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Hybrid Spaces in Memorial Architecture: The 9/11 Memorial at Ground Zero


Marisa Paolillo

Paolillo 2 Marisa Paolillo MHC 355: Honors Thesis Colloquium Spring 2012

Hybrid Spaces in Memorial Architecture: The 9/11 Memorial at Ground Zero Part I Standing along the edge of the pool at the 9/11 Memorial, I looked down at where the towers once stood. I heard the rushing water, which competed with noises from traffic and construction. I saw the water endlessly falling into the bottomless pit. I also felt the mist being blown up to the ground level by the wind. The voids in the ground forced me to acknowledge the absence of the twin towers, yet the water reminded me of the continuation of life and the never-ending flow of memory. Out of all the new construction being built at Ground Zero, the 9/11 Memorial was the first to be completed. Despite the amount of commercial space being constructed at the site, the fact that the memorial was prioritized and finished in time for the tenth anniversary of September 11th is a testament to the cultural and social significance of public spaces for mourning and remembrance. Memorial architecture, specifically built out of tragedy, is an extremely important type of public art that allows communities to grieve while also allowing them to remember and never forget their loss. Although many scholars pay close attention to the meaning of memorials during their initial constructions and openings, it is just as important to track how the meanings of the memorials change as well. This emphasis in change is countered in Judith Dupres statement that monuments are about resolution, the outward sign that finally all has been said and

Paolillo 3 done.1 Her contention is problematic because it implies that a given memorial has a fixed symbolic purpose. This view of memorials leaves out the significant roles that memory, time, and culture play in shaping our understanding of these spaces. In this paper, I argue that the value of memorials is best understood by examining them as symbolically hybrid structures. Hybrid spaces have the potential to change in symbolic meaning and allow us to best understand memorials as endlessly shifting symbols. From this perspective, memorials that achieve the highest level of hybridity are the most effective at evoking memories and leaving lasting impressions for visitors. In Part I, I discuss the role of memory and the changing notion of a traditional memorial. Part II focuses on three tragedy memorials in particular, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial (Maya Lin, Washington DC, 1982), the Memorial for the Murdered Jews of Europe (Peter Eisenman, Berlin, 2005), and the USS Arizona Memorial (Alfred Preis, Honolulu, 1962), all of which exemplify the different physical and conceptual characteristics of a hybrid space. In Part III, I investigate how the recently opened 9/11 Memorial at Ground Zero (Michael Arad and Peter Walker, New York City, 2011) acts as a hybrid space in the context of the other memorials. What is a hybrid space? The term hybridity in the context of memorial architecture is defined as the fluidity of multiple symbols. Therefore, a hybrid space has multiple, simultaneous, constantly shifting symbolic meanings. The individual visitors who interact with the memorial each create their own associations and meanings with the space. A hybrid memorial thus acts as the medium through which people project their own thoughts and

Judith Dupre, Monuments (New York: Random House, 2007), Foreword.

Paolillo 4 feelings onto the site. A hybrid space has the potential to change in meaning either over time or for people of different cultural and social backgrounds. Looking at memorials as hybrid spaces allows us to best analyze their capacity to serve as continuously shifting symbols. In this light, memorials meanings should evolve over time as peoples memories are altered or new knowledge of historical events emerges. As a result, a variety of individuals perceptions should form because of differing levels of information and the depth of emotions that the visitor feels towards the historical event that brought about its construction. To be sure, not all memorials exemplify the qualities of a hybrid space, but, as I demonstrate, the more hybridity, or fluidity of symbol, is associated with a memorials meaning, the more effective it is as a memorial site. By analyzing memorials as hybrid spaces we can pinpoint which qualities are most effective so that we can build more relatable and adaptable memorials in the future. The Role of Memory The nature of memory plays a large role in how people perceive memorials. The relationship between fluidity and memory is similar to that of fluidity and symbolic meaning in memorials. Memory is an object appropriated and politicized.2 It can be shaped by outside forces as well as being internally subjective. Understanding memory as constantly in flux relates to how the meaning of memorials can constantly shift as well. To assume that memory is fixed is problematic because then the memorial is only significant during the time of its opening, and as a result the memorial becomes imbued with only one fixed symbol. Memory is extremely subjective, and can be shaped over
2

Matt K Matsuda, The Memory of the Modern (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996), 6.

