Welcome to Scribd, the world's digital library. Read, publish, and share books and documents. See more
Download
Standard view
Full view
of .
Look up keyword
Like this
3Activity
0 of .
Results for:
No results containing your search query
P. 1
Turner Congo War Myth Reality

Turner Congo War Myth Reality

Ratings: (0)|Views: 156|Likes:
Published by proxmcgee

More info:

Published by: proxmcgee on Mar 09, 2012
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial

Availability:

Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
See more
See less

11/13/2014

pdf

text

original

 
----;-.
A'Tf
/'
()
"'1
t"
Ii
"
f/J')
~\t[,/
-rg1
i~C)07
The Congo tvars: conflict,
myth
and reality
was firsr published
in
2007
by
Zed Books Lrd, 7 Cynthia Srreer, London
N,
911',
lIK
and
Room
4
00
,
'75
fifrh Avenue, New York,
NY
roo ro,
liSA
<www.zedbooks.co.uk>
Copyrighr
«,
Thomas
Turner,
2007
The
righr
of
Thomas Turner
ro be identified
as
rhe
aurhorof
rhis workhas been asserted
hy
him
in
accordance wirb rhe Copyrighr, Designs
and
Parents Acr,
'988.
Cover designed
by
Andrew
Corbett
Ser
in
Monorype
Sabon and Gill Sans Heavy by Ewan Smirh, LondonIndex: <ed emery@bririshlibrary.ner>Distributed
in
rhe
liSA
exclusively by Palgrave
Macmillan,
a division
of
Sr
Marrin's
Press,
l.I.c,
'75
Fifrh Avenue,
New
York,
NY
rooro.A caralogue record for rhis
book
is
available from rhc Brirish Lihrary.
us
c,
p
dara arc available from rhe Library
of
Congress.A
I
righrs reserved
No parr
of
rhis publicarion may be reproduced, stored
in
a retrievalsysrcm
or
rransmitted,
in
any form
or
by
any means, e1ecrronic
or
orherwise,
wirhout
rhe
prior
permission
of
rhe publisher.
ISBN
978 , 842.77
(,889
hb
ISBN
978
1
84277 (,89
(,
pb
Transferred
to
digital printing
in
2008.
..
-
~
.-f
=
IX
c;,("
0;;;;
Contents
Prefaceand
acknowledgements
I
ii
Map
of
the
Congo
I
xii
2
Half
a
holocaust
.
. • . • . . . I
The
Congo death toll
I
The first Congo war
13
Africa's world war
15
Classifying and explainingthe Congo wars
18
Nationalism and state collapse
I
O
Levels
of
analysis
I
2
The political
economy
of
pillage
.....
24Rich Congo and its
poor
neighbours
124
Leopold'sCongo
126
Belgium's model colony
128
The
classstructure
of
Belgian Congo
129
Neo-colonialism inCongo,
I960
onwards
13I
The
(brief) rise and (long)decline
of
the Zairian state
134
Partition and pillage
140
The land
142
Class structure
of
contemporary Congo
142
Conclusion: from Leopold
II
to
Kabila
II
144
3
'Congo
must
be
sweet'
-
image and ideology
inthe
Congo
wars.
..
. . . • . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
The fevers
of
race
IF
'Race' in the Great Lakesregion
152
Looking for 'useful' natives
156
Looking forConstantine
or
Clovis
157
Reorganizing the state
159
History and ideology in Rwanda
160
Maps
areterritories
162
The
'science'
of
ethnographic maps
164
Ideologies
of
resistance
to
colonial rule
166
Resistancein Rwanda
17I
Conclusion
173
4
War
in
South Kivu
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
76
The
Banyamulenge in South Kivu
178
The
Banyamulengeand the Belgians
180
The material and ideological basis
of
relations with neighbours
182
Gatumba
and beyond
I
O3
5
War
in
North
Kivu
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I06
The Rwandophones
of North
Kivu
1!O8
The
Tutsirefugees
of
I959
and thereafter
I
I4
Recruitment
of
anAfrican elite
I
I
5
The
'Provincette'
of North
Kivu
I
I6
Conflict in
North
Kivu in the nineties
I
I8
Parallel statestructures
1128
Brassage
or
integration
of
the army
I
30
Human
rights defenders targeted
I
140
North
Kivu andthe transition
1140
 
