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Some Issues in the Archaeology of "Tribal" Social Systems Author(s): Stephen Plog and David P. Braun Source: American Antiquity, Vol. 49, No. 3 (Jul., 1984), pp. 619-625 Published by: Society for American Archaeology Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/280365 . Accessed: 06/04/2011 10:57
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SOME ISSUES IN THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF "TRIBAL" SOCIAL SYSTEMS
Stephen Plog and David P. Braun

Saitta's (1983) comments on a model of the evolution of tribal social networks (Braun and Plog 1982) are discussed. Aspects of the model are clarified and problems with Saitta's interpretations are noted. In particular, we focus on questions concerning the relationship between stylistic variation and social networks and several issues concerning tribal social organization. We also address weaknesses in the alternative approach that Saitta describes.

We appreciate the comments of Saitta (1983) on our article (Braun and Plog 1982) on prehistoric "tribal" social systems and share his interest in seeing this field of research continue to develop. It is clear from Saitta's discussion of our model of the evolution of tribal social networks that aspects of our presentation need to be clarified or amplified. In our discussions below, we examine specific points raised by Saitta's critique in an effort to provide that clarification. We also briefly discuss two other topics. First, we suggest that Saitta has used such phrases as "conceptual biases" and "lack [of] self consciousness" to dismiss proposals with which he does not agree, rather than discussing and evaluating the theoretical arguments on which these proposals are based. Second, we suggest that there are some important problems with Saitta's alternative approach that he, in turn, does not address. Behind these specific points of disagreement lie what we sense are some significant differences in paradigms and in approaches to explanation. Such variety in approaches is vital to improving our understanding of the world. That diversity enhances our research efforts, however, only if we make the effort to understand not only each others' specific arguments, but also the intellectual and literary bases of knowledge from which we draw our relative support. Without this effort, our discussions of each other's work may often seem unfair. In fact, it is the nature of all scientific discourse that each party brings different assumptions, at many levels of abstraction, to bear on every issue. The purpose of that discourse in part is to identify and enable examination of those assumptions from all sides. We must bear in mind that one person's "conceptual biases" are another person's "alternative perspective," and, of course, vice versa. As scientists, we should not treat the existence of such differences as in any way remarkable. INTERPRETATIONS OF STYLISTIC VARIATION One of our specific disagreements with Saitta's critique concerns interpretations of stylistic variation. We have two comments on that topic. First, Saitta emphasizes the question of "how the stylistic behavior in question articulates with formal integrating processes." He suggests that changes in stylistic variation over time "at best address the nature of [social] changes only indirectly." It is certainly the case that social science is far from reaching an understanding of the relationship between
Stephen Plog, Department of Anthropology, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, VA 22903 David P. Braun, Department of Anthropology and Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois University, Carbondale, IL 62901