Paolillo 5 time if a person becomes aware of new truths or additional information about history. The memorial acts as a tangible extension of memory, whether it is the nations collective memory, an individual visitors memory, or both. As in the case of the Place Vendme Column of Napoleon (1806-10), shifting political views in France encouraged the destruction of the structure.3 Columns are one example of traditional memorials that symbolize both immortality and creation of new life.4 Following the constructs of traditional art forms, this column was meant to celebrate the life of Napoleon and permanently place a representation of him for the public to view. (Fig. 1) At the top of the column is Napoleon dressed as a Roman emperor, which also demonstrates his authority and desire to look to past cultures for symbols of power. Although meant to be a tribute to Napoleon, the monument later became a symbol of everything that was going wrong with the government. The French people took matters into their own hands and acted out their aggression towards the monument. They destroyed it in 1871, which both changed the atmosphere of the plaza as well as Frances national history. Not only did the meaning of the monument change, but the reaction of the people created a new memory for the structure and its site. A memorial can also help shape memory by actively engaging the visitor. This interactive experience can be accomplished in different ways. No matter how long after the event or what the background of the visitor who comes to the memorial, the site should physically provide a space for constant interaction and change. Certain physical elements may let the visitors not only create a new and different memory each time they

3 4

Matsuda, The Memory of the Modern, 19-39. Donald M. Reynolds, Monuments and Masterpieces (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1988), 189.

Paolillo 6 visit, but their recollection of past historical events may actually evolve based on their experiences at the memorial. This may be problematic if their memories are too influenced by the memorial, and they lose sight of what actually happened in the past. Viewer reception is an important aspect of memorials that contributes to the shaping of visitors memory. Tragedy memorials should provide subjectivized and selfnegotiated journeys for people visiting these spaces.5 Memorials must be sensitive to different subjective memories and the space must try not to impose one objectified memory of a space, for propaganda use or the perpetuation of a national enemy. In the cases of some memorials, specifically the Nanjing Massacre Memorial, which will be discussed in detail below, the space strives to close off personal interpretation and to provide a single-sided story of the victims being memorialized. Granted, this uniformity of effect cannot be altogether achieved. But my point is that it should not be the goal of the designers. When visiting any memorial or public space, each person has a reaction to the site based on subconscious conventions determined by his or her culture.6 Furthermore, the physical and mental aspects of space are related, but they do not have a one-to-one relationship since the viewers mental images of a space are sensations manipulated primarily by factors such as personality and culture of the perceiver and modified by expectation, attention, motivation and emotion.7 People come from all different backgrounds and approach places differently as a result. The variety in types of visitors also brings up issues of functionality and sacredness. Some argue that the influx

Paul Gough, From Heroes Groves to Parks of Peace: Landscapes of Remembrance, Protest and Peace, Landscape Research 25:2 (2000): 226. 6 N. N. Patricios, Concepts of Space in Urban Design, Architecture and Art, Leonardo 6:4 (1973): 316. 7 Ibid, 311-12.

Paolillo 7 of people who use the site of a tragedy memorial for recreation, such as tourists and joggers, threaten the sacredness of the space.8 Having too many physical functions can take away from the remembrance of the event or war that is supposed to be the main focus. However, the diversity of visitors, for whatever reason of their visit, adds more symbolic functions to the space. Tourists and joggers will have their own associations with the space, and when they leave the site they will hopefully have formed a new individual memory of the historic events being remembered. Not only are the visitors diverse, but so are the art forms and practices that are currently used by artists and architects. This diversity in types of visitors as well as artistic expression emphasizes the fact that traditional forms are no longer sufficient means of conveying an appropriate site for visitors to truly feel a connection to the space.9 Due to the wide variety of cultures and backgrounds of the people visiting these spaces, the forms that make up these spaces must be able to keep up with the changes and variations of people who will come across the site. Memory, emotion, and personal experiences play a role in how visitors perceive memorials. These subjective contributions to the images of memorials that people create are combined with the external influences of culture and collective memory. There is a two-way relationship between the memorial and the visitor. What the visitor brings to the space is just as important as what the visitor takes away. The memorial, through its forms and engagement with people, must provide a space that allows the visitors to take full

Gough, From Heroes Groves to Parks of Peace: Landscapes of Remembrance, Protest and Peace, 226. 9 John Beardsley, Art in Public Spaces (Partners for Livable Spaces, 1981), 9.

