence Thapar writes, It was not that an existing varna was invariably subdivided into jatis, but that jatis were often allotted varna statuses. (pp. 66-7). This was the main reason for genesis of confusion. Srinivas has also noted this phenomenon taking place in modern India when a caste acquired a varna status like the Vishvakarma brahmana. Srinivas writes, It is interesting to note that the mobility of a caste is frequently stated in varna terms rather than in terms of local caste situation. This is partly because each caste has a name and a body of customs and traditions which are peculiar to itself in any local area., and no other caste would be able to take up its name. A few individuals or families may claim to belong to a locally higher caste, but not a whole caste. Even the former event would be difficult as the connections of these individuals or families would be known to all in that area. On the other hand, a local caste would not find it difficult to call itself Brahmin, Kshatriya or Vaishya by suitable prefixes. Thus the Bedas of Mysore would find it difficult to call themselves Okkalingas (Peasants) or Kurubas (Shepherds), but would not have difficulty in calling themselves Valmiki Brahmins. The Smiths of South India long ago, in pre-British times, changed their names to Vishvakarma Brahmins. In British India this tendency received special encouragement during the periodical census enumerations when the low castes changed their names in order to move up in the hierarchy. (Ibid. p. 69). Such processes of change of status from shudra to kshatriya and brahmana continued until 1931 census.73 Such caste changes and class mobility which has taken place in India until recent times were not possible in the caste systems of Europe, Japan, Korea or Yemen and Iranian populations. Thus after ancient period, it was not the individual which moved in the hierarchy of varnas, but his clan, tribe or caste as a group adopted the suffix brahmana, kshatriya etc. after the

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caste name. This created an impression that these groups are the same as the ancient brahmanas etc. In the last two centuries, scholars tried to find out the Indian Caste phenomenon in ancient Indian texts, although it was a new phenomenon for India. These Indologists found varna from Hindu scriptures, and thought that this must have been the forerunner of caste. In a bid to fuse the two, they confused the two.

Even After Castes were formed, mobility in Hierarchy Remained:

Indian castes were not rigid like Jewish, Medieval European, Japanese and Iranian castes.
During the ancient period, when caste did not exist, it was an individual which moved up and down in the varna frame. Because varna was neither hereditary nor endogamous. But once caste had been formed during the last millennium, the individual got bound up with his caste. Caste had a hierarchical level relative to other castes. Now it was the caste which could move up or down in the scale of hierarchy depending on many things. The caste could claim brahmana or kshatriya status, and usually such claims were granted by consensus of other castes of the locality, depending on customs followed by the caste i.e. level of Sanskritization (Srinivasa:45)74, land holding, profession (like trade, military profession etc.). 75 Thapar wrote, With caste becoming hereditary, and the close connection between occupation and jati, there was an automatic check on individuals moving up in the hierarchy of castes. Vertical mobility was possible to the jati as a whole, but depended on the entire group acting as one and changing both its location and its work. (Thapar 2003:125). Intermediate castes sometimes claimed high status. Among these were the kayasthas, the scribes of the administration who were responsible for writing documents and maintaining records. [They claimed to be degraded kshatriyas, although most of others regarded them to be shudras.] But contact with rulers improved their social standing and those who received grants of land and made donations became part of the elite. Kayastha ministers were mentioned in association with Chandellas, Kalachuris and Gangas. (Ibid:464, brackets supplied). The khatris, an established caste of traders in northern India, claimed kshatriya origin in recent times, maintaining that their lower status was purely a result of having had to work in commerce. Gurjaras, Jats and Ahirs also claimed kshatriya origin and conceded that they had lost this status. The emergence of new jatis had been a feature of caste society since its inception (Ibid:464). However, the imprint of upper caste model was clear. In the process of claiming higher status, patriarchal requirements would have been insisted upon, particularly in relation to upper-caste laws of marriage and inheritanceThese groups would have included the forest-chiefs of central India, or those who assisted in the making of dynasties, such as the Bhillas who had associated with the Guhilas in Rajasthan, or the Gonds who were linked to the Chandellas. (Ibid:465)

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Lower Origins of many Brahmana Castes of today during Medieval Period:

Even until the nineteenth century, caste was quite fluid, and not as closed as European or Persian classes. The British officers recorded lower or menial origins of many of the Brahmanas. Ojha Brahman is a successor of Dravidian Baiga. 76 (Crooke: 202). Trigunait Brahmana, Pathak (Amtara), Pande Parwars (Hardoi) and Sawalakhiya Brahmana (Gorakhpur and Basti), Mahabrahmana, Barua, Joshi and Dakaut had originated from lower castes. The Mishra Brahmanas of Arjhi were descendants of a Lunia who was conferred Brahmanhood by a Raja in the eighteenth century.(ibid ) Ahir, Kurmi and Bhat were once converted into Brahmanas on record. 77 (Nesfield: 139) Often rich persons aspiring to become higher caste paid fees to some Brahmana, and got their lineage constructed descending from some ancient hero.78 (Stuart: 183-4.). Srinivas refers to similar instances from United Provinces.(Srinivas 1972:101-2). Similar entrances were made into the Brahmana fold as well. According to Skanda Purana, Parashurama conferred Brahmanahood to many Kaivartta (fisherman) families as well as several other people.79(Nath:33). Prof. Nath refers to another Puranic story which states that Lord Rama on his return from Lanka in order to perform a sacrifice, collected eighteen thousand hill-tribes and made them Brahmanas. (Nath:33). Prof Nath opines that such Pauranic myths might have been added to facilitate entrance of marginal tribes into the brahmana varna. As such transformation was possible and therefore Nath mentions that Malvika Brahmins originally belonged to the Malava tribe. Similarly, the Boya Brahmanas mentioned in the Koneki grant of Chalukyan king Vishnuvardhana II, actually belonged to the Boya tribe of Andhra. (Ibid:33). The Padma Purana mentions Parvatiya Brahmanas who were of tribal origin. (Ibid:33) Large number of tribal and aboriginal priestly groups appeared to have gained entry into its fold as a low grade Brahmana. (Ibid:33). It is to be noted that Panini had also mentioned Brahmana among the Nishadas (fishermen) as Nishadagotra Brahmana. (Nath:32). Romila Thapar too mentions how a section of Boya tribe of Andhra Pradesh got converted into Boya Hindu caste after getting job of temple servants, and with time were able to rise in the hierarchy in the temple establishment, reaching highest positions. (Thapar 2003:390) Some Boyas eventually entered Brahmana Caste is documented by other authors (supra). Romila Thapar also notes that forest tribals have entered into Kshatriya and Rajput fold quite late. (Thapar 2003:422-423)

Origin of the Mehatar (Halakhor) Caste

We do not find the words Mehatar or Halalkhor in any one of the pre-Muslim Indian texts, because they are Persian words. This caste was employed to carry human refuge on head to be disposed to a distant place. It may be noted that they preferred mode of easing the call of nature for Hindu men and women both, was to go to a agri-field or bush. Hence we get words like disha (direction, fields), maidan (field), jhara (bush) etc in many modern Indian languages to mean the act of easing. However in Urdu and Bengali, we get a word pakhana or paikhaanaa, which is a Persian word meaning latrine (literally, a room where only feet can be placed).

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In Muslim dwelling houses, such an arrangement is essential because of purda system, where women cannot go out of home for natural acts. There used to be a room at the back of house. On the floor, there used to be a hole though which human excreta fell down in a large pot. The pot was later cleared away at a distant place. In Muslim countries, slaves were employed to do this job of cleaning. In India, Muslim arrival and settlements caused requirement of such a force of cleaners. It is likely, that many of the Hindu slaves might have been given option to do this job to preserve their religion and freedom both, which later became their hereditary caste. The leather-workers caste chamar or Jataw were also needed to fulfill the needs of shoes etc for the Muslim army. Consumption of beef by large Muslims in India must have generated enough cow-leather for making shoes etc. It may be noted that Hindus generally used canvas, wooden or flax foot-wears. Before conversion into chamar, members of this caste possibly pursued midwifery, pediatrics and surgery. This can be suggested because the alternative name of the caste Jatawa is derived from Sanskrit jataka which means new-born, and even today wives of chamars perform the delivery and minister the umbilicus-cutting samsakara of the new born of all castes in the rural area.