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style and social networks, as we have stated in previous studies (e.g., Braun 1981; Plog 1980), and that models of stylistic variation should and will continue to be evaluated critically (Braun 1983; Graves 1981, 1982; Hantman and Plog 1982; Plog 1983; Wiessner 1983). We believe it is clear from our work that we share the concern about the specific kinds of social variation to which style is sensitive, the particular properties of style than can inform about specific social variation, and the indirectness of style's sensitivity to social variation (e.g., also Braun and Plog 1982:511, 518). Research on these issues fortunately continues to provide some useful insights; we are therefore far less pessimistic than Saitta over the ultimate utility of stylistic analyses. Several studies, for example, have suggested that the two dominant opposing views of style, the so-called interaction and information exchange models, respectively, in fact may be complementary rather than mutually exclusive. Briefly, some evidence indicates that attributes of style subject to continuous, ratio-scale variation and also the overall range of techniques present in a decorative repertoire may follow expectations of the interaction model (Voss 1980; Graves 1981, 1982; Wiessner 1983). Attributes subject to discrete choice within a given repertoire, and discrete attributes of overall design structure, in turn may follow expectations of the information exchange model (e.g., Barth 1969; Roe 1980; Hodder 1979, 1982b; Graves 1981, 1982). Although the support for these relationships is not clear-cut (Plog 1983), they appear to follow certain basic characteristics of symbolic communication in general (e.g., Muller 1977; Wobst 1977; Braun 1981). We think that current evidence, both ethnographic and archaeological, suggests that while the social identity of the maker of an object can be "read" from all aspects of style by members of a community, only certain predictable properties of style are consistently subject to deliberate choice and manipulation for social effect, and therefore are subject to selective variation (see also Muller 1983). It is thus becoming increasingly possible for the archaeologist to argue, for any prehistoric application, which attributes are expected to be subject to which kinds of variation, based on a consideration of each attribute's size and role in design composition, and on the context of use of the artifact on which it occurs. The controversy over general models of style in fact relates closely to the growing concern with the idea that style is not a unitary phenomenon, but instead reflects several levels of decision-making (whether conscious or unconscious) by the artisan. At the most general level lie decisions about overall design structure; at the opposite end lie decisions about the details of individual motifs in only limited parts of a composition (e.g., Friedrich 1970; Hardin 1977; Muller 1977; Roe 1980; Plog 1980:40-53; Holm 1965; Holm and Reid 1975). Each level of decision-making appears subject to a different range of social constraints (e.g., most recently, Hodder 1982a). At a minimum, some research indicates that variation in successively finer levels of design detail will yield information on successively finer structural levels and spatial details of social networks. We believe such ideas present steps toward a sounder sociology of style variation, but as yet do not challenge the interpretations presented in our 1982 article. A second aspect of Saitta's comments on stylistic variation that requires discussion is his consideration of the information exchange model. His statements focus only on the relationship between style and social boundary conditions. Our use of the model was broader, however, and not limited to a consideration of social boundaries only. As a result, several of Saitta's statements concerning our work are mistaken. For example, our discussion (pp. 512-513) of the expected relationship between social variables and stylistic variation explicitly treats social distance relationships as a continuum rather than as discrete categories. Thus we stated (p. 512) that "increasing connectedness between neighboring localities should be accompanied by increasing stylistic similarity between localities, and increasing decorative homogeneity or standardization within each locality." Saitta's equation of stylistic change and social boundaries is his own, not ours, and his assertion that we view any stylistic change as a relaxation of boundary maintaining behavior mistakes our point. The issues raised by Saitta by no means exhaust the controversies over archaeological stylistic analysis. In particular, the effects of coding schemes, sample sizes and size variation, and one's choice of similarity or diversity coefficients all have received and continue to receive close scrutiny (e.g., Graves 1981; Kintigh 1979; Plog 1978, 1980; Voss 1980). We fully expect our own work to be examined in light of these evolving standards, and we are constantly reevaluating it ourselves.

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TRIBAL SOCIAL RELATIONS Saitta's critique raises several questions concerning models of tribal social organization, an issue on which we also have several comments. First, Saitta suggests problems with what we called the "non-decomposable" nature of tribal social networks. However, he defines that concept in a manner very different from the way that we and others have used it. He suggests that a lack of decomposability refers to the difficulty of assessing "the internal relationships between discrete institutional subsystems." Given that definition, he proposes that tribal networks must be considered systems, and that a context for investigating group or individual decision-making is thus denied. That assertion, however, contradicts his own statements acknowledging our discussion of individual and group dynamics and the effects those dynamics can have on social change. It also is inconsistent with the household decision-making perspective that is the very basis of the social cooperation model we outlined. From the perspective of our model, individuals and households make decisions about their social relationships according to a varying need to buffer themselves against ecological risks through cooperation and obligations to cooperate. Saitta's contradictory statements appear to be a result of a misunderstanding of our use of the term "non-decomposable." In the discussion that includes that term, we noted (pp. 506-507) that ethnologists have emphasized the difficulty of identifying discrete institutional subsystems in primitive or "tribal" social networks. There is no single institution or organization that appears to handle economic matters or social affairs; social, economic, and religious affairs are interrelated in simple social systems and each impinges on the others. For example, decisions on such economic matters as where and when to plant crops are not made in the absence of social and religious considerations. Neither we nor the ethnologists to whom we referred, however, deny the possibility of studying individual or household decision-making and the changes that can be generated by such decisions, nor did we suggest that individual or group dynamics are "beyond conceptual reach." We referred to tribal systems as non-decomposable only in the manner defined by Simon (1973) in an article referenced in our original discussion. Simon (1973:9-11) suggests that with (1) a given time span and (2) particular measurement techniques, the dynamics of only some hierarchical levels of a system may be observable. We suggested this is particularly the case for tribal societies, given the underdevelopment of discrete institutional subsystems that "may develop increasingly divergent goals and become subject to divergent environmental constraints" (Braun and Plog 1982:506). Nonetheless, it is still possible to "build a theory of the system at the level of dynamics that is observable" (Simon 1973:10). Thus, we did not argue and do not believe that theory must be tailored "to get around the 'non-decomposability' problem," as Saitta states. Nor did we or would we suggest that individual or group decision-making cannot be studied over any time span or with any kind of measurement technique. Instead, we simply believe that, given the chronometric control of most archaeological studies, the nature of site-formation processes, and the nature of exchange relationships and stylistic behavior, the non-decomposability of tribal societies makes them particularly suitable for the type of approach we described. We agree with Saitta that "we need to worry less about societies as sets of subsystems and a bit more about societies as sets of processes." It should be recognized, however, that our discussion of the non-decomposability problem and our advocacy of measuring organizational properties rather than tracking particular institutions, expresses that same point of view. Second, we did not argue that increasing tribal regional integration involves the breakdown of sub-regional social boundaries, but proposed that it should often involve increasing contact among socially distant individuals who are participating in particular social networks. Consequently, both in our discussions of expected stylistic relationships (pp. 512-513) and in our examinations of observed patterns of change in the Midwest and Southwest (pp. 515, 516-517), we focused on the size of social networks or the degree of regional social integration as critical variables for study. Nowhere in our discussion did we suggest that increasing regional integration necessarily involves the breakdown of sub-regional social boundaries. We would, however, view any evidence of a change in such boundaries as a probable indication of formal organizational change; it is unclear to us why Saitta does not.