Paolillo 8 advantage of their past experiences and memories to come to some greater awareness at a site of reflection and mourning. Traditional Memorials The designs of more recent memorials compared with the designs of more historical memorials raises the question of what a traditional memorial is, and how the concept of a traditional memorial is changing. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial (1982), the USS Arizona Memorial (1962), and Berlins Holocaust Memorial (2005) all challenge the notion of what a traditional memorial is. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial visually stands out from the other memorials near it in Washington DC, especially the Washington Monument (1886) and the Lincoln Memorial (1915). The Washington Monument makes use of the traditional obelisk or column form as well as traditional white stone. (Fig. 2) These two elements symbolize eternal life, since the obelisk is an abstracted form of a tree, and the stone material is tough and durable. The phallic shape of the Washington Monument is also a symbol of life and creation.10 The Lincoln Memorial also exemplifies qualities of a traditional memorial because of its monumental size, use of stone, figurative representation, and neoclassical architectural forms in the European tradition. (Fig. 3) Not only is the statue of Lincoln monumental in size, but the building surrounding the sculpture is impressive and alludes to Greco-Roman forms. The Memorial consists of a monumental staircase, elevating Lincolns statue off the ground, signifying its importance as raised off from the street level. The structure is perfectly symmetrical, with Lincoln placed directly in the center, so there is no doubt as to who is being memorialized. Massive columns and a decorative cornice run along the faade of

10

Reynolds, Monuments and Masterpieces, 194-5.

Paolillo 9 the memorial, drawing on forms from Greek and Roman buildings, which demonstrate a strong emphasis on looking back to history for memorial forms. Neither of the original designs for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the Holocaust Memorial had figural representations. Statues of soldiers were added to the Vietnam memorial later on due to opposition to the abstract form of Maya Lins design. (Fig. 4) This controversy over Lins abstract minimalist design for the memorial demonstrates how radical her ideas were at the time. During an interview with NPR, Maya Lin admitted that she knew her design would be controversial because it was so unlike anything else on the National Mall.11 Traditional memorial forms include representations of people whereas more contemporary designs highlight more abstract spaces. This lack of direct representation adds to the memorials hybridity because there is more opportunity for the meaning to shift. On the other hand, a statue of a Vietnam War soldier will always provide a physical representation of the same person. There is an abundance of war memorials that include individual soldiers as well as groups of soldiers captured in moments of battle or moments of contemplation. The human figure is such a dominant traditional theme in war memorials because it symbolizes immortality.12 The statue of a soldier provides a lasting tribute to the dead soldiers and captures a specific moment in time. Preserving the figure of a soldier in a durable material displayed for the public is a permanent way to honor veterans and fallen soldiers. The Coast Guard Memorial in Battery Park, New York City, designed by a Coast Guard veteran, Norman M. Thomas, consists of a larger-than-life statue of two men

11 12

Michel Martin, The Wall Turns 25, National Public Radio, November 13, 2007. Reynolds, Monuments and Masterpieces, 179.

Paolillo 10 helping a wounded third man to safety.13 (Fig. 5) These statues of anonymous soldiers are a common form of memorializing soldiers because perhaps it is a way of conveying the harsh realities of wars in the expressions on the faces of the statues. The memorial to the 107th U.S. Infantry at Sixty-seventh Street and Fifth Avenue, also in New York City, by Karl Illava, shows seven men in the middle of battle. (Fig. 6) The twisted forms of the bodies and anguished expressions in their faces come from his experiences as a sergeant during WWI and reflect his desire to portray the harsh realities of war.14 The figures seem to be stepping out of a background composed of flames, simultaneously creating an otherworldly realm in which they exist and representing the destruction of war. There was a great proliferation of statues of soldiers after WWI performing different actions and in different poses, yet for the most part they recalled Renaissance and Baroque sculptures. One memorial sculpture in particular that relies on historical sculpture for influence is Beaux-Arts sculptor Philip Martinys memorial in Abingdon Square, in New York City, which was inspired by Michelangelos Slaves.15 (Fig. 7, Fig. 8) The soldier in Abingdon Square has a twisted body, furrowed brow, and muscular neck, which all add to the drama of the moment. Although Martinys sculpture is made of bronze and Michelangelos sculpture is made of marble, the soldier alludes to the extremely dramatic and exaggerated quality of the figures in Michelangelos work. This allusion to the past is representative of many traditional memorials. This direct relationship between abstraction and increasing fluidity of the meaning of the memorial is a reflection of contemporary notions of memory. The lack of literal