Mobility of One Caste into Another

At a lower plane Sadgope of Bengal were Yadavas who established themselves as Rajas in Gopphum in the 17th century. The Rajas of Amragarh, Valki, Dignagar, Kanksa, Karnagarh, Balrampur and Narayanagarh were Sadgopes during 16th to 18th century. (Anjali Chatterji, p. 213). The Bhumija families of Purulia, who were again from lower castes, established control over tracts of districts in Purulia, Birbhum, Bankura, Hoogly, Midnapore and became taraf sardar of the area under their control.(Anjali Chatterji, p. 214) Between 13th and 15th centuries a greater number of such pastoralists succeeded in achieving and passing on to their heirs some measure of landed status. Possibly agricultural expansion and demographic growth during the sultanate period helped them to emerge as important local groups. They did not constitute endogamous castes but formed largely open status groups of clans, lineage or even families and individuals some of which were connected to each other by exogamous connubial ties. Inevitably a certain groups identity grew amongst these families and they have been given the name Rajput. Literally meaning of the word is Rajputra but it used to denote various individuals who achieved such status as horse soldiers, troopers, or headman of a village. In course of time it became a generic term for this military or landed class as a whole (Chatterji, Anjali; Aspects of Medieval Society: Gleanings from Contemporary Literature, Sectional Presidents Address, Section I, Medieval India, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 61st (Millennium) Session 2001, p. 204; see also: Habib, Irfan; The Social Distribution of Landed Property in Pre-British India, in ed. R.S. Sharma, Indian Society: Historical Probings. New Delhi, 1974, p. 297.). The result was to foster marriages across state boundaries and in consequence, to build important inter-clan and inter-state links of an effective interest and even of political kind by uniting families, property and dynastic interests. (Chatterjee, Anjali, op. cit., p. 205). During the Medieval age also many castes other than Brahmanical castes were working as priests in many temples throughout India. One such example is Gurava caste of Maharashtra, which although was a lower caste, officiated as temple priest in Maharashtra. According to Alfred Master, Gurava is a shudra employed in the temples of Shiva. (Prachin Marathi Koriv Lekh, Ed. S.G. Tulpule, Pune, 1963, p. 137; also see Ranade, Anuradha K.; Temple

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Priests in Early Marathi Inscriptions, 11-15th Centuries, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 61 (Millennium) session, 2001, p. 434-439) About mobility (movement) of a caste from one level of hierarchy to other, Srinivas writes, It is interesting to note that the mobility of a caste is frequently stated in verna terms rather than in terms of local caste situation. This is partly because each caste has a name and a body of customs and traditions which are peculiar to itself in any local area., and no other caste would be able to take up its name. A few individuals or families may claim to belong to a locally higher caste, but not a whole caste. Even the former event would be difficult as the connections of these individuals or families would be known to all in that area. On the other hand, a local caste would not find it difficult to call itself brahmin, kshatriya or vaishya by suitable prefixes. Thus the Bedas of Mysore would find it difficult to call themselves Okkalingas (Peasants) or Kurubas (Shepherds), but would not have difficulty in calling themselves Valmiki Brahmins. The Smiths of South India long ago, in pre-British times, changed their names to Vishvakarma Brahmins. In British India this tendency received special encouragement during the periodical census enumerations when the low castes changed their names in order to move up in the hierarchy. (Ibid. p. 69).

Not only lower castes or tribes entered the Rajput fold, but Brahmanas also entered into the Rajput fold possibly because of the repeated foreign invasions from the North-west. Firstly, a major part of the influential Brahmanas had adopted political and military career and as time rolled on, they came to be recognized as RajputsDr Dashrath Sharma tells us that the origin of Solankis, the Parmaras, the Guhilas and the Chahamanas was from the Brahmanas. (Nigam, Shyamsunder; Social Change in Rajsthan and Malva, The Journal of the Bihar Puravid Parishad, Vol. XI-XII, Patna, 1987-88, p. 101.) Before 7th century A.D. Malvas, Aulikaras, Arjunayanas, Abhiras (Ahir), Yaudheyas, Nagas, Mauryas, Hunas etc. dominated the scene in political art. But all of a sudden these communities disappeared. It is possible that many of these merged with emerging Rajput caste, although those who could not merge can be traced down to present day OBC castes. (p. 106, Ibid).

DNA Studies of Caste

Vikrant Kumar and his colleagues found that many of the upper castes of the Northeast India, like Rajbanshi, Ahom, Chutiya etc. have descended from Mongoloid tribes of that region.80 Other DNA studies found that the all the Indian castes share same DNAs and their DNAs vary more because of geographical distance rather than because of caste levels. This made clear that division of Indian population in endogamous castes is a recent development hence its effect is not visible at DNA level. Two of the scheduled castes namely Pallan and Paraiyan were compared genetically with two Brahmana castes Iyer and Iyengar, in Tamil Nadu. The results of this study corroborated well with earlier studies and showed that all the four castes studied belonged genetically to the same lineages (Vijaya 2008).81 Analysis of DNAs from 752 individuals belonging to seventeen tribes and four non-tribal groups from all over India by Cordaux et al (2003) revealed that caste and tribal groups of both north and south India are genetically similar with respect to mtDNA variation. 82

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Sawarkar Sharma and others (2005) found that Indo-European speakers and Dravidian speakers of India were both descendants of a deep rooted very old Indian mtDNA lineage. 83 His another work proved tribal origin of many brahmins.84 Same authors (Sharma 2009) in another genetic study found that Brahmin upper castes and Dravidian speakers as well as the tribal people all share the R1a1 haplogroup which was earlier thought to represent Aryan invasion and a marker of Brahmana males. The study proved that such assumptions like Aryan invasion cannot be sustained on the basis of genetic findings; and the Brahmanas as well as the south Indian tribes belong to the same Indian genetic stock. 85 Kivisild et al (2003) discussed how the genetic evidence shows that there is no genetic difference between the tribal and the caste populations of India. The latter conclusion was further supported by Ramana et al (2001), who after comparative genetic study of the tribal and caste populations of Andhra Pradesh demonstrated that no phylogenic genetic difference existed between the tribal and the caste population.86 Kashyap et al (2006) in a large and extensive genetic study comprising 54 castes and tribes spread all over India concluded that their analyses failed to reveal any genetic groups that correlate to language, geography, ethnicity or socio-cultural affiliation of populations. This implies common ancestry of all Indians and only late formation of modern Indian population groups.87 Exactly same conclusion was derived from DNA study of Krithika and colleagues (2009).88 By examination of DNAs of Roma (Gypsies) of Europe, it was found that when the Romas left India about 2000 years back, they did not have caste. However, they have developed into many hierarchical endogamous castes more recently during their stay in Europe.89 On the other hand, examination of DNA of Jews reveals that there is clear evidence of caste system on the Jew DNAs. The Jewish priest caste Cohanim displays different DNA lineage than others.90 The Lemba is a Bantu speaking tribe of Southern Africa. Groups within this tribe claiming decent from Cohen caste have been proven by genetic studies to belong to the Cohen caste of the Jews.91 This distinction is important. Roma also left India, but their ancestry cannot be traced back to any caste of India. That implies that Indian castes are new entities, and did not exist when the Roma left India.

Caste Outside Hindu Society

There have been very few students of human civilizations who had thorough knowledge of ancient sociologies of a large number of civilizations. And those who had such knowledge, found that endogamous, hereditary and often craft exclusive castes had existed universally during ancient times. Comte (1858) wrote: Thus the great system of castes flourished first in Egypt, Chaldcea, and Persia; and it abides in our day in those parts of the East which are least exposed to the contact with the white nations, as in China, Japan, Tibet, Hindostan etc. and from analogous causes, it was found in Mexico and Peru at the time of their conquest. Traces of these causes can be recognized in all instances of indigenous civilization; as in Western Europe, among the Gauls, the Etruscans etc. The primitive influence may be perceived in their various ulterior institutions, and is not entirely effaced in the most