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Third, we did not suggest that tribal integration is "achieved via the development of'cross-cutting' institutions such as age-grades, secret societies, and other kinds of sodalities." Such links already exist as potential relations in almost all societies. For us, the critical question is the extent to which those connections are increasingly formalized and emphasized in networks of social relationships. Our examination of archaeological data from the Midwest and Southwest tested proposals concerning this process. Our conclusions also are "empirical generalizations" only in the sense that any test of a general model or hypothesis results in generalizations about its validity. We agree, however, that we need a better understanding of the conditions under which different specific types of social relationships are affected by particular changes in environmental predictability, as indicated by our original statements (p. 518), as well as in other summaries of our research. We hope future discussions of our work and of many others' works (e.g., Bender 1982; Graves 1982; Haas 1983; Johnson 1982; Kristiansen 1982; Voss 1980) on tribalization processes will contribute to progress in that direction. Fourth, Saitta challenges the extent to which Sahlins's sectoral model accommodates such "largescale" interactions as inter- and extra-regional socioeconomic processes. He suggests, following the lines of several recent studies, that such processes have important effects on local network organization in tribal systems. It is useful to note that our model of the specific relationships between exchange activity, spatial distance, and social distance was not derived solely from Sahlins's model. We cited several studies, both empirical and theoretical, on which we based our own arguments (p. 511). We note also that Saitta's criticism addresses aspects of tribal relationships that Sahlins's model does not directly concern. The "sectoral" model is synchronic and addresses only the average relative strength of relationships among social units. It does not deny that relationships between physically distant social units will vary in strength, in an absolute sense, over time and may occasionally be quite strong. Similarly, we do not regard, and did not describe the exchange of valuables as a "short-term integrative mechanism." Our use of the phrases "short-term" and "long-term" referred to the stability and duration of individual links or connections within a network, and not to the duration of the network or its set of symbolic markers as a whole (pp. 511, 517). For example, we noted in our discussion of the Midwest that there was a trend toward increasing frequency of exotic and highly stylized artifacts "originating at great distances from the region of study" that "extends well back into the Archaic and culminates in the so-called Hopewell exchange systems of the Middle Woodland period" (p. 517, see also Braun i982). Finally, the spatial scale of the zones we discussed in our article encompasses thousands of square miles each, and, aboriginally, probably each contained tens of thousands of people and crosscut what archaeologists working in these zones today consider several different "regions." Admittedly, we were not precise in defining our distinction between "local" and "regional" scales of analysis, if in part only to emphasize the relativity of these terms to each other and to each geographic frame of reference. The "local" area minimally would include the immediate productive landscape of each settlement or immediately adjacent settlements. Our use of the term "regional" varied. Nevertheless, if our analyses did not encompass "large-scale" interactions, then we must ask how large an area does one have to consider before interactions that qualify as "large-scale" are incorporated? Saitta's discussion suggests that there is a clear-cut answer to that question but provides no specific suggestions concerning important geographic areas that should have been considered in our discussion of the Midwest and Southwest. In any case, we continue to share the concern of Saitta and others with the potential existence and importance of inter- and extra-regional ties in tribal social organization, as well as the possibility that such ties may have varied in strength and in the manner in which the ties were maintained (e.g., Braun 1982; Plog 1984a). We would emphasize, however, that the social ties established by extra-regional networks would still have had the effect of connecting obligations over large regions, and thus would have been subject to the specific ecological processes we examined. ALTERNATIVE MODELS As the preceding discussion should indicate, there are important differences between the view we originally advocated and the one briefly suggested by Saitta. Neither is without problems, however.

