The struggle continues!

After the General Strike on September twenty-nine, the struggle goes on. Neither the permanent media misinformation, nor the structural violence against unemployed people, the precarious contracts, the powerful employers with the ability to fire their employees, that striking may mean the spell to them. Now is the moment to keep on mobilizing, to continue incorporating to the struggle the thousands of progressive workers unpleased with neoliberal PSOE policy. The Union demonstrations summoned in December, but if the government refuses to modify its position against the working class and does not retire its Labour Reform, the pressure must increase, even with the call to another general strike. Far from moving an inch its policies, Zapatero changed some ministers to improve the appearance and social opinion of his government as an act of populism and marketing. However, he ignored the general complaint that was demanding the modification of its governments submissive attitude towards financial organizations. Now, instead of promoting social measures, he attempts to impose a pension reform that will increase the retirement age. We know we have nothing to lose and everything to gain, as we have proved on September twenty-nine, and as some European peoples have shown such as France, Greece, United Kingdom, and Portugal, which have stated Enough! to this neoliberal attack that has in the bourgeois institutions and puppet governments an exceptional ally. They want the working class to pay for the crisis that was caused by capitalism, but they did not expect that this time, the answer would heighten in intensity as more aggressive reforms are being implanted. All around the world, we find a common feature of capitalism: the defence of their own interests over the peoples and the citizens. An obvious example of this imperialist policy is the Western Sahara, occupied 35 years ago by the Moroccan monarchical regime. Spain is ignoring its historical responsibility with the Saharan people in order to keep its geostrategic interests in the region, since a great quantity of fishing boats which plunder Saharawi waters have a Spanish flag. Furthermore, Morocco has become an essential economic and military ally to Spain, where the friendship between the Morocco monarchy and the Spanish Royal House plays a major role in the good diplomatic relations between both kingdoms. However, as we will prove during the next World Festival of Youth and Students, located in South Africa, we are millions of young all around the world who involved ourselves to the struggle against the imperialism and the capitalism, to achieve a peaceful world, solidarity and social transformation, since future belongs to us! It will not be easy, but when you are willing to face the struggle, the fight became a way to improve when you are really willing to do it. Since and quoting Marcelino Camacho, the man who now lives only in our hearts: They didn't get us under control, they didn't humble us and they won't domesticate

us.

What is the Basque Country? A national class proposal to the Basque conflict.
The national question has been one of the most contentious issues on which it has because Marxist thought, as it reflects the coexistence of different positions after the famous London International Congress of 1896 in which, however, adopted a resolution recognizing the right of peoples to selfdetermination. Thus, we can speak the Basque Country as an illustrative example of these theoretical difficulties, completely opposing positions within organizations and militant Marxists, and where careful analysis is required to bring to light what must be, in our view, the policy of Communists in a case with so many nuances and different perspectives. First, we consider indispensable outline those theses that suggest that all issues concerning nations and homelands are alien to Marxist philosophy by referring to purely idealistic conceptions. These positions, which are argued in the bourgeois character of theorizing about issues that only seek to protect their class interests, bring the effect of abstention in the debates that do not directly and immediately affect the working class. Our policy would thus lack of policy, what at first seems a more "workers" and

"pure" but that only leads to isolation, leaving the field open to the bourgeoisie. However, accepting that these positions are wrong does not mean uncritically assume theories outside the communist movement, or that we disagree with the existing national differences in the Basque Country have a specific class nature. Means exclusively, we can not act as if there was a problem that large sections of the people feel is their own. Thus, it seemed inevitable to develop a proper position class that was able to get working class ideological guardianship over them carry the big and small Spanish and Basque bourgeoisie. Yet, we find that the greatest difficulty was that necessarily have to place ourselves in a central space between two extremes that fight each other. On the one hand, we can not share the Spanish nationalism. Characterized by its aggressiveness, its undemocratic nature and its denial by principles of plurality, the Spaniard is forged around unreal construction of a series of cultural elements that are trying to get over on others, with the sole aim of achieving a national expression priority and, in its most radical, unique and seamless. On the other hand, we can not be with those who have made the term "Spanish" in the gravest insult a clear expression of an ethnocentric view that since our class position can only fight. Nor can one deny that the Spanish state historical nationalities coexist with cultural expression, nor can you claim that cohabitation did not create a sociological reality plural. Negligible in non-independence Basque nests idea, instinctively if you will, that they embody the will of the Basque nation to be its staunchest defenders, hence showing totally opposed to any output that does not involve the acceptance of their postulates. And between these two extremes, both manifestations of chauvinism unacceptable, our position has to be non-attachment to any position that directly or indirectly, to push the confrontation between feelings of belonging or identity. The working class must be united around a proposed national integration, who escapes from an internal division that only benefit the bourgeoisie Basque and Spanish, and also has alliances as the core of the conflict between capitallabor.

For this reason, it appears as unavoidable Lenin's slogan of self-determination as a solution to the Basque conflict. However, this concept has to be defined, since if applied to situations of foreign occupation means in practice independence, the Spanish state policy in the Basque Country has been an attempt at cultural homogenization that has sought, more or less aggressive suppress Basque cultural expressions. This dynamic, though it has been an attack on the Basques, is not comparable to a colonial-type relationship, but rather to the pursuit of a nation-state consolidation of imperial inspiration, later (especially during the Franco regime) is became chauvinistic nationalism. Therefore, it can be deduced by analyzing the social and electoral balance of forces (ranging always in a grey scale where we can find 'Abertzales', moderate nationalists and federalists, etc.) Is almost a 50-50%. We understand, therefore, that the right of selfdetermination is sustained on the basis of a deep understanding encompassing transverse majority and enable the construction of the Basque nation. It is, after all, that the country's national status is a reflection of the will of its habitants. Neither nationalist nor Spanish can build this without regard to others, and the riprap identity would only lead to the imposition of a half on the other. In this context, our proposal is not new: The Federal Republic and solidarity as a way to Socialism as the best way to translate into reality all these requirements. But it is more necessary than ever the democratic opening of a framework for peace that will allow the Basque people, without blackmail, to free choice about their future. Neither ETA nor the Spanish state apparatus can protect the process. It is essential that this debate is not a farce can not be imposed nor vetoes a priori conditions, and is a priority to put an end to violence of any kind. ETA has to lay down arms. The state should end the politically motivated arrests, the bans on political parties and newspapers, the dispersal of prisoners. Political parties of any sign should stop using ETA as a political weapon. It opens a new opportunity for peace in the Basque country where the people and the working class must play a fundamental role, escaping from a middle class that has found a mother lode of votes at the expense of a conflict that seems to not want to end never.