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advanced societies. In short, this system is the universal basis of ancient civilization.92 However, Comte interpreted the early loss of caste from the White races as their inherent racial superiority: though the white races in their season were equally subject to it, with the difference that, from their inherent superiority, or through the influence of more favourable circumstances, they disengaged themselves more rapidly from it. 93 Not only loss of caste discrimination, but an earlier freeing of women and flourishing of science have been considered by the White chauvinists the results of inherent superiority of the White races. However, Comte (and many other authors) failed to note that the caste system was lost from West not because of inherent superiority of the White race, but because of transfer of modernism, rationalism, mathematics and science from India through Arabic channels from eighth century to the sixteenth century, and that became complete only by the end of the sixteenth century. 94 It was this scientific knowledge of Indian origin which caused weakening and finally loss of many social evils which had existed in the European society during the Dark Age of Europe. 95 Moreover, the Indian caste system is different from Jewish, Zoroastrian, Mithra and Egyptian caste systems, because in India, priesthood has never been a monopoply of the pristine caste, whereas it has been so in the caste systems of other religions (mainly Jew, Parsee and Egyptian). Sannyasi is the god-man priest in many cases, and he may have born in any caste, yet he does not belong to any caste.96 Currently most of the recent Hindu god-men/women were born in the lower castes. Often Hindus have a temple at home, and every householder is entitled to do rituals by his own, and thus he is his own priest. The yajnas recommended to be done by every householders five times a day have never involved and can never involve any priest. Then, there are family-gods, which have to be worshipped by the family members and not the priest. Many worships (poojas) and vratas like karawa chauth, tij, jitiya (jivit-putrika vrata), chhath, etc. have to be done by the individual himself (mostly women) without involvement of a priest. Even in the Satyanarayan Puja, the priest who comes, guides the house-husband how to do rituals, and pronounce the mantras, and himself stays back as a professional guide. Hence karta of any puja, havana or yajna is the house-holder himself. In temples too, mahanths and priest from all castes have been employed. Often, many of the castes have their own local temples, and the lower castes often have a priest of their own caste in their temples. Thus priest-caste is not essential in Hinduism. Even during the Vedic times, all the famous brahmanas known to us were great scholars and teachers, but none was a temple-priest, say for example Dronacharya, Kripacharya, Parashurama, Aryabhata, Brahmagupta, Bhaskara, etc. On the other hand, it has been proven by many authentic researchers that India had no caste system during the ancient period, when she was the world leader in mathematics, science and rationalism, --the Indian golden age-- and that the caste system erupted in India only after the Muslim invaders destroyed modern sciences and rationalism from India (vide infra), plunging

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this nation into a dark age, wherein soon illiteracy, poverty, caste, superstitions, subjugation of women, sati, female infanticide etc emerged as ignorance grew within the masses.

Caste System in Europe

Caste is a word which in most minds is most strongly connected with Hindu social order, wrote A. L. Basham, while noting that this practice did not exist in the ancient India. 97 A study of writings by early twentieth century sociologists makes it obvious that the caste system was deeply rooted in European customs and laws until 200 years back. But tactfully this fact was suppressed by most of the later authors, and the caste system was projected on exclusively to India. John Oman Campbells Readings in European Caste System The unjustifiable treatment and bullying of Hinduism in name of caste system was criticized a hundred years back by John Campbell Oman, 98 who was a professor of social sciences at Government College, Lahore at the end of the nineteenth century. He wrote, No little amused wonder and supercilious criticism on the part of Europeans has been aroused by the caste system of India, which has generally been regarded as an absurd, unhealthy, social phenomenon, without parallel elsewhere but caste prejudices, and institutions based on such prejudices, are not wholly absent from social life outside India, even in the highly civilized states of the western World. And a little consideration of such indications of caste feelings will help us account in some measure for the more salient characteristic of the Indian system, or at any rate serve to clear our minds of certain unfounded prejudices and offensive cantbut it is nevertheless undeniable that, even in Europe, certain genuine hereditary caste distinctions have at various times been maintained by law, and are to be found there at the present day. One much derided peculiarity of the Hindu caste system is the hereditary character of trade and occupations, and in this connection it is interesting to recall to mind that at certain epochs the law in Europe has compelled men to keep, generation after generation, to the calling of their fathers without the option of change. (Oman, J. C.; pp. 63-64). ..in England an ancient enactment required all men who at any time took up the calling of coal-mining or drysalting, to keep to those occupations for life, and enjoined that their children should also follow the same employment. This law was only repealed by statutes passed in the 15th and 39th years of the reign of George III; that is in the lifetime of the fathers of many men who are with us today. A more striking European example of a compulsory hereditary calling, common enough in the Middle Ages and down to the last century in Russia, is that of the serfs bound to the soil from generation to generation. Then again there existed through long periods of European history, the institution of hereditary slavery, with all its abominations. (Oman, p. 65) A further study of European social history will reveal more of details how an extremely tyrannical and rigid caste system was operative in Europe with legal sanction, which of course functioned under the theocratic rule of Church.

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Rosses Readings in European Caste System Edward Alsworth Ross (Principles of Sociology, 1920 Ed.99 and 1922 Ed.) gives a detailed account of rigid and strict caste system of Europe, which lasted till the beginning of the nineteenth century. Ross noted that Europe had a strict caste system during the Roman Empire period, however, it had not been brought to Europe by the Roman conquests, but it was a product of forces within the European society (Ross, 1922, p. 322). Thus the Europeans of the Middle Ages lived in their caste rather than in their people Something of this spirit has lived on in Poland. (Ross, 1922, p. 359). 100 The tendency of the later empire was to stereotype society by compelling men to follow the occupation of their fathers, and preventing a free circulation among different callings and grades of life. The man who brought the grain of Africa to the public stores of Ostia, the labour who made it into loaves for distribution, the butchers who brought pigs from Samnium, Lucania or Bruttium, the purveyors of wine and oil, the men who fed the furnaces of the public baths, were bound to their calling from one generation to another Every avenue of escape was closed Men were not allowed to marry out of their guild Not even a dispensation obtained by some means from the imperial chancery, not even the power of the Church could avail to break the bond of servitude. (Dill, p. 194, quoted by Ross, 1920, p. 322).101

In Prussia, not only men, but land too belonged to castes, and land belonging to a higher caste could not be purchased by individual belonging to a caste lower than that. This provision was abolished by the Emancipation Edict of 1807 (Ross, 1922, p. 182). Ingrams Readings in European Caste System Oman quoted from Ingram: This organization established in the Roman world a personal and hereditary fixity of professions and situations, which was not very far removed from the caste system of the EastMembers of the administrative service were, in general, absolutely bound to their employments; they could not choose their wives or marry their daughters outside of the collegia to which they respectively belonged, and they transmitted their obligations to their children In municipalities the curiales, or the members of the local senates, were bound, with special strictness, to their places and their functions, which often involved large personal expenditure Their families, too, were bound to remain; they were attached by the law to the collegia or other bodies to which they belonged. The soldier, procured for army by conscription, served as long as his age fitted him for his duties, and their sons were bound to similar service. (Ingram, p. 75) In a constitution of Constantine (A.D. 332) the colonus is recognized as permanently attached to the land. If he abandoned his holding, he was brought back and punished; and anyone who received him had not only to restore him but to pay a penalty. He could not marry out of the domain; if he took for wife a colona of another proprietor, she was restored to her original locality, and the offspring of the union were divided between the estates. The children of a colonus were fixed in the same status, and could not quit the property to which they belonged. (Ingram, p. 78, quoted in Oman, J. C., p. 64).102

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Max Webers Comparison of Hindu Caste and Untouchability with European Hereditary Guilds Max Weber found that the Vedic Indian society did not have anything like medieval European, or later Indian caste: Perhaps the most important gap in the ancient Veda is its lack of any reference to caste. The (Rig-) Veda refers to the four later caste names in only one place, which is considered a very late passage; nowhere does it refer to the substantive content of the caste order in the meaning which it later assumed and which is characteristic only of Hinduism.103 Max Weber was able to find similarities between modern Hindu castes and pre-modern European guilds. He wrote: In this case, castes are in the same position as merchant and craft guilds, sibs, and all sorts of associations. 'Guilds' of merchants, and of traders figuring as merchants by selling their own produce, as well as 'craft-guilds,' existed in India during the period of the development of cities and especially during the period in which the great salvation religions originated. As we shall see, the salvation religions and the guilds were related. The guilds usually emerged within the cities, but occasionally they emerged outside of the cities, survivals of these being still in existence. During the period of the flowering of the cities, the position of the guilds was quite comparable to the position guilds occupied in the cities of the medieval Occident. The guild association (the mahajan, literally, the same as popolo grasso104) faced on the one hand the prince, and on the other the economically dependent artisans. These relations were about the same as those faced by the great guilds of literati and of merchants with the lower craft-guilds (popolo minuto105) of the Occident. In the same way, associations of lower craft guilds existed in India (the panch). Moreover, the liturgical guild of Egyptian and late Roman character was perhaps not entirely lacking in the emerging patrimonial states of India. The merchant and craft guilds of the Occident cultivated religious interests as did the castes. In connection with these interests, questions of social rank also played a considerable role among guilds. Which rank order the guilds should follow, for instance, during processions, was a question occasionally fought over more stubbornly than questions of economic interest. Furthermore, in a 'closed' guild, that is, one with a numerically fixed quota of income opportunities, the position of the master was hereditary. There were also quasi-guild associations and associations derived from guilds in which the right to membership was acquired in hereditary succession. In late Antiquity, membership in the liturgical guilds was even a compulsory and hereditary obligation in the way of a glebae adscriptio, which bound the peasant to the soil. Finally, there were also in the medieval Occident 'opprobrious' trades, which were religiously declasse; these correspond to the 'unclean' castes of India. The merchant and craft guilds of the Middle Ages acknowledged no ritual barriers whatsoever between the individual guilds and artisans, apart from the aforementioned small stratum of people engaged in opprobrious trades. Pariah peoples and pariah workers (for example, the knacker and hangman), by virtue of their special positions, come sociologically close to the unclean castes of India.

