‫ﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴ ِ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬

‫ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪١٣٨١‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻻﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻋﻘﺎﺑﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻘﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﺍﹰ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ؛‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺪ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺹ ‪٣٢‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻲﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
 ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺨﺮﻩﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﻛﻮﺷﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻏﺎﺻﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﻙ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﺩ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻠﺸﻦ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻱ ﻧﻨﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﻔﺮﻣﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻗﻮﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﻣﺲ ﭘﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻫﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﺭﺑﻼﺳﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺺ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎﻱ »ﺍﻓﺸﺎﮔﺮﺍﻧﻪ«‬
 ‫ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎﹰ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺷﻜﺎﻓﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ...‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ » ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ « ﻭ » ﺍﺻﻼﺡﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ « ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﻃﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺸﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻣﺲ‬
‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ؛ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻳﺄﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺩﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺗﺼﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﺖﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ‬ ‫)ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﺰﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻠﺞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ـ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺁﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺗﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ (.‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ٥٧‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪﺗﺮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ »ﻳﻚ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
 ‫ﺑﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﻐﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ »ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺃﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮒﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫»ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺍﺻﻴﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ »ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ«ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺷﺴﺘﺸﻮﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ »ﻟﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ «‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﻱﺍﻱ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮒ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﻳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﭘﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﻔﺲ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ« ِﻭﺑِﺮ ﻭ »ﻧﻈﺎ ِﻡ ﺩﻳﺪﻩﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ« ﻓﻮﻛﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻬﻦ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺤﹰﺎ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﹰﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺪﻙ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻡ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻤﻦ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﺪﺗﹰﺎ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻇﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬‫ﻧﻘﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﺒﻨﺪﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻘ ﹰ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬

‫ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻨﻲﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﻳﮋﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬
‫ﻑ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻋﻼﻗﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫‪١‬ـ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻃﻴﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﭼﭙﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭼﭗ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺴﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ )ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ( ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﺍﺣﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﻤﻊ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻧﺎﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻋﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻔﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﭘﻨﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻋﺪﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺪﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ‬
‫)ﺣﺎﻛﻢ(‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﺏ« ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺗﺮﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻝ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﻔﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ‪:‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺗﻘﻨﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻬﻴﻪ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﹰﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﺵ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫( ‪ :‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ‪١ checks and Balance System‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ )‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻳﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﻮﺍ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻇﺐ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﹰﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻓﻮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻮﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ‬
 ‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻄﺢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻩﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎﻛﺎﺭ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻔﺎﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕ ِ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻬﻢ ﻭ ﻛﺶﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺘﹰﺎ ﻣﺤﻮﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﺨﻄﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺎﺧﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﻭﺗﻮﻱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺘﺜﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ‬ ‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ـ ﻧﮋﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﺎﻣﺰﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻬﺎ(‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﺾ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ )ﻣﺮﻛﺐ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﻼﻙ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٦‬ـ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻤﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ )ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ( ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺖ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻖ« ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺓ »ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ( ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣ ِﺪ ﻗﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻣ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻠﻒ« ﺩﻭﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪١‬ـ‪٧‬ـ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ـ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ(‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﭘﺎﺭﺍﺩﻭﻛﺴﻴﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﺎﺭﻱ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ( ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻠﻨﹰﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡﺑﺨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ )ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱ( ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺷﺪ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ( ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ـ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻲﻃﺮﻑ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻨﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻖ ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﻖﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻛﺜﺮﺕﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺣ ِ‬
‫ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻲﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﺍﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ‪ -‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺁﻧﺪﻳﻮﻳﺪﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ(‪ .‬ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ« ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻠﻖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻱﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻀﺎﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬
 ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻧﺎﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻲ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻘﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭُﺥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٨-١‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫( ﻭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪minimal-state .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻛﻤﻴﻨﻪ )‬
‫ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﻮﺭﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫‪ -٩-١‬ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - ١٠-١‬ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺶ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﭘﻮﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺎﻓﺘﺔ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻚ ﺗﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺣﻖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ )ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻠﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺒﻴّﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ )ﺟﻬﺎﻧﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ(‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ - ١١-١‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٩٣٣‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺮ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭ ﺻﻠﺢﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ(‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻲ ﺧﻨﺜﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﺓ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻛﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺟﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﻳﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
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‫ﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮﻱ )ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﮔﺎﻧﺔ ﺁﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎ ِ‬
‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ« ﺑﻪ »ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻼﻑ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻜﻨﺪ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ«؛ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ »ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﻖ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﻣﻠﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺪ؟ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﹰﺍ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ »ﺣ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺣﻘﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺘﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﭘﺪﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﺸﺘﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ؟« ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ »ﺣﻖ« ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ(‬
‫ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻳﻚ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٥٦‬ﻭ ‪ ١٣٥٧‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﻋﺪﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲﺍﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ« ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﺔ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ـ ﺳﺮﻟﻮﺣﻪﺍﺵ ‪ -‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺀ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻠﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻜﻨﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﻐﻠﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺸﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰ ﺧﻴﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺵﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﻕ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻲ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲﺍﺵ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ‪» ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪» ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪» .‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻀﺎﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪» ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺠﻌﻴﻢ؟! ﻳﺎ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟ ﺳﻠﻮﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺒﺴﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﺪﻳﻨﻴﻦ‪ ...‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻠﻮ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ« ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺖ‬
‫»ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ«ﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﺳﻞ ﻛﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟« ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺯﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﻛﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﻴﺰﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻫﺴﺖ« ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎ ِﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ِﺮ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ‪» ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ« ﻳﺎ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ« ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ »ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ« ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺵ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪» :‬ﺣﻖ ﻋﻈﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻄﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ‪» ،‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺡ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ...‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ « ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺠﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻃﻼﺏ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ ١٣٥٨/٦/٢٣‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻱ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻜﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ ﺫﺍﺗﹰﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻣﻲ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ »ﺣﻖ« ﻓﻘﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ »ﻭﻻﻳﺖ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻥ »ﻭﻟﻲ« ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ« ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ »ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺰﺍﺀ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ )ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ( ﻳﻚ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻑ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻻ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﻲﺩﺭﻧﮓ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ« ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪» :‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻴﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺗﻤﺴﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺴﻴﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻟﺘﺮﻧﺎﺗﻴﻮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ( ﻛﻪ ﺻﻼﺑﺖ ﻭ ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺗﺔ ﺁﺯﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ«‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻴﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻴﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﻩﮔﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﺍ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﭼﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻨﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﺘﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪.‬‬
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‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻏﺮﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺮﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻃﺮﺣﻲ‬
‫ﻼ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٨٣٥‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺮﻳﻠﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺗﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ )ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﻫﻢ ﻋﺼﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺿﻤﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫»ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ« ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩١٨‬ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٢٠‬ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻠﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻳﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﻫﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻻ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٩٠‬ﻭﺍﺟﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻛﺸﻒ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺑﻲﭘﺎﻳﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪﺱﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﻘﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ؛ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ِﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﺎﺹ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ؛ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ‪) ،‬ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺒﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻟﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﺤﺚ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻧﺔ ﻗﻮﺍ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻟﻲﻓﻘﻴﻪ )ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ( ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؛ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ »ﺣﻖ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﻒ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ )ﻓﺮﺻﺖ( ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺩﻭﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ )ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ؟(‬

‫( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺔ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ـ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ‪ instiutional approach‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺨﺶ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ )‬
‫ﺖ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ـ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴ ِ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻔﻲ ـ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ـ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪﺍﻱ ـ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﻨﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺍﻳﻀﺎﺡ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ـ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ /‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ـ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ؟‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺭﻫﻴﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ )ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎ ِ‬
‫‪٢‬ـ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﭘﺮﻭﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ (.‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﺣﺘﻲ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺯﺩﻭﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﻫﺎﻧﺎ ﺁﺭﻧﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ (.‬ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﺰﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺖﭘﺮﻭﺭﺩﻩﮔﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ )ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺭﻭﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻴﺲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ؛ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﺶ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ـ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ٥٧‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺠﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ )ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ( ﻫﻢ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪٢‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﻋﻘ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺘﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻪ ﻋﻘ ﹰ‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺧﻴﺮ ‪ .‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒ ِﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺸﻒ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ )ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ »ﻛﺸﻒ«ﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ( ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺸﺎﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖﺷﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ( ﺁﻧﻬﻢ‬‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺩﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺘﻲ ؛ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺑﺎ‬