13 14

Reynolds, Monuments and Masterpieces, 195. Ibid, 206. 15 Ibid, 198.

Paolillo 11 representation in memorials allows the viewer to project a variety of thoughts or memories onto the space, or even multiple ones at once. Abstraction makes the narratives of modern space fluid and capable of attaching to ambient references.16 The memorials ability to conjure up different images without actually physically changing is an important aspect of its role as a hybrid space, and abstraction accomplishes this best. If memorials built in our time follow this logic, they are more likely to stay effective. When given the opportunity, our movement through the space can parallel the passage of time. The design of a space, specifically, a structural grid can demarcate a specifically timed rhythm when calibrated by the human footstep.17 Yet a memorial does not need to have a grid plan in order to establish this connection between time and space. At the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the wall of names and dates creates a timeline showing the enormous loss of life that the country faced during that war. As visitors move along the wall reading the names, they are traveling through time as well.18 They are physically in the present, but mentally they are being transported into the past with each step. A stark contrast to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial may be seen in the Nanjing Massacre Memorial (1985), built by the Nanjing Municipal Government as a memorial to the murdered victims of Nanjing by the Japanese Army in 1937. This memorial seeks to impose a single, fixed meaning onto its visitors. In this sense, it is more traditional and not a hybrid memorial. Although it conveys a deep level of emotion, it is more

16

Victoria Meyers, Space and the Perception of Time, Journal of Architectural Education 53:2 (1999): 92. 17 Ibid, 91. 18 Jeffrey Karl Ochsner, A Space of Loss: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Journal of Architectural Education 50:3 (2007): 161.

Paolillo 12 constricting in its message and leaves little room for interpretation. The Japanese held control over Nanjing for six weeks, and raped and murdered innocent civilians in China. The memorial consists of figural statues of Chinese civilians fleeing for their lives, holding onto family members, and trying to save themselves from destruction. (Fig. 9) Although they are extremely realistic looking, the surface is textured and worn as if the statues themselves are melting or dying. Expressions of pain and anguish fill the faces of the statues, and they look as if they are caught in the act of running away or reaching out for help. The use of written language is emphasized throughout the memorial, especially with written accounts of the massacre, describing the Japanese as devils. The number 300,000, which sums up the victims, is displayed in large font all on the entrance to the interior section of the memorial. The importance of language at this memorial is also exemplified by the translations into several different languages so that almost any kind of visitor will be able to understand the purpose of this memorial and will leave with knowledge of the events. The actual site of the memorial was built near a large burial ground for the victims, and reflects a strong desire to leave that area of Nanjing frozen in time. The trees at the site are purposely left displayed as dead to strongly demonstrate all of the destruction that Nanjing faced because of the invading Japanese Army. (Fig. 10) Below in Part III, I will contrast the Nanjing Memorial with the 9/11 Memorial to further explore the shortcomings of the Nanjing design. Although many traditional memorials look to human figures or historical architectural forms to convey a message of remembrance, experimentation in design and ideas of memorialization can lead to a change in the meaning of tradition. Changes in both conceptual and visual notions of recent memorials demonstrate a shift in the notions