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Furthermore, caste is essentially hereditary. This hereditary character was not, and is not, merely the result of monopolizing and restricting the earning opportunities to a definite maximum quota, as was the case among the absolutely closed guilds of the Occident, which at no time were numerically predominant. Let us now consider the Occident. In his letter to the Galatians (11:12, 13 ff.) Paul reproaches Peter for having eaten in Antioch with the Gentiles and for having wthdrawn and separated himself afterwards, under the influence of the Jerusalemites. 'And the other Jews dissembled likewise with him.' That the reproach of dissimulation made to this very apostle has not been effaced shows perhaps just as clearly as does the occurrence itself the tremendous importance this event had for the early Christians. Indeed, this shattering of the ritual barriers against commensalism meant a shattering of the voluntary Ghetto, which in its effects is far more incisive than any compulsory Ghetto. It meant to shatter the situation of Jewry as a pariah people, a situation that was ritually imposed upon this people. For the Christians it meant the origin of Christian 'freedom,' which Paul again and again celebrated triumphantly; for this freedom meant the universalism of Paul's mission, which cut across nations and status groups. The elimination of all ritual barriers of birth for the community of the eucharists, as realized in Antioch, was, in connection with the religious preconditions, the hour of conception for the Occidental 'citizenry.' By its solidarity, the association of Indian guilds, the mahajan, was a force which the princes had to take very much into account. It was said: 'The prince must recognize what the guilds do to the people, whether it is merciful or cruel.' The guilds acquired privileges from the princes for loans of money, which are reminiscent of our medieval conditions. The shreshti (elders) of the guilds belonged to the mightiest notables and ranked equally with the warrior and the priest nobility of their time.

Thus a review of works of Oman, Ross, Dill, Ingram and Weber is enough to prove that the caste system existed in Europe throughout most of its history. On the other hand, we find that the caste system has a history of less than 1000 years in India.

Caste in Buddhist countries

We find untouchable castes Barakumin in Japan and Baekjeong106 in Korea till today. In Korea earliest history, dating back to Goryeo period (918 onwards) shows presence of untouchable castes gorisuchae, divided into two groups hwachae and suchae, in the society. They have to live outside village. By fifteenth century, these untouchables were forced by law to live in ghettoes. 107 They later came to be known as Baekjeong. 108 Cheonmin was the lowest caste just above the Baekjeong. This caste too was often treated like untouchables, although the members were allowed to live within the village. The aristocratic class Yangban was composed of two castes, munban (scholarly caste) and muban (martial caste). Japan too had a highly discriminatory caste system since pre-Buddhist (Shinto) period which was formally abolished by Meizi in 1871. Earliest records of Japanese caste system are available from the seventh century. The caste system entered Japanese Buddhism when

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Buddhism arrived into Japan. In this caste system, Samurai were the marshal caste, holding official and feudal positions. Burakumin were the untouchables. In fact the word Burakumin (meaning hamlet people) was substituted as a more benign word for eta (meaning full of filth) after the caste system had been abolished.109 However, authors note that caste still pervades the consciousness and all aspect of lives of the Japanese people, although explicitly denied.110 China too had a custom of hereditary and endogamous system of priests, nobility, and craftsmen which constituted a caste system. 111 This custom was abolished after revolution of 1912. However, there are many ethnicities in China, which are endogamous and interact with each other as castes even today, although the Chinese government recognizes only 56 of them and calls them nationalities. The largest ethnicity Han (92% of total population) is itself divided into castes called minxi or zuqun (lineages). Each Han minx has retained the memory of its original district of origin, and sometimes even dielects too. Examples are Hakka, Hoklo, Cantonese, Putian, Teochew, Shanghainese, Wenzhou etc. Han Chinese society has not been studied so far. Yet hereditary occupational guilds having features of rigid caste were noted by Comte. 112 In Thailand we get a caste system among the Buddhists in which a Brahmana caste has been maintained to perform essential Vedic samskaras to the Thai Buddhists.113 Brahmana word is used in the Thai Royal Court, but in rural Thai dialects this caste is called phaam or phraam. In Sri Lanka, we find a highly discriminatory caste system and untouchability. Veenhoven wrote, Caste was the basis of social stratification in ancient Sri Lanka It is doubtful if Sinhalese society was ever actually organized on the basis of the fourfold varna hierarchy of Indian society From the very beginning there were castes in Sinhalese society which did not resemble Indian castes or sub-castes. Moreover there was, and is even today, an untouchable caste Rodi or Gadi in Sri Lankan Buddhist society. 114 Even today the dominant landlord caste Goyigama is very powerful caste of Sri Lanka. Honour killing of a lower caste male is executed if he loves an upper caste lady.

Caste System in Zoroastrianism and Iran

We find a caste system in Zoroastrianism even today, in which priesthood is reserved for the Dastur, Mobad and Harbad castes, hierarchically placed in that order for different specialized priestly functions. Magi was the ancient Zoroastrian head-priestly caste, after which the word magic has been derived. The Parsee priests practice extreme of untouchability in which they do not touch any one from any other religion or other castes from their own religion. 115 AlBiruni mentions how caste system originated in Iran, however, antiquity of caste in Iran is much older than what he says: The kings of antiquity, who were industriously devoted to the duties of their office, spent most of their care on division of their subjects into different classes and orders, which they tried to preserve from intermixture and disorder. Therefore they forbade people of different classes to have intercourse with each other and laid upon each class a particular kind of work or art and handicraft. They did not allow anybody to transgress the limits of his class, and even punish those who would not be content with their class.

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All this is well illustrated by the history of the ancient Chosroes (Khusrau), for they had created great institutions of this kind, which could not be broken through by the special merits of any individual nor by bribery. When Ardashir ben Babak restored the Persian empire, he also restored the classes or castes of the population in the following way:-The first class were the nights and princes. The second class the monks, the fire-priests, and the lawyers. The third class the physicians, astronomers, and other men of science. The fourth class the husbandmen and artisans. And within these classes there were subdivisions, distinct from each other, like the species within the genus. All institutions of this kind are like a pedigree, as long as their origin is remembered; but once their origin has been forgotten, they become, as it were, the stable property of the whole nation, nobody anymore questioning its origin. (Sachau:65-66). The Ardasir Ben Babak of al-Biruni should be Ardashir I (also spelled Ardeshir; A.D. 226241), the founder of the Sassanid dynasty, who was son of Sassan and grandson (daughters son) of king Papak (Babak in Arabic). In this dynasty, there were three emperors named Khusrau (or Khusro). The most celebrated of them Khusro I reigned from 531 to 579 A.D. Khusro II reigned Iran from 591 to 628 A.D. and Khusro III from 630 to 632 A.D. The Sassanid rulers of Iran mainly followed Zoroastrianism. Al-Biruni thus informs us as to how caste system took an official, rigid form in Iran in the third century A.D. during the Sassanid period. During the reign of Darius (522-486 BCE), the Magi, the official priest of the Achaemenian kings became akin to a caste and these guardians of the flame ripened into authenticators of truth.116 (Mackay:29). The Magi became the universal priestly caste of Iran and officiated at all religious functions, Zoroastrian or otherwise.117 (Roberts:276.). Later, even during the Hellenistic and Roman periods of Europe, we find the use of word Magi for the priests of the Mithraic religion, which surged back during late Hellenistic and Roman periods. 118 The wise men of East (astrologers) coming to bless the infant Jesus were, as most believe, Magi priests. (Matthew, 2.1-12, New Testament, The Holy Bible). Thus we find that caste system was much older than the Sassanid Empire in Iran.