 ‫ﺭﻗﺒﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺎﻣﺴﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ »ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ«‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻏﻴﺮﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻃﻲ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻨﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ...‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ١٧٧‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﹰﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺗﺘﻤﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮﹰﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛ ِﺰ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﻪﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﮔﺎ ِﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨ ِﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳ ِﻊ ﻗﺪﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ؟‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻨﺪ ‪ ١‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻴﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻮﺫ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﺭﻫﺒﺮ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝﻧﻈﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪) .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ(‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫»ﺍﺟﺎﺯﺓ« ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺣﻖ ﺗﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺤﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻼﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ(‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ )ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ( ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﻌﻬﺪﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻏﻴﺮﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
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‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻳﻚ » ﻋﺒﺪ « ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ » ﻣﻮﻻ « ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻮ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻉ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮﹰﺍ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺏ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺼﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻭ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ )ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺼﻮﺍﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺗﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺭﻟﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺐ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺭﺳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻳﻬﺎ )ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﻳﻚ( ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﺻﺪﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺐ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ »ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ«‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻫﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﺮﺍﺋﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠ ِﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻼﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻔﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ‪ ١٨٨‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻏﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﺓ ‪ ١‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺒﺼﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ«‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﻩ ـ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺏﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﭼﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ؟ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻣﻴﺖ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺑﻨﺎﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻛﺎﺫﻳﺐ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻔﺮﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻧﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﻮﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ »ﺩﺭ ﺗﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺍﻫﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻓﻊ ﺍﻓﺴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ »ﺷﺮﺡ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﺭﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻤﻴﺰ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻣﺼﻮﺏ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻜﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺔ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺤﻮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﺪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ »ﺁﺯﺍﺩ« ﻭ »ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ« ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻫﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻅ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ )ﺯﻥ ـ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ـ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻔﻴﺪﭘﻮﺳﺖ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﻩﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‬
‫ﻖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻒ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ )ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻥ( ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣ ِ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ـ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ »ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰﺍﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ« ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺍﺯﻳﻦ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻳﻜﺼﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻫﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ )ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ( ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﻤﻲ‬
‫ﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ )ﺯﻧﺎﻥ( ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﻃﻴﻒ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻒ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ‪» :‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻃﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺘﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻟﺶ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﺪﺭﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺧﺼﻠﺘﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺯﺩ «‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ »ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ« ﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪ« ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺖ؛ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ‬
‫»ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﻤﻴﻨﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻜﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺯﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ‬
‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻛﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻟﻄﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎ ّﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪﺭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎ ّﺭ ﺑﺪﺧﻠﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺟﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﻴﺎﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺷﺮﻭﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻀﺎ ّﺭ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺯﺩﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻼﻋﺎﻡ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺤﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻭ ﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪...‬‬
‫ﺣﺘﻤﹰﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﺰﺋﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﺯﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻼﻕ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻳﻢ ﺯﻧﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻼﻕ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ »ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻛﺘﻚ ﺑﺰﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺿﻊ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻲﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺑﻤﺎ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﷲ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻭ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﻘﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻟﻬﻢ ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺎﻟﺤﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﺘﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻐﻴﺐ ﺑﻤﺎ ﺣﻔﻆﺍﷲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻼﺗﻲ ﺗﺨﺎﻓﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻮﺯﻫﻦ ﻓﻌﻈﻮﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺠﺮﻭﻫﻦ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﻤﻀﺎﺟﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺿﺮﺑﻮﻫﻦ ﻓﺎﻥ ﺍﻃﻌﻨﻜﻢ ﻓﻼﺗﺒﻐﻮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻦ ﺳﺒﻴﻼ )ﻧﺴﺎﺀ‪ (٣٤ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺳﻄﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻘﻪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﭘﺲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﻨﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻋﻈﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺑﮕﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻱ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻧﺸﺪﻧﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ« ﺁﻥ ﻓﺰﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﺗﻲ ﻗﻮﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺷﺪﺍﺋﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺯﻛﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻇﺮﺍﻓﺖ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻔﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺮﻳﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺴﺒﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ «‪» .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺘﻊ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫)ﺩﺭ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮﺕ( ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺸﺖﺳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺘﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﺪ «‪» .‬ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ـ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻗﻮﻱ ﺗﺪﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻒ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓ ـ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﺘﺎﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻮﺍﻃﻔﺸﺎﻥ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ «‪ » .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﺶ ﺩﺭ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻢ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ «‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻃﻠﺐ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﺵ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺎﻟﺖ ﺟﻮﺭﺟﻴﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻋﻮﺍﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ :‬ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺯﻥ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺤﹰﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﺮ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺟﺰﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻚ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺯﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺤﺖﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﻉ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺨﺺ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻃﺮﻓﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺯﻥ ﻣﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺴﻤﺶ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻌﺒﻪﻱ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻮﻫﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻕ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ١٤‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ١٩٩١‬ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻨﺎﻑ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﺪﺕ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻭﺍﻗﻊﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺴﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻭﺻﻒ »ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ‪ ١٩٧٦‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺯﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﻛﺬﺏ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﻃﻲ ﺍﺯ ُﺩﺑُﺮ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﺠﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻡﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﻨﺴﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺯﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻒ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺣﺒﺲ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﺎﺅﻛﻢ ﺣﺮﺙ ﻟﻜﻢ ﻓﺄﺗﻮﺍ ﺣﺮﺛﻜﻢ ﺍﻧﻲ ﺷﺌﺘﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﻻﻧﻔﺴﻜﻢ )ﺑﻘﺮﻩ‪ .(٢٢٣ ،‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎ [ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻢ ] ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﺰﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺗﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺯﺭﺍﻋﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﻏﺬﺍﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺣﻔﻆ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﺗﺨﻢ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺭﺣﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ« »ﺍﻧﻲ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﺵ ﺍﻃﻼﻕ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺯﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺬﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ« »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻃﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﮔﻨﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻏﺬﺍ ﻭ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺨﻮﺍﺑﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‬
‫»ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ« »ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺮ ﺯﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺾ ﻭﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﺖ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ« ‪» .‬ﻭﻃﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺑﺮﺯﻥ ﺣﺎﺋﺾ‬
‫ﻛﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ« ‪» .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ‪ -‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ‪ -‬ﺑﭽﻪ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﺬﺭﻣﻮﺟﻪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻓﺮﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩ ﻓﺮﺍﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺯﻥ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ )ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ( ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ؟ )ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺍﺯ »ﺍﺳﺖ«(‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﺍﻱ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﻤﻜﻴﺶ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻫﻤﻜﻴﺶ(‪ :‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻟﻤﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣّﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﺠﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﻣﻤّﺎ ﻻ ﻣﻨﺎﺹ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻓﻲ ﺍﻟﺠﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻻﺀﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻫﻮ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻦ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﻫﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺘﺒﺮﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﻓﻲ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﻫﻮ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻻ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻟﺬﻣﺔ ﻓﻤﻦ ﻻ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻟﻪ ﻭ ﻻ ﺫﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺣﻖ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ ﻭ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻣﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻤﻌﺖ ﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻤﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺟﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ« )ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣّﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ‬
 ‫ﻖ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮ ﭘﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺑﻜﺸﺎﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻣّﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺛﺒﻮﺕ ﺣ ّ‬
‫ﻻ‬
‫ﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺟﻤﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺫﻣّﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺫﻣّﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣ ّ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ(‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﹼﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻧﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍ ّﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫﻣّﻪ؟ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻳﻦﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﺼﺎﺀ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻌﻲ ﺑﻠﻴﻎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺣ ّ‬
‫ﻖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺫﻣّﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﮔﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺟﺮﺃﺗﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺩّﻋﺎ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻄﺮﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺀ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣ ّ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ـ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺔ ‪ ١٧٧‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﺨﺸﺶ ﻣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﻧﻴﻜﻲ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ .(٤‬ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﭽﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺁﻳﻪ ‪ ١٢‬ﻭ ‪ ١٣‬ﺳﻮﺭﻩ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺟﺰﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﺎﻟ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﻭﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﺑﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺟﺎﻳﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﺮ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ )ﺍﺑﺎﺣﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ( ﻭ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺳﺪ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﻠﻚ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻮﻫﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻃﻔﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻛﻨﻴﺰ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻨﺪﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻋِﺘﻖ ﺷﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ...‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﻲ ﻓﻲﺍﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻼﻙ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ـ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﺷﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ﹼ‬
‫ﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﺰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻤﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺣ ّ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺻِﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻡ ﺗﻠﻘﹼﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍ ّﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺟﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺮﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪّﻱ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺮﻳﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﹼﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫( ﻭ ﻭﻳﻠﻴﺎﻡ ‪Clifford‬ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣُﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﹼﺐ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻔﻮﺭﺩ )‬
‫( ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ‪William James‬ﺟﻴﻤﺰ )‬
‫ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﺫﻫﻦ )ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻴﻠﺒﺮﺕ ﺭﺍﻳﻞ ﻭ ﮔﻠﺪﻣﻦ( ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ )‬
‫( ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ (non-deontelogical.‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﮔﺮﻭﺍﻧﻪ )‪Rpistemic Justification‬‬
‫ﭘﻨﺞ ‪ -‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻲ )ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ :‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺁﻥ )ﻓﻘﻬﺎ( ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻲ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻞﺍﻧﺪ« ﭘﺲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ »ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺻﺎﻟﺢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ « ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺟﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﻭﻟ ّ‬
‫«‪» .‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﻌﻞ )ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ( ﻗﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺻﻐﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺻﻐﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ «‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺁﺫﺭﻱ ﻗﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺘﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻗﻴﻤﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﻲ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺔ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺳﻨﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ «‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻨﺘﻲ ﻋﻀﻮ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ [ ﺁﻝ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ)ﺹ( ] ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﺘﻴﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﺪﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﺵ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻗﻴﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺘﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻗﻴﻢ« ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﻴﻤﻲ )ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ( ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺃﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﺰﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻗﻴﻤﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺛﻼﺛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ‪ ٢٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ‪ ٣٠ ،‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻧﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ »ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ« ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬
