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Tibor Živković - Dubrovnik i počeci

Tibor Živković - Dubrovnik i počeci

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ON THE FOUNDATION OF RAGUSA
The beginnings of the city, which will evolve into the major trade center of thesouthern Adriatic – Ragusa – are covered with the darkness.
1
The earliest historicalrecord, written by the Cosmographer of Ravenna most probably in the 7
th
century (c.670), mentions
 Ragusium id est Epidaurum
.
2
This source is very important because itmakes earliest connection between ancient Roman city of Epidaurum and Ragusa, as it isstated not only by the various sources of later origin, but also preserved in the legendsdeveloped in or around Ragusa. That strong feeling about the close relations with theancient Epidaurus is even remembered by the inhabitants of Ragusa much more later, i.e.in the 14
th
century:
Epidaurus at the seashore was the ancient city of Ragusa
.
3
Thesimilar view about the origin of Ragusa is also preserved at the Ragusan authors such as:Ragusan Anonymous, Mauro Orbin, Jacob Luccari, Nicolo Ragnina, etc.The earliest and most complete story on the origins of Ragusa is written down bythe Byzantine Emperor Constantine Porphyrogenitus who based himself on the localpopular beleifs and gathered for him most probably by an official of the Empire.Constantine wrote that in the time of the Slavic incursions into Dalmatia, the ancient cityof Epidaurus was destroyed and the citizens which survived catastrophe moved on the topof the cliff near by. That cliff, which is in Greek called
lau
, became nucleus from whichthe city of Ragusa was developing in time.
4
In the further narration ConstantinePorphyrogenitus adds that the first refugees were also from Salona, the metropoly of Dalmatia, at that time also destroyed by the Slavic intruders.
5
The mention of theSalona’s refugees is odd, since the previous text does not mention them but only theinhabitants of Epidaurus. It already supposed that here Constantine Porphyrogenituscompiled from two different sources – one which was dealing with the Epidaurus andother with Salona.
6
 The most interesting information provided by Constnatine Porphyrogenitus isrelated to the date of this migration.
From their migration from Salona to Ragusa, it is
1
The major works on the beginnings of Ragusa are: G. Novak,
Povijest Dubrovnika I, Od najstarjihvremena do po
~  
etka VII stolje
}  
a (do propasti Epidauruma)
, Supplement in: Anali 10 – 11 (1966) 3 – 84 ; J.Lu
~
i
}
,
Povijest Dubrovnika od VII stolje
}  
a do godine 1205,
Zagreb 1973, Supplement in: Anali 13 – 14(1976) 7 – 139 ( = Lu
~
i
}
,
Povijest 
); Idem,
O nekim problemima najstarije dubrova
~  
ke povijesti
, HZ 19 –20 (1967) 537 – 547; V. Foreti
}
,
Povijest Dubrovnika I, Od osnutka do 1526 
., Zagreb 1980;
@
. Rapani
}
,
 Marginalia o “postanku” Dubrovnika
, Arheolo
{
ka istra
`
ivanja u Dubrovniku i dubrova
~
kom podru
~
 ju,Izdanja HAD 12 (1988) 39 – 50 (Rapani
}
,
 Marginalia
).
2
 
 Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica
, ed. M. Pinder – G. Parthey, Berolini 1860,208.
3
This is preserved in the cyrillic document of the year 1391; cf.
 Monumenta Serbica spectantia historiamSerbiae
,
 Bosnae, Ragusii
, ed. F. Miklosich, Viennae 1858, 217.
4
 
Constnatine Porphyrogenitus De administrando imperio
, I – II, ed. Gy. Moravcsik – R. J. H. Jenkins,Washington 1967, 29.217 – 230. The term
lau
is understood by R. Kati
~
i
}
,
Uz po
~  
etke hrvatskih po
~  
etaka
,Split 1993, 134 – 136 (=Kati
~
i
}
,
Uz po
~  
etke
) as the derivation from the Latin word
labes.
In the oppositesense, that
lau
derived from the Greek 
laas
, see, I.
\
uri
}
,
 Romejski govor i jezik Konstantina VII Porfirogenita
, ZRVI 24.25 (1986) 120. Similar, T.
@
ivkovi
}
,
Constantine Poprhyrogenitus and the Ragusan Authors Before 1611
, Istorijski
~
asopis 53 (2006) 149 (=
@
ivkovi
}
,
Constantine
).
5
DAI I 
, 29.230 – 233.
6
It is proposed by, Kati
~
i
}
,
Uz po
~  
etke
, 133.
 
