The Northern Ireland Question Simple as ABC?

30 March 1993
"How do I get from here to the Giant's Causeway?", said the American tourist. "Well, said Willie John, drawing slowly on his pipe for inspiration, "If I was you I wouldn't start from here ".
John Hume's description of three sets of relationships to be addressed and accommodated: A - Nationalist - Unionist in the North; B - Unionists and the rest of the island [of Ireland]; C - British-Irish. is based upon a nationalist analysis of the Northern Ireland "problem". It is therefore no more likely to be acceptable to militant unionists than the current and previous arrangements were to militant nationalists. Patrick Mayhew and Dick Spring seem to have been taken in by the Hume diplomacy (or blarney); even the unionists appear to have accepted this prescription, perhaps for the sake of some political progress. When I talked to the local political parties in May 1991 I identified not three but five political relationships that are important to all of the people of Northern Ireland: R1 - Unionist-Nationalist (and others) within Northern Ireland; R2 - Northern Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom; R3 - Northern Ireland and the rest of the island of Ireland; R4 - Governments in London and Dublin; R5 - Northern Ireland and the EU. These five relationships represent ties of kin, trade, tourism, religion and culture. Differences in British and Irish cultural expression exist at the margins; these minor variations only become significant because of repetition, essentially racist caricatures and the efforts of politicians and churchmen pursuing vested interests. The identification of five political relationships was based on the following presumptions : a. The rest of Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom have a limited understanding of the history of our region and a strong desire to keep our "problems" out of their respective territories. b. The combative nature of Westminster and Dil politics is inappropriate in a situation where even television news inflames prejudice and may well incite retaliation. Local politicians are best placed to make choices but structures are required to limit the effect of their deeply held prejudices. c. A large majority of Northern Ireland residents wish to remain here at peace with their neighbours and would be content to live under a democratic system where responsibility is shared.
R1. Internal

R1 is the most significant, and contentious, as it will include security arrangements and the development of democratic structures both at district council level and for Nl as a whole. Central government in London has had twenty years to address the "democratic deficit" and has only succeeded in diminishing democracy further through the systematic removal of elected representatives from more and more parts of the decision making process. In a sense the Brooke/Mayhew Talks have acted as a convenient diversion; compulsory competitive tendering, the privatisation of water and the change of status of hospitals are areas where the government has disregarded the wishes of most people in Northern Ireland and not sought the advice of elected

representatives. Patrick Mayhew is being hypocritical when he accepts the right of Sinn Fin members to be in one part of the government process (councils) but not the rest. He has also proposed that Catholic and other voluntary schools in Northern Ireland need no longer make a 15% contribution to their capital expenditure. Will this facility be available to all church (Christian and non-Christian) and voluntary schools in the rest of the United Kingdom where there are also areas of multiple social need? It seems strange that Sir Patrick should "strive for a tolerant, pluralist society" by proposing measures that reinforce apartheid. Already the episcopal Church of Ireland is calling for a Protestant Council for Controlled Schools to achieve equity with the Catholic Council for Maintained Schools. The input of elected representatives, business people, bureaucrats and voluntary agencies to policy and decision making in public administration (district and regional) needs to be properly structured e.g. Moyle Council, with a budget of 1.5 million, has 85 employees and 15 councillors whereas the Causeway Unit of Management of Health and Social Services, with a budget of 25 million, operates across three council districts and has 1700 employees with little apparent democratic accountability. It would also be sensible to have common boundaries for the agencies of local and regional government. These should be individual council districts or groups of them. The present arrangements are a hotch-potch. R2. Nl and the rest of the UK &R3. Ni and the rest of the island of Ireland These relationships need not develop along the same lines but there needs to be a strong similarity for R1 to prosper e.g. District Councils should develop cultural and economic links with their counterparts in R1, R2, R3 and R5, not just one or two of them, as seems to happen at present. Moyle Council has links in R1 and R3, Coleraine has links in R1 and R4 but neither has links in R2. The failure of the two governments to recognize, and accept, the significance of R2 may mean that resources transferred to R3 may economically damage R2 without yielding significant dividends in R3. In these two relationships London, Dublin and Belfast must act as equals. Northern Ireland's membership of the United Kingdom but not of a United Ireland need not impede a balanced development of R2 and R3. At present there is a decided preference for continued membership of the UK as against a Ul but if a semi-autonomous Nl administration had the united support of the governments in London and Dublin then that preference would have less political significance. Different parts of the UK have different governing arrangements for historical and cultural reasons. It should be possible to devise a council, containing local MP's and others, which would oversee those functions which are not devolved to a regional assembly for Northern Ireland. Continuing direct rule from London and/or Dublin is unlikely to diminish the growth of a "dependency" culture in Nl. R4. UK and Irish governments R4 should provide a forum for the totality of relationships which affect the peoples of the "two islands" and the governments in London and Dublin without diminishing R2 and R3. There may well be a role for an extra-parliamentary body containing equal numbers of representatives from Belfast, London and Dublin to assist the development of R1, R2, R3 and R4. The activities of the present body are likely to develop a London-Dublin axis which may not be in the best interests of the people of Northern Ireland. R5. Nl and the rest of the EU R5 is the least contentious, as demonstrated by the cooperative actions of our three MEPs but needs much more development and attention than it currently receives. (Do we need more than three part-time MEPs?). European awareness seems to be a horizon too far. The establishment of NICE is a small step in the right direction but our district councils could play a much larger role in the enhancement of business and tourism.