‫ﻲ ﺻﻐﻴﺮﺍﻥ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ( ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻭﻟ ِ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
 ‫ﺻﻐﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺠﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻳﺘﻴﻢ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﻟﻲ« ﻳﺎ»ﻗﻴﻢ« ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺣﻖ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﹰﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﺎﻫﻴﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺪﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻛﻦ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ »ﻭﻟﻲ« ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻲﺍﺵ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻻ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ( ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻋﻘﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻓﺴﺦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ« ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬
‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﻭﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻨﺎﺀ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸﻢ )ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻧﺠﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻻﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ‬ ‫»ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﺔ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻻﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺑﺨﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻴﺮﻩ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺲ‬
‫)ﺯﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺩ(‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ )ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ‪ ،(...‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻧﺎﺷﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻌﻀﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻓﻘﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ؛ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ »ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ‬
‫ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻛﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺭﺳﻮﻝ ﺍﻛﺮﻡ )ﺹ( ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺷﺮﻁ« ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ« ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﺼﺒﺎﺡ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻓﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺮ )ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ(‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ )ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺧﻔﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻋﺮﻓﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ )ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺴﺘﻦ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺠﺘﻬﺪ ﺷﺒﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺼﻄﻔﻲ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٢‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﻣﺆﻟﻒ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ »ﻏﺮﺽ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ« ﺭﺍ »ﻣﻤﻜﻦ« ﻭ »ﻣﺠﺎﺯ« ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ؛‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ...‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ‬
‫ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺮﺝ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺝ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ »ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ« ﻫﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ »ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﻭ‬
‫»ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺣﺮﻳﺖ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻧﺎﺯﺩﻭﺩﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ( ﻭ‬
 ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ )ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻧﻲ( ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺧﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻪ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺫﻛﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ »ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ«‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺗﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺁﻥ؟ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ )ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ( ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻧﺶ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻦ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺳﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ )ﻓﻘﻪ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻧﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺒﺖ ﻛﻔﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ )ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺷﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﺒﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﹰﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻘﻠﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺸﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﻓﺸﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻠﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺑﺮﺟﺎﺳﺖ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ )ﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﺔ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺿﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺿﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻋﺮﺿﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﺨﻮﺵ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺿﻲﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺫﺍﺗﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻋﺮﺿﻴﺎﺗﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺟﺰﺀ ﻋﺮﺿﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﻖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻤﺘﻨﻊ‬ ‫»ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻘ ﱢ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍ ِﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍ ِﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺒﺮﺩ« ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻧﮕﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺠﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺍﺭ ﺯﻧﺎﻧﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬‫ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺑﭙﻮﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺯﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﭘﺮﺍﻧﺘﺰ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺽ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﺘﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﮔﻮﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻢ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪ« ﺍﺯ »ﻫﺴﺖ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻟﻐﻮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪t‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ‪١‬‬
‫‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ‪ t‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺆﺧﺮ ﺍﺯ ‪ t ١‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ‪١ t ١‬‬
‫ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻢ‪» :‬ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ« ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬
‫»ﺑﻲﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ...‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﻖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ...‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺣ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ )ﻛﺎﻓﺮ( ﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺗﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﻔﻜﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺟﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻔﻲ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﮕﺮﻱ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﺑﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺩﺭﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﮔﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ« »ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻇ ﹼ‬
‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻧﻘﺪ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ [ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ] ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺳﻴﺐﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺴﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺣﻖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﻓﺮﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻏﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺎﺋﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺑﺪﻱ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﻣﺤﻘﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﮋﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺧﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻏﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺿﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻏﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎ؟ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻳﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺁﺏ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩ ﻓﻘﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﺟﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ« ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻜﻔﺮﺳﻮﻥ‪» :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ )ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﮊﻩﻱ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﮊﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻞ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﺍﺭ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ« ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﺤﻠﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺮﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﻮﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻫﺎﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﻖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪) .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﻮﻻﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻭﻱ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺑﺸﺨﻮﺭ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﻱ ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ( ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﹼﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺟﻔﺮﺳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻛﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻳﻚ ﻭ‪...‬‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ )ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ( ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺣﺎﻭﻱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻥ »ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ‬
‫ﻼ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﺳﺖ« »ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺁﻟﻦ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻳﺎ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ‬
‫)ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ( ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﺸﻴﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻲ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻤﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﺰﺍﻟﺨﻄﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻄﻼﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻧﺎﺭﺳﻴﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻓﺮﻗﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺰﹼﻡ ﻫﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﻨﺸﺴﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺻﻠﺐ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻮﺍﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻓﺘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺝ ﻋﻘﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻻ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﻫﻔﺘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺬﺭ ﻣﻲﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﺾ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺷﮕﺮﻓﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﺪﻟﹼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﻠﹼﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻣﺆﻭﱠﻝ )ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ( ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﻛﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ‪» .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﺎﻱ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‬
 ‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﺍﺩﻟﹼﻪ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ« ‪» .‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﺖﻳﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻌﻨﻲ« ﺷﻤﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﺘﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﻋﻠﺘﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﻮﻳﻴﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻨﻴﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﻬﻤﻴﺪ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻋﻘﻞ ﭘﻨﭽﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺧﻮﺭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﺭﺟﻮﻉ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺷﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺕ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻱﺍﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﻟﻪ ﺭﺍﺟﻊ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬
‫( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪Indexical .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ« ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻱ )‬
‫ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺍﺋﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ »ﺑﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ [ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ] ﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪» .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺸﻴﻊ ﻭ ﺗﺴﻨﻦ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻋﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﺑﺴﻂ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻛﻼﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻴﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺒﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻜﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﻤﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺰﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﺭﻭﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﻱ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺩﻳﺎﻓﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ« ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻘﻬﻲ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﺵ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺿﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﭼﻴﺰ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺿﻨﺪ« ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﻧﺒﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻨﺘﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻦ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ »ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ« ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺆﻣ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ )ﻣﺤﻘﻘﺎﻧﻪ( ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﮔﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﺒﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﻗﺸﺮ ﻭ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﺍﻛﺘﻔﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺻ ﹰ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻓﺮﻛﻴﺶ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﹰﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻔﺮ ﺑﺎﻃﻨﻲ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻔﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﻗﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ‪ ٨‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻛﻔﺮ ﻋﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺸﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺩﺓ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺎﺵ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻜﻨﻢ ﺭﺧﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺻﺒﻮﺣﻲ ﻛﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺖ ﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺨﺎﻧﻪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ ﻧﮕﺬﺷﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺮﻗﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪:‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻣﻦ ﺻﺪ ﺯﺍﻫﺪ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﺯﻧﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺧﺮﻗﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻖ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻳﻢ‬
‫ﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ )ﻗﺮﺁﻥ( ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺖﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ )ﻳﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻫﺮﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺰﺭﻋﺔ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺭﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺰﻳﺴﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺋﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ‪ -‬ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻛﺖ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﹼﻞ )ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ( ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ‬
‫)ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ(‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻨﻮﺗﻴﻜﻲ ﮔﺎﺩﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺘﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪) .‬ﺭ‪.‬ﻙ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻠﻘﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺯﻧﺰ‬
‫ﻫﻮﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﺎﺩﭘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ(‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻭ ـ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ )=ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻅ( ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﺷﻨﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺣﻜﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﺗﻜﺎﻟﻴﻒ( ﻣﺴﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ ‪ -‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻣﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺝ ‪ -‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺸﺮﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻟﻲ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯﻉ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻖ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩ ـ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ )‪ ١٤‬ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺷﻴﻌﻪ ﻭ )ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺳﻨﺖ( ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻔﺎﺳﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡﺍﻧﺪ ﺛﺎﺑﺖﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫـ ـ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺸﻤﻮﻝ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ )ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﺴﻪ( ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟‬
‫ﻝ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍِﻋﻤﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺧﻄﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺘﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍ ّﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺩّﻱ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﹰﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺮ ﻭ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪:‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺎﺳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺳﻊ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺭﺍﻛﺔ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻟﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻬﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﭘﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﺗﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴّﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺍﻭّﻟﻨﺪ )=‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﻭ ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺗﺴﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺎﺭﺣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺴّﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺮﺍﺝ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬
‫‪ -٦-٢‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺟﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻣﻠﻲ »ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﺔ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ )ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻛﺎﻧﻪ( ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٠٢‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﺸﻤﺶ ﻛﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ« ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺭﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣﻴﻢﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﺻﻔﻮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺿﺪﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺳﭙﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻢ ﻧﺰﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻫﻨﻤﻮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪» :‬ﻫﻤﻮﻃﻨﺎﻥ‪ ...‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻗﺸﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ ﻭ ﺻﻴﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺑﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻒ ﻭ ﻧﺼﺐﺍﻟﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ...‬ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺩﻳﻊ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﺠﺞ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻣﻌﺼﻮﻣﻪ)ﻉ( ﻣﺸﺮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻌﻈﻢﻟﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺏ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻧﺎﺱ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻢ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻑ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺼﺮﻭﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﻃﻦﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷﻘﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻧﺼﻴﺤﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺻﺮﻑﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺼﺪ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺘﻔﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍ )ﺭﺿﺎ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ )ﺁﻳﺎﺕ ﻋﻈﺎﻡ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﻮﺍﻟﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﺻﻔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﺋﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪﺍﻟﻜﺮﻳﻢ ﺣﺎﻳﺮﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻱ( ﻫﻢ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺕ ﺍﺷﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﺑﻌﻀﻲ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺗﻲ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻟﻬﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﺣﻀﺮ ِ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﻛﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻋﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻻﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﻢ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻱ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻼ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ« ‪.‬‬‫ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﺸﺎﺀﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﹰﺎ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻊ ﻭ ﺣﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻃﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﹰﺍ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬
‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ )ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ( ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﻴﺦ ﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻧﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ ﻣﺘﻤﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ »ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻭﻱﺍﻟﺤﻘﻮﻕﺍﻧﺪ« ﻧﻤﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﻛﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﻠﻔﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻨﻮﻥ‪ ...‬ﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺤﺪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻭﺍﺕ «‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﺩﺷﺎﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻭﻱ‬
‫ﻻ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﺩﺍﻡﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻧﻤﻲﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺳﻮﻡ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺛﺒﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﭼﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫‪ -٣‬ﺑﺬﻝ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺑﺮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ »ﺑﻦ ﺑﺴﺖ« ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ -١-٣‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻧﻘﺾ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﻣﻬﻢ‬
‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺼﺐ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺎﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺾﺁﻣﻴﺰ‬
‫( ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ‪ ( patron‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ) ‪clientelism‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﻳﺪﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ )‬
‫ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺨﺼﻮﺹ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺁﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﻳﻚ ﭘﺴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻤﻴﻪﺑﻨﺪﻱﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﺥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻮﺯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺫﻱﻧﻔﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺴﺐ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺭﺍﻧﺘﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ﹰ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺍﻧﺖﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻲ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺪﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺿﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺸﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻧﺖﺟﻮﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺀﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻓﺖ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺗﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲﭘﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺍﻧﺪﻙ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ١٩٦٠‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﮔﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻫﺎﻧﺘﻴﻨﮕﺘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻧﻮﺳﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺭﻭﻏﻨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺑﻲﻛﻔﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺋﻞ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻧﻬﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺰﺍﻱ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺒﺮ ﺷﺮﻕ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ )ﻛﺮﻩ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻳﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻫﻨﮓ ﻛﻨﮓ( ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﮔﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻠﺰ »ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻭﻇﺎﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﻌﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺴﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺷﻤﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ [ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ] « ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪:‬‬
‫( ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ‪ transaction cost‬ﺍﻟﻒ( ﭼﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻳﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ )‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻄﺢ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ( ﺑﻪ ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﺓ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﭼﺎﻧﻪﺯﻧﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺝ( ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩ( ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﻭﺧﻴﻤﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫـ( ﻛﻴﻔﻴﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ( ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺮﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺘﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻨﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺩﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻼﺳﻴﻚ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻠﻤﺮﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻻﻥ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺪ ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺸﻪﺍﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ‪ ٦٧‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺼﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ ﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺩ ‪ ١٠‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﮕﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺭﺩﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻓﺴﺎﺩ‬

‫ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺷﺎﺧﺺﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲﺷﺎﺧﺺﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ‬
‫)‪(١‬‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫)‪(٢‬‬ ‫)‪(٣‬‬
‫)ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ‪١،٢‬ﻭ‪(٣‬‬
‫‪١‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫‪٢‬‬ ‫ﻫﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫‪٣‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕﺎﭘﻮﺭ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫‪٤‬‬ ‫ﺯﻻﻧﺪﻧﻮ‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬ ‫‪١٠‬‬
‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬
‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬
‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬ ‫‪...‬‬
‫‪٦٤‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻧﺰﻱ‬ ‫‪١/٥‬‬ ‫‪٢/٧٥‬‬ ‫‪٢/٥‬‬ ‫‪/٢٥‬‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫‪٦٥‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪٣/٢٥‬‬ ‫‪١/٢٥‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪/١٧‬‬
‫‪٢‬‬
‫‪٦٦‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺋﻴﺘﻲ‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬
‫‪٦٧‬‬ ‫ﺯﺋﻴﺮ‬ ‫‪١‬‬ ‫‪٢/٦٦‬‬ ‫‪٢‬‬ ‫‪/٨٩‬‬
‫‪١‬‬
‫ﻣﺄﺧﺬ‪:‬‬
‫‪Mauro,Paolo.``Corruption and Growth ''Quart J.Econ ، Aug 1995.PP 681-712.``The Effects of‬‬
‫‪corruption On Growth ،Investment, and Government Expenditure ''in Corruption in in the World‬‬
‫‪Economy . ed: Kimberly,A, Elliott. Washington Dc :Institute for International Economics‬‬
‫‪Forthcoming.‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻭﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻃﺎﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻣﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺏ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺯﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻔﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﺮﺯﺵ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﺶ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٢-٣‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ‪:‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻬﻴﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺖ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺷﻜﻞﺩﻫﻨﺪﺓ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻫﻮﻳ ِ‬
‫ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺣ ﱢ‬
 ‫ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﺪﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬
‫ﻞ ﺧﻮ ِﺩ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ‬‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺨﺺ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﻲﺀ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺶ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻨﺶ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻣﺪ ﻟﺒﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻦ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻉ ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﺦ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻠﻴﻘﻪﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺒﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻬﺖﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﻘﺮﺍﺽ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻭ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﹸﺑﮋﻩﻫﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﻤﻲﺗﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﻏﺼﺐ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺧﺼﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﻴﺰﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺣﺎﺩ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻧﺴﻠﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ٥٠‬ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻤﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ ٥٧‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﺳﺒﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﺋﻖ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﺯ ﻋﺠﻴﺒﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺍﺯ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ« ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﺳﺨﻦ ﺩﻗﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻧﺶ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺁﻝﺍﺣﻤﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮒﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻬﺮﻣﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻉ ﻭﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺼﺮ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ٥٠‬ﺳﭙﺮﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﭘﻴﺸﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺯﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺮﺍﺙ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻴﻜﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ـ ﺧﻔﻘﺎﻥ ﻭﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ـ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ‪،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺳﻴﻘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻠﻢﻫﺎﻭ‪ ...‬ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺍﻉﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﺫﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺔ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻔﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫)ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ (.‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ »ﺷﻜﺎﻑ‬
‫ﻧﺴﻠﻲ« ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺪﻟﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ -‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ‬
‫ﻼ ﺣﺠﺎﺏ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻣﺪﻝ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪» ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ« ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ‪ -‬ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ )ﻓﻘﻬﻲ( ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺷﺮﻳﻌﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺩﺍﻉ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٣-٣‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ‪ :‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺿﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺡ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻠﻲ ﺁﺑﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﻔﺮﻳﺢ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺷﻐﻠﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺗﻮﺭﻡﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺘﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺪﺍﻛﺜﺮﻱ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﺮﺷﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
 ‫ﺟﺬﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻮﻩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺯﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﺎﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪﻱ ﻓﺰﺍﻳﻨﺪﻩ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪ -٤-٣‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﻼ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻧﺴﺘﺒﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﺍﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻴﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬
‫ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺭﻓﻊ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺮﺩ ِﻡ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﹰﺍ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺆﺛﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴ ِﺰ ﻃﺮﺡ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻮ ﻣﻲﺭﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺱ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻂ ﮔﺴﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻔﻴﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻫﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺘﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻟﺮﺯﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫( ‪ :‬ﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺒﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ‪٣ Political Participation‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ )‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﺩﺍﻭﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻮﻓﻖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻲﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﻄﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻳﺎ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪،‬‬
‫»ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ« ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ ﺗﻼﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻋﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺧﻂﻣﺸﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻓﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺕ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ِ‬
‫ﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻖ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺎﺑﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴ ِﺰ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪» .‬ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ )ﺍﺻﻞ ‪(٥٦‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻳﺎ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺎﻡ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻣﻨﻔﺠﺮﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫)ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ‪ ١٨٣‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ١٨٨‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻚ »ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎ« ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧِﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻱ )ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﻘﺎﺿﺎﻫﺎ( ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺣﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺐ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻃﺎﻟ ِ‬‫ﻥ ﻗﺪﺭ ِ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ )ﻗﺘﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻧﺠﻴﺮﻩﺍﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﻓﻠﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﺲ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺳﻴّﺪﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﺴﻦ ﻛﺪﻳﻮﺭ ﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻔﻜﺮ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ‬‫ﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ِ‬ ‫ﻥ ﻧﺎﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﮕ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺰﺍ ِ‬
‫ﻖ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ‬ ‫ﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺤ ّ‬ ‫ﻞ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺗﺤ ّﻤ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻬﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻠﺐ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﻧﻤﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺸِﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﭘﺎﺭﺗﻴﺴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜ ِﺮ‬
‫ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺗﺠﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪٣‬ـ‪٦‬ـ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ‪ :‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺮﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺷﺌﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺸﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ‬
 ‫ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺼﺔ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺔ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻛﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﺧﺒﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪» :‬ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؟«‬
‫ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ‪» :‬ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻣﻲﺳﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺪﻳﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻱ؟«‬
‫ﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑ ِﺮ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﺳﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﺮﺍ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻫﻢ! ﺑﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﻡ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ِ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﺎﻧﻢ!« ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻣﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻨﺪﻩ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﻭ ﭘِﺴﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺟﺪﺍ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺪﻳﺲ ﭘﻴﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻞﺍﺵ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ! «‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩ ِ‬
‫ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ« ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻙ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﻮﻳﻲ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫» ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺸﻨﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﺪ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﻭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻲ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪:‬‬
