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CARIBBEAN DRUG TRAFFICKING AND THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE by LtCol J. Brooke Taylor United States Air Force Washington D.C., May 2000
CHAPTER 1 OVERVIEW
The Caribbean lies where Jose Marti once called the Vortex of the Americas, making it a bridge or front between North and South America. Geonarcotics is a concept developed that explains the multiple dynamics of the narcotics phenomenon. The term captures four factors: drugs, geography, power, and politics. Geography is a factor because of the global spatial dispersion of drug operations, and because certain geographic features facilitate certain drug operations. Power involves the ability of an individual or group to secure compliant action. This power can be both state and nonstate in source. Politics revolve around the resource allocation. Although the Caribbean drug phenomenon involves many facets of drug production, consumption and abuse, trafficking, and money laundering, it is trafficking that best highlights the regions strategic value. Aspects of both the Caribbeans physical and social geography make it very conducive to drug trafficking. Except for mainland Belize, French Guyana, Guyana, and Suriname, the Caribbean countries are all island territories. Some are plural island territories, such as St Vincent and the Grenadines - which comprise close to 600 islands, and the Virgin Islands - composed of about 100 islands and cays. The Bahamas is an archipelago of 700 islands and 2,000 cays. This island character permits entry into and use of Caribbean territories from hundreds of multiple
places in the surrounding sea. The Caribbean countries do not have the ability to provide adequate territorial policing and security, thus producing an extreme vulnerability to trafficking. (2) The most important location feature of the regions physical geography is its proximity. This proximity is dual: South America as a major drug-supply source, and North America as a major drug-demand area. Illicit drugs typically move internationally from less developed areas of the world to the more developed countries, where most drug consumption takes place. Just as the growth of legitimate global businesses has been facilitated by the globalization of financial systems and market relations, drug traffickers have additionally taken advantage of the opportunities presented by the changing macro-economic environment. They have organized themselves on a global scale and put a significant amount of their drug profits in financial centers offering secrecy and attractive investment returns. Their adoption of high-tech computer and communication technology has facilitated expansion of their trade. Drug traffickers are now able to launder illicit profits by moving money around the world electronically with nominal national controls. They are aided by porous borders, due in part to policies intended to encourage trade and investment. In other cases, it is due to weak governments and weak or unenforceable laws against money laundering, fraud or organized crime. The trade of illicit drugs has quite a variety of adverse socioeconomic and political effects. These activities can occasionally undermine the legal economy by contributing to an overvalued exchange rate. They contribute to increased crime and social disruption on all levels, and their adverse effects can be intensified by drug control laws. Most of the benefits and liabilities associated with the trade of drugs ultimately derives from illegality, a condition which the drug control laws establish. Illegality provides what has been called the crime tax the difference between legal and illegal price markets. This tax is reaped principally by traffickers, but they pass on a sufficient proportion
to peasant growers which creates incentives for drug crop production. (3) Why do people traffic in illicit drugs, and how are they able to do so on such a large scale? While one incentive is the money that is to be made in servicing consumer demand for drugs, other factors are also involved. The structure of society, the nature of political power, the impact of economic policy, and the resistance of the cultural fabric to private drug consumption and public corruption are all factors that influence how successfully illicit drugs can be traded.
The nature of the international drug trade has changed a great deal over the past fifteen years. At the height of the cocaine epidemic, the manufacturing and importation of the product was controlled by the group of traffickers from Medellin, Colombia. The bold violence and political fervor stunned the world. Beginning in the late 1970s, the major cocaine trafficking organizations based in Colombia generally relied on the intricate smuggling network which facilitated shipment of multi-tons of cocaine through the Caribbean. These traffickers also accumulated great wealth and they invested heavily in luxury products and property within the United States. Until July 1991, when a new Constitution in Colombia was adopted, members of the Medellin cartel were truly fearful of the threat of extradition to the United States. Thus, they successfully bribed and intimidated officials in the Government of Colombia to outlaw their extradition. Three important changes in drug trafficking have had major negative results on the Western Hemisphere. First is the orchestrated efforts by traffickers based in Mexico to saturate markets with methamphetamine. Secondly, the Colombian traffickers aggressive production and marketing of strong, pure heroin. Lastly, is the reemergence of well established trafficking routes and methods in the Caribbean. (1)