Paolillo 13 of traditional memorials. This evolution of tradition is key in understanding memorials as hybrid spaces. The ever-continuing changes in new materials, art practices, and societal constructs pave the way for new forms to be designed and popularized. The Tragedy Memorial as a Typology Tragedy memorials, as opposed to other types of memorials, best illustrate how the symbolism of memorials can shift. The statement that construction in architecture refers not only to the physical acts of building, but also to narratives inscribed into the very fabric of space, can be applied to tragedy memorials specifically.19 This statement implies the importance of subjectivity and personal connection to the space. Without some emotion or feeling, the site is meaningless and does not have any symbolic function. Memorials are given so much meaning even before they are constructed because of reactions to the event and to the passage of time in between the event and the construction. The time in between the event and the construction of the memorial is crucial in establishing what that national memory will be. Holding competitions for the designs of memorial allows for a variety of ideas to be fleshed out. Just the act of consciously thinking about the design of the memorial initiates remembering the past, which accomplishes the same goal as the memorial space itself.20 Competitions can also be a very time-consuming and controversial process, as in the cases of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial (1982) and the Holocaust Memorial (2005). The controversies surrounding these memorials will be discussed below in Part II.

19 20

Meyers, Space and the Perception of Time, 91. James E. Young, At Memorys Edge (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000), 193.

Paolillo 14 After WWI, there was an explosion of monuments and cemeteries being built in America to honor the enormous numbers of soldiers who had died in the war, creating a culture of remembrance, in which new notions of national rituals of remembrance were established.21 While there are many memorials dedicated to the life of one person, tragedy memorials tend to remember large groups of people, taking into account the sentiments of family members and close friends. This association with large groups as opposed to one person increases the spaces potential for hybridity. War and tragedy memorials involve so much emotion and memory because of the empathy that visitors feel after tragic events or the loss of so many lives. Do multiple purposes lessen the effectiveness of the memorial as a site of remembrance or add to the spaces hybridity? Maya Lin believes that memorials have a function, but their function is a purely symbolic one.22 War memorials in particular carry a great amount of symbolism. On the other hand, war memorials also have a variety of political and symbolic functions, from contemplation, through protest, to recreation.23 These varying ideas of a memorials purpose demonstrate the various associations that people give to a space. The memorial can have several functions, whether they are symbolic or physical, without taking away from its sacredness as a memorial site. These various functions add to the multiplicity of symbols that the space has.

21

Gough, From Heroes Groves to Parks of Peace: Landscapes of Remembrance, Protest and Peace, 213-14. 22 Martin, The Wall Turns 25. 23 Gough, From Heroes Groves to Parks of Peace: Landscapes of Remembrance, Protest and Peace, 225.

Paolillo 15 Tragedy memorials must also balance the dual symbols of remembrance and warning. They can either express the memories of a certain war or convey a message of anti-war feeling, or attempt to do both simultaneously. They are meant to remind visitors of the actual event while cautioning them of what should never happen again. By perpetuating remembrance, we never really forget certain historical events. Memorials take into consideration the collective, national perception as well as the response from individuals. The Memorials Physical Elements The physical qualities of the memorial act as visible reminders of the visitors memories. The design of the space can be effective by providing an opportunity for transience, in terms of the memorials symbol and visitors memories. The architect must be aware of the different backgrounds and experience of people who will come to interact with the space and balance their individual viewpoints of history with the collective national memory of the event. The overall layout of the memorial has an important role in creating a hybrid space. The sites plan determines pathways of circulation for visitors, which can either add to their emotional experience or take away from their ability to reflect and remember peacefully. The plan of the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin is made up of rectangular concrete forms of varying heights placed throughout the site. Eisenman created the memorial knowing it would be hard to capture in photographs, therefore forcing visitors to remember their experience not from images but from their interactions and personal memories.24 The visitor is given full power over their experience and

24

Young, At Memorys Edge, 207.

Paolillo 16 chooses his or her own path. As a result, visitor participation at the memorial influences a persons individual memory. Just as the visitor can create a new path each time he or she visits the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, each time a person looks back at a specific memory, it can be altered due to new circumstances or revelations. The memorials location also has a great effect on the level of hybridity that the space can have. Site-specific memorials, such as the USS Arizona Memorial at Pearl Harbor and the Ground Zero Memorial, have an extra level of meaning attached to them because the actual events occurred in the same place where people can now go to remember and mourn the loss of the victims. The space itself becomes symbolically regarded as sacred, and by creating a memorial at the site of the attacks the meaning of the site has already started to shift. The USS Arizona Memorials placement over the water gives the visitor access to see the ship underneath the water, which visually becomes the most important aspect in facilitating an emotional connection between the memorial and the visitor. Looking down into the water, people can feel like they are looking into the past. A memorials location in relation to its surroundings also determines its success in interacting with visitors. The Vietnam Veterans Memorials location in the National Mall and its close proximity to the Washington Monument and other historic national landmarks places it in the context of American history. This memorial is seamlessly integrated into its surroundings, yet stands out because of its choice of color and design. Integration into the surrounding environment, whether its a lawn or a city, is important for the memorials success as an architectural structure in general.