Caste in South Asian Muslims

The Central Asian tribes migrating to Iran retained their ethnic identities and endogamy in a country where there already existed a hereditary hierarchical endogamous caste system. Hierarchical social stratifications based on birth now converted each ethnic group into a caste. Thus each Central Asian ethnicity or sub-ethnicity became a caste in Iran and Afghanistan. Those who got good political positions attained higher social status, but remained relegate to a social class lower than that of Arabs and Persians. Arabs occupied the highest social status. Half-Arab were still superior to non-Arabs. (Mackay:54). Umayyad rulers continued to keep non-Arabs in the category of lower caste aliens. (Mackay:56). Safavid rulers forcefully

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maintained the traditional social pyramid. (Ibid:101). In this system, peasants and menial labours were left at the bottom of the social structure. (Ibid:129). The highly Persianized central Asian tribes invading India to rule believed in the theory of superiority and inferiority on the basis of blood and took pride in their ancestry. This was a new trend for India, where so far status was determined by education, ability, work (karma) and virtues and not on heredity. Thus, while we know nothing about the ancestors of majority of the great emperors and dynasty builder kings of ancient India like Chandragupta Maurya, Chandragupta (Gupta emperor), Harsha or even Pritviraj Chouhan, we are aware that Babur belonged to the Chugtai tribe of Turks and had Mongol blood from maternal side hence he was called Mughal (a corrupt version of word Mongol). Thus there were Khalji Turks, Ilbari Turks, Seljuk Turk, Chughtai Turk, Tajik, Ujbek, Hazra, Tughluq and many more Turk and Central Asian tribes which came to Afghanistan and later also to India from Afghanistan. By this time Afghanistan had thoroughly transformed into a multi-ethnic Muslim society thoroughly fragmented under the Central Asian and Iranian pattern, with hundreds of castes and ethnic groups. Afghanistan had, apart from Turk and Central Asian tribes, its own tribes practicing endogamy by now. Some larger castes of Afghanistan at this time included Lodhi, Suri, Ghalzay, Khan, etc. Apart from these there were hundreds of smaller endogamous castes in Afghnistan like Karzai, Sherzai, Ahmadinezai etc. Some of the caste names of Afghanistan, like Suri and Lodhi (or Lodh) are found among the North Indian Hindus also during the medieval period, which were not heard of prior to Muslim invasions from Afghanistan. There were political reasons for propagation and maintaining ethnic identities in this region (Iran, Afghanistan, Central Asia and Turkey) at that time. The political power was very unstable regionally and provincially and was full of conspiracies, cut-throats, coups and power games. Each new ruler tried to buttress his foot-hold by appointing people from his own ethnic tribe or caste around him. Blood is thicker than water seems to be central political principle at this time in the region. In a multi-ethnic political nation, individual loyalties mostly hovered round their own people and others could only be seen with suspicion and mistrust. Trend of ascribing caste (zat) to everyone became so strong that even the liberated slaves were placed in a slave (Ghulam) caste. Thus India got a Slave-Dynasty because the emperors ancestors were liberated slave, hence he belonged to the slave caste.

Caste in Muslim countries

The societies of the Muslim countries are not known to the outside world. They lie inside the iron-curtain. Yet from accounts of the few authors who have written about the Muslim contries, we gather that there are castes in the Arabic speaking countries too. Often caste is called qabila. Khadem (or, Akhdem) in Yemen is an untouchable caste. 119 These are the people of the suq, i.e. townspeople engaged in a number of disvalued occupations which have different names in different parts of Yemen. Regardless of the name, their low positions in the hierarchies remain fairly constant. The important thing in Yemeni eyes is that they have no honourable descent Occupations included in this category are the butchers (Jazzara), the barbers (Muzayyen) who performs such roles as circumcision, the potters, weavers; bath attendants (Hammami), Gisham (vegetable growers and peddlers), Khadem (servants) and semi-nomadic public criers (Dawshan). The inferior groups generally can marry among

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themselves, but not outside this low status group of occupations.120 Stiansen and Kevane note Zayadiyya, Hamar, Dagu, Tungur, Ghodiat, Toman, Birged, Bedayria, Tumbab, Jawama, etc many tribes in Sudan, which are in fact functional castes, without occupationality.121

Jew Caste System

Caste System in Judaism: Caste system in the Middle East also existed in almost all the nations of the Middle East and Egypt. The Holy Bible (Old Testament) contains details of religious laws which regulated social practices of the Jews (and later also Christians to a great extent). There were twelve hereditary endogamous castes of the Jews. Today only three castesthe Cohanim, the Levites and the Yisrosurvive. Jews came to India about two thousand years back. Since then they have maintained the caste system. Although we do not have very old records, the records available since the eleventh century clearly mention that the Cochin Jews practiced caste system and till date they do follow the caste system. 122 The modern hereditary and largely endogamous classes of Jews viz. Sephardic and Ashkenazim (and several smaller others), although structurally and functionally satisfy the definition of caste, are not traditionally recognized castes of the Jews and are identified as geographical ethnic divisions of Jews which have some differences in religious practices also. Each of such ethnic divisions has its own three castes. All the ethnic divisions of Jews have their own Cohen or priestly caste. The Cohanim or Cohen, the priestly caste of the Jews, was descendant of Aron, brother of Moses. Only a Cohen can be a Rabbi. The Holy Bible enjoins all other Jews to pay tributes to the Cohen caste: And thou shalt gird them with girdles, Aaron and his sons, and put the bonnets on them: and the priests office shall be theirs for a perpetual statute: and thou shalt consecrate Aaron and his sons. (Exodus, 29.9; The Holy Bible). The Cohen or the priest caste had many privileges as it was the supreme caste of the Jews. They also had supreme administrative and judicial powers: and every dedicated thing in Israel shall be theirs. (Ezekiel,44.29). and the first of all the firstfruits of all things, and every oblation of all, of every sort of your oblations, shall be the priests: ye shall also give unto the priest the first of your dough, that he may cause the blessing to rest in thine house. (Ezekiel, 44.30). The holy portion of land be for the priests the ministers of the sanctuary, which shall come near to minister unto the Lord. (Ezekiel, 45.4). And in controversy they shall stand in judgment; and they shall judge it according to my judgments: and they shall keep my laws and my statutes in all my assemblies; and they shall hallow my Sabbaths. (Ezekiel, 44.24). The Biblical priest was not like the poor Vedic brahmana. He could enforce whatever he wanted. He became custodian of the religious law, which was often harsh and cruel. The punishment for a disobedient son was, And they shall say unto the elders of his city, This our son is stubborn and rebellious, he will not obey our voice; he is a glutton, and a drunkard.

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And all the men of city shall stone him with stones, that he die; so that thou put evil away from among you; and all Israel shall hear and fear. (Deuteronomy, 21.20-21). An unchaste woman would be put to death by orders of the priests. , the adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be put to death. (Leviticus, 20.10). If a man be found lying with a woman married to an husband, then they shall both of them die, both the man that lay with the woman, and the woman: so shalt thou put away evil from Israel. (Deuteronomy, 22.22). Punishment for an unmarried girl having sex was death. If virginity (flow of blood at first intercourse) was not found after marriage of a girl, punishment was death. The in-laws of the girl shall bring out the damsel to the door of her fathers house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones that she dies. (Deuteronomy, 22.21). The priests duty was to order for the execution of witches also, Thou shalt not suffer a witch to live. (Exodus, 22.18). In Hinduism, neither such laws existed nor ever any priest being empowered to take justice in his hands. Justice remained a subject of the secular state in India till the end of Hindu period. Privilege enjoyed by a Hindu priest is limited up to his professional services given to his clients. And people are free to select their priest for religious rituals. Judaism prescribed various functions to various castes which no one could violate. The book of Genesis details the origins of various lineages and castes. It says Canaan was a servant of servants: And he said, Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall be unto his brethren. (Genesis, 9.25). Judaism followed a harsh caste-untouchability. The untouchables among the Jews were not even allowed to call themselves Jews. They could not enter the Sabbath and could not join prayers: An Ammonite or Mo-ab-ite shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to their tenth generation shall they not enter into the congregation of the Lord for ever. (Deuteronomy, 23.3). A bastard shall not enter into the congregation of the Lord; even to his tenth generation shall he not enter into the congregation of the Lord. (Deuteronomy, 23.2). A couple who did sex during menstruation was also excommunicated from society and made an untouchable: Those who do sex during menstruation, both of them shall be cut off from their people. (Leviticus, 20.18). An excommunicated untouchable could be asked to cook food on human excreta: And though shalt eat it as barley cakes, and thou shalt bake it with dung that cometh out of man, in their sight. (Ezekiel, 4.12; The Holy Bible). Judaism paid extreme importance to purity of blood and maintaining a pure pedigree. Hence no inter-caste marriage was allowed. Regular censuses were done to ascertain the purity of lineages (Ezra, 2.36; Nehemiah, 7.39). The Jews were to marry within their respective castes (endogamy) and any Cohen who married outside his caste lost priestly caste and status: These sought their register among those that were reckoned by geneology, but it was not found: therefore were they, as polluted, put from the priesthood. (Nehemiah, 7.64).