them in dealing with the problem. In the Eastern Caribbean, the smaller islands are being used as stepping stones towards the bigger markets of Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands - both designated by the DEA as High Density Trafficking Areas. Corruption is another drug-related activity that impacts on the security of the Caribbean region. It involves acts of commission and omission which breach the laws that deviate from accepted social, economic and political norms. Corruption has developed violence and uncertainty about the loyalty of forces of law and order. Furthermore, corruption at the highest levels, money laundering and related drug activities are leading society dangerously close to the possible collapse of civil society. (4)
power since the Cali syndicates fall, have returned to the traditional smuggling routes in the Caribbean. This has resulted in larger shipments of cocaine transiting the Caribbean Sea. Seizures of 500 to 2,000 kilograms of cocaine are common in and around Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic. Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands are the United States southern most points of entry, and thus provide an excellent gateway for drugs destined for cities on the East Coast of the United States. More importantly, Puerto Ricos commonwealth status means that once a shipment of cocaine reaches Puerto Rico, it may not be subjected to further United States Customs Service (USCS) inspection en route to the continental U.S. Today, Colombian cocaine and heroin traffickers have transformed Puerto Rico into the largest staging area in the Caribbean for smuggling Colombian cocaine and heroin into the United States. In the past, the role of traffickers from the Dominican Republic was limited to being pick up crews and couriers who assisted the Puerto Rican smugglers in their drug smuggling ventures. Most of this has changed with the evolution of drug trading over the last three years. The new breed of Dominican traffickers function as smuggler, transporter, and wholesaler in many U.S. cities on the Eastern Coast. In the last year, criminals from the Dominican Republic have emerged as the dominant force in the mid-level cocaine and heroin trade on the East Coast of the U.S. As in the case with the Dominican Republic, Haiti presents an ideal location for the staging and transshipment of drugs. There is effectively no border control between the two countries, allowing essentially unimpeded drug traffic. The vast amount of the South American drug traffic arriving in Haiti is transported across the porous border of the Dominican Republic, and then on to Puerto Rico by Dominican transportation groups. Once the heroin and cocaine reaches the Dominican Republic, the Dominican groups take control over both smuggling the drugs into the U.S. and carrying out an increasing percentage of wholesale and retail distribution along the East Coast. (1)
Jamaica and the Bahamas is more difficult to detect because of the proximity of the islands and the ability of low-flying aircraft to avoid radar. The Dominican Republic continues to be a transshipment area for cocaine. A number of favorable factors contribute to the nations popularity with cocaine traffickers. It lies 61 nautical miles from Puerto Rico, making smuggling by fishing boat to Puerto Rico fairly simple. Additionally, the countrys long coastline and dense thickets of mangroves are ideal areas for airdrops and noncommercial smuggling from Colombia and Venezuela. It also shares a long and sometimes desolate border with Haiti. Despite US Coast Guard patrols off the northern coast of Haiti, maritime shipments of cocaine continue to reach Haitis shores. Drug traffickers exploit Haitis numerous uncontrolled airstrips, an unguarded coastline, and a remote interior. Puerto Rico remains the primary eastern Caribbean destination for multi-ton cocaine shipments. Both Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands are attractive staging points, given the fact that domestic commercial cargo shipments between these U.S. territories and the continental U.S. ordinarily are not subject to US Customs inspection. Additionally, these Islands are destinations for cocaine air-dropped elsewhere in the eastern Caribbean primarily in the Sabra Bank area (St Martin, St Kitts, and Sabra), and near Anguilla and Antigua. From these drop zones, cocaine is transported to Puerto Rico or the U.S. Virgin Islands by go-fast boats. (5) The geography and topography of Belize also makes the country ideal for drug smuggling. Apart from a long coast line and contiguous borders with Guatemala and Mexico, two major heroin and marijuana producers, there are dense unpopulated jungle areas and numerous inland waterways. Moreover, there are about 140 isolated airstrips and virtually no radar coverage beyond a 30-mile radius of the international airport at Belize City.