‫»ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻢ! ﻣﻦ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻢ!« ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﮔﻢ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﮔﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﺎ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺗﺮﺳﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻌﺮﻩ ﻣﻲﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺧﻨﺪﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻴﺨﻜﻮﺑﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﺯﺩ‪» :‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ـ ﻣﻦ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎ ـ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻢ ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ؟ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻨﻮﺷﻴﻢ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺳﺮ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺰﺩﺍﻳﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﮔﺴﻼﻧﺪﻳﻢ؟ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ؟ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻳﻢ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪﻫﺎ؟ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺍﺷﻴﺒﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻘﻮﻁ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻬﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻮ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺯﺑﺮﻱ ﻫﺴﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭽﻲ ﺑﻴﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻧﺸﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩَﻡ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺗﻬﻴﮕﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩَﻡ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺩﺗﺮ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺷﺐ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﻜﻲ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺑﺎﻣﺪﺍﺩ ﺗﺎﺑﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﺱﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﺎﻫﻮﻱ ﮔﻮﺭﻛﻨﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻙ ﻣﻲﺳﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺷﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍ ﭘﺎﺷﻴﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻣﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ؟ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻥ ﺳﺮﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻗﺎﺗﻼﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺴﻠﻲ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺗﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻣﻨﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﻨﺠﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺗﻼ ِ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣُﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﻛﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻛﻨﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺁﺑﻲ ﺧﻮﻳﺸﺘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺸﻮﻳﻴﻢ؟ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻳﻴﻨﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺑﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻧﻴﻲ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺷﺎﻳﺴﺘﺔ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻨﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﺍ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ؟ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻈﻤﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻳﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻣﻮﺵ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻨﻮﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﺶ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺖ؛ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﻛﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺷﮕﻔﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﮕﺮﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺑﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺑﻴﺪ؛ ﻓﺎﻧﻮﺱ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻭﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺖ [ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ] ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﺸﺘﻨﺎﻙ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﺮﮔﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻋﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﻕ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺭ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺘﺎﺭﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ‪«.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺛﻴﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺶ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻛﻠﻴﺴﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺒﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻮﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ؟ «‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻓﻬﻤﻴﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺫﺏ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﺻﺒﻐﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫( ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻧﻔﻮﺱ ‪ ( objective‬ﻭﻋﻴﻨﻲ ) ‪ontological‬ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ )‬
‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫﻦ ﻭ ﺿﻤﻴﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫( ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪ ( subjective .‬ﻭ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ) ‪psychdogical‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺘﹰﺎ ﺳﺨﻨﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﺸﻨﺎﺧﺘﻲ )‬
‫ﺁﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺸﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﭼﺴﺐ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ )ﺍﺧﻼﻕ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪» .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ« ﻭ »ﺍﻃﻤﻴﻨﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ »ﻭﻓﺎﺩﺍﺭﻱ«‪» ،‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻌﻬﺪ« ﻭ »ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ« ﺳﻴﻄﺮﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻼ ﻓﺮﺳﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻬﺪﻡ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺒﻨﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻨﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
 ‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻃﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺤﺸﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺧﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺮﮒ ﻭ ﻣﻴﺮﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭ ﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﺣﻲ ـ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ )ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻐﺰﻫﺎ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻴﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺎﺩﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭼﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﮔﺸﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺟﺮﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺯﻭﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﻜﺘﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﺎﮔﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﭘﺮﺧﺎﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻭﺭﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﻲﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻨﻲ ﻭ‪...‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺠﺪﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺠﺶ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺗﺎﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻞ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ »ﻋﻘﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﻧﻘﺪﻱ« ﺁﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻤﻨﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﻴﺪ ﻋﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ »ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﺍﺩﻟﹼﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻪ »ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﺍﺩﻟﹼﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ »ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻲ« ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﻠﻮﺭﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺍﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺟﻤﻊ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺭﻱ ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ »ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ« ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﭼﺸﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺏ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻗﺮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻛﻬﻒ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ )ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ( ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ ﺷﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻬﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻜﻞ »ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ« ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﻣﺎﻥ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺑﻬﻨﺠﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻲﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﺓ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺩﻟﻪﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺕ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﺒﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﺒﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﻠﻮﺑﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻳﻮﻧﻴﻮﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺳﺮﻭﺵ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﺧﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻧﻴﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻲﺁﺑﺮﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺎ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺷﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺑﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ« ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ ﻧﻴﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻲﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﮔﺸﺖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺳﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﺧﻮﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﺍﻓﺴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﻣﺘﻼﺷﻲ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﭽﻪ‬
‫ﻖ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻩ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﻴﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﻮﺭﻱ ﺳﺮﺍﭘﺎ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﻠ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺎﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻲ ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻫﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﺳﺴﺖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻬﻲ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻲﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺴﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻧﻴﻬﻴﻠﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻄﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬
‫»ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ـ [ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ] ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ـ ﺗﺎﺯﻩ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺍﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻱ ﻣﺎ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﻩ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴﺎ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺸﺎﺩﮔﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻓﺮﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ‬
‫ﻲ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺳﺘﺎﻳﻮﻓﺴﻜﻲ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﻨﺎ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺧﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻝ ﺑﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﺧﺖ ﺑﺮﺑﻨﺪﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻤﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺓ ﺷﺮﻃ ِ‬
‫ﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻣﺎﺯﻭﻑ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ »ﺫﺍﺗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻠﻲ« ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ »ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ« ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺧﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻓﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻭ ﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺷﻌﺮﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺧﻼ ِ‬
‫ﻕ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺣﻜﻢ »ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻭﻟﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺎﺑﺮﻣﺎﺱ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﻼ ِ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ« ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﻬﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﻢ )ﻧﻈﺮ ﺳﻨﺘﻲ( ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺷﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﻨﮕﺎﺭﻳﻢ )ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ( ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺭﺟﺎﻉ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ )ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﭘﺴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ‪» :‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ« ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻛﺎﻧﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ )ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺷﺨﺺ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻏﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ( ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺍﺩﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺬﺍﻫﺐ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺯﺭﻳﻦ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺱ‬
‫ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﻔﻮﺳﻴﻮﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﺍ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻧﺞ ﻣﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻴﻦ‬
‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺞ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻟﺬﺕ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺨﻠﻮﻗﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻨﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﮕﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺵ ﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺯﺭﺗﺸﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﺕ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻫﻨﺪﻭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺭﻧﺠﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻨﻔﺮ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﻫﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﻥ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﺑﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻦ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺋﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﻚ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣‬ـ‪٧‬ـ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٥) ١٣٨٤‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ( ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫( ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪overload.‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ »ﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻲ« )‬
‫ﺍﻟﻒ( ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ )‪١٣٦٨‬ـ‪ (١٣٥٩‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٢١‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ )‪٦٥‬ـ‪ (١٣٥٩‬ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫‪١٣٦٥‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦٤‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦٣‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦٢‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦١‬‬ ‫‪١٣٦٠‬‬

‫‪١٣٥٩‬‬
‫‪ ٢/٢٥٩/٠٥٥ ٢/٠٣٣/٢٨٥ ٢/٠٦٧/٨٠٣ ٢/٢٠٣/٤٤٨ ٢/١٠١/٨٩٤ ٢/٤٢١/٦١١‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫‪٢/٤٥٠/٣٠٨‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻲ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﻭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺳﺮﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫‪ ،١٣٧٥‬ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﺎﻧﺰﺩﻩ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻮﺯﺩﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٨٠‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ )ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ( ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻫﻪ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻋﺮﺿﺔ ﻣﺴﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺸﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺒﻮﻫﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻭﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺩﻫﺔ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﺪﻡ ﭘﻴﺸﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬
‫ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺁﻭﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﻴﺎﻧﮕﻴﻦ ﺳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ‬

‫ﺳﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺯﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٤٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٥/٠ ١٨/٤‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٥٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٤/١ ١٩/٧‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٦٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٣/٦ ١٩/٨‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٧٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٤/٦ ٢٠/٩‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٧٥‬‬ ‫‪٢٥/٦ ٢٢/٤‬‬
‫ﺁﺑﺎﻥ‪١٣٨٠‬‬ ‫‪٢٧‬‬ ‫‪٢٤‬‬
‫ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺳﻦ ﺍﺯﺩﻭﺍﺝ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٢٧‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﻧﻢﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٢٤‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٣٠‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭ ‪٢٧‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ( ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﻟﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻗﺐ ﺑﻲﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻼ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺎﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﻛ ﹰ‬
‫‪WTO‬ﺑﺮﭼﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺮ ﻛﺎﻫﻨﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺻﻔﺮ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻲ ﻃﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺮﺭﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺟﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻱ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﻴﻂﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺮﺻﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻔﻊ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ‪ ٩‬ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪ .١‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﻑ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﻲ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻻﺕ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ( ‪ .٢‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻫﻤﺔ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ‪.٣‬‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺍﺭﺯ ‪ .٤‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ‪ .٥‬ﻟﻐﻮ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ‪ .٦‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ‪ .٧‬ﺗﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ‪ .٨‬ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ‪ .٩‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻋﻀﻮ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺗﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻔﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﹰﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ )ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ( ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٥‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻳﻜﺠﺎ‬
‫ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬
‫‪٣‬ـ‪٨‬ـ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ »ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ« ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ »ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ«‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‪» ،‬ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ« ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺣﺖ ﺗﺨﻴﻼﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺳﺘﺒﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺪﻩﺁﻝ ﻳﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸﻬﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻀﻌﻔﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﺸﻬﺮﻱ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﺎﺧﺎﻟﺺ ﻣﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺧﺮﺍﺑﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺭﺳﻤﻲ ﻋﻼﻣﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﻃﺒﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﻄﻬﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ »ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ« ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﺸﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺗﻨﺰﻝ ﺩﺍﺩ )ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ( ﻭ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ )ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺎﺩﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪ .‬ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻨﻲ »ﻣﺮﮒ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﻚ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺩﻭ ﻗﻄﺒﻲ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﭼﺸﻤﮕﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺎﺯ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ‪ ١٧‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ‪ ١٩٩٨‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺢ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٨٠‬ﺭﺍ »ﻛﻮﺗﻪ ﺑﻴﻨﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﮔﺎﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺣﺰﺏﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٨٥‬ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻭﻗﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻮﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﻜﺎﺭﺍﮔﻮﺋﻪ ﻭ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺭﺍ »ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺷﻜﻦ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ »ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﮕﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻒ ـ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ )ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎﻡ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﻴﺎﻁ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑ ِﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﹰﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﭙﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻃﻲ ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺧﺎﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﻢ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺏ ـ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ )ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ( ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻱ‬
‫ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻓﻦﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭖ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺕ ـ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻟﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ـ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻣﻦﺗﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺷﻴﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻼﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺯﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺧﻂ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ـ ﺟﻴﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ؛ ﺧﻂ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ـ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ؛ ﺧﻂ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﭽﻦ؛ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺮﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺙ ـ ﺣﺬﻑ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ :‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﭘﻨﺎﻫﺠﻮﻱ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﻲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺸﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ )ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ( ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺝ ـ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻱ ﺧﺰﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺁﺳﻴﺐ ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻓﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻛﻮ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﭺ ـ ﺟﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻠﻴﺞ ﻓﺎﺭﺱ‪ :‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺳﺮ ﺳﻪ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺡ ـ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻗﻴﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱﺍﺵ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺰﺍﻗﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﺡ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻏﻨﻲﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻭﺭﺍﻧﻴﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﺎ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻗﺒﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻣﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ )ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮ( ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﭼﺮﺑﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ )ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺥ ـ ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬
‫ﺩ ـ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﺎﻭ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﻨﺲ ﺩﺭ ﮊﻭﺋﻴﻪ ‪ ١٩٨٨‬ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ‪ ٢٩٠‬ﺳﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ »ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ« ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ‪ ٢٩‬ﮊﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬ﻭ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﻩ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺷﻴﻄﺎﻧﻲ«‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺳﻨﺦ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ‪» ،‬ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﻢ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻛﺸﺘﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﺻﻠﺢ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺣﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﻠﺤﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﮔﻔﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻼﺡﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﺪ‬
‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﭘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻭ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻜﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻧﺸﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺨﺮﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺩﻭﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺮﻭﺭ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻲ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﻭﻏﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ «.‬ﺩﺭ ﭘﺮﺗﻮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻃﺮﺡﺭﻳﺰﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺯﻭﻭ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻱ ﺟﺰﺀ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻠﻴﻚ ﻣﻮﺷﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺐﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺷﻤﻨﺪ )‬
‫( ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻤﺒﻬﺎﻱ »ﺩﻳﺰﻱ ﻛﺎﺗﺮ« ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﺍﺗﻤﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻥﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻌﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﻚ ‪smart bombs‬‬
‫ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﹰﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳ ِ‬
‫ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮕﻲ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻏﻠﻄﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ«‪،‬‬
‫ﻼ »ﻏﻠﻂ« ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﻲ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ»ﻏﻠﻂ«ﻫﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﻳﻚ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻭﻃﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻲﮔﻨﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻈﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻚ ﻭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﻮﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» .‬ﻣﺪﻝ ﭼﻴﻨﻲ« ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻀﻮﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺮﺥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٧٩‬ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺿﻌﻴﻒﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ‬
‫ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺷﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺫﺭﺑﺎﻳﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻤﻨﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻖﺁﺑﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺪﺕ ‪٢٥‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﺍﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻣﺴﻔﻠﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺪﺗﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺁﺳﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻙ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻓﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻼﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻟﻮﻟﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺎﺯ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻋﻀﻮ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺗﻮ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﻩ ﻋﺮﺑﻲ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ‪١١‬‬
‫ﺳﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ )ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ( ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﺮﺑﻨﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻧﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﺎﺻﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﺩﺭﻳﻎ ﻧﻤﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٢٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﺟﻨﮓ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﻱ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺎﺩﻟﻴﻦ ﺁﻟﺒﺮﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ ﻓﺮﺍ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ‪ ٢٥‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ١٣٧٨‬ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺘﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﻨﻮﻋﻴﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺵ ﻛﺸﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖ ﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻗﺪﺱ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺪﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ )ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ( ﺑﮕﺬﺭﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻬﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻴﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮﻱ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﺘﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﮓ ﺧﻄﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺮﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﻫﻮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﺩﻧﺎﻛﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺎﻳﺪ‪ «.‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﻗﻄﻌﻨﺎﻣﻪ ‪ ٥٩٨‬ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻲ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻤﻲ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﻼﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻻﻳﻨﺤﻞ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﮕﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﻠﺴﻔﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﺷﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﻳﻮﻧﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻲ ﺑﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺰﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺭﺿﺎﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺟﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﻳﺎ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺝ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺴﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺧﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ٧٦‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻲ ﮔﻮﺭﺑﺎﭼﻒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺘﺴﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺷﺎ ِﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﺯﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺑﺴﻮﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺳﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ )ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ( ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﺶ ﺣﻞ ﻭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯ )ﻣﺎﺭﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﮕﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻲ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﮊﺍﭘﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﮊﺍﭘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳ ِ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ‬
‫ﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﺳ ِ‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﻡ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺘﻲ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺎﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ« ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻌﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻬﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﺍ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺵ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻻﺯﻣﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ‬
‫»ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ«‪» ،‬ﭘﺘﺎﻧﺴﻴﻞ«‪» ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ«‪» ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ »ﺁﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﻪ »ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﻲ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ( ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ؟ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘ ِ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻣﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻣﺶﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺯﺵﺟﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺩﺑﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻭﻧﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻳﻢ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺫﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺷﻜﺎﻓﻲ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﺎﻟﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺒﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﻌﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺼﻞ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ »ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ »ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚﺗﺮ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻛﺪﺍﻣﻨﺪ؟ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‪ :‬ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ( ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻼﻙﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﻜﻴﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯ ِﻡ ﺩﻭﺍ ِﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺖﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﻠﺢ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ )ﺩﻓﻊ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ( ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺩﺍﻣﻨﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺿﺪﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺤﻴﻂ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺑﺮ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍ ﻣﻲﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﮕﻮﻥ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻮﺝ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ )ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺑﺴﺘﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ( ﻳﺎ ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
 ‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻻ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻤﻮ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ‬
‫ﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺑﺎﺯ ِ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑ ِ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺳﻄﻮﺡ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺎﺭﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺷﮕﻔﺖﺁﻭﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻏﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ :‬ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﻘﻴﺮ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻋﹰﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺟﺪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﮔﺎﻧﮕﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺟﺎ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺗﻨﻮﻉ ﻭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺸﻮﻕ ﺳﺎﻟﻤﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﻌﻄﺎﻑﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺪﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻳﻜﻨﻮﺍﺧﺘﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﺟﻤﺎﻋﺖ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﮊﻭﺍﺯﻱ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻛﻤﺎﺑﻴﺶ ﺑﻬﺒﻮﺩ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ( ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻓﺎﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ؛ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻳﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﺸﻴﻨﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﺮﺕ ﻧﻮﺯﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺍﺭﺍﻳﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﻭﻱ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻀﺎﺋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺏ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺗﻴﺎﺳﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﻲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻏﻤﺎﺿﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ...‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﻮﺭﻱﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻧﻬﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺧﻮﺑﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻭﺳﺘﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻘﻴﺼﺔ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻗﻀﻴﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭﺝ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﭼﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻫﻤﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻨﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ‬
‫ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﺔ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻜﺜﺮ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺳﭙﺮ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻆ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﺭﻭ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻣﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻭﻟﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪ ١٢٩٩‬ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻣﻲ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪٢٨‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ‪ ١٣٣٢‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ‪ ١٢٩٩‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺿﻴﺎ ـ ﺭﺿﺎﺧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺸﺘﻴﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺭﺿﺎﺷﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺠﺪﺩﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﻧﮓ ﻭ ﺑﻮﻱ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺗﺠﺰﻳﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻱ‬
‫)ﻗﺎﺟﺎﺭ( ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺔ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺮﻛﺰﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺟﻤﻊ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﹰﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺘﻲ ﻧﺎﺳﻴﻮﻧﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺘﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻲﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٣٣٢‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺟﻨﺎﺡﻫﺎ ﻣﻌﻄﻮﻑ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺟﻨﺎﺣﻲ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﻘﻨﻨﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻘﻴﺐ‬
 ‫ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺎ »ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻫﻤﺴﻨﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ«‪» ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻩ« ﻭ »ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﻔﻜﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻻﺋﻴﺴﻴﺰﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻜﻮﻻﺭﻳﺰﻡ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺩﻩ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢﮔﻴﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺖﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﺯﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﺳﺘﻴﺰﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ...‬ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﺩﻏﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺳﭙﺎﻩ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺎﻧﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؟‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺿﺪﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ » ﺩﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺑﺮﻭﻥ ﺁﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻜﻨﺪ « ﻭ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻻ ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻛﻮﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺬﺭﭘﺎﺷﻲ ﺩﻭﻝ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﻣﻨﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺯﻣﻴ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻣﺤﺮﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﺳﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺝ ﺳﻮﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﻲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻉ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺧﻮﺷﺒﺨﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﺩﺯﻫﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻌﻀﻼﺕ ﻋﻤﻴﻖ ﻓﻜﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻧﺮﺳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٤‬ـ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺗﺴﻠﻂ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ )ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺟﻤﻌﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭﺍﺕ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ )ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻧﺴﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﮔﻴﺮ( ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﻴﺖ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﺪﺷﻪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺣﻔﺎﻇﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ‪ ٤٤‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪» .‬ﺑﺨﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻥ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻧﻜﺪﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺳﺪﻫﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺁﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻠﮕﺮﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺘﻴﺮﺍﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺁﻫﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﻻ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ )ﺷﻮﻙﺩﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ(‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ‪ ١٣‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﭼﻨﺪﺍﻧﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﮔﺰﻳﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺀ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ـ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻢﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻏﻠﺐ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻖﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻌﻜﻮﺱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ )ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ( ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺎﺳﺨﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ! ﭘﺲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﺎﺭﻓﺮﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻲ ﻣﻲﻣﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶﺷﺮﻃﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ‬
 ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻋﻮﺽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ )ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﻚﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻻ‬
‫ﺑﺪﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻲﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻭ‪ (. . .‬ﻧﻮﻋﻲ ﺑﺴﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻴﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺍﺻﻮ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻢ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺒﺎﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ )ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ( ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ )ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ( ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﻴﻔﺴﺖ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ )ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ( ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻛﻞ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﻪﺍﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻠﻲﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ )ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ( ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻻ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻭﻛﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ« ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺻﻮ ﹰ‬