And now: the retirement pension battle.

European governments and the banks profit expectative try to attack the public pension system. Many alarmist voices question the viability of the system, and almost all the proposals on the issue are regressive for the workers rights and tend to promote private pensions, as a first step for its privatization. The unsustainability of the nowadays system is claimed, due to the growing pattern of the population and the increasing number of beneficiaries. However, the effect that the growing productivity is having on the GDP is being hidden, and it would let increase the resources for pensioners, although the percentage of the GDP devoted to the pensions was bigger. On the other hand, if the life expectancy has increased in 4 years from 1980, it doesnt mean that the population in general lives 4 years more, but it is the reflex of the reduction of the infant mortality. Zapateros government started the debate about postponing the retirement age to 67 years old. PSOE doesnt understand the differences in health level and longevity among the social classes, for instance in Spain there is a divergence of 10 years of life expectancy between poor and rich people. This proposal aims to invest two more years of work of the unqualified workers to pay the pension to the executives during 10 years more. In addition, they claim that public expenditure in pensions is excessive, but it is 9% GDP, very low compared to the average 13% of EU-15 or the 15% of Italy. The bank has even proposed to link the pensions amount to the contribution during the whole working life, instead of the 15 last years. Among the reasons to support this increase in the years of contribution to obtain the pension, it is mentioned that the workers lose their jobs and their conditions worsen in their last working years. On the other hand, self-employed workers increase their last year contributions aiming to improve their pension. This is an illustrative example of hypocrisy of this delay trial, more over since work is not a guaranteed right for the whole population. What it is not said is that workers with lower contributions in their last 15 years of working life are an exception. In the next table you can note that the salary levels tend to increase with the age of the works, except in the period from 60 to 64 years old (understandable since civil servants can retire at 60 years old, and pre-retirement are usual in all the sectors). In Spain, the retirement average age is 63 years old. In general, most of the salary earners will receive higher pensions with the current calculation system.

Table 1. Average earnings per year for age groups en Both sexes Male Female TOTAL Less than 20 years old 20-24 years old 25-29 years old 30-34 years old 35-39 years old 40-44 years old 45-49 years old 50-54 years old 55-59 years old 60-64 years old 65 and more years old 21.883,42 9.960,26 13.293,39 17.434,00 20.528,28 22.429,72 23.585,09 24.326,53 25.881,40 26.981,89 22.230,81 27.116,41 24.203,33 11.039,25 14.711,90 18.739,58 22.488,18 24.758,37 26.242,01 27.015,59 28.531,80 29.393,28 23.647,89 30.532,19 18.910,62 8.130,68 11.663,96 16.005,30 18.371,69 19.526,68 20.268,85 20.842,75 22.010,70 22.666,51 19.003,09 20.430,39

Source: INE. Enquire salary structure 2008.

In addition, taking into account the whole working life to calculate the retirement pension regulative basis will mean a great reduction in the pension amount for many women, since they occupy the parttime employments during the raising children years. That kind of decision may have a regressive effect on the viability of the retirement pension itself, since it reduces the number of future contributors. The important fact in a pension system based in social contribution is not the number of youth and middle age people per elderly, but the quantity of workers and the quantity of each contribution per pensioner. The balance contributor-pensioner has increased since 1988, and between 2007 and 2010 it has achieved its higher rates in the last 20 years. It is important to underline that retirement pensions are paid by the workers with their contribution depending on their salary level, thats the reason why the cuts on salary and precarious working conditions employees will have greater difficulties to accomplish the minimum years to access to a

retirement pension, making maximum contributions impossible to achieve. Since that, the most necessary measures for supporting and increasing the active population are the women and young people inclusion, the 35 hours maximum working week, better quality employment, better salaries, temporality reduction and the rise the minimum salary. Cutting sharply the unemployment and improving productivity on the base of a productive economy of goods and services with added value, instead of a economy based on speculation; prosecuting the high fiscal fraud in Spain, and recuperating the taxes eliminated by the right wing and social-democratic parties and reintroducing once at all the fiscal progressivity as the base for the tax system. Those measures proposed by PSOE are opposed to the working class interests; capitalism tries to cut the workers rights using the crisis as an excuse and deep the market influence and privatization of public services. Dont let this happen. It is time organize ourselves. It is time to rise up!

To open doors, to multiply characters, to combine forces

The known quote "one is not born a woman; but becomes one" by Simone de Beauvoir (1949), triggered the beginning of a feminist discourse about the differences of genre between men and women. She came to be a monolithic subject necessary for the first steps but resulted in debate of very distinct voices and opinions. The role of social class, labor, sexuality and race, were subjects that urged for a place on the feminist's colective identity. Moreover, in a more global context, there was a ongoing critic to the stereotype of the white, eurocentric, burguois and heterosexual woman and it was in discussion how this image affected communication and relationships between different women. The "woman" subject becomes a woman's domain, a struggle with a plural an heterogeneous front but nonetheless strong and combative. Transexuality starts being discussed in the Feminist Conference of Madrid in 1993, before that, transexual's experiences where never brought up for consultation. However, there where some discrepancies derived from a cultural-essentialistic feminism that supposed and defended a rigid and binary division between men and women. The debate about the sex/genre system and this binary division of genre can be a real challenge for Feminism. The sex/genre system allows the explanation of people who do not fit in men/women and masculine/feminine dichotomies, created by the heteropatriarchal capitalistic system. Genre in association with race, class and sexuality, are used as forms of oppression that affect women in a very direct way, and other people has transsexuals who don't include themselves as feminists. Obviously, it's not about loosing identities or the production of subordinations and power struggles, it is about working for a more including than excluding, more united than fragmented feminism, even though there is much diversity of oppressions, experiences and demands. Flowing this, the Feminist Conference of Granada in 2009 proposed the beginning of something that has been called "transfeminism". This debates, revolve around this existing space between frontiers of genre, where people are excluded from the category of men/women. Contributions that remind us of the multitude of experiences, categories and situations that stop us from creating a homogeneous category of women and help us understand what are the mechanisms of power used to impose these rigid concepts of men and women and for what purposes they are imposed. Interesting matters that can integrate multiple forms of oppressions in one whole, already established and developing movement such as the Feminist. Some weeks ago (October 23) an important event was held in some European cities, International Day of Struggle for the Despathologization of Trans