Jamaica has long been key to the drug trade, given its long coastline, its proximity to the United States, its many ports, harbors, and beaches, and its closeness to the Yucatan and Windward Passages. Jamaicas west and south coast are the most popular areas for air trafficking. Apart from landings on strips designed or adapted for drug operations, landings have been made on roads, in cane fields, and on legal strips owned by bauxite and sugar companies. The Jamaica Defense Force has destroyed close to 100 illegal airstrips, but given the heavy limestone in many of the popular landing areas, operators are often able to make fields serviceable within 10 days of destruction. Most of the cocaine air operations using Jamaica over the last few years have involved San Andres and Bogota in Colombia, the Bahamas, Panama, and Curacao. Traffickers do not rely only on illegal flights; legal commercial flights are also used. Particularly popular, and problematic for Jamaican officials, was the commercial link between San Andres and Montego Bay. That connection was severed in September 1994, but there are still commercial flights linking Jamaica and Bogota. Although the Bahamas, Belize, and Jamaica are still important drug trafficking centers, countermeasures there and in South and Central America have prompted traffickers to seek and develop alternative routes. This has brought eastern and southern Caribbean countries into greater prominence since the early 1990s. The shifts are of such a magnitude that, in November 1994, Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands were designated by the United States as High-Intensity Drug Trafficking Areas (HIDTAs). Moreover, because of the increased drug activity, in July 1995 the DEA upgraded its presence in Puerto Rico from office to Field Division, thus increasing its staffing and assigning a special agent to oversee the Caribbean. Several factors explain Haitis trafficking vulnerability and involvement: geographic location, poorly monitored coasts, mountainous interior, about 20 unpatrolled airstrips, inadequate law enforcement resources, and corruption. In Haiti, the complicity of
military and other officials has been well established. Haiti has reportedly been used for a bridge to the United States, with both the flights and the cargo protected by the military. Guyana has recently become an important center of operations. Like other Caribbean countries, Guyanas trafficking use saw its graduation from marijuana to cocaine and heroin. The air, sea and land routes developed for smuggling contraband in Guyana from Brazil, Venezuela, and Suriname have now been adapted to narcotics trafficking. A further complication is the fact that the borders with these neighboring countries are very long. Moreover, traffickers are able to take advantage of the countrys large size, the coastal habitation, and absence of adequate manpower and equipment to police the territory. For example, there are 92 legal airports (private and public), most of them in remote parts of the country where the physical and social geography provides clear advantages for traffickers. Guyanas physical geography makes it also vulnerable to maritime trafficking. Guyana, whose name is derived from an Amerindian word that means Land of Many Waters, has hundreds of inland rivers and creeks. Moreover, there are 13 huge rivers that flow into the Atlantic Ocean, and each of those rivers has a network of tributaries. The maritime traffic is also facilitated by the fact that the network of rivers also runs into Brazil, Suriname, and Venezuela. In effect, the state lacks the power to exercise proper political and territorial jurisdiction over the nation. Top army, coast guard, and police officials in many parts of the region have expressed frustration at not only the inability to adequately protect their countries borders against trafficking, but also at being the pawns of traffickers who often create successful small interdiction diversions in order to execute large operations. (6)
Islands, Puerto Rico, or the Dominican Republic. Other aircraft flying from Colombias North Coast reportedly air-drop waterproof bundles of cocaine in the vicinity of the Bahamas. Airdrops typically are made to waiting boat crews, who then deliver the cocaine to shore. From staging points in the Caribbean, smugglers then deliver the cocaine by sea to southern Florida. Traffickers frequently attempt to circumvent inspection by altering shipping documents at intermediate transshipment points, and by using counterfeit customs seals. They also use a variety of concealment methods to ship cocaine within maritime cargo. Bulk cargo ships frequently are used to smuggle cocaine to staging sites in the western Caribbean area. These vessels are typically coastal freighters that carry an average cocaine load of approximately 2.5 metric tons. The most common storage location for cocaine is in hidden compartments within fuel or ballast tanks. Modifications sometimes are made to the structure of the vessel, which makes access to hidden compartments impossible without literally tearing the vessel apart. Additionally, compartments in some cases are mounted on the exterior of the ships. Commercial fishing vessels also are well-suited for mother ship operations because they typically have capacities for large shipments and are equipped with sophisticated navigation and communication instruments. Consequently, they do not require refitting that indicates the vessels roles in smuggling operations. Fishing vessels also are able to stay at sea for long periods and travel long distances. Additionally, fishing vessels are difficult to monitor and tight-knit fishing communities make infiltration by drug law enforcement authorities difficult. Noncommercial maritime vessels used by traffickers tend to be locally available vessels that could blend into the local surroundings. In areas with a high volume of recreational traffic, smugglers use the same types of boats as the local population, such as go-fast boats and yolas. Additionally, smugglers operate during weekends and at other times of peak boating activity to blend in with local traffic.
Smugglers also make attempts to avoid detection by operating at night without navigation lights. Smugglers receive off-loads during atsea transfers from mother ships that arrive from source countries, and then land with the cocaine at marinas, isolated inlets, bays, bayous, beaches, or other areas that would hinder surveillance. Landing sites typically are located near major roads that connect to interstate highway systems thus providing smugglers with easy access to escape routes. Maritime craft known as low-profile vessels (LPVs) also are used to smuggle cocaine to Puerto Rico. LPVs are small, sleek vessels that ride low in the water and often have light gray camouflage paint schemes all factors that make LPVs difficult to spot at sea at distances of over 1.5 nautical miles. Aircraft are used to transport cocaine from South America both to staging sites in Mexico, Puerto Rico, elsewhere in the Caribbean and, on occasion, directly to the United States. Aircraft used in flights to Mexico and the Caribbean most commonly are dual-engine, general aviation aircraft. Traffickers continue to transship cocaine through Belize by airdrop and maritime vessel for further transshipment to the United States, either directly or through Mexico, Jamaica, or the Cayman Islands. The countrys 370-mile coastline, 100-plus unmonitored airstrips, and 2 deep-water ports make Belize particularly accessible to traffickers. (5) The Bahamas remains a central conduit for air and maritime shipments of drugs moving through the Western and Central Caribbean to the Southeast United States. Transportation groups located in the Bahamas utilize a variety of methods to move cocaine from the islands to the United States. Colombian traffickers air drop shipments of cocaine off the coast of Jamaica, or utilize boat to boat transfers on open seas.