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Rule of endogamy was enforced on to the non-priestly casts as well, because polluted blood was not acceptable to God; acts of exogamy were punishable, sometimes by death: We have trespassed against our God, and have taken strange wives of the people of the land: yet now there is hope in Israel concerning this thing. (Ezra, 10.2) And Ezra, the priest stood up, and said unto them, Ye have transgressed, and have taken strange wives, to increase the trespass of Israel. (Ezra, 10. 10) And they made an end with all the men that had taken strange wives by the first day of the first month. (Ezra, 10.17). Excommunication of individuals and often the whole group or the whole village led to formation of outcastes in the Jews. Most of such outcastes were also made untouchables. In the eyes of the non-Jews, such people were low caste Jews or untouchable Jews, but the caste Jews considered the outcaste people to be not Jews at all. Today because of liberalization associated with modernization, the two groups are called the Zionist Upper Castes and the Non-Zionist Lower Castes respectively. Thus today, Samaritan is an untouchable Non-Zionist lower caste Jew, which lives in and around Palestine (Israel) and which consider themselves spiritually so impure that an elderly orthodox Samaritan would not even touch a lamp or electric switch and ask his neighbor to switch on the lights of his home every evening. The New Testament account of Samaritan lady also clearly shows that she did not consider herself a Jew as she was an untouchable. When Jesus asked water from a Samaritan lady, she said: How is it that thou, being a Jew, askest drink of me which am a woman of Samaria? For the Jews have no dealings with Samaritans. (John, 4.9). However, recent DNA studies of the Samaritan caste shows that they too had descended from the priestly caste Cohen, separating from the main lineage about 3000 years back.123 That means they must have been out-casted for some mistake done very early in history. It will not be out of context to note here that the words caste Hindu and non-caste Hindu much used in print media is a direct borrowing by the authors from the Jewish system.

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Steingass, F.J., A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary. Stiansen, Endre and Kevane, Michael, Kordofan invaded: Peripheral incorporation and social transformation in Islamic Africa, Brill, 1998. Stuart, H. A., Caste and Dravidians, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), op. cit. Supreme Court Judgment, Indira Schawney Case, AIR 1993, SC. Taittiriya Brahmana, 3.12.9. Taittiriya Samhita, 4.5.4.2, lines 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. This section of the Krishna Yajurveda (Taittiriya Samhita), fourth Vaishvedeva Kanda, pancham prapaatha is also called the Shri Rudra Prashna Stotra. Tambiah, Stanley J., Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand, University Press, 1070. Thapar, Romila, A History of India, Vol 1, Penguin Books, London, 1990; First published 1966. Thapar, Romila; The Penguin History of Early India from the Origins to AD 1300, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, reprint 2003, First Published 2002. Thomas, M.G. et al, Origins of Old Testament Priests, Nature 1998, 394(6689): 130-140. Thomas, M.G. et al., Y Chromosomes Traveling South: The Cohen Model Haplotype and the Origins of the Lembathe Black Jews of Southern Africa, Am. J. Hum. Genet., 66:674-687, 2000. Vasant, Suresh, Dipankara Buddha at Ajanta, Mitra, Debala and Bhattacharya, G. (Eds.), Akshayanivi, Sri Satguru Publications, 1991. Veenhoven, W.A., Case studies on human rights and fundamental freedoms: A world survey, vol 3, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1977. Vidyarthi, L.P., Rise of Anthropology in India: A social science orientation, vol 1, Concept Publishing Company, 1979. Vijaya M. et al, Genetic study of Scheduled Caste populations of Tamil Nadu, Journal of Genetics, Springer India 2008 Aug., 87(2): 171-76. von Furer-Haimendorf, Christoph, Tribes of India: The Struggle of Survival, University of California Press, 1982, p. 215. Weber, Max, India: The Brahman and the castes, in Weber, Gerth, and Turner, (Eds.), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991. First published in 1921 in German as Part 3, Chapter 4 of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. English translation by Girth, H. H. and Mills, C. W., as Class, Status, Party, pp. 180195 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1941, 1958. Weeratunge, Nireka, Aspects of Ethnicity and Gender among the Rodi of Sri Lanka, A study prepared for the International Centre of Ethnic Studies, Colombo, 1988. Wong, D.A., Sounding the Center: History and Aesthetics in Thai Buddhist Performance, University of Chicago Press, 2001. Yeatts, N. W.M, Depressed Castes, with reference to Madras, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), op. cit, p. 192, 190; (an extract from the Census of India 1931, Madras, Part 1, Report, pp. 332-3 and 342-6). Zoossmann-Diskin, Avshalom, Are today's Jewish priests descended from the old ones? Journal of Comparative Human Biology 2001, 51(2-3):156162.

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REFERENCES Kroeber, L., Caste, in Encyclopaedia of the Social Sciences, ed.-in-chief, Edwin R. A. Seligman, Macmillan, New York, 1930, III, 254-57. 2 Supreme Court Judgment, Indira Schawney Case, AIR 1993, SC p. 483 & p.553. 3 Bose, N. K., Culture and Society in India, Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1967, p. 4. (First Published 4 Weber, Max, Gerth, H. H. and Turner, B. S., India: The Brahman and the castes, in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, op. cit., p. 396, opening paragraph.. Weber, Max et al, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991, p. 398-9 5 In Bangladesh, National Parliament is called Jatiya Songsad. 6 Kumar, B. B., The Tribe Caste Continuum, Dialogue (A Quarterly Journal of Astha Bharati), JulySept. 1999, volume 1, Number 1. Also, Kumar, B.B.; The Tribal Societies of India, Omsons Publishers, India, 1999, pp. 1-2. 7 Steingass, F.J., A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary, p. 556. 8 Raverty, H.G., A Dictionary of the Pukhto, Pushto, pp. 492, 91. 9 Steingass, p. 167. 10 Speech delivered by Dr. Ambedkar on May 9, 1916 at the Columbia University of New York, U.S.A. on the subject Castes in India; Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development (The speech was published in Indian Antiquary, May 1917Vol. XLI). Quoted by the Supreme Court of India in AIR, 1993 SC p. 549-550, para 76 of the Indira Shawhney Judgment. 11 kSullaka means poor, low, vile, distressed, abandoned. 12 mahadbhaya means those who are always in great fear of (the rich people), Monier Williams Dictionary. These meanings correspond to the meanings of modern notion of dalit. 13 Taittiriya Samhita, 4.5.4.2, lines 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 and 9. This section of the Krishna Yajurveda (Taittiriya Samhita), fourth Vaishvedeva Kanda, pancham prapaatha is also called the Shri Rudra Prashna Stotra. It may be noted that during modern times people professing these all occupations or formerly associated with them have been considered the lowest castes and many of them were untouchables. Also see, Kunal, Kishore, Dalit Devo Bhava, Publications Division, New Delhi, 2005. 14 taksha, tree-cutter or carpenter. 15 kulAla, potter 16 karmAra, black-smith, artisan. 17 punjishtha, bird-catcher or fisherman. 18 iSu-krit, arrow-maker. 19 dhanvakrit, bow-maker, possibly dhanukh scheduled caste of modern India represents former bow makers 20 Many poor people survived on flesh of dogs. Although they were categorized as chandal during later times, the Yajurveda pays salutations to them. These mantras are binding for all Hindus. 21 Shukla Yajurveda Samhita, 16.27; Griffith, Ralph (translator), The Texts of White Yajurveda. 22 Shukla Yajurveda, 26.2. 23 Shukla Yajurveda, 18.48. 24 Shatapatha Brahmana, 13.6.2.10; See, K. Kunal, 2005, p. 63. 25 Kunal, Kishore, op. cit. 26 Apastamba Dharma Sutra, 2.29.12. 27 Taittiriya Brahmana, 3.12.9. 28 Mahabharata, Shantiparva, 296.28. 29 See Dalit Devo Bhava, by Kishore Kunal, Publications Division, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 2005, p. 2. 30 Monier Williams dictionary gives meaning of vratya as a man of the mendicant or vagrant class , a tramp , out-caste, low or vile person (either a man who has lost caste through non-observance of the ten principal samskaras).
1