Identities. Specifically in our state, the Net for Trans Despathologization organize several demonstrations supported by some LGTB and feminists groups. In those demonstrations we demanded the withdrawal of the false Gender Identity Disorder from the international diagnosis manuals, and the abolition of treatments for the binary standardization for intersex people. In 2007, Spanish PSOE government passed the Gender Identity Law, still considering transsexualism as an identity disorder. With this law, it is necessary a specific diagnosis that reveals the unreal gender disorder and two years of compulsory medical treatments. Most of times this treatment culminate in an obligatory hormonal treatment and in

a personal evaluation of roles with the test for real life to access to surgery. Everything is done with no reliable diagnosis proof that determine who is transsexual and who is not. To open doors to new characters that make possible to explain combative criticism to patriarchate and capitalism is a triumph and a challenge for feminism. This question is not new in a movement in constant evolution and development because the individual concept configuration always has been a problematic question. The coordination of nets and alliances between women affected by patriarchate represents a real challenge to move forward and to build a more strong and more combative movement.

The students' movement: progressive past, present continuous, future perfect.

Where do we come from? Over the last decade, we have witnessed the approval of several laws that are transforming the University as we know it and infringing on our rights as college students. These legal reforms, that were made following the principles of the well known Bologna process, were implemented in Spain through the Organic Law of Universities (LOU by its Spanish acronym), and will be followed by what is now called 2015 Strategy of the University. This process, started by the LOU, has caused massive student protest thoughout the last ten years, since most students have seen that behind these reforms a new neoliberalist attack on public education was hidden, embodied in the endless commercialization of university and loss of its autonomy. Undoubtedly, these attacks have motivated the student movement to continue organizing, structuring and consolidating as a tool state-wide. The current 2015 Strategy of the University reform, which can be considered the second part of the Bologna process, is divided by shafts or different contents. Some of the measures proposed mean the end of democracy at our universities, rates increases to elitist levels or the establishment of first and second class universities. Its promoters pretend to exploit the university as if it would be any other company, without taking into account academic criteria, but only economic ones. These reforms have been conceived and developed by the economic elite of the European Union, the representatives of capital, signed by ministers, accepted by rectors and then given to the university community as if they would be legitimate, in an opaque and obscurantist process. As these reforms were implemented, the student movement has been growing, 2001 and 2002 being the first years of mass mobilization of university students against the LOU. In 2005, high school students organized themselves to stop the Organic Law of Education (LOE), and in 2008 university students prompted massive demonstrations again to stop the Bologna process. The movement has been organized in two ways: through assemblies and associations. On one hand, during the demonstrations against the LOU, the assemblies were the preferred structures for the student movement, as they play a unifying role of the masses thanks to its open and flexible character. From this period we learned that, in a moment of recession, the assemblies, due to their lack of organizational structure, are the first ones to disappear, as happened after the LOU, when the student movement nearly became extinct. The mobilization against the LOE had much less impact, because of the lack of structure of the movement and due to the "Students Union" (trostkist), that distorted the protests in many places, with an empty speech and false background. On the other hand, the movement that tried to stop the Bologna process has been grouped at its birth and its consolidation around the student assemblies, as it happened during the LOU mobilizations. The assemblies, which were the representative bodies for the 2007/2008 and 2008/2009 courses, moved from a first phase of general assemblies to a second phase of assemblies organized by faculties with an assembly coordinator. In 2009, when the recession of the movement is evident, different political organizations, including UJCE, decided to create lasting associations that will survive the recession and

serve as a platform for new generations of students. Because of this, different organizations (Red-usem in Madrid, MAE in Seville, REM in Granada, etc) were created. Where are we going? Thus, learning from recent history, UJCE now relies on the creation of a student union at the state level because we believe that is the best way to ensure lasting structures and efficient responses to the laws of the various central governments. To achieve this we aim to provide the permanent structures of association methodologies, working at their places of study, and analysing the specific problems. Our proposal is to work in order that the associations can get a unionist working system and will converge on different issues, so that they can unify and create student unions with a local profile that, due to the inertia, will converge on a state-wide union. We also think that if this process is going to be successful, the student movement must take into consideration Students in Movement (EeM acronyms in Spanish), an organization in which UJCE has worked since its inception, being the only state-wide reference between the students, and also a tool for coordination between students as well as a meeting place for

students to know whats happening at other corners of the state. It is essential to overcome the current framework offered by the discredited "Student Union" (The Militant - Trotskyist). During the demonstrations against Bologna they have lost influence, being absent in assemblies and associations, but always looking to be the visible face of the movement taking over the calls for demonstrations, which led to clashes with organized students who despised their opportunistic attitudes. The Communist Youth considers that it is essential to structure the movement to allow its survival in future struggles. The student movement needs elements of pressure and organization that can be recognized for all the students and can also intervene, given the current situation with increasing problems every year: rising rates, fewer lectures, exclusion of the decisionmaking bodies of the University, etc. We value the creation of the new union as the only possible tool, against the attacks over public education, and we believe it is our duty to work with progressive students for its creation and consolidation. It is more necessary than ever to work for a new Student Union.

On the way to the 17th World Festival of Youth and Students!