Transportation groups from Jamaica and the Bahamas sometimes use canoes to smuggle their payloads into the Bahama chain, frequently using the territorial waters of Cuba to shield their movement. The cocaine is then transferred to pleasure craft which disappear into the inter-island boat traffic. Traffickers also use twin-engine turbo-prop aircraft, with long range capability and Global Positioning Systems (GPS), which pinpoint drop zones and meeting spots in the middle of the ocean. Cellular telephones are used to minimize their exposure to interdiction assets and ensure the smooth transfer of their cocaine cargo for shipment into the United States. (1)
organizations such as: shipping companies, customs and immigration agencies, warehouses, police forces, the military, airlines, export and import companies, stores, cruise ships, trucking companies, and factories. (2)
CHAPTER 9 COUNTERMEASURES
A wide range of coping strategies to counter drug trafficking is being adopted. Countermeasures are multi-dimensional, multi-level, and multi-actor - a reflection of the nature and scope of the immense drug phenomenon. They must be multidimensional because drug operations and their impact are multidimensional; they must be multilevel national, regional, and international because drug operations and many of the problems they precipitate are both national and transnational; and they must be multi-actor for the two above reasons, plus the fact that countries lack the necessary individual capabilities to meet the threats and challenges. National countermeasures are wide-ranging in scope and sufficiently substantive in character. They include: law enforcement, education, interdiction, demand reduction, rehabilitation, intelligence, crop substitution, airport and seaport management, financial services regulation, and legislation. There is no region-wide standard for most of the countermeasures, although countries emulate other successful models elsewhere and common practices do exist. The type and impact of the countermeasures introduced depend essentially on three things: perceptions of the predicament, national capability, and foreign support. Public sector resources may be insufficient to design and implement narcotics countermeasures. This is more so due to the fact that countermeasures need to be both multidimensional and simultaneous. Education, rehabilitation, interdiction, and other measures should be applied at the same time.
Most countries have thus adopted an inclusive approach, actively reaching out locally to Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and corporate agencies for partnership in countermeasures. Generally, though, foreign state and non-state assistance is still necessary. In some cases the foreign support becomes so central to programs that its withdrawal can result in the programs collapse. Foreign assistance is not only bilateral, but also multilateral. Aid sometimes comes from places with generally little interest in the Caribbean, which suggests that the rationale behind the assistance may not be for the specific country getting it. Virtually all Caribbean countries have national drug councils that are supposed to set policies on their countermeasures. They usually are composed of officials from multiple government bodies as well as NGOs and the private sector. The National Council on Drug Abuse (NCDA) of Jamaica, the Programa para la Prevencion del Uso Indebido de Drogas (PROPUID) of the Dominican Republic, the National Advisory Council on Drugs (NACD) of Guyana, the National Council for Drug Abuse Prevention (NaCoDAP) of the Netherlands Antilles, and the National Drug Council (NDC) of the Bahamas are a few examples of these organizations. Caribbean countries participate in various regional and international networks. Some of them, like the Inter-American Drug Action Task Force (CFATF), the OAS Money Laundering Expert Group (OAS-MLEG), and the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) are solely devoted to combating drugs. For some of them, such as the Association of Caribbean Commissioners of Police (ACCP), drugs are part of a much wider mandate. Like national efforts, regional and international initiatives are multidimensional, covering the very areas that are dealt with nationally. But unlike the national level, regional and international operations see less INGO (International Non Governmental Organizations) involvement, and more from the states and NGOs. `As of May 1996, all Caribbean countries except Belize and Cuba had ratified the 1988 Convention. This ratification is now viewed
by the international community as a litmus test of commitment for battling drugs. Thus Caribbean countries are very good international citizens. Yet this is but a part of the reality. There is a point beyond ratification where Caribbean countries appear delinquent. More critical than ratification of treaties is the execution of their provisions, and most all Caribbean countries are remiss with this for various reasons. The reasons include administrative lethargy, technical and financial limitations, plus lack of other needed resources. About 90 percent of the regional and international countermeasures involve foreign support by states, NGOs, and INGOs within various combinations. Because the regional and international agencies involved recognize the importance of coordinating their assistance, the Bridgetown Group was formed. The Bridgetown Group, centered in the Barbados capital, includes representatives from the American, British, Canadian, Dutch, and French diplomatic missions in Barbados, the OAS, and the UNDCP (UN Drug Control Program). The success of the Bridgetown Group has led to the creation of four additional groups: the Georgetown Group (in Guyana); the Port of Spain Group (in Trinidad and Tobago); the Santo Domingo Group (in the Dominican Republic); and the Kingston Group (in Jamaica). Most Caribbean countries have also signed Mutual Legal Assistance Treaties (MLATs) with the United States, among them Antigua-Barbuda, Jamaica, Bahamas, Belize, Dominican Republic, Grenada, Haiti, Suriname, St Kitts-Nevis, and Trinidad and Tobago. MLATs provide for training, joint interdiction, asset sharing, extradition, intelligence, and material/technical support. Some agreements provide for ship-rider arrangements, which allows Caribbean military and police personnel to sail aboard U.S. Coast Guard ships. The agreements authorize the boarding of suspect vessels in the Caribbean waters and allows the arrest of suspects and confiscation of their drugs. It is useful to note that although no formal agreements exist between Cuba and the United States, occasionally there has been some meaningful antidrug cooperation. Other bilateral narcotics treaties also exist. Belize, for example, has agreements with Mexico for exchange of intelligence. Bilateral