6
Congo
and
the
'international community'
. . . . . . . 146
IGOs and INGOs
in
Congo: a long history
1
47
The UN role
in
the convergent catastrophes
1
15
0
Sex
scandals
in
Congo
1161
UN 'experts' on pillageand arms traffic
1 62.
The United Nations and the end
of
the Congo war
1
164
7
After
the
war
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I66
Registration, a political process
1
66
Forty-six years
of
politics, recapitulated
1
67
Conduct
of
the elections
I
175
Putting Humpty Dumpty together again
I
80
Newconstitution, same old problems?
I
83
Rebirth
of
nationalism
1
87
'Merci Kabila'i
I90
Impunity
1193
Congo wars chronology
1
199
Notes
1209
index
1234
.:o"~~
..
~:
Preface and acknowledgements
This book
is
the fruit
of
a decades-long love affair with Africa ingeneral and Congo-Kinshasa in particular. I have visited more
than
twenty African states, and have lived
and
worked in several
of
themfor extended periods: Kenya, Tunisia
and
Rwanda, as well as Congo.Congo
is
a miserable place these days, as will be discussed below.But it
is
a magical place as well, where some
of
the world's great
art
has been produced. The pre-colonial sculptures
of
the
Luba
people(Roberts
and
Roberts
I996)
are marvellous.
The
contempor,ary Lingaladance music is appreciated all over Africa
and
beyond.
'The
Congo
makes Africa dance,' as the saying goes.
The
contemporary paintings,sold
doorto door
in many cases, but sold from studios in the cases
of
the more successful artists, are extremely inventive.
The
cooking-meat, poultry
or
fish in sauce, eaten with cassava, maize,
banana
or
rice,
and
a vegetable (amaranth, sorrel
or
cassava leaves) -
is
a
joy.
At
the centre
of
all this, one finds the Congolese themselves.They are lovable and infuriating, wise and foolish. As an example
of
wisdom, I think
of
Mr
Kabambi, who wanted
to
meet my mother (anddid), when
my
mother visited me in Kisangani. 'Where would we be
withoutour
mothers?' he asked.I think also
of
John XXIII, a
madman
(1
think) whom I met inSankuru, while I was doing my doctoral research.
He
recounted
to
me the genealogy
of
the Anamongo (Tetela) people, beginning withtheir ancestor Mongo, passing through Membele,
Onkucu and
thethree brothers,
Ngandu,
Njovu
and
Watambulu,
and
winding up (notunreasonably) with himself,
John
XXIII. I did
not
tape this performance, as I did with more conventional interviews.
How
I wish I had. Ithink it might constitute a
popular
version
of
history, comparable
to
the paintings
of
Tshibumba (see
Chapter
3).
Still in the category
of
Anamongo (but
no
longer in the category
of
madmen), I think
of
Dr
Michael Kasongo (Methodist
pastor and
professor
of
history), who
taught
me a bit
of
his language
and
agreat deal
about
the culture
of
his people.
The
late
Monsignor
Paul
Mambe,
whom I met for the first time when he was
an
assistant
at
Lovanium University in Kinshasa,
and
saw for the last time
at
Kinduwhere he was bishop, was
another
invaluable contact. Abbe Paul, ashe then was, provided an entree in the circle
of
pioneers
of
the
MNC-
 