Some weeks ago, one of our UJCE comrades travelled to Pretoria, South Africa, to integrate the International Organizing Committee (IOC) of the 17th WFYS, which has been meeting during the last weeks. The IOC is made up of not only 24 comrades from around the world, but also of a large group of student organizations' representatives, who will work until the last day of the festival to ensure the political and organizational success of the 17th WFYS. The day-to-day work flows dynamically between meetings with South African organizations and visits to the festival areas. Meetings were held with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the South African Communist Youth League (YCL) in which we discussed the political and social situation of the country and their proposals to improve the living standards of the working class . Founded in 1921, the SACP was one of the most active members in the resistance against the apartheid, always in close cooperation with the African National Congress (ANC) and COSATU (South African Congress of Trade Unions). The party was born in connection to the mining union struggle, especially to the riots that occurred at the beginning of the 20th century, starring in a historic rebellion in 1922 that came to occupy part of cities such as Pretoria and Johannesburg. This revolt was harshly repressed by the government of the time, a repression that included using tanks and bombs to the cost of more than 300 trade unionists killed. Once the apartheid was imposed, a strong persecution began, and PCSA started to operate undercover. Still, this does not prevent their heroic struggle against the racist government, leading, together with members of the tripartite alliance, a multitude of strikes, student riots, and popular movements. Key proposals of the YCL and the SACP are the expropriation and nationalization without compensation of the South African mines, which represent a large percent of the income of the country, and are now in hands of multinational companies that only give a 5% of their benefits to the State. YCL fight for free and public education and health services as measures to relieve the effects of the underdevelopment and social exclusion that survived the end of apartheid.

Meetings with leaders of the ANC Youth League and the ANC (African National Congress) were also held, where we discussed the history of the struggle against the apartheid government, Nelson Mandela and other historic leaders like Walter Sisulu and Steve Biko, and their ongoing struggles against the economic oligarchy which remains being the same that imposed and managed the Apartheid. As previously mentioned, in addition to the SACP and the ANC, there is another member of the tripartite alliance: the COSATU (South African Congress of Trade Unions). It was founded in 1985 with the aim of defending the rights of South African workers without making any colour differentiation, so it also took an active part in the anti-apartheid movement. Despite having a strong alliance with the ANC as the SACP, also has strong criticism towards some sectors of government, and its economic policy, which has led the call for general strikes. However, they always submit recommendations to the government on social and labour issues. In short, we could say that the tripartite alliance is based on the Ekurhuleni agreements, that establish the fundamental points that must be accomplished for the strategic project of revolutionary alliance, so that it can evolve and be fruitful. These agreements are the framework that guide the government on social, political, administrative, and historical purposes. They guarantee the dedication of the government to free education and health, labour and social rights, as well as issues relating to ownership of land and estates. Soweto Uprising The Soweto uprising, on the outskirts of Johannesburg, was one of the largest uprisings against the apartheid regime. The racist government wanted to force the compulsory teaching of Afrikaans (the language of the Afrikaners, white Dutch descendants) in the black segregated schools, as well as the removal of the native Bantu languages. This prompted the protest of student movements driven by the ANC and the SACP. On June 16, 1976, black students in Soweto with the support of their teachers, organized a demonstration with more than 10,000 people that was boycotted by the racist authorities by putting barricades on the road leading to the Orlando Stadium in Soweto. Given the refusal of the police to let them pass, and the tenacity and courage of the students, the police began a brutal crackdown that pushed the whole neighborhood, in solidarity, into taking the streets to protest.

The protests, in which there were constant clashes between the people of Soweto and approximately 1500 police officers, lasted over two days and left more than 500 people dead, mostly in the student ranks. The first one to be killed due to police gunfire was Hector Pieterson, a student of just 12 years old. He became a symbol for the youth resistance, and a memorial was erected to the victims of repression in his memory. The day of his death, June 16th, was recognized as the day of the militant African Youth. The killing of the racist regime aroused broad waves of solidarity within and outside the borders of the country. In South Africa, hundreds of white students rallied in cities across the country in solidarity, and were harshly repressed. Also in other cities there were demonstrations of rejection organized by the black movement, with the tragic toll of dozens of deaths. Internationally, the brutal repression meant the international isolation of South Africa, through a United Nations resolution. The Apartheid was a political and legal segregation system, imposed by the Nationalist Party in 1948. The system was based on racist ideas of white supremacy of the Afrikaner population of South Africa, with wide influence in politics and economics. This legal system (supported by the U.S., who went quite far to provide them nuclear weapons in the fight against the Angolan and Namibian independence forces) imposed the allocation of rights under colour of skin. Thus, blacks were not allowed to move freely around the country and choose their residence, being forced to live in ghettos or Bantustans, areas of black population under administrative rule. Prohibition of employment choice was also enforced. By law, men were employed almost exclusively in the construction industry, which also had quotas of workers by race. Women were reserved mainly for domestic services for the whites. An education system dedicated to the black population that focused on justifying the superiority of one race over another was created, and their access to universities was banned. The expropriation of their land and property was allowed without the possibility of any legal claim. Population was registered according to their race. Intermarriage and sexual or romantic relationships between mixed couples was prohibited, being considered a crime.

In addition, special emphasis was placed on law enforcement policy to fight communism and terrorism, which outlawed communism and the CPSA, and also allowed a special legal regime to judge anyone who resisted the apartheid regime. Nelson Mandela was one of the greatest antiapartheid fighters, who was imprisoned for 27 years, until the end of apartheid. During these years his struggle was an example to South African resistance and an inspiration for other African nations that also fought for their freedom and independence. The South African apartheid, which also ruled Namibia, under the form of the African Union, invaded Angola and Zambia, countries from which the SWAPO (South West Africa People's Organization) organized the independentist Namibian guerrilla, created by Sam Nujoma, and also Umkhonto we Sizwe (Spear of the Nation), which was the armed wing of the SACP and the ANC. In these two countries, the racist government suffered serious defeats against SWAPO forces, supported by the Cuban army led by Fidel Castro himself from La Habana. The withdrawal of racist military forces from Angola and Namibia after the battle of Cuito Cuanavale, was a deadly wound to the apartheid regime which had to accept the independence of Namibia and the holding of free elections. After a succession of military defeats, and international and public pressure, the apartheid regime collapsed, and in 1990 the abolition process of the apartheid began, with the release of Mandela and the legalization of the ANC, culminating with his election as president in 1994.