agreements also exist between Suriname and Colombia, Cuba and Guyana, Suriname and Guyana, Venezuela and Guyana, Suriname and the Netherlands, Cuba and Jamaica, Trinidad/Tobago and Venezuela, Jamaica and Mexico, and Cuba and Panama. Caribbean countries also are a part of several international counternarcotics regimes. Among these are the following: the 1961 United Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs; the 1971 Convention on Psychotropic Substances; the 1972 Protocol amending the 1961 Convention and the 1988 Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances. The Conventions include provisions on drug trafficking, money laundering, organized crime, and related issues, such as arms trafficking. The Conventions require states that are a part of it to strengthen laws concerning financial reporting, extradition, asset forfeiture, and other subjects. It also urges adherents to improve cooperation in intelligence, interdiction, eradication, and many other areas. The way the United States pursues some of its unilateral and joint countermeasures has often been a problem for some of the Caribbean countries. United States law enforcement officials are known to have pursued suspects into the territorial waters of Caribbean countries, making arrests in those countries jurisdictions - sometimes without a courtesy notification of the arrest. There has often been basic coercion by U.S. agencies in the selection of personnel for local drug enforcement operations, and in the design and implementation of countermeasures. There is considerable muddling through in the design and implementation of narcotics countermeasures in this region. Various factors account for this: capability limitations, administrative lethargy, a rock-and-hard-place dilemma in which policy makers find themselves (partly because drug operations have both negative and positive aspects), and the fact that decisions about many national programs are not made solely by local elites. Also, there is a troubling sense of fatalism in some places, which is dangerous for several reasons. It adversely affects the psychological buoyancy of people involved in combating drugs, it contributes to greater cynicism in the general population of countries,
and it emboldens drug operators with the possibility that they might increase the scope of their operations in the region. National Master Plans are considered the ideal tools for establishing national strategies and mechanisms for combating drugs. There are Master Plans in over 18 places, including Trinidad and Tobago, Guyana, Grenada, the Netherlands Antilles, the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, St Vincent and the Grenadines, St Lucia, AntiguaBarbuda, the British Virgin Islands, Haiti, Belize, Anguilla, Barbados, Turks and Caicos, Aruba, Bermuda, Dominica, and Cuba. However, there are problems with Master Plans, one of which the United Nations International Drug Control Program (UNDCP) notes: A severe lack of consistent, pertinent, reliable, and comprehensive data on drug abuse and trafficking seriously inhibits proper assessment of the actual situation, and precludes planning of appropriate counter-measures. (2)
serve as communication links between the aircraft and the countrys law enforcement authorities. Either on the ground and in the air, they interdict and apprehend the targeted narco-trafficker. Aircraft that stage out of FOLs act upon information received in the operational plans drawn up by a command and control center located in Key West, FL. The center is international in scope and concept with officers from various Western Hemisphere nations integrated into the command. The entire program is part of the international counternarcotics effort agreed to by all the presidents of the Western Hemisphere nations during the Miami and Santiago Summits in 1994 and 1998, and the United Nations General Assembly Special Session on Counternarcotics held in June 1998. There are currently three FOLs: Curacao, Aruba, and Manta, Ecuador. Other places will possibly be designated in the future after appropriate diplomatic consultations. Effective intelligence also supports law enforcement efforts against the independent cocaine and heroin trafficking organizations in Colombia, and the splinter groups from the Cali organization, which are ultimately supplying the majority of cocaine to the Eastern United States. While building cases against these criminal groups, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency (DEA) will employ intelligence gained from its investigation in coordination with the Coast Guard, Treasury Department, and Department of Defense. This makes it possible to substantially step up interdiction of smuggled drugs at geographic and transportation choke points along maritime routes and at ports of entry. (1) Many Caribbean countries, including Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, Dominican Republic, Grenada, and Guyana, already have United States sponsored Joint Information Coordinating Centers (JICCs). These are linked electronically with the DEA operational and analysis center in Texas, called the El Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC). However, several Caribbean officials have stressed the importance of having a system within the region to serve the region since most of the JICC intelligence data flows are unidirectional from the Caribbean JICCs to the EPIC. (2)