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31 32

Griffith, Ralph, Hymns of the Atharva Veda, 1895, at sacred-texts.com. Monier Williams Sanskrit-English Dictionary, p. 1043, see vratya. 33 Shukla Yajurveda, 30.5. 34 Kunal, K., Dalit Devo Bhava, Publications Division, Govt. of India, New Delhi, 2005, dedication page. 35 Basham notes that rathakara was a most respected professional as long as Hindus were governed by the Vedas, yet this occupation became one of untouchable during later times. Basham, p. 145. 36 Singh, Upinder, A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India, Pearson Education India, 2008, p. 187. 37 Mentioned by Jayaswal, K.P., The Hindu Polity, Fifth Ed., The Bangalore Printing and Publishing Co. Ltd, Bangalore, 1978, p. 31, footnote. 38 Nath, Vijay, From Brahmanism to Hinduism: Negotiating the Myth of the Great Tradition, Sectional Presidents address, Section I, Ancient India, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 61st (Millennium) Session 2001, p. 32.
39 40

Chandogya Upanishad, 4.2.2. the adulterer and the adulteress shall surely be put to death. , Leviticus, 20.10, The Holy Bible, Old Testament. Same punishment applied to loss of virginity before marriage: Then they shall bring out the damsel to the door of her fathers house, and the men of her city shall stone her with stones that she dies. Deuteronomy, 22.21, Holy Bible. 41 indro vai brahmaNaH putraH karmaNA kShatriyo.abhavat Mahabharata, Shanti-Parva. Poona Critical Edition, Produced by Muneo Tokunaga, Kyoto, Japan, on internet. 42 Brahmana-vagga, Dhammapada, Chapter 26. Also 294-295. http://www.sacredtexts.com/bud/sbe10/sbe1028.htm 43 Dhammapada, ch. 26, verse 389. Please consult an edition of Dhammapada with original Pali in Roman, because most of the translators are biased, and remove the word brahmana from the translation. 44 Dhammapada, ch. 23, verses 332. Dhammapada: The Buddhas Path of Wisdom, tr. by Acharya Buddharakshita, Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy, Sri Lanka, 1985. See p. 9 of Introduction. 45 See Bhikkhu, Thanissaros tr. of Dhammapada, 332, Buddha Dharma Education Association;l and Max Mullers translation of the Dhammapada, verse 332 at sacred-text.com 46 Vasant, Suresh, Dipankara Buddha at Ajanta, Mitra, Debala and Bhattacharya, G. (Eds.), Akshayanivi, Sri Satguru Publications, 1991, p. 171. 47 Pushpadant, Mahapurana, 5.19.13; quoted in Mishra, J., Social and Economic Conditions under the Imperial Rashtrakutas, Commonwealth Publishers, Delhi, 1992, p. 46. 48 . (Alberunis India, a translation of al-Birunis Tahkikat-ul-Hind, by Edward Sachau, Indialog Publications, New Delhi, 2003, p. 69 49 Basham, op. cit., p. 151. 50 Bano, Shadab; Slave Markets in Medieval India, Published in the Indian History Congress: Proceedings, 61st(Millennium) Session, Kolkata, 2001; pp. 365-373. p.365. 51 We do not know much of history of individual castes. But many castes or exogamous clans of larger castes show features of guilds. For example Bansal, bamboo trader; kansal, trader in bronze; goyal, trader in cows; chawla, trader in rice; kapoor, trader in campher etc. Baidya caste (from Sanskrit, Vaidya; surnames Sen, Sengupta, Dasgupta, Gupta) of Bengal have surely sprung from the guild of the physicians during the medieval times. Max Waber noted great similarity between Indian castes and European trade guilds (Waber: ). 52 Raghuvanshi, V.P.S., Indian Society in the Eighteenth Century, Associated Pub House, New Delhi, 1969, pp. 17-8. Also, Kane, P. V., vol 5, part II, 1266. 53 Thapar, Romila, A History of India, Vol 1, Penguin Books, London, 1990, p. 39. First published 1966. 54 Thapar, Romila; The Penguin History of Early India from the Origins to AD 1300, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 2003, First Published 2002. 55 von Furer-Haimendorf, Christoph, Tribes of India: The Struggle of Survival, University of California Press, 1982, p. 215.

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56 57

Weber, Max et al, From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991, p. 398-9. Gellner, D. N., Resistence and the State: Nepalese Experience, Berghahn Books, 2007, p. 203, 238, 58 Vidyarthi, L. P., Rise of Anthropology in India: A social science orientation, vol 1, Concept Publishing Company, 1979, pp. 45, 49, 441. Also see Bisht, B. S., Tribes of Uttaranchal: A study of education, health, hygiene and nutrition, Gyan Books, 2006, p. 101. 59 Vidyarthi, pp. 440-441. 60 Crooke, W., Natives of Northern India, republished 1996 by Asian Educational Service, p. 88. (First Published 1907). 61 Ibid., p. 76. 62 Crooke, William, The Tribes and Castes of North-Western Provinces and Oudh, Volume 1, Asian Educational Service, New Delhi, 1999, p. xxii (First published, Calcutta, 1896). 63 Downs, T., Rajput Revolt in Southern Mirzapur 1857-58, South Asia, 1992, 15(2): 29-46. This article mentions Kharwar Rajputs of Mirzapur, who participated in revolt. 64 Sadasivan, S. N., A Social History of India, APH Publishing, 2000. p. 241. 65 Lingayata was a religion started by Basava in the South India during Medieval Period. Soon it took shape of a caste. It is a powerful case in Karnataka state of South India. Basham wrote about this phenomenon in the following words: These religions were heterodox, i.e. they did not subscribe to the authorities of Vedas, nor did they accept Brahmanical way of life. 66 Raghuvamshi, 176-182, 187-190. Also see, Deshika Char, S. V., Hinduism and Islam in India: Caste, religion and society from antiquity to early modern times, Markus Wiener Publishers, 1993, p. 64. 67 Dharampal, The Beautiful Tree: Indigenous Indian education in the eighteenth century (vol. III of Collected Writings), Other India Press, Mapusa (Goa), 2000 (First Ed. 1098), p. 39, (p. 27 of web version document no 10932582 of Scribd). 68 (Chatterji, Anjali; Aspects of Medieval Society: Gleanings from Contemporary Literature, Sectional Presidents Address, Section I, Medieval India, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 61 st (Millennium) Session 2001, p.219) 69 (Chatterji, Anjali, p. 220) 70 (Anjali Chatterji, p. 223) 71 ( Basham, p. 151) 72 (Kunal, p. x) 73 Census of India (1901-1931 data) Quoted in Srinivas, M.N., Some Expressions of Caste Mobility, in Srinivas, M.N., Social Change in Modern India, Orient Longmans, 1972 (Indian Ed.), p. 105. First Published University of California Press, 1966. p. 103. Also quoted in Shourie, Arun, Falling Over Backwards, ASA Publications/ Rupa and Co., New Delhi, 2006 (Fifth Impression 2009), p. 38 and p. 40. Hutton, J.H., New Ranks by Castes, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), Caste: Observation of I.C.S. officers and others since 1881, Siddharth Books, Delhi, 2007, p. 186. Census of India 1931, Page 464, 430-31; Elphinstone, M. S., Changes in Caste (with reference to Bombay), in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.) op. cit. p. 211; Yeatts, N. W.M, Depressed Castes, with reference to Madras, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), op. cit, p. 192, 190; (an extract from the Census of India 1931, Madras, Part 1, Report, pp. 3323 and 342-6). 74 Srinivas, MN; Castes in Modern India, op. cit., p. 45 75 Reactions to the Reservations for Other Backward Classes, Volume IV of the Mandal Commissions Report, Chapter I , page 273 of Akalank Publications, New Delhi, reads: sanskritization indicates the phenomenon of backward castes imitating the mores, customs and rituals of the forward castes and laying claim to a forward caste status. When this process was at its height, the census commissions of the British Indian provinces were bedeviled by the plethora of claims to higher caste status. Rizvi writes, The veiling of women was strictly observed by higher class Muslim families, and the Hindus imitated the Muslim governing classes by keeping their women at home. (Rizvi, S.A.A.; The Wonder that was India, Part II, Rupa and Co, New Delhi, 1999. p.202). Also, In the peaceful areas many Hindu zamindars imitated Mughal manners, dress and lifestyle. Some even read Persian poetry. (Ibid. p. 210).