‫ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ـ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ـ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺍﺳﻜﺎﻧﺪﻳﻨﺎﻭﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﻭﻟﻮ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻬﺪﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻭﺭﺵ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ـ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺳﻨﺖ ﭼﭗ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ )ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﻭﺣﻲ ﻣُﻨﺰﻝ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟﻪ »ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ«‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ ﭘﻮﭘﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝﻫﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺸﺪﺕ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻓﻘﺮ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻛﺖ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻮﻋﻲ »ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠﻪﮔﺮﻱ« ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻧﺎﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪» :‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰﻱ‬
‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻻﺯﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺑﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﻢ ﺭﺅﻳﺎﻱ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻲ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺑﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺣﺘﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺘﺎﺭ ﺗﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻟﻲ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ِﺩﻭُﺭﻛﻴﻦ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻓﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺗﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻢ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﺪﻋﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ‪» :‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﻛﺎﻓﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺣﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ؟« ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻢ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ؟« ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻓﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻬﺰﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻨﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻗﺸﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻲ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﻑ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺤﺮﻙ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺰﻟﺔ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ «‪.‬‬
‫‪٤‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٥‬ـ ﺩﺭ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ‪ ٦٥‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺷﻬﺮﻧﺸﻴﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻪ ﻭ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﺵ ﻋﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ ،‬ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻭ ﺳﺎﻧﺴﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﮕﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻼ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ« ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﻲﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﻳﻜﭙﺎﺭﭼﮕﻲ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﻭﻳﺖﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﻧﻈﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﺿﻮﺡ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﺰﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻪﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻳﺪ« ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﻗﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺗﻴﺰﺑﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺑﻮﻃﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺿﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﻃﻲ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺗﻜﻨﻮﻟﻮﮊﻱ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻫﻤﺠﻮﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ‪ ١٠٥٦‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻳﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻭ ‪ ٢٨٠‬ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻧﻲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‬
‫( ‪pc‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ‪ ٣٠٩‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﻠﻮﻳﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ٢٢٤ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺗﻠﻔﻦ‪ ١٣ ،‬ﺗﻠﻔﻦ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ‪ ١/٦ ،‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻓﺎﻛﺲ ﻭ ‪ ١٣/٨‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺭﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ )‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ‪ ٣/٦‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯﺍﻱ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻩ ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ ٤٠٠‬ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻉ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊﻱ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٧‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﭼﺎﭖ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪) .‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺮﺍﮊ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ(‪ .‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ‪١٩٩٤‬‬
‫ﺗﺎ ‪ ١٩٩٥‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٧/٧‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٩٥‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ٢/٦‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ‬
 ‫ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ‪ ٤٠‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﻤﺎﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ١٩٩٥‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٠‬ﺑﻪ ‪٧‬‬
‫ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ٦٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠١‬ﺑﻪ ‪ ٨‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩ ﻭ ‪ ٩٠٠‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻻﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺶ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٢٠٠٢‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ‪ ٤/٧‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻪ ‪ ٥‬ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻭ ‪ ٣٩‬ﻫﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ‪ ٨٣٨‬ﻧﻔﺮ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻄﺤﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻩ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﻭ ﺗﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺍﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺳﺎﻻﻧﻪ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻨﺒﺸﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻲ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺪﺍﺳﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺠﺰﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮﺍﺕ »ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ«‪» ،‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ« ﻳﺎ »ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﻲ«‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﻧﮕﻬﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻭ ﮔﺮﺩﺷﮕﺮﻱ ؛ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻮﻣﻌﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺗﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻲﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻋﺘﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻮﺍﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﺓ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺴﺘﻪ« ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﺫﻫﺎﻥ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺴﺨﻴﺮ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺩﺭﺏﻫﺎ ﻭ ﭘﻨﺠﺮﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ »ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ« ﮔﺮﻩﮔﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺕ )ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎ(‬

‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻧﻴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻠﺰﻡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﻪﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﻭﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺶ ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍ ِ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺤﺎﻁ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻱ )ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪ ﺷﺪﻩ( ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻛﻦﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺘﺼﻠﺐ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻛﻨﺶﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺣﺠﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﻲ »ﻃﺮﺣﻲ ﻧﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؟ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶﻫﺎ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻼ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺪﻭﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺗﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﻴﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺁﺭﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺁﻥ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ ﻃﺮﻑ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩ؟ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﺎﺣﻴﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺍﺣﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﻤﺎﻱ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟ ﻭ‪...‬‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺸﺮﻳﺖ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺁﻣﻮﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻋﺎﻗﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻞ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻱ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻘﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺳﻌﻲ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻫﺪﺓ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﻟﺒﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻤﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺟﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻻﻑ ﻋﺸﻖ ﻣﻲﺯﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﮔﻠﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﹰﺎ »ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﻫﺠﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ= ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻣﺎﻛﺲ ﻭﺑﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪:‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻧﻈﺮﻱ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺭﺣﺞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﻪ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ )ﺳﻠﺒﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ( ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺳﻠﺒﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ )ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ( ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﺁﻓﺎﺕ ﻭ ﺭﺫﺍﻳﻞ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻧﺎﻣﻌﻴﻦ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺑﻲ‪ :‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻛﻢ ﻳﺎﺯﺩﻩ ﻣﺰﻳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ (١ :‬ﺍﺟﺘﻨﺎﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﮕﻲ ‪(٢‬ﺗﻀﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﻱ ‪ (٣‬ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ‪ (٤‬ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ‪ (٥‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﺨﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ‪ (٦‬ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ‪ (٧‬ﺣﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺷﺨﺼﻲ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻪ ‪(٨‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ‪ (٩‬ﺻﻠﺢﺟﻮﻳﻲ )ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﺭﮊﻳﻢﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺪﺋﻮﻟﻮﮊﻳﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺤﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻲﺟﻨﮕﻨﺪ( ‪ (١٠‬ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ‪(١١‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﻚ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻌﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﻴﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺧﻴﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪١‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﺭﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﺪﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ‬
‫ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻳﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺘﹰﺎ ﺑﻲﺁﺯﺍﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺤﻴﻄﻲ ﺍﻣﻦ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺮﻓﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﻱ ﺷﺪﺓ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭘﻮﻳﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻱ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻇﺮﻓﻴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻫﻮﺵ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺭﺑﻄﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺣﻮﺯﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﺒﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺪﻝ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺼﻔﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺩﻭﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻃﻼﻉ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ )ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺠﻤﻦﻫﺎ( ﻭ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ »ﻧﺎﺑﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻧﺞ ﮔﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ« ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﻧﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﺍﻫﺪﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻠﻴﺸﻪﺍﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺒﻬﻤﻲ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻇﻠﻢ ﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻓﻼﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ ﺧﻮﺩﻛﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪» .‬ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ« ﺗﻮﺃﻡ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ »ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ« ﻻﺯﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ‬
‫( ﺭﺍ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﻧﻴﺘﻪ ‪»risk society‬ﺭﻳﺴﻚ« ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺻﺎﻑ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﮔﻔﺘﺔ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﻲ ﮔﻴﺪﻧﺰ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺶ ﺑِﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﻢ ﺯﺩﻩ )‬
‫( ﺍﺣﺎﻃﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ‪ ( danger‬ﻭ ﺧﻄﺮ ) ‪risk‬ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ؟ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻴﻢ )‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺭﻳﺴﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪١‬ـ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﻮﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ( ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ »ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ« ﺑﺎﻗﻲ‬
‫ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺪﺗﺮ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﺨﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﻙ ﺑﻴﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﻭﺷﻲ ﺟﺰ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﺍﻟﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺧﻼﻕ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎﻱ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﻳﻬﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﺎﻟﻢ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺭﺍﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﻮﻩ ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺁﺑﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﺁﻓﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ ﻫﻮﺍﭘﻴﻤﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻛﺎﻻﻳﻲ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﻌﺎﺑﻴﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺼﻮﺭﺕ ﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺗﺤﻘﹼﻖ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﺎ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﻤﺎﻧﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺩﺭﺳﺖﺗﺮ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺷﺮﻁﻫﺎﻱ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﺩﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺠﺎﻉ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺪﺍﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﭽﻚ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﹰﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﺳﺎﻻﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺝ ﻋﺎﺝ ﻧﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻧﻤﻲﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺍﺗﻮﻥ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﻛﻲ«ﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﺍﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻧﺎﻋﺎﺩﻻﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻘﺾ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ )ﻏﻴﺮ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻲ ﻭ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻳﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭﻟﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺧﺸﻮﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻳﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻲ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻲ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﺸﻮﻕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻲ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻲ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺩﺭﭘﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳﻤﹰﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻨﻲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺗﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﻧﺪﻳﺪﺍﺗﻮﺭﻱ ﻫﻢ ﻻﺯﻣﺔ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬
‫ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻼ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺛﺮ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ‬
‫ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻴﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﻣﮕﺮ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﹰﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﻄﻌﻲ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻱ ﺳﺮﻓﺮﺩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻭﻳﺴﺖ ـ ﺳﻴﺼﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪(.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٢‬ـ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ؟ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻊ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺳﺮ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﺩﺍﺕ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻠﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻻ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﻨﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺑﻪ »ﻭﻗﺖ«ﺍﺵ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻭﻗﺖ« ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺭﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻴﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ »ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﻲ« ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻲ ﻣﻌﻴّﻦ ﻧﻤﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻳﺴﻜﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭽﻴﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻱ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺻﻼﺣﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻱ ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻥ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺻﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺗﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺭﻗﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺍﻳﻲ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﮔﺮﻩ ﻧﺰﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ( ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺭﺍﻫﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪﺍﻱ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ‬