Paolillo 17 The choice of material for memorials can contribute to the hybridity of the space as well. Durable, tough materials, such as stone, reflect the desire to record and leave behind for future generations a piece of our history and view into our current sentiments. Variations in the stone, depending on color, texture, or luster, will have certain effects on the viewers perception of the space. In particular, Maya Lins choice to use a shiny black stone as the wall for the Vietnam Veterans Memorial enhances visitors ability to connect to the soldiers of the Vietnam War. The wall is reflective, and the visitors can see images of themselves and the names of the deceased simultaneously. This visual connection between the soldiers and the visitors is a visual representation of the internal connection that they are making in their minds to the Vietnam War. The presence or absence of language incorporated into the site also plays a role in how people interact with the memorial. Listing names of the dead, and the choices made in how they are ordered, allows the visitor to see the enormity of the loss. However, the list of names should not overwhelm visitors because then they lose the ability to interact with the memorial. This balance between the visual power and the ease with which the impact can be handled is exemplified by the names on the wall of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Breaking with tradition, Lin chose to list the 58,000 names by year of death and not by military rank.25 Omitting names from the memorial can have just as powerful an impact on the visitor. The Holocaust Memorial in Berlin does not have names carved into the concrete blocks, which abstracts their forms even more and allows for a greater interpretation of their meanings.

25

Ochsner, A Space of Loss: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, 161.

Paolillo 18 Finding a Balance between Durability and Transience Successful memorials are both permanent structures that allow people to remember certain events as well as unfixed symbols of changing memory and history. Memorial architecture imposes meaning and order beyond the temporal and chaotic experiences of life.26 Memorials can act as anchors that create a sense of community and togetherness during times of tragedy. In this sense, they must have some elements of stability and grounding in history. There should be a limit to the amount of impermanence that they have so that they do not lose all relevance. Hybrid memorials successfully balance the two opposing ideas of complete permanence and total fluidity. Memorials have a direct connection to the past, which will always remain a fixed point in time. Yet the hybrid quality of the memorial stems from the visitors relationship between the present and the past. The memorials durability is also expressed through its physical elements. Without a clear acknowledgement of victims or the tragic event, the memorial is at risk of losing its ability to evoke certain memories or emotions in its visitors. There are examples of memorials that both successfully and unsuccessfully allow the visitor to connect to the memorial in an emotional way. The space and path of circulation in Maya Lins Vietnam Veterans Memorial actively engages the visitors, which allows them to reflect and remember the war and the soldiers.27 On the other hand, the Pentagon Memorial, which is dedicated to those who died on the flight that crashed into the Pentagon on September 11th, has been criticized by landscape architect Victoria Carchidi

26

James M. Mayo, War Memorials as Political Memory, Geographical Review 78:1 (1988): 62. 27 Ochsner, A Space of Loss: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, 156.

Paolillo 19 as an ineffective memorial because of its design.28 (Fig. 11) This memorial does not have a clear layout, and it is physically falling apart due to lack of maintenance at the site. The site consists of benches with the victims names written on the edge, and grouped according to whether they were in the Pentagon building or on the airplane. The use of water and gravel make the site hard to maintain, especially since gravel can easily be kicked around by visitors or displaced by strong winds. Carchidi argues that it does not refer to the victims clearly because of arbitrary references to victims ages in the wall and layout of the benches. As a result, it does not appropriately evoke memories in visitors the way that more successful memorials do. It is important that memorials are durable in both the physical and emotional sense. Having a structurally sound memorial ensures its physical existence in the future. Appropriate maintenance from daily use must be an essential aspect of preserving the space. Without protecting the memorial area from damage or decay, the victims of tragedies whom the memorial is honoring cannot be preserved or protected as well. The memorial serves as a historical marker and a constant reminder of a tragic event that has happened so that future generations will know about the community that built the memorial. The memorial site must continue to serve as a site to express emotion and evoke memory in the future. Memorials should be able to evoke and create both individual and national memories. The memorial is a symbol of both the local and national community that built it. The physical form that the memorial takes is a representation of how any culture responds to war or tragedy, and how they decide to mourn the victims. The abstract forms Victoria Carchidi, Struggling with terror: the Pentagon memorial, Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 30:3 (2010): 195.
28