Regional Autonomy and Shared Sovereignty

(A modest proposal for unionists and nationalists)
25 November 1993

If we wish to unite the people of Northern Ireland then we must develop structures which emphasise our common language, common sense of place, common history, common culture and common Christianity whilst encouraging a diversity of cultural expression to relieve the boredom of our commonality. We must tone down our Britishness and Irishness to permit our Northern Irishness to shine through. This will also give us confidence to have proper relationships with our neighbours and the wider world. The work of groups like Cooperation North should be carried out in the United Kingdom domain as well as the Island of Ireland domain. Has anyone suggested that "two" might be our unlucky number? For me "two" equals "conflict" especially when the two parts are of relatively equal magnitude. All talk of "two traditions", "two cultures", "Planter and Gael" and "Colonist and Native" is not just divisive, it is dangerous and, in many respects, balderdash. For example, if we are concerned about religious discrimination in employment, we could record all religious denominations and none. In that way non-partisan strategies could be developed for assisting disadvantaged groups. The present arrangements are making slow acrimonious progress because the two crude classifications largely coincide with the two political allegiances. In some respects this classification has racist overtones, especially for those who think of Catholics as natives and Protestants as colonists. I suspect a search of any family tree will turn up a mongrel composition for most of us. I would prefer political decisions which affect the people of Northern Ireland to be taken by Northern Ireland people living in Northern Ireland. I don't think that politicians are the only people who should be involved in the political process. We need to be able to draw upon the talents of all who wish to help, in whatever way and whatever level. A greater sense of belonging can be fostered by devolving parts of the political process so that local communities can have an appropriate say in those matters which directly affect them. Is there any way that Northern Ireland can be both a member of the United Kingdom and a United Ireland? When there is so much to be done here there seems little practical point in having MPs in the House of Commons at Westminster. An assembly in Belfast could be presided over by a non-voting, facilitating not vacillating British secretary-of-state and an Irish one on a rota basis. Decision making could be done on a preferential basis (see P.J. Emerson's "Consensus Voting Systems") to encourage a sense of partnership. Proposals which do not receive a certain level of support should be returned to the assembly for further consideration. Progress would not be possible without a bit of give and take and extremist, partisan or loony proposals would be marginalised. Subvention funding from London and Dublin could be in proportion to their respective GDPs. The respective Secretaries-of-State could jointly control the rate of flow of funds to "assist" the decision making process; no agreement, no money. Secretaries-of-State who are perceived to be incompetent could be removed by the same preferential apparatus. So far I have dealt with essentially "internal" matters. What about relationships with the rest of the UK and the rest of the Island of Ireland? These need to be developed in tandem to reduce suspicion and jealousy. At regional level we could have a council made up of equal numbers of representatives from Belfast, London and Dublin which would foster the development of these relationships. Trade, tourism and transportation links are obvious areas for joint ventures. Funding of capital works could be part Belfast, part Dublin, part London and part European

Union. At district council level there should also be joint ventures; internally, with the rest of the UK, with the rest of the Island of Ireland and combinations of these. Building these relationships will be a positive response in what has become a political wilderness. Relationships with the rest of the European Union and other parts of the world also need to be explored and developed. Security and policing are contentious subjects, partly because constitutional and institutional issues have become intertwined. Northern Ireland people need to protect and respond to the needs of other Northern Ireland people. Is there a better way to marginalise the terrorists and racketeers? There also has to be a close relationship between local authorities and local community groups so that tensions can be diffused early on with sensitivity. What about symbols of our relationship with the rest of the UK and the rest of the Island of Ireland? Our banknotes and postage could contain representations of both Heads of State or none but not one only. Visits should be joint ventures i.e. the President and a member of the Royal family, the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach. Our individuality could be expressed through our anthem "Danny Boy" and if we need a flag it could contain the combined colours of the present two. The present desire for peace is likely to be dashed if the two governments have not got the imagination to put forward proposals which will appeal to all or most of the peace loving people of Northern Ireland. I hope my suggestions are worthy of consideration.