DEA also has identified four major organizations based on the northern coast of Colombia that have deployed command and control cells in the Caribbean Basin to funnel tons of cocaine to the United States every year. Colombian managers, who have been dispatched to Puerto Rico and the Dominican Republic, operate these command and control centers which are responsible for overseeing drug trafficking in their region. These groups also direct networks of transporters that oversee the importation, storage, exportation, and wholesale distribution of cocaine destined for the continental United States. (12) The DEA (Drug Enforcement Agency) supports its foreign counterparts investigations by providing information such as who controls the drug trade; how the drugs are distributed; and how the profits are being laundered. It also provides information as to how the entire worldwide drug system operates at the source level, transportation level, wholesale and retail levels. One major U.S. federal effort is the Joint Information Coordination Centers program. They provide computer hardware and software, as well as training, to 20 host country nationals overseas - primarily in Central America, South America and the Caribbean. This program enables these countries to establish intelligence-gathering centers of their own and is modeled after the Drug Enforcement Agencys El Paso Intelligence Center. Additional resources have allowed DEA to increase their technological edge and address some critical infrastructure needs that support their international investigation. With the growing sophistication of todays internationally based and national drug trafficking organizations, law enforcement (including DEA) relies heavily on investigative tools such as Title III wiretaps to successfully investigate the major drug trafficking organizations. DEA has also developed sophisticated methods to compile investigative information which ensures all leads are properly followed up and coordinated through their Special Operations Division (SOD). This mechanism allows all DEA field divisions and foreign offices to capitalize on investigative information from various sources as cases develop. Numerous major cases have been developed with the assistance of the
SOD, which increasingly is a central player in cocaine, methamphetamine and heroin investigations. DEA has also provided a communication system, known as Unicorn, which allows the island nations to exchange drug enforcement information amongst themselves. This same system is also linked to the larger Information and Coordination Center, which is based in Puerto Rico. DEA special agents are assisting their foreign counterparts by developing sources of information and interviewing witnesses. Agents work undercover and assist in surveillance efforts on cases that involve drug trafficking which affects the United States. They provide information about drug traffickers to their counterparts and pursue investigative leads by checking out hotel, airport, shipping, and passport records. In addition, when host country authorities need to know the origin of seized illicit drugs, DEA agents ship the drugs back to DEA facilities in the United States for laboratory analysis. Also, the DEA, in collaboration with federal prosecutors, seeks U.S. indictments against major foreign traffickers who have committed crimes against American citizens. The DEA actively participates in various international forums to promote international law enforcement cooperation. One forum is the annual International Drug Enforcement Conference (IDEC) that brings together upper-level drug law enforcement officials from South, Central, and North America, as well as the Caribbean. They share drug-related intelligence and develop operational strategies that can be used against international drug traffickers. The yearly conferences focus on the areas of common concern such as the growing sophistication of drug trafficking organization and money laundering. (1)
about the destructive effects of drugs, the creation of development programs, and the treatment and rehabilitation of users as an important means of reducing demand, are all key pieces of the hemispheric strategy to combat drugs. As part of this new approach and by virtue of the mandate of the Second Summit of the Americas, the OAS developed a single, objective process of multilateral government evaluation. This is to monitor individual and collective progress of hemispheric efforts in the treatment of the various manifestations of the problem. In May 1998, with the backing of the member states, the OAS began negotiations to design and implement the mechanisms based on the principles agreed to in the Hemispheric Strategy. The conceptual foundation of the strategy was observance of the provisions of the OAS Charter, mindful of the principles of shared responsibility, reciprocity, balanced treatment of issues, and consensus among the states. This is all based on the sovereignty, national jurisdiction, and legal structure of each country. These efforts are aimed at developing mutual trust and improving dialogue and cooperation among the member countries. It also enabled the countries to be more rigorous in their analysis, to have a number of parameters for evaluating the quality and pertinence of policies, to strengthen and adjust the policies periodically, to weigh the effectiveness of work methods, to learn more from successes and mistakes, and to benefit from information and similar experiences in other countries. In the area of institutional strengthening, the OAS continues to provide support to the national anti-drug commissions in organizing, formulating, and coordinating integrated and long-term national plans to help combat drug trafficking and abuse. To improve the capacity of these commissions to communicate among themselves and with other international organizations, and to maximize the use of existing telecommunications systems in the hemisphere, the OAS implemented the Inter-American Telecommunications Network for Drug Control/ National Commissions.