Paolillo 20 of many contemporary memorials exemplify the diverse responses that people have both cross-culturally and even within the same culture. In some historical cases, the subjective views of an event hold greater emotional authority than the collective national history.29 Whether the personal accounts or the more objective historical account is held to highest regard, the memorial should be a catalyst for these accounts to be discussed. When these memories are openly spoken about, they act as ways of honoring the victims. The memorial and the collective memory shape each other during the process of construction, but then once the memorial is built it will continue to shape and evolve both the collective and individual memory. The transient quality of the memorial shapes its national symbol over time as new knowledge or ideas are brought up in reference to the tragic event. If a memorial is truly a hybrid space, then after its construction and opening there are certainly more things to be said and many ways in which the memorial can be shaped to fit the needs of individuals or people in the future. The national symbolism can also change during the construction process because as the memorial is being realized in an actual space, debates can arise about how the country should appropriately memorialize its victims or soldiers. This idea is more directly discussed below in Part III in relation to how time affected the design of the 9/11 Memorial. There can be a balance of stability and impermanence in the nature of memorial architecture. Ochsner refers to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial as a linking object

29

Gregory M. White, National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor, American Ethnologist 31:3 (2004): 306.

Paolillo 21 because of its ability to emotionally connect the visitor to the past.30 Although the physical elements of the memorial that allow for this link to the war remain constant, each visitor will have his or her own experience based on individual memories or histories relating to the past. Each memorial that can be considered a linking object, such as the ones previously discussed, has a physical element that provides the strongest connection to visitors. In the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the reflective stone surface allows the viewer to visually see themselves and the names of the soldiers at the same time. In the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, the layout allows the visitor to interact with the space differently each time. The location of the USS Arizona Memorial visually facilitates the connection between the past and present. Even though the modes of linking the viewer to the memorial are different at each site, they all accomplish the goal of allowing the visitor create his or her own associations or symbol of the space and the historic event. Examining the variety of ways in which memorials can be hybrid spaces allows us to imagine the endless designs that will be dreamed up in the future. Part II The three tragedy memorials examined here, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, and the USS Arizona Memorial, are important structures that demonstrate how hybrid spaces successfully interact with visitors. Each one utilizes different physical elements previously discussed to evoke memories in visitors and create different symbols. These sites are just as important as the events that they reference because their hybrid nature allows visitors to journey into the past and relate to the soldiers and victims who died so long ago. Although certain

30

Ochsner, A Space of Loss: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, 160.

Paolillo 22 elements of their designs were controversial during their constructions, they are now looked at as typical examples of memorial architecture. These controversies demonstrate the varying symbols that people of different backgrounds and cultures associate with memorials. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial The Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Washington DC (Maya Lin, 1982) created much controversy because it questioned how the country should properly honor its fallen soldiers. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund held a contest for the design and chose Maya Lins plan. Critics opposed the design because of its abstract nature and its likeness to an open wound or gash in the ground.31 Its location on the National Mall, alongside more traditional national monuments previously discussed, put a lot of pressure on the design of the Vietnam memorial to live up to the countrys standard of memorialization. She emphasizes the veterans and the dead soldiers rather than the war, which brings up the importance of heroism and sacrifice in American history.32 Although listing names is not a new design element, Lins innovation is in the manner in which they are listed because the names become the center of attention at the memorial. Rather than honoring the soldiers through bronze statues, her use of their names as representations of their lives becomes the major focal point of the memorial. The memorial site is shaped like a V, and its path descends down a slight slope. (Fig. 12) Along the pathway is a black stone wall that grows taller as the path goes deeper down. The wall is reflective and lists the 58,000 names of the soldiers who died in the

31

Marita Sturken, The Wall, the Screen, and the Image: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Representations 35 (1991): 123. 32 Ibid, 136.