<11
~
Q.
Lumumba, people who were understandably suspicious
of
a foreignresearcher. In later years,
Mgr Mambe
was a model
of
resistance tothe
Mobutu
dictatorship, during years when many
of
his brotherbishops were less forthright.I did my undergraduate studies
at
the University
of
Michigan, andwill always have a soft spot for the Maize and Blue. I retain a liberalorientation
to
domestic and international politics
that
crystallizedduring my years on the staff
of
the
Michigan Daily.
I learned a lotfrom my fellow student journalists -Richard Taub, Tom Hayden andthe others -and wish to thank them here.
It
was
on another
Big
Ten campus, the University
of
WisconsinMadison, however,
that
I was introduced
to
the study
of
Congo. Indifferent ways, Professors Crawford Young (political science) and
Jan
Vansina (history) both greatly influenced my subsequent research.
My
doctoral research represented a topic suggested
by
Vansina (the divided Tetela-Kusu community) analysed especially
in
terms suggested
by
Young (differential modernization). I owe a particular debt to thelate Professor Murray Edelman, whose views
of
symbols and politicshave guided me
in
this book.
We
students learned from one another as well. I am particularlygrateful
to
Georges Nzongola-Ntalaja, whose historical materialismdoes
not
blind him to value dimensions
of
Congolese politics. Catherine Newbury and David Newbury, friends since Madison days, havehelped me
to
learn
about
Rwanda and eastern Congo. Robert Smith,historian
of
Congo, was also helpful as I prepared this book.Over the years, I have learned a great deal from African colleaguesand students,
in
Kisangani, Lubumbashi, Nairobi, Tunis, Butare andBukavu. When they have difficulty understanding my argument,
or
Itheirs, the initial frustration sometimes leads
to
illumination. I oncegave a talk
to
professors
in
Kinshasa, entitled something like,
'The
Tetela Lineage System, Myth
or
Reality'. A Congolese colleagueprotested (and he was right)
that
'a
myth can be a reality'.Lecturing on democratization in Africa to professors
in
Madagascar, I presented a summary
of
Kenyan politics, based on newspaperaccounts and conversations with Kenyans.
The
Malagasies wereunable
to
understand
that
Kenyans speak openly
about
ethnicity,and somehow thought
that
r
was introducing those categories.
The
Malagasies, as good Francophone intellectuals, would have been muchmore comfortable with categories like 'bourgeoisie' and 'peasantry'.This was a good lesson
in
the continuing relevance
of
colonialsocialization. Maybe it was also an example
of
the chilling effect
of
a
Marxist
dictatorship on academic discourse.
viii
Teaching in Africa has been a bit like time travel. Authors such asGabriel Almond and David Easton, whom I
thought
I
had
left behindme in Madison, live on in the classrooms
of
Tunisia, Rwanda
and
Congo. Some
of
the lecture notes, by which today's African studentslearn
about
systems theory, may even be versions
of
notes taken whenI
taught about
this topic, thirty years earlier.
One
Congolese lecturertold me recently
that
he still
had
(and presumably used) my politicalsociology notes from
I974.
He
did
not
accept my suggestion
that
heburn them. I hope I have learned a great deal
about
political sociologysince
I974.
(To
be fair,
not
all African lecturers are peddling ideas
that
far
out of
date. Some, including Semujanga
[I998]
make good use
of
more recent approaches such as
that of
Foucault.)Sitting in Tunisia, on the African side
of
the Mediterranean, I spentfour years teaching political science and American studies
to
Tunisianstudents.
The
misunderstandings uncovered in classroom discussionand informal conversation were instructive.
One
example stands out.I summarized and criticized the main ideas
of
Samuel
Huntington
on'The
Clash
of
Civilizations'.
The
students could
not
accept my criticism; they, like
Huntington,
believe
that
civilizations are hermeticallysealed units, rather
than
(as
r
believe) interpenetrating networks.
lowe
a great debt
to
Professor
Hamadi
Redissi
of
the faculty
of
law and political science
at
the University
of
Tunis III (as it then was),on both the personal and professional levels. His insights,
and
those
of
the Tunisian intellectuals I met through him, helped me understand abit
of
what was going on around me.
r
also gained great insight in Tunisia into the process
of
rewritinghistory for political purposes, as well as the apparent limits
to
suchefforts.
The
modernizing autocracy
of
Zine
el
Abidine Ben Ali is trying to convince Tunisians
that
they have a long history antedating theMuslim conquest.
Many
of
them resist these efforts. Similar efforts
to
rewrite history are going
on
in Rwanda,
and to
a lesser extent inCongo. In analysing these, I
am
able
to
draw on my Tunisian experience.
The
subsequent
five
years
(2000-05),
in which I
taught
full timein Rwanda
and
gave occasionally courses as a visiting professor inCongo, brought this book into focus. I
don't
mean simply
that
Ilearned
that
there are two sides
to
every story.
What
I learned is moreinteresting.
The
two sides
or
two stories are based
on
a number
of
shared misapprehensions, concerning the relationship between race
and
language, for example,
or
what happened
at
the Conference
of
Berlin
(I884-85).
I
am
going
to
write about Congo
and
Rwanda in the same book,
ix
"0
~
i
/II

Activity (3)

You've already reviewed this. Edit your review.
1 thousand reads
1 hundred reads
Thomas Turner liked this

You're Reading a Free Preview

Download
scribd
/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->