 2
500 years till this day, which is 7 
th
indiction, the year 6457,
(948/949). The calculationgives as a date of the foundation of Ragusa the year 448/449 which is not in accordancewith our knowledge about the Slavic settlements in the Dalmatia. It is well known thatthe Slavs settled down into Illyricum and Dalmatia during the first years of Heraclius’rule (613 – 614) and that the Croats and Serbs followed them two decades later (around630 – 634).
8
Rounded numbers in historical sources always provoke suspicion, especiallyat the authors which used them often. But in this case the mistake seems quite serious,since the historical frame is put backward for some 200 years. Therefore, eitherConstantine Porphyrogenitus mixed two independent sources which were speaking of thefall of Salona and Ragusa, or he made an abbreviated chapter on Ragusa from the muchlonger story collected from different sources. If the Slavs were responsible for thedestruction of Epidaurus, then it should happened at the beginning of the 7
th
century. Inthat case either the year 448/449 is related to some other destruction of Epidaurus andSalona which can not be ascribed to the Slavs, or 500 years have some other meaning.There are some new archaeological evidences which can provide a clue about theorigin of Ragusa. Namely, after the excavations carried out in 1981 below the cathedralof Ragusa,
9
it is established that an earlier basillica existed at the same place which couldbe most probably dated to the time of Justinian I (527 – 565).
10
These new evidencessuggest that Ragusa existed at least some 60 years before the Slavic settlements intoDalmatia. The finds of coins which are washed off from the higher ground are extremelyinteresting: around 15 coins of Illyrian and Greek origin from 3
rd
to 2
nd
centuries B.C.;over 80 Roman coins dated from 1
st
to 4
th
centuries A.D; over 170 Byzantine coins from4
th
to 14
th
centuries.
11
The finds of coins unambiguous prove that the earlier settlementexisted on the top of the cliff long time before Constnatine Porphyrogenitus claims. Thisfact is quite sufficiant to challenge the reliability of the Emperor’s statement on the originof Ragusa. Finely, there is a funeraly inscription of the Roman soldier which is found inthe Pusterna, the southern part of medieval Ragusa.
12
 The archaeological evidences at Spilan and Gradac in the vicinity of Ragusa showthat these places were populated and enclosed (Spilan) by the walls already in the 2
nd
 century and lasted until the 7
th
century.
13
This is very important since the later Ragusanauthors claimed that the survivors from Epidaurus escaped to Spilan and Gradac fromwhere they finely settled in Ragusa.
14
The Ragusan Anonymous, who wrote at thebeginning of the 16
th
century based on some earlier texts of various origin, says that the
7
DAI I, 29.233 – 235.
8
Cf. T.
@
ivkovi
}
,
 Ju
`  
ni Sloveni pod vizantijskom vla
{}  
u (600 – 1025)
, Beograd 2002, 274 – 291.
9
T. Macan,
U povodu istra
`  
ivanja u dubvrova
~  
koj katedrali
, Dubrova
~
ki horinzonti 15 (1983) 3 – 11; J.Sto
{
i
}
,
Prikaz nalaza ispod katedrale i Buni
}  
eve poljane u Dubrovniku
, Arheolo
{
ka istra
`
ivanja uDubrovniku i dubrova
~
kom podru
~
 ju, Izdanja HAD 12 (1988) 15 – 38.
10
Rapani
}
,
 Marginalia,
47; I. Stevovi
}
, “
Prospetto della citta di Ragusa”, Novi izvor za najraniju istorijuvizantijskog Dubrovnika
, ZRVI 29/30 (1991) 141.
11
J. Sto
{
i
}
,
Slijed oblikovanja sakralnog sredi
{  
ta u Dubrovniku
, Dubrova
~
ki horizonti 29 (1989) 58. Thesame author thinks that this basillica could be dated most probably in the first half of the 9
th
century.
12
CIL III, 1743. For the archaeological evidences that Ragusa existed a centuries before the beginning of the 7
th
century, see, Lu
~
i
}
,
Povijest 
, 17.
13
I. Marovi
}
,
Arheolo
{  
ka istra
`  
ivanja u okolici Dubrovnika
, Anali 4 –5 (1956) 9 – 30 (=Marovi
}
,
  Arheolo
{  
ka istra
`  
ivanja
).
14
A
nnales ragusini Anonymi item Nicolai de Ragnina
, ed. Sp. Nodilo, Monumenta spectantia historiamslavorum meridionalium 14, Scriptores I, Zagrabiae 1883, 7, 179 (=
 Anonymi, Ragnina
).
 