In 1996 the OAS formed a Group of Experts to provide assistance and facilitate cooperation among the countries of the Western Hemisphere for demand reduction. In recent years, they have also conducted numerous activities - including drug use prevention programs for street children, women, and youth; development of communication strategies; and projects related to drug education. In relation to legal developments, the OAS has updated the Model Regulations on Laundering Offenses related to the Illicit Trafficking in Drugs and Related Offenses. The General Assembly has approved these regulations and agreed upon numerous amendments to the Model Regulations to Control Chemical Substances. Thanks to this work, judicial systems, police, and other agencies combating drug trafficking in the countries of the hemisphere are now cooperating more closely. The OAS also has continued working on the dissemination of materials on drugs and has set up the Inter-American System of Uniform Data On Drug Use (SIDUC) - which supplies member states with reliable, rapidly accessible, and comparable data on the use and illegal trafficking of narcotics. (8)
agents laundered more than $20 million for the Colombian-based cartels. As the investigation developed, cartel operatives asked some of the undercover agents to provide money laundering services in Europe, Canada, and the Caribbean. Consequently, Operation Green Ice was expanded into an immense international law enforcement effort involving Canada, the Cayman Islands, Colombia, Costa Rica, Italy, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. In September 1992, undercover agents arranged a meeting with top-ranking Cali financial managers at locations in the United States, Italy, Spain, and Costa Rica. The drug lords arrived, expecting to discuss plans for their current criminal businesses, but instead were arrested. Operation Green Ice was an unprecedented collaboration of talent and financial expertise that successfully formed the first international task force to combat the monetary networks of the Cali organization. Operation Green Ice led to the arrest of seven of the Cali organizations top financial managers, the seizure of more than $50 million in assets worldwide, and the arrest of 177 persons which included 44 from the United States. (1) The opportunity was taken at the CARICOM (Caribbean Community) Georgetown, Guyana meeting on 25 Sep 1998 to review and assess progress on various drug projects and programs. They were designed to fight the trade in illicit drugs and associated crimes, including money-laundering and the regional justice protection program. Among these projects and programs were those agreed to at the Barbados Plan of Action for Drug Control Coordination and Cooperation in the Caribbean developed in 1996; at the Plan of Action arising out of the Caribbean/US Summit held in May 1997; and at the Second Summit of the Americas in April 1998 as well as those funded by the European Union (EU). The meeting also reviewed the programs and recommendations placed forward by the Association of Caribbean Commissioners of Police (ACCOP), the Caribbean Customs Law Enforcement Council (CCLEC) and the Caribbean Island Nations Security Conference (CINSEC). This meeting reaffirmed their commitment to a unified position in dealing with drug trafficking where
they agreed on a mechanism to be put in place with the CARICOM Secretariat to ensure coordination among the programs. (9) The results of the Caribbean Corridor Initiative includes many major multi-national operations. One - Operation Summer Storm conducted in 1997, was a combined effort of all the Caribbean nations, the Drug Enforcement Administration, the U.S. Coast Guard, and the navies of Great Britain, Netherlands, France and the United States. It succeeded in closing down the eastern Caribbean to drug trafficking for almost 60 days. Operation Summer Storm resulted in the seizure of mega amounts of drugs, including 57 kilograms of cocaine, and the arrests of 828 people. Operation Genesis, conducted in late 1998, was also a multinational initiative, involving the United States, Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Prior to this operation, Haiti and the Dominican Republic had never coordinated their anti-drug efforts with each other. The precedent set by Operation Genesis will, hopefully, aid in improving the ability to coordinate anti-drug efforts on the island of Hispaniola. (1)
develop and maintain a unified effort to fight drug trafficking in the region. March 4, 1996, US Secretary of State Warren Christopher and Prime Minister Basdeo Panday of Trinidad and Tobago signed three agreements designed to combat drug trafficking through the twin-island republic. These agreements are as follows: the Maritime Drug Interdiction Treaty, which permits US drug enforcement personnel to work aboard Trinidad and Tobago Coast Guard boats and vice-versa; the Mutual Assistance Treaty, which authorizes exchanges of information on drug searches and seizures; and the Extradition Treaty, which streamlines existing extradition procedures between the two countries. CARICOM states, because of their fragile economies, geographical location, and inadequate security-capabilities, are vulnerable to narco-trafficking. Generally, the regional states have been attempting to respond to drug trafficking on an individual basis. They are using their very scarce resources primarily for interdiction and the eradication of marijuana, which is cultivated in a relatively large quantity in a number of Caribbean countries. The Inter-American Commission for Drug Abuse Control (CICAD) and a number of other international agencies also