‫ﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺷﻮﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺨﺶ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪) .‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻁ ﻻﺯﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﭙﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﺮﻩ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺑﮕﺸﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﻴﺮﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻲ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻲ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻫﻤﺪﻟﻲ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻞ ﻏﻴﺮﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘ ِ‬‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺻﻠﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ِ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻳﺎ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭ ِﻡ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻳﺎ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻻ ﻭ ﻛﻨﮕﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﻭ ﺳﭙﺲ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺖ ﻭ ﮔﻮ ﻭ ﭼﺎﻧﻪ ﺯﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﭘﺎﺭﺗﺎﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﮔﺬﺍﺭﻱ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﭘﻮﺳﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﻠﻮﻙ ﺷﺮﻕ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺷﻤﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻏﺮﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻤﺖﺁﻣﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺠﺒﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪٢‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻘﺎ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻫﻲ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻤﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻓﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﻞ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎﻛﺘﻴﻚﻫﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﹰﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﻮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪ ‪ ٧٧‬ﻭﺍﺗﺴﻼﻭ ﻫﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳ ِ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﮕﺸﺎﻱ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭﻱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻴﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻱ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻣﻀﺎﻱ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻲ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻧﻘﺾ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺤﻜﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻳﺨﻮﺍﻫﺎﻧﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻧﺎﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﻲ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﺍﻳﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺩﻫﻬﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻄﺮﻭﺣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﮔﺮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺸﺪﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﻪ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻀﺎﻱ ﺫﻫﻨﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮﻱ ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻛﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫‪٥‬ـ‪٣‬ـ ﺑﺮﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺮﻳﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ؛ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ـ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑُﻌﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﻲ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻳﺎ ﺳﻮﺳﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻲ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﻬﺎﻱ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﺑﺮﺟﺴﺘﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﺑﺪﻳﻞﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻭ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ )ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻫﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻫﻢ ﺑﻜﻮﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺘﮕﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺑﺴﻴﺞ‬
‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮓ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻏﻠﺒﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﭼﺸﻢ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﻲ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻣﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻙ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﺭﻭﻧﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺮﻭﻫﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
 ‫ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﻳﻨﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻣﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻭ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬
‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﻩ ﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻟﻲ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺒﻪ ﻃﻲ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻣﻲﻭﺭﺯﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﺩﮔﺮﮔﻮﻧﻲ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻋﻼﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺧﺎﺻﻲ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﮕﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺧﻨﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺖﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﺟﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﭘﺬﻳﺮﻱ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺳﻪ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ )ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ـ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﻣﻲ(‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ )ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ( ﻭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﻱ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﮔﻮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻢﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻴﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭽﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻖ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﻴﻊ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻫﻬﺎﻱ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻨﺎﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻋﺎﮔﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﮕﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻲ )ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ( ﺗﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻲﻳﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡﻫﺎﻱ ﻃﺮﺩﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺰﻭﻱ ﻣﻲﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﻠﺖ ـ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻲﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻣﻼﻥ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻲ‬
‫)ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ( ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻭ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺎﻳﻲﻫﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺖ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﻨﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭﻫﺎ )ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ( ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕﻫﺎﻱ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ(‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‪ .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻈﻪﻛﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﻲ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻬﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﻮﻁ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻘﺎﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺣﺎﺗﻲ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﺮﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﺩ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺒﺎﻁ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﻲﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻨﮓ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﺪﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﻛﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﻭ ﻫﻴﺄﺕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣﻼ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻱ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻓﺎﻋﻼﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻴﺮﻫﺎﻱ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻌﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺒﻜﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻃﺮﺩ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻱ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺮﻭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ »ﻛﻢ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻬﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ »ﻛﻢ« ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻱ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪﺭﻭ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩ«‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﻢ »ﺯﻳﺎﺩ« ﺑﺎﺷﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍﻳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﺋﺘﻼﻑ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺻﺘﻬﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﺷﺠﺎﻋﺖ ﻭ ﺟﺴﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻣﻲﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺘﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻣﺤﺮﻣﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻗﻮﺓ ﻣﺠﺮﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻃﻲ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻲ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺍﻋﻀﺎﻱ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﺍﺣﻀﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻬﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﻓﻌﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﻡ« ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﻱ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲـ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﻲ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻲﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻟﺬﺍ ﻃﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻗﻀﺎﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﻮﺭ )ﻗﻀﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻲ( ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﻬﺎﻳﺶ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻱ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﺤﺮﻭﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﭼﺎﺭﻩﺍﻱ ﺟﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﺒﺲ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﺰﻳﻜﻲ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺧﺮﺩﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺮﺣﻤﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻘﺪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﺒِﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻘﺪﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺧﺪﺍﻳﻲ ﻣﻲﺑﻴﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﻲ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻲﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺳﻨﮕﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻋﺮﺻﻪ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻓﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻲ ﻳﻚ ﺗﻦ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻼﺡ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻱ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺠﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﻳﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﻱ؟‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮔﺮ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺁﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
 ‫ﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﺸﻢ‬
‫»ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻭ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥﺗﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻳﻢ«‬
‫ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻲﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻃﺎﻳﺮ ﻓﻜﺮﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﺷﺘﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﻢ ﭘﺮﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻏﺪﻏﻪﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻳﺴﻨﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻡ ﺧﻮﺩﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻲﭘﺮﺳﻢ‬
‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ »ﻛﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ« ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﮔﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪﺍﻱ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻫﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍﮔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﻳﺎ »ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺿﺪﺩﻳﻨﻲ« ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﺤﺘﻮﻡ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﻮﻣﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺯﻳﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻳﺖ ﺗﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻳﺦ ﺷﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻲ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﺪﺍ« ﺩﻳﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻧﻤﻲﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻞ ﻋﻤﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﭘﻴﺸﮕﻲ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥﻭﺭﺯﻱ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﮔﺎﻥ )ﺍﺣﺮﺍﺭ( ﻭ ﺩﻟﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻭﺻﻒ ﺑﺮﺩﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻔﻠﮕﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﻨﻲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﻼﻧﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺎﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻛﺮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻞﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ )ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻪ ﺗﻮﺗﺎﻟﻴﺘﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭﮔﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧﻲ( ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺮ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻲ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻜﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻗﺪﺳﻲ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻲ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺮﻳﻢ ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺗﻜﻔﻴﺮ ﻧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﻱ ﭘﻴﺸﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﻨﺎﻱ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ »ﺣﻖ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ« ﺩﻭ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺘﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻻﻝ ﻣﻲﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﺎﻱ ﺧﺮﺩﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎﻱ ‪ ٥٦‬ﻭ ‪ ٥٧‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺤﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻱ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺮﺟﻊ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﻱ‬
‫ﻣﻘﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﹰﺎ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻳﻜﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭ ﻭﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ؛ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻘﻼﻳﻲ ـ ﺷﺮﻋﻲ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﺜﻴﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑﺶ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺸﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺭﺍﺀ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻼ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻧﺤﻮﺓ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻒ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﺕ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺪﻋﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﻣﻲ ﺭﻭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺨﻨﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫»ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻫﺎﻱ ﻻﺯﻡ« ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺖ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮﻱ ﺳﺎﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻﻭﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺘﻲ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻌﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻛﻦ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻫﺎﻟﻲ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩﺍﻱ ﻳﺎ ﻭﺣﺪﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺍﮔﺮ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ‪ ...‬ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﺘﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻣﻲﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ...‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎﻧﺼﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻱ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﻭﻗﺘﻲ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻳﻚ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷﺨﺎﺻﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻣﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻻ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺽ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺭﺃﻳﻲ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺭﺃﻱﻫﺎﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﻮﺳﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ ﺳﺮﺍﻍ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ‬
‫‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺃﻳﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ...‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻲ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻠﺖ‬
‫ﻥ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﻫﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ «‪» .‬ﻣﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺎﻫﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ ِ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﻤﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺷﻤﺎ «‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺪﻝ »ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ« ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻴﻢ‪» :‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻱ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺣﻖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﻳﻨﺪ؟ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻭ ﻗﺒﺢ ﻳﺎ ﺣﻖ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺣﻖ‬
‫ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ )ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ( ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ )ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ( ﺭﺍ ﻣﻲﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ؟‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻣﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻱ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ )ﻫﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﻭ‪ (...‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﻛﺴﻲ‬
‫ﻣﺠﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻠﻮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﻳﺪ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻲ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻫﻠﻮ ﺑﺨﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠﻴﻔﺶ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟« ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ )ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻩ ‪ ،(٥٨‬ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ٩٠٨،٤٣٩،٢٠ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺖ ﻣﺎﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﮔﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪،‬‬
 ‫ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ )‪ ٢٥‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ( ﻛﺎﻫﺶ‪ ١٤٢،٦٩٠،١٥ ،‬ﺗﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ‪ ٢٣‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺪﺕ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬
‫ﻻ‪ :‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻲ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﺎﺭ ﺣﻖ ﺷﺘﺎﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭘﻨﺞ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻱ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﹰ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧﻴﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭ ﺩﻫﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻱ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻲﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻟﺬﺍ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﺘﺮﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺒﺘﻨﻲ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺍﻭﺭﻱ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺣﻖ ﺷﻬﺮﻭﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺛﺎﻟﺜﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﻳﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ٥٨‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺍﺑﻌﹰﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﭼﻬﻞ ﻭ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺣﻖ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﺴﻠﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ‬
‫»ﺣﻖ« ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ،٥٨‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺪﹰﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬
‫ﻭﺟﺎﻫﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻲ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺭﺃﻱ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ«‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻴﻢ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ« ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﺓ ﻧﻮﻉ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺧﻮﺷﺎﻣﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺗﻤﺎﻡﻋﻴﺎﺭ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻧﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻱ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻱ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻲ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻗﻠﻴﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻱ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻋﻘﺐﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﻲ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻱ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣ ِ‬
‫ﻲ« ﻧﺎﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﺪﻧ ِ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻬﺎﺗﻲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﻲﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺳﻜﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻣﺪﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺱ ﻭ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺌﻮﺭﻳﺰﻩ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ »ﺷﺠﺎﻋ ِ‬
‫ﺍﺯ »ﺑﺼﻴﺮﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﭙﻴﻨﻮﺯﺍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻴﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻲﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎ ﺩﺷﻮﺍﺭﻳﺎﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻲﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻱ ﺭﺍ ﺷﺮﻳﻔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺁﺳﺎﻥﻳﺎﺏﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ؟‬
‫ﻛﺸﺘﻲ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﮕﺎﻧﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻱ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺷﺮﻃﻪ ﺑﺮﺧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺁﺳﺎﻳﺶ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻴﺘﻲ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻱ ﻧﻴﻜﻨﺎﻣﻲ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﮔﺬﺭ ﻧﺪﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﮔﺮ ﺗﻮ ﻧﻤﻲﭘﺴﻨﺪﻱ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﻩ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺭﺍ‬

‫ﺍﻛﺒﺮ ﮔﻨﺠﻲ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻭﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻓﺮﻭﺭﺩﻳﻦ ‪١٣٨١‬‬