Chapter 4
DOMESTIC SERVICE AND
WOMEN OF COLOR IN THE
UNITED STATES
‘Census figures reveal that the percentage of women employed in domestic work
‘women entering the occupation.‘ Caribbean and Latin American immigrant
‘women, Many of them undocumented workers, are employed in private house-
‘employers may expect their domestics to be Caribbean immigrants;
they can expect to hire undocumented Latin American
0 typifies domestic service
women of color to the status
few York poignantly
illustrates the distinctiveness and transparency of racial and ethnic stratification:
nn Haldia the USA.
-year-old daughter in a shopping cart through a supermarket in
, and a litle white gil riding past in her mother's cat calls
jgok, Mommy, a baby mai
unt reflects our segregated social world—obviously the litle
countered African American females only as maids. Although most
‘white women in public places asking them if they
they needed 2 domestic.’ Martha Ci
woman, understood the role expectation
me, and you can see I'm black and you
know domestic work is something I know about
about me.”
‘This chapter investigates the situation of women of color in domestic service.
‘The first section presents « broad overview of historical wends and regional
draws on an analytical scheme first employed by Lucy Salmon in 1897. She
proposed three distinct historical phases: phase one started with English coloni-
zation and extended to the Revolutionary War, phase two began with the Amer~
can Revolution and lasted to 1850, and phase three covered the period from
1850 to the 1900s.? Later analysts added a modem” period, from World War
‘to the present. These phases are di by the specific populations em-
ployed as domestics, they draw attention to the race, class, and gender dynamics
‘operating in domestic service in the United States,
HISTORICAL OVERVIEW.
‘The Colonial Period to the Civil War
In the colonial period, indentured servants were drawn from England's poor, the
ss, orphans, vagabonds, and criminals. Houschold laborers were hired
including both agriculture and maintenance
of the master’s home and family. Remarking on the nature of servitude in colo-
nial America, Soraya Coley observed that “little discrimination [was] made be-
Domest Service and Women of Color 2
tween the class of household servants and indentured servants, for household
servants came under the same legal contracts and restrictions as did other inden-
tures."* Consequently, the terms servant and slave were pretty much interchange-
able, Masters frequently assumed total control over the behavior of their ser-
vvants, including their leigure activities and marriages as well as their work
tic and a services in the South resulted
very, Summarizing census data from 1848,
“slaves comprised 71 percent ofall manual labor-
xe domestic and personal
from the “peculiar
Charles Johnson repor
Taborers toward menial employment, furthermore, conspired with the traditional
‘of householders for Negroes.in a lasting tenure for their intimate
‘as house servants," For example, the Charleston census of 1848 reported that
“over one-thitd of the adult domestic workers were men. But while domestic
‘work as a whole was not a sex-typed occupation for slaves, jobs within domestic
service were commonly sex-typed.”® The allocation of chores depended upon
‘the owner’s wealth and plantation size. Relatively large plantations with many
slaves divided the workers into field hands and house servants. In contrast,
lizabeth Fox-Genovese addressed the compl
slaves and mistresses by pointing out thatFemale slaves frequently labored in white households throughout
to care for their own fami
‘Emancipation. A clear indication
tejoatn of touseverk a nigger work”
‘Te fin words inthe Deelaton of Independence didnot apply 10 black
women laboring under te yoke of slavery Atte same time that Back women
More sxyecencg the mest ehumanirng misersenentarangemedt ine
1 of Ane, hoe, he een women we eve me
Cgalovian employer employee interaction,” Lucy Salmon Vesried the ci
vvtich wt born women performed domestic labor
‘ial
De Tocqueville
democracy fundamen-
“How Democracy Af
De Tocqueville believed that:
jomestic service doesnot degrade the character of,
De Tocqueville further claimed that, because the structural condi
created an ascribed servant class for the aristocracy had been eliminated, the
Domestic Service and Women of Color 5
id to become fully rational like
ism: “masters require nothing of
igorous performance of the covenant: they do
do not claim their love or developed attach-
domestic labor during tenth and
‘ere far more complex than those suggested by De
Instead of withering economic classes and
and submission, we find the proliferation
‘were effectively barred to people of color, to women, and most
‘women of cofot. For'some white women, domestic service was simy
of life ora bridge tb better opportuni
‘One group of domestic workers was composed of
‘who worked as hired girls for short periods of time
lies? incomes or to help a neighbor. Employee-employer relation
native-born women and mistresses are perhaps best conceptualized as
of community patterns of mutual aid. Room and board were offered
compepsation, blurring the distinction between paid and unpaid h
‘Nancy'Cott accounted for “helpers” in the eighteenth and early ninet
turies as “a funtion of age as much as economic need."® The
aye Duden as a rela
‘The hired girl and the domestic represent unique workin,
tions. Frequently, help was hired to sce the family through
season, or temporary child care needs. Dudden distin,
that the “work was organized more around task than time.” The experience of