The Festival Regarding the spaces provided for the Festival, Pretoria has devoted the best facilities in the city. In particular, two universities and a convention centre will serve for political activities and sports, while cultural activities are located in large public squares or city halls. The entire city of Pretoria will be a vibrant space for youth! The opening of the Festival will be held at the Loftus Versfeld Stadium, with a capacity of 45,000 people, and which recently hosted the World Cup. A concert with leading artists in the country and the intervention of the President of the WFDY, Tiago Vieira, and South African President Jacob Zuma, are scheduled. At this very stadium, there will be a march, a marathon against imperialism, a choreography with traditional dances from Africa with over 1000 participants, and quite a few more surprises. So far there are 7000 confirmed delegates from outside South Africa and this number is increasing every day, also, expectations of participation of South African young people themselves are increasing. Assistance is led by the African continent, with more than 4,000 of the delegates. So far, there are 70 confirmed delegates from Spain, but the registration period has not yet been closed, in order to allow that more young people enjoy and participate in an event of the category of the World Festival of Youth and Students.

Solidarity with Saharawi people

Almost thirty five years ago, when the last Spanish soldier left the city of El Aain the 26th February 1976, the Spanish colonization in Occidental Sahara territory ended, leaving alone the Saharawi people and having signed their death judgment with Madrid Agreements on 14th November 1975. Thirty five years after the proclamation of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in the city of Bir Lehlu, even nowadays the only Arab Republic that keeps Spanish as bridge language, the feeling of shame towards that administration and the ones which came after, is still felt by those that nowadays support the Saharawi people, due to the unwillingness of our political clash to assume the Spanish responsibility as administrative power. Thirty five shameful years in which none of the government presidents have recognized the SADR, task which has been done by more than eight States all around the world. Thirty five years in which this little and special Magreb people has had to face the savageness of war and the extermination attempt of the Morocco autocratic regime. Thirty five repressive years when permanent and arbitrary violations of Human Rights were accomplished by the Morocco Kingdom towards a people which has risen for their legitimate right to self-determination and independence. Thirty five years of permanent plundering of the environmental resources from Occidental Sahara by the occupying power and the companies that operates there, among them, a great quantity of Spaniards.

The facts happened last November 2010 in the occupied territories are nothing but the prove that the Morocco autocratic regime targets to eliminate from the Occidental Sahara territory any cultural trace and Saharawi traditions, and even to exterminate the whole people itself. In that sense, the occupying power has the approval of the international community unable to solve this halted problematic. The Morocco repressive forces violent dismantling of the Gdeim Izik Demonstration Camp that Saharawi people had risen in the surroundings of El Aain and the next repression against the Saharawi civil population by the Morocco colons serving the Morocco monarchy, claim the genocide and massacre attempt that the Saharawi people that lives in the occupied territories is suffering. Despite of the summary killings, the arbitrary detentions of Saharawi activists, the breaking and entering in the Saharawi houses by the Morocco colons, the permanent torture and repression towards the Saharawi civil population, the uncountable number of deaths, the more than a milliard of blessed people, the more than 200 missing people, the denial of access of the international journalists, the expulsion of the information workers who from the occupied territories warned about the extermination attempt, and even the members of the European parliament has been sent back when they were in the Occidental Sahara airport Despite all of that, neither the ineffective UN nor the shameful Spanish Government have had condemned the actions of the occupying power. Facing this whole set of circumstances, the fake passivity police showed during the last two Zapateros terms on the issues concerning the Saharawi people conflict, has turned into an unmeasured collusion with the Morocco Kingdom,

illustrated by Trinidad Jimnez and other members of the executive behavior, who has avoided to condemn, as it should have been done, the genocide attempt and ethnic cleaning that the Morocco Monarchy is committing against the Saharawi civil population that remains in the Occidental Sahara occupied territories. The new Foreign Affairs Minister has not condemned the Morocco Regime, but she has even deliberately lied pretending they dont know the facts around the dismantling of the Saharawi Demonstration Camp; she has also lied when she said that no government has condemned the Morocco attitude, since Venezuela and Cuba had done it from the first moment; and she lies every time she ensures that the government she belongs to respects the self determination right of Saharawi people. From the Communist Youth we stand the requirement of urgent intervention demanded by the Polisario Front, the only and legitimate representative of Saharawi people, to the security Council of UN with the aim to avoid the ethnic cleaning that Morocco try to accomplish in the occupied territories. In addition, we support the Saharawi people and their brave fight for the self determination rights and the independence to choose the most suitable way to achieve it. Inevitably, sooner or later, Spanish Government will have to apologize to Saharawi people for their support to the Morocco autarkic regime, for ignoring the massacres and killings in Occidental Sahara, and also accomplish the historical duties that Spanish Administration assumed with the Sahara people and unfortunately, 35 years later hasnt been achieved. INDEPENDENT AND FREE SAHARA! AGAINST BARBARIE AND REPRESSION! SELFDETERMINATION REFERENDUM NOW!

France: Capitalism is over!

France has developed in the last months a violent classes fight due to the neoliberal Sarkozys government project, that intends to force the French working class to spend two more years working before having the right to enjoy their whole value retirement pension, from 65 to 67 years old. In the case of the partial value pension the legal age would be increased from 62 to 65 years old with more duties and compulsory contributions. In this scene, the French workers have decided to establish a loyal and strong struggle for their social rights. In September, the first big demonstrations and strikes took place, but it was in October when they have reached their peak. There have been eight demonstrations to which 2 and 35 million people attended (the 6th of November, even in a rainy day 13 million people were present). In those two months strikes, pickets, decentralized mobilizations in all economical sectors: daily there were summoned general or partial strikes (in both public, - schools, libraries, airports - and private sector factories and nuclear centrals, etc), road blockade and interrupting the airport high schools and universities access all

around the country, with huge participation of students especially from intermediate education. Specifically, the oil sector suffered the biggest disruptions: refineries became a mobilization symbol because of the workers determination, who left virtually the whole country without the supply of oil in some terms. When the road freight transports announced they were going to join the struggle, the complete blockade of the economy became a real hypothesis, since the ports were already blocked (the Marsella struggle was one of the most active focus). The decentralization and multiplicity of actions, however they were always in the Interunion framework, have been the brand image and the only way the worker movement and the only possible way for the working class to resist the neoliberal offensive. Thanks to the increasing and hardening of the sectorial struggles, the mobilization against the legislative amendment has achieved an undeniable political dimension, despite that at the beginning it was just a specific economical demand. Right now, it is a political struggle, not only against the legislative amendment but against the choice of a society model, against the neoliberal offensive ongoing, for the union rights, for the employment and for the improvement of the life conditions. The intransigent and against eh working class Sarkozys government position, which has insisted on aproving the amendment, even if it was rejected by the French people (75% rejection according to the bourgeois media poll ), has contributed to compromise the bourgeois institutions legitimacy: as far as millions of French workers are concerned, the governments attitude has been lawless and antidemocratic.