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Saitta recommends a view of tribal evolution that emphasizes the importance of "internal" social dynamics, apparently individual and household competition for surplus and power, as driving forces. Because his recommendations are as yet admittedly highly sketchy, and sketchily referenced, their evaluation is difficult. An underlying critical notion, however, appears to be that the social strategies of the actors in a system determine the pattern of social change (see also Friedman's [1982] review of this notion, for example). Archaeological applications of this idea, if we understand Saitta correctly, include works by Bender (1978, 1981), Gledhill (1981), and Kristiansen (1982), among others (see also Miller 1982). Our view of tribal social processes is quite different. We clearly do not disagree with the idea that all social networks result from, or consist of, the decisions and consequent behaviors of social actors. Our disagreement is over the question of what factors or processes lead to systematic variation in actors' behaviors, and hence to variation in the organization and complexity of social networks, over space or time. Saitta suggests one particular motivation for the decisions and behaviors of individuals and households, as these acts affect connectivity in social networks. We argued for other motivations or "internal dynamics," and tried to explain why. Even together, these suggestions do not fully encompass the motivations underlying human social acts, but that is not a critical issue here. We believe that any model that treats internal dynamics as the appropriate standpoint from which organizational variation is to be explained, cannot explain the organizational variation we see in either the historic or archaeological records. An exclusive focus on internal dynamics, if such dynamics are culturally universal, will predict the same evolutionary trajectory in all cases. Variation in trajectories can be explained only by reference to selection by external factors. That is, we must identify the external factors that selected, from the range of internally produced cultural options, those options (if any) that were compatible with the current external circumstances. It is for this reason that the studies (Friedman and Rowlands 1978; Lightfoot and Feinman 1982) Saitta cites as examples of the type of research he proposes cannot explain variation without reference to external selection. Adequate explanation requires a focus on the dynamics of both internal and external factors, not an exclusive focus on one or the other. To model the processes of selection operating on social behavioral options, further, we need to model the potential costs and benefits of various options. It is only through these effects of actions (either anticipated or actual) that selection takes place. We do not believe that this process of selection is adequately modeled for the alternative dynamics proposed, either in Saitta's comments or in the references he cites. We also recognize weaknesses in our own earlier treatment of the processes of selection on social behavioral options. These concern the relationship between cooperative vs. competitive responses to environmental unpredictability, the role of decision-making and information-sharing processes in regional integration, and the relationships between various forms of exchange and stylistic social communication. We are both in the process of evaluating revised models of social change for our respective regions of research (Braun 1983; Plog 1984b). CONCLUSIONS The model we have developed is not without weaknesses or areas where empirical support is ambiguous. We have recently discussed many of these problems (Braun 1983; Plog 1983), as have others (Graves 1982; Hodder 1982a; Wiessner 1983). Nevertheless, we attempted to develop a model through a careful and rigorous application of organizational and ecological theory and our review of archaeological data from the Southwest and Midwest suggested those data are consistent with most predictions of the model. We are eager, however, to see alternative models applied to these same data for comparison. Some of Saitta's criticisms of our research appear to result from misunderstandings of our point of view. If our statements about those issues were unclear originally, we hope they have now been clarified. It is obvious, however, that there are differences between the approach we developed and the approach Saitta proposes. We believe that these differences are significant and in part relate to serious weaknesses in the proposed alternative. While we welcome the formulation of alternative models, the major and constant purpose of scientific discourse is the evaluation of ideas against

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real-world experience. The complexities of archaeological record formation and our changing understanding of formation processes certainly add to this challenge, but the challenge must always and test of the alternative perspective be faced. We look forward to a formal operationalization Saitta seeks, so that its merits may be compared with those of others. REFERENCES CITED

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