render assistance to the region in the fight against illicit trafficking and the use of narcotics. (11) The DEA has used the majority of the Western Hemisphere funds to continue installation of a classified computer infrastructure referred to as MERLIN which operates in association with their FIREBIRD computer system throughout DEA offices in the source and transit countries. This system is the single most important enhancement to enable the flow of critical intelligence to and from these regions and the United States. Drug traffickers are taking advantage of rapidly advancing technology, including encryption, which is used to disguise the content of conversations by thwarting law enforcement attempts to interfere with their operations and ultimately bring them to justice. The Western Hemisphere funding is also being used for the purchase of wireless intercept equipment to augment programs in the source and transit zones of the Caribbean. The switch to digital communications, the
sophistication of traffickers in their efforts to conceal their communications, as well as the expansion of DEAs intercept programs in all the source countries - has significantly increased the demand for this technological equipment. (12) The growing trend towards increased cooperation in the Western Hemisphere is creating unprecedented drug-control opportunities through growing multilateral initiatives. The anti-drug action agenda signed at the 1994 Miami Summit of the Americas is being implemented. All member states of the Organization of American States endorsed the 1995 Buenos Aires Communique on Money Laundering and the 1996 Hemispheric Anti-Drug Strategy. The hemispheres thirtyfour democratically elected heads of states agreed during the 1998 Summit of the Americas in Santiago, Chile to an unprecedented Hemispheric Alliance Against Drugs. (13)
CHAPTER 15 CONCLUSION
Drug trafficking in the Caribbean is overwhelmingly influenced by Colombian organized criminal groups. The Caribbean has long been a favorite smuggling route used by the Medellin and Cali crime groups. Now, independent groups of traffickers from the Northern Valle dal Cauca, and splinter groups from the Cali syndicate have risen to prominence and are responsible for mega volumes of cocaine and heroin being shipped to the United States and other countries through the Caribbean. These groups, who have replaced the highly structured, centrally controlled business operations of the Cali group, tend to be smaller and less organized. However, they continue to rely on fear and violence to expand and control their trafficking empires. The illegal drug economy may, occasionally, act as a safety-valve to compensate for the shortcomings of the formal economy. Traffickers infiltrate bureaucracies, buy public decisions, and conduct business through threats of violence and intimidation. They create an anti-state outside any rule of law or central government control, which necessitates the expenditure of millions of dollars for law enforcement activities. In the social sphere, traffickers corrupt a significant proportion of the population by attracting new generations to the drug trade. They glamorize gangs and glorify the role model of the conspicuously consuming new rich, thereby contributing to social disorganization and disintegration. Drug traffickers use the opportunities presented by the changing global economic environment to enlarge their activities and expand their markets. They are extremely mobile, employ the latest communication
technology and move their money around the world electronically. The consequences of this type of organized trafficking are severe; systemic crime and violence are becoming endemic in the countries worst affected, while traffickers efforts to corrupt public officials and attract new generations to the drug trade help protect them from attack. International narcotics control efforts will never adequately attack the trafficking problem until official government corruption in the drug trade is reduced or eliminated, so the efforts of the international community can be focused solely on prosecuting the criminal syndicates directly involved. A comprehensive study of the drug dilemma in the Caribbean reveals the severity of the threat that illegal drug trafficking poses to these small countries of the region. It is a persistent problem for law enforcement and threatens the very existence of the small countries in the Caribbean. The increase in the production and flow of drugs undermines the political stability and economic development since it leads to crime, corruption, arms trafficking and decreased tourism. Although all these countries, except Cuba, are democracies, the need to commit military and paramilitary forces in the war against drugs can seriously undermine democratic governance in these nations. Increased military involvement in drug control operations has been relatively unsuccessful where it has been attempted. Additionally, the adverse social and political impacts of such a strategy are potentially severe. The war on drugs cannot be fought by any one nation alone it must be a unified effort. The fact that 144 States have become parties to the 1998 Convention on Illicit Traffic in Narcotics Drugs and Psychotropic Substances is evidence of the interest in quelling the growth of this illicit trade and traffic. In June 1998, the world interested countries from all across the globe assembled at the United Nations to send a message of unity and commitment to strengthen our effort against drug trafficking. Its success is yet to be observed.
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See: http://library.jid.org/en/mono39/taylor.htm