That conviction has increased due to the violence used by the police forces that, obeying the mayors rules, have occupied the refineries breaking the right to strike, sometimes even in a violent way and after being considered illegal by the courts. We have witnessed also other kind of abuses, such as provocations during demonstrations, which were so huge that has been denounced by politicians and union leaders. Consequently, Government and

employers organizations were afraid of a popular movement whose existence had been denied till that moment. Likewise, it is important to take into account that in France no general strike has been summoned, only partial strikes generalized to which the Unions with the largest membership have showed solidarity and support. Following this trend, in the Interunion meeting of 21st of October, the French Unions (with the exception of Solidaires and Force Ouvrire, minority unions with a left wing orientation), decided to summoned national mobilizations instead of a general strike, as a large sector of the medium level cadre and base militants were asking for. This incident is very representative of the French unions with the largest memberships mainly CGT and CFDT in which the bases represents a more combative and leftist position than their directions. Against every difficulty the French people still show its braveness and they promise to keep on fighting hardly. A new general mobilization has been summoned the last week of November and the decentralized mobilizations are still very active. M.Q. from Paris (France) for Agitacin.org

El Chojn. Further than stereotypes. By Nega (LCDM)

Eight LPs, several rough cut, articles, poetry and the recent publication of the book Rap. 25 aos de rimas (by Viceversa), a complete retrospective of the hip hop history in Spain. A rapper who avoids bad words in their lyrics, he is against drug consumption (including tobacco and alcohol), respect for women and shows an acid social criticism such as racism denounce and corporatism, or the claim of a positive hip hop. Are we facing a different rapper or the weird ones are the other rappers? Who is El Chojn? In fact as everybody- I am the result of my experiences and learning when I first heard the word hip hop was accompanied by an amount of precepts that I finally assimilated as if they were by

myself. The hip hop I met then wasn't against drug consumption; it just upheld that in order to avoid society's traps, it is necessary to eliminate every possible distraction. Taking into account that this movement comes from the USA poorest neighbourhoods, where alcohol and other drugs -legal or not- are part of the plan for keeping poor people on poverty, asleep and inactive, that's how I understood it. Hip hop needed to raise his voice over any kind of discrimination -which includes the one against women- because, as it is said, only through the union of the people oppressed by the system, we could manage to force a change of system... I dont want to be the different rapper, I wish I was only another one that has a logic speech: discrimination is unacceptable, the poor isn't less valuable than the rich, we are the ones to set the limits After 8 LP's solo, several rough cuts, your works with 995 and a career of almost 15 years, do you feel as excited as you were in the beginning? How did the scene changed since 1998, the year when your first CD was published? I know it may seem typical, but the excitement now is bigger than then because it is not till these last years that I realized of the great possibilities of this music. We are social animals, as we notice that our work is valued and accepted by the people we care of. I finally appreciate the progress we've made in this decade. We've learn, experimented, and grow as individuals, so we can do now more serious and respectable work. Honestly, I believe hip hop professionals have done a pretty good job on our country. Let's go on with the scene. On the one hand the rough cut period with visible social and political content was noticeable and it kept till the end of the nineties. In the last times we have witnessed a great transformation, a peak of violence, drug dealing and the life on the limit apology in rap. What has happened? It seems that everybody wants to be a gangster and it is harder to find social criticism in people... Its true we have imported from the USA that kind of hip hop you are talking aboutbut I can not agree with the fact that this is in fashion right now because there are many groups apart of those who make crowded concerts or have media repercussions. There are people that understand rap just like music used for entertainment, which I respect, but hip hop as philosophy remains in most of the raps I listen to. I travel a lot and I always receive rough cuts wherever I go, so I can ensure that most rappers who face a micro are willing to say things beyond the I am so

cool or asses, boobs, champagne. I still believe in that. Things that happen, things that don't happen and should happen. From your lyrics we can extract that you felt more than once racism in your own skin. We all keep in mind the Carlos Palomino killing, the brutal attack against the Congolese Miwa Buene or recently the Sub-Saharan beaten guy in Tomelloso. What is fascism nurtured of? Is it a scatterbrain Nazi problem or is it more complicated? Of course it goes further than that. Those who consider themselves to be Nazis without knowing what they are talking about dont even arrive to be considered the icebergs peak. Racism has been deeply rooted in European societies for many centuries and even the language has an important role to play in this matter. Why do we use the term SubSaharan? We are not talking about a geographic origin since it is not applied to white Sub-Saharan. It is a kind of euphemism; we evade negro because even nowadays is considered an offensive word, something close to the insult that must be avoided to be politically correct. To that point racism is located in the European unconsciousness. While we continue talking about human races even if Science has proved that such a thing doesnt exist. We wont be able to feel empathy to a different person, since we dont value her/him as an equal person. Both, condescending paternalism and antagonism could only disappear if we understand that even if we are all different, we have the same value. About the crisis, who are the ones to blame? I don't know... but I think that it's not sensible to try to hide behind the most powerful people. I'm sure that we, the usual people, are also to blame of it because we accept like sheep whatever they want to do to us. When we are told to have mobile phones we buy them; when cameras are installed in every corner, we accept it; when we are told that they are going to introduce micro-chips in our identity card, we dont say a word about; when we have to get naked in the airports because everyone is considered guilty until innocence is proved, we smile with stupid face while our trousers are falling since we took off the belt... The way in which we delegate to our representatives is shameful and we are shown as a pathetic and lazy society. We enjoy meeting in bars and criticizing the policy of our majors, region presidents, ministers or businessmen, but we deserve this treatment as far as we dont stand up for our power. Banks dont grant any mortgage lets extract all our savings during a month of the banks; we will see what happens then. As I say, I dont know

who created the crisis, but we worsen the consequences with our docile attitude.