Paolillo 23 war. (Fig. 13) The reflective black surface acts as the mediator between the visitor and his or her memory. These elements work together to evoke memories in the visitors, as in the case of Jan Scruggs. Jan Scruggs, a Vietnam War Veteran as well as the president of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Fund, had a very emotional interaction with the Vietnam Veterans Memorial because of his personal recollections of Vietnam. During an interview conducted by NPR at the memorial, he was able to recall individual stories about names he recognized on the wall and the shakiness in his voice made it very clear his reaction was very emotional.33 As he said each name out loud, he paused to recall each of their stories. His memories of the violence and tragedies that occurred in Vietnam make his experience visiting the memorial unlike anyone elses reaction to the space. A painting by Lee Teter entitled Vietnam Reflections strongly demonstrates the experience of a veteran visiting the memorial. (Fig. 14) In the painting, the man extends his hand to the wall, and instead of an exact reflection of himself looking back, there is perhaps a younger version of himself surrounded by his fellow soldiers. Everyone sees something different when they look into the wall. The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe (Peter Eisenman, 2005) is dedicated to the millions of Jewish lives that were lost during the Holocaust. This memorial also had a difficult start in its beginnings because of concern over how to appropriately represent the murder of so many innocent lives. Due to the wide range of ideas of what the design should look like and a desire to be sensitive to Germanys controversial national history, it took many years to come to a final decision. Even James
33

Alex Chadwick, At the Vietnam War Memorial with Jan Scruggs, National Public Radio, May 27, 2005.

Paolillo 24 Young, one of the judges for the contest, was concerned that having a memorial of the Holocaust would allow Germany to push it away so that it would no longer be necessary to remember.34 However, Young and the other judges believed that Peter Eisenmans design best fit the needs of Germany in dealing with their troubled past and offering something new for the future. Around the time of the competition, Holocaust countermonuments were responding to the question of how the victims of the Holocaust should be remembered by challenging the authoritarian guidelines and rules of existing memorials and creating more temporary memorials to promote action and self-remembrance among German citizens. As the prominent countermonument artist Jochen Gerz engraved on one of his sculptures, In the end, it is only we ourselves who can rise up against injustice.35 Gerz created several countermonuments throughout Germany from 1972-1998 in an attempt to force the German public to face history and memory head on.36 The Harburg Monument Against War and Fascism (Jochen Gerz and Esther Shalev-Gerz, 1986) exemplifies the notions of a countermonument because of it challenges traditional memorials that emphasize monumentality and permanence (Fig. 15). The monument is now completely lowered into the ground, however it was once a forty-foot high aluminum column in which visitors were meant to write their names on. It was slowly lowered into the ground so that its physical structure was constantly changing, and in 1993, the very top was finally submerged.37 This monument represents extreme hybridity because its change in physical appearance reflected a constantly changing symbolic meaning. The people who
34 35

Young, At Memorys Edge, 184. Ibid, 130. 36 Ibid, 120. 37 Ibid, 128-130.

Paolillo 25 wrote on the memorial were adding their meaning to the monument directly. People not only wrote their names, but also vandalized it with different symbols and words. When the memorial was completely underground, the responsibility of remembering was left completely up to the Germans, without facilitation of an actual memorial. The ideas formed in the creation of countermonuments were employed later on in the design proposals for the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe is located within the city of Berlin. It is made up of almost 3,000 rectangular concrete blocks of varying height from one and a half feet to ten feet, but all with the same neutral color.38 (Fig. 16) They are not representative of anything, but one cannot help but think of gravestones or a cemetery when looking at the site as a whole. However, whatever associations one makes with the memorial is up to the individual. The layout of the memorial allows visitors to create their own path throughout the space as they walk in between the numbers of rectangular blocks. (Fig. 17) This represents ideas about the fluidity of memory. Young has described Eisenmans memorial as a deliberate act of remembrance, a strong statement that memory must be created for the next generation, not simply preserved.39 The design allows for a high level of hybridity since its aim is to promote remembrance and the continuation of memory, rather than the end of memory just because it happened in the past. Just as there is no single correct way to