revenue that might otherwise be directed to the originators of the material” (Keller 2011a, np).Amongst the primary culprits in Keller’s world of barely disguised thievery was the Huffington Postand it’s CEO, Arianna Huffington. Keller followed up with an even blunter comment: “aggregatingthe work of others is no substitute for boots-on-the-ground journalism” (Keller 2011b, np). In her reply to Keller, Huffington chose not to directly address questions of theft, preferring to emphasizeher traditionalist bona fides. “Even before we merged with AOL,” Huffington argued, “HuffPosthad 148 full-time editors, writers, and reporters engaged in the serious, old-fashioned work of traditional journalism” (Huffington 2011, np).Drawing on extensive newsroom fieldwork, semi-structured interviews, and contentanalysis, this paper argues that the primary “jurisdictional conflict” (Abbot 1988; Lewis 2011) in journalism today actually lies between reporting
and
aggregation rather than blogging and journalism. The paper proceeds in three parts. In the first section, I analyze the rhetorical battlebetween aggregators and reporters, as filtered through the lens of a March 2010 FCC hearing onthe future of journalism. During this hearing, FCC commissioners, bloggers, journalismexecutives, and academics sought to draw sharp lines designating exactly where reporting endedand aggregation began. In the second part of the paper I examine the actually existing, messypractices of “aggregation in action,” studying the work routines and informational practices of aggregators as they go about their daily labors. Evidence in this second section seems to castdoubt on the attempts (like those at the hearings in front of the FCC) to draw sharp jurisdictionallines, leading to speculation that journalistic expertise may be a chimera or simply an outcome of rhetorical power games.The final section of the paper dissents from this potentially pessimistic conclusion,arguing that deep-seated divisions between aggregators journalists over the
proper status of digital and analog evidence
point towards more substantive differences between reportorial andaggregative culture, and thus provides a clue as to the shifting nature of journalistic expertise. It ispossible to see expertise as simultaneously
more
than simply the outcome of rhetorical battlesover jurisdiction but also
not simply
the inherent, substantive property of a particular occupationalgroup. Both jurisdiction and expertise, in short, are
networked
phenomena
. They emerge, in the