Changing the topic, what about Obama? He didnt move away the troops from Irak, he didnt close Guantanamo, the atrocities of Afganistan are starting to be leaked and the social security reform has been stopped (the medical lobbies and the Republican Party in the Congress blocked the process) Was he a naive idealist or only another good speaker from the Empire? Did he crash with the reality or was he more of the same with a progressive aura? As I dont want to lose totally the hope in our chance as human beings, I want to believe that its the first option. I feel almost forced to believe that the American mechanism is so huge that his inertia is absolutely able to run over any presidential good intention but actually, I am not very excited about the issue. I dont understand Obama as a good or a bad president for the USA, I understand him as a symbol without a person behind, as it always happens with symbols- he brought hope and the hope isnt always enough, but it is necessary and positive. The fact that the coherent speech of a black man who said that Guantanamo was unacceptable and that the Iraq war was a nonsense succeeded in elections in a country like the United States; it means that not everything is lost there, it means that people is still able to distinguish what is good and what is bad. In addition, his term hasnt finished yet, let see what he is still able to do Focusing in our country, will we see a Third Republic? Will we be able to elect our Chief os State?

I dont know if we will see it, but I dont doubt that it will exist in the future. The monarchy is something absolutely anachronistic and unsustainable. We have a Constitution that says that everybody is equal except a family immigrant indeed; because he was born in Italy and she did it in Greece- . Due to divine grace, they enjoy of some privileges, it is hard to understand and impossible to be justified. We will be able to elect our State Chief, for sure. Finally, and coming back to your career, a CD in 2009, a new book in 2010, say the news with Rap music in channel 2, whats the next? Which projects do you have in mind? Im preparing my next record which will be for sale by February or March of 2011, I signed a contract with Espasa and my first book with them has been submitted and I am awaiting a publishing date probably by the firsts months of 2011 too- Apart from this, Ill make a little of the same, I mean, concerts, courses, poetry recitals, lectures, articles A book: 1984, George Orwell. A film: Hotel Rwanda, Terry George. Best concert as artist: Bata, Equatorial Guinea, 2007. Best concert as public: Fem Kut, Madrid 2006. Favorite antique group: Public Enemy. Nowadays group: Little Brother. Historic character: Two, Malcolm X and Sir Isaac Newton. A politician you will never vote: Esperanza Aguirre. A place where to get lost: Sao Tom. A trip for the future: Okinawa, Japan. Last demonstration which you went to: Against the Immigration Law reform, Madrid. Early in the year.

Salt of the Earth- Herbert J. Biberman

In 1984, Juan Chacn, main character of this film and union leader in the mining sector, outraged in an interview about the weakness of the working class movement, whose leaders are even trying to negotiate working conditions without going on strike. These words can approach us to the thoughts of those who took part in the story that Salt of the Earth tells about. A mixture of fiction and documentary, this film relates that, after an accident, the Mexican workers of a mine went on strike. The struggle continued and it articulated the racial and mainly the genre contradictions in a working class conflict. Women will became, by their own merits and against their union husbands initial will, the heroes of the story. Prosecuted by the Macarthur anticommunist movement, the film was barely distributed in that moment and had to face a great amount of problems. Nowadays, it is considered a global cinema masterpiece and it belongs to the USA Congress Library

Doris Lessing: The golden notebook.

A notebook as a way of knowing oneself; but only in a level? No. Life is much more complex. Four notebooks to get to know yourself: a black one, a red one, a blue one and a yellow one. Can I split myself into several pieces? No, I cant. I am indivisible. The golden notebook is a novel placed in the medium XIX century London, specifically in the life of a communist writer woman, divorced and immersed in an existential crisis. All due to the contradictions confronted in her everyday life, so that, she decided to write several notebooks as a way to get to know oneself, each one referred to an aspect of her life. In this way, having concluded that this method only discovered even more doubts, she resorted to The golden notebook as a way to solve the uncertainties of her life. A masterpiece, the report of a generation and its feminist fight from the deepest base of a woman: the right to live her life as she chooses, not as it is imposed.

The Clash: Sandinista!

Everybody knows this original and almost virginal trio that, with Sex Pistols, is associated to the bloom of the antiestablishment spirit of 77: The Clash, who unlike other bands of the generation added a political attack in its lyrics. We would like to share here, even if it cant be considered its most representative work, the SANDINISTA! Album, edited as a warm homage to the Sandinista front of National Liberation (FSLN), the Nicaraguan guerrilla that faced the Yankee imperialism. This, the fifth album of this band from London has thirty six songs mixing rock, punk and Jamaican rhythms, where the lyrics play a fundamental role of support to the national liberation fights (Washington Bullets), homage to the rebels who fought till their last breath (Rebel Waltz) or against police repression (Police on mi back). To summarize, a really combative CD from the Joe Strummer band that will help us in those moments of defeatist thoughts to go on in the fight.

2010: Another year of Communist Festivals!

The 17th, 18th and 19th September PCE festival came back to Madrid. Only some days before the General Strike, it was not a surprise that the hub political axis was the 29th September. In that sense the most attractive activity, with the central speech, was the lecture Reason to go on strike given by General Secretaries of the main working class Unions: UGT y CCOO, Cayo Lara and Jose Luis Centella. In the central speech, in addition to Centellas intervention, Dani Alvarez PCMs General Secretary-, Cristina Simon from PCEs Woman Secretary and our Political Secretary Jose Leon took part. Leon underlined that there are reasons enough for the revolution, for rebellion, for the political, ideological and social struggle in the system that brought us to this crisis. The Communist Youth Union, as usually in every Party festival, was organized to showground. shout slogans all around the

Delegations of Communist youth took part in the preparation and promotion of the festival; they worked as waitress or in the cleaning activities too. In the most political side of the festival the Youth was also present with lectures about Feminism and the promotion of South African WFYS. The celebration of this historical festival in Madrid was a complete success and indeed it was useful to increase the militants level of work to face successfully the 29th mobilization in which PCE played a fundamental role. In addition, we would like to comment our participation as guest delegation in la Fte de lHumanit of the French Communist Party (PCF), in la Festa do Avante of the Portuguese Communist

Party (PCP) and in the Odigitis Festival of the Greek Communist Youth (KNE), where we learnt about the political reality of those countries and the fights

carried out by their working classes, which meant also a deepness in our bilateral relationships.