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Crooke, W., Origin of Caste, in Kannupillai, (Ed.), p.202. (An extract from The Tribes and Castes of Northwestern India, vol. I, 1896, pp.XV-XXVI) 77 Nesfield, John C., Cultural Evolution of Indian societyFunction as Foundation of Caste, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), op. cit., p. 139. Also quoted by (The Bhumihars, by S. K. Sinha, Raj Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p. 21 78 Stuart, H. A., Caste and Dravidians, in Kannupillai, V. (Ed.), op. cit., pp. 183-4. 79 Vijay Nath, From Brahmanism to Hinduism: Negotiating the Myth of the Great Tradition, Sectional Presidents address, Section I, Ancient India, Indian History Congress Proceedings, 61st (Millennium) Session 2001, p.33 80 Kumar, V. et al, Genetic heterogeneity in northeastern India: reflection of Tribe-Caste continuum in the genetic structure, Am J Hum Biol, 2004 May-Jun;16(3):334-45. 81 Vijaya M. et al, Genetic study of Scheduled Caste populations of Tamil Nadu, Journal of Genetics, Springer India 2008 Aug., 87(2): 171-76. 82 Cordaux, R. et al, 2004, op. cit. 83 Sharma, S. et al, Human mtDNA hypervariable regions, HVR I and II, hint at deep common maternal founder and subsequent maternal gene flow in Indian population groups, Journal of Human Genetics 2005, 50:497506. 84 Sharma, S. et al, The Autochthonous Origin and a Tribal Link of Indian Brahmins: Evaluation Through Molecular Genetic Markers, American Society of Human Genetics, 57th Annual Meeting, October 2327, 2007, San Diego, California. 85 Sharma, S. et al, The Indian origin of paternal haplogroup R1a1* substantiates the autochthonous origin of Brahmins and the caste system, Journal of Human Genetics 2009, 54: 4755. 86 Ramana, G. V. et al, Y-Chromosome SNP haplotypes suggest evidence of gene flow among caste, tribe and the migrant Siddi populations of Andhra Pradesh, South India, Eur. J. Hum. Genetics 2001, 9: 695-700. 87 Kashyap, V. K. et al., Genetic structure of Indian populations based on fifteen autosomal microsatellite loci, BMC Genet. 2006; 7: 28. doi: 10.1186/1471-2156-7-28. 88 Krithika, S. et al, A microsatellite study to disentangle the ambiguity of linguistic, geographic, ethnic and genetic influences on tribes of India to get a better clarity of the antiquity and peopling of South Asia, Am J Phys Anthropol 2009, 139(4): 533-46. 89 Gresham, D. et al, Origins and divergence of Roma (Gypsies), AJHG 2001, 69(6):1314-1331. 90 Thomas, M.G. et al, Origins of Old Testament Priests, Nature 1998, 394(6689): 130-140. Hammer, Michael F; Doron M Behar and 7 others (2009-08-08). "Extended Y chromosome haplotypes resolve multiple and unique lineages of the Jewish priesthood". Hum Genet (Springer); Clark, David (2002). "Cohanim Modal Haplotype (CMH) finds the Ten Lost Tribes! (among Iraqi Kurds, Hungarians, and Armenians)". Archived from the original on 2005-03-22. http://web.archive.org/web/20050322111222/http://www.geocities.com/hrhdavid/English/frames/inde x.html Zoossmann-Diskin, Avshalom (2001). "Are today's Jewish priests descended from the old ones?". Journal of Comparative Human Biology 51 (2-3): 156162. 91 Thomas, M.G. et al., Y Chromosomes Traveling South: The Cohen Model Haplotype and the Origins of the Lembathe Black Jews of Southern Africa, Am. J. Hum. Genet., 66:674-687, 2000. 92 Comte, August, Positive Philosophy, English translation as The Positive Philosophy of Auguste Comte, freely translated and condensed by Harriet Martineau, Calvin Blanchard (Publishers), New York, 1858, p. 585 (p. 56 of pdf web version of volume 3). 93 Ibid. 94 Duncan, David E., The Calendar, Fourth Estate, London, 1998; also see Priyadarshi, P., Zero is not the Only Story: Origin of modern science in ancient India, India First Foundation, New Delhi, 2007. 95 Priyadarshi, P., Indias Contributions to the West, Standard Publishers India, New Delhi, 2004. 96 jat na poocho sadhu ki, pooch lijiye gyan. 97 Basham, A. L., The wonder that was India, thirty-fifth impression (1999) of the Third Revised Ed. of 1967, Rupa and Co., Bombay, p. 148. 98 Oman, John Campbell, Caste in India, in Brahmanas, Theists and Muslims of India, Republished Kessinger Publishing, 2003, pp. 63, 64. (First published by T. Fisher Unwin, London, 1907).
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Ross, Edward Alsworth, Caste in Later Roman Empire, in The Principles of Sociology, The Century Co., New York, 1920. http://www.archive.org/details/principlesofsoci00ross Ibid. 1922 Ed. at http://books.google.co.in/books?ei=EqXPTb71C8KGrAfcsNDCCg&ct=result&id=yrDKAAAAMAA J&dq=%22The+Rise+of+Gross+Inequalities%22&q=caste 100 ibid, Rise of Gross Inequalities, in The Principles of Sociology, 1922, pp. 326. 101 Dill, Samuel, Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, MacMillan and Co. Ltd., London, 1905. http://www.archive.org/details/romansocietyfro00dillgoog
99 102 103

Ingram, John Kells, A History of Slavery and Serfdom, Adam and Charles Black, 1895. Weber, Max, Gerth, H. H. and Turner, B. S., India: The Brahman and the castes, in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Routledge, 1991, p. 396, opening paragraph. (First published in 1921 in German as Part 3, Chapter 4 of Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft. English translation by Girth, H. H. and Mills, C. W., as Class, Status, Party. Pages 180195 in From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, Oxford Univ. Press, New York, 1941, 1958.) 104 Means big people. 105 Means small people. 106 Books Llc, Korean Caste System: Baekjeong, Yangban, Bone Rank System, Chungin, Nobi, Hopae, Cheonmin, Sangmin, General Books Llc, 2010. 107 See Baekjeong in the Wikipedia. 108 Miller, Frederic P., Vandome, A. F. and McBrewster, John, Caste, VDM Publishing House Ltd., 2010. 109 Smyth, H. H., The Eta: A marginal Japanese caste, in Schuler, E.A. (ed.), Reading in Sociology, Crowell, 1960, p. 357. Also see, De Vos, George A. and Wagatsuma, Hiroshi, Japans Invisible Race: Caste in culture and personality, University of California Press, 1966. 110 Benedict, Ruth, The Chrysanthemum and the Sword: Patterns of Japanese Culture, Houghton, Mifflin, Harcourt, 2005, p. 57. 111 MacNair, Harley Farnsworth, China, University of California Press, 1946, pp. 50, 187, 246. 112 Quoted by Anonymous author, The Christian Examiner, LXIV, First Series, Vol II, 1858, Boston, p. 196. 113 Wong, D.A., Sounding the Center: History and Aesthetics in Thai Buddhist Performance, University of Chicago Press, 2001, p. 83. Also, Tambiah, Stanley J., Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand, University Press, 1070. 114 Veenhoven, W.A., Case studies on human rights and fundamental freedoms: A world survey, vol 3, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1977, p. 108. Weeratunge, Nireka, Aspects of Ethnicity and Gender among the Rodi of Sri Lanka, A study prepared for the International Centre of Ethnic Studies, Colombo, 1988. 115 Boyce, Mary, Zoroastrians: Their religious beliefs and practices, Routledge, 2001, p. 184. 116 Mackay, Sandra; The Iranians: Persia, Islam and the Soul of a Nation, Plume, Penguin Group, New York, 1998. 117 Roberts, Paul William; Journey of the Magi, 1995. 118 Richard M. Frye, The Heritage of Persia, pp. 30, 72-3, 152. 119 Hood, B. M., Supersence: why we believe in unbelievable, HarperOne, 2009, p. 278. 120 Kennedy, John G., (History and Social structure in North Yemen, Chapter II, in) The Flower of Paradise: the institutionalized use of the drug qat in North Yemen, Springer Science and Business, 1987, p. 49. 121 Stiansen, Endre and Kevane, Michael, Kordofan invaded: Peripheral incorporation and social transformation in Islamic Africa, Brill, 1998, p. 105. 122 Katz, Nathan and Goldburg, Ellen, Asceticism and Caste in the Passover Observances of the Cochin Jews, Journal of the American Academy of Religion 1989, 58(1):53-82. 123 Shen, P. et al, Reconstruction of Patrilineages and Matrilineages of Samaritans and Other Israeli Populations From Y-Chromosome and Mitochondrial DNA Sequence Variation, Human Mutation, 2004, 24:248-260.