 3
inhabitants of Gradaz and Spilan came to Ragusa in 691 and settled in the part of the citycalled Pusterna, adding that all of them are the descendants of the citizens of Epidaurwhich was destroyed by the Saracens.
15
Ragnina, who wrote his Annals around 1550speaks almost the same story in slightly diferent chronological frame (601). In addition,Ragnina mentions that the inhabitants of Ragusa already lived there for 160 years. Itmeans that he based his chronology on Constantine Porphyrogenitus since 160 years leadus back to the absolute date of 441 for the foundation of Ragusa. Indeed, Ragnina had athis disposal some excerpts from
 DAI 
, which he dated in 940 and 944, most probablyachieved from the legacy of Ludovico Tuberon.
16
The Ragnina’s predecessor LudovicoTuberon, who wrote in the first two decades of the 16
th
century, also has this statementabout the inhabitants of Spilan and Gradac which settled down in Ragusa. He also had athis disposal some excerpts from
 DAI.
17
 The Saracens, which appear at the work of the Ragusan authors of the 16
th
 century, are interpolated in the story of the foundation of Ragusa because they used
 DAI 
or Vita Basilii in which Porphyrogenitus speaks about the siege of Ragusa in 866. Thelearned humanists compiled tradition,
 DAI 
and other written sources found elsewhere, tocreate a picture about the origin of Ragusa. It is upon the modern scholars to find a wayto extract the historical core of these legends preserved in Ragusa in the Late MiddleAges.The earliest Ragusan poet, Miletius, who wrote most probably in the middle of the 14
th
century, and who had some historical writings which could be traced back to thebeginning of the 11
th
century,
18
also left several verses related to the foundation of Ragusa:
Quidam Romani, destructa sic Epidauro, Bellum civile fugientes forte subintrant Portum Dalmatiae, qui Gravosius vocatur. Hic pariter inopis, fugientes ex Epidauro In magnis ripis, ubi nunc est urbs Rhagusina,Castellum statuunt monitis actuque Joannis,Qui jam predictae fuit Archiepiscopus urbis.Quamque arcem, vivi tutam munimine saxi, Aspectu horrendo, praecelso in vertice montis, Hoc castrum vocitat Epidaurica lingua Labusa, Namque ripa sonat hoc idiomate labes. A magnis ripis nomen traxere priores: Nunc, L in R, G pro P mutando, moderni Rhagusam dicunt, quae Sclavonice Dubrovnik  Dicitur a silva, quia silva fuit locus ille, In quo nunc urbs est, et dubrava silva vocatur.
15
 
 Anonymi
, 7 – 8.
16
 
@
ivkovi
}
,
Constantine,
151 – 153.
17
 
 Ibid.
154 – 160.
18
Letopis Popa Dukljanina
, ed. F.
[
i
{
i
}
, Beograd – Zagreb 1928, 51, believed that Miletius was the authorwho wrote around the year of 1340; M. Medini,
Starine dubrova
~  
ke
, Dubrovnik 1935, 25,
not before thebeginning of the XIII century
; Foreti
}
,
Povijest 
, 11,
 Miletius is from the XI 
th
century
.

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