Hasta siempre, camarada.

Marcelino Camacho died the night 29th October, when he was 92 years old, and after a long sickness, just a month after the 29-S General Strike, and surrounded by his beloved Josefina, his family, his friends and his comrades. Marcelino had militated in the Spanish Communist Party since 1935 and until the last of their days, and it was due to those fights that he was several times imprisoned by the Francos regime, but even there he didnt give up the struggle although the possibilities to exercise his militant duties were absolutely restricted. Vocational Unionist, Marcelino was always convinced of the imperative need of organised unity of the working class in order to collectively defend from the capitalistic attacks. This unity would become the bluntest tool for the working class since there it is possible to take the floor, increase the conscience and class identity and secure our causes. After the Spanish Civil War he was jailed and judged for joining the Republican Army. He managed to escape, but some months after that he is captured and sent to forced works in Tanger. Years after, he runaway from jail once again but he is imprisoned, but this time he was pardoned in 1957. In 1967, his political and unionist activity would bring him back to prison, although his finally pardoned in 1973, in the famous process 1001 framework. It s then, when he claims They didn't get us under control, they didn't humble us and they won't domesticate us". From his underground work, Marcelino leaded the construction of the working class movement in a new way, a socio-political union based on plural assemblies. Since his youth his militant example, braveness, coherence and involvement stressed him to his comrades and the working class. He became a matchless political point of reference, one of those you find in History books. Marcelino Camacho was the first General Secretary of CCOO (1976-1987) and a PCE Deputy in Madrid between 1977 and 1981, but even when he quitted the first row political activity he maintained active militancy till his last days in the PCE and other causes he found fair. He has been and will always be a political orientation for us, the Communist Youth, a great orientation that is nowadays harder to find. Although we wont remember him as a myth but as honest and close communist with whom we always could share experiences and mobilizations, ask for guidelines or procedures, somebody with whom share the joy of fighting. Marcelino Camacho is the living legend of the true meaning of Communist; his whole life can be considered an illustrative example of the wishes of conquering a fairer society through working class struggle. As a last resort, it is sure he would have felt proud of his farewell, thousands of free women and men carrying PCE and CCOO flags while singing in Madrids street the fight goes on. His comrades will never forget him, since he will be alive in every battle we face. Hasta siempre camarada.

Aida de la Fuente: The asturian red rose.

On February 25 1915 the daughter of the poster maker Gustavo de la Fuente and Jesusa Penaos was born. Due to the fathers job the whole family move to Oviedo, the main city of Asturias, in order to prepare the signs and scenery of Campoamor theatre. She and his brothers grew up in Oviedo, and it is there where she developed her militant activity since she was very young. She became a cadre of the Youth in the Oviedos Communist Party, which was founded by her father among other communists. In 1934, the Radical Party of Alejandro Lerroux asked to become part of the Government to the Spanish Autonomous Rights Confederation, a fascist formation leaded by Gil Robles. This fact may possible the historical alliance between communists, socialists and anarchists under the name of Joined

Proletarian Brothers. The armed conflict started the 5th October in the coal mining area of Nalon and Caudal, where the workers managed to control during some hours all the Civil Guards (Spanish military police) barracks and got provided of weapons using the dynamite as a tool. The revolution spread and organized focus appeared all around Asturias, the weapons delivery is generalized and the efforts of every worker committee focus on establishing an Asturian Commune. The Youth of the Communist Party and other involved organizations kept the peace and abolished the monetary system and private property in some areas. The front resolute to conquer Oviedo, but the city resisted strongly due to the military battalions that were placed strategically and were waiting for reinforcements. Those who lived the fact talk about the silence before the arrival of miners, the calm that preceded the storm. After that, the streets got empty and suddenly huge dynamite explosions started opening the way of the revolutionary columns, which were more than 30.000 militiamen and women. The revolutionaries conquered Oviedo only partly, and Aida de la Fuente, as a member of the Communist Youth, assumed the tasks she is asked to accomplish: delivering letters to the fronts, organizing community kitchens, supplying the miners in the front and even doing some nursery. The 13th October the governmental troops moved forward to surrounding area of San Pedro de los Arcos church, which made the revolutionaries to retreat. Aida, who was in charge of the communications among the front and the Revolutionary Committee was trapped and had to remain in one of the submachine guns that combated the legion. During some hours she defended heroically her position while other comrades were falling all around the battlefield, but it was Aidas

submachine gun the last to be silenced. Her determined resistance impressed even the legionaries. Juan Ambou, the last revolutionary who saw her alive, sent reinforcements but unfortunately at the time they arrived the position had already been taken by the legion. The legend said that the militaries were so shocked that the person who made such a strong resistance was a woman so young. One of them asked her name, and she replied with the fist raised libertarian communist. She was naked in order to find any documentation she may have and executed among other comrades. Her corpse was thrown to a common grieve, but the neighbours could recuperate her ruined dress and gave it to her mother Since then, this young hero disappears from history, condemned to forget her life and braveness during 40 years of Francos dictatorship. Despite of this fact, that mixed reality and legend, nowadays we can ensure that Aida was killed in the place where today a monolith has been raised to homage her resistance till the last breath serving the working class cause. Aida de la Fuentes name has remained in the collective unconsciousness and many popular songs mention her, although they could only be sung secretly or in the darkness of the mine. Songs that made her become a myth, since then and today: Pola sangre que vertiesti / xorrecern ms rosales / n'esta rexn asturiana / con roses bien colloraes. / A primeros d'ochobre / glayarn per toa Espaa / les mocedaes marxistes / coses de La Llibertaria, / coses de La Llibertaria. By the plited blood / more rosebush will grow / in this Asturian region / with really red roses / October first / will shout all around Spain /the Marxist youth / from the Libertarian slogans, / from the Libertarian slogans.

Agitacin >> The Spanish Communist Youth Unions magazine. N9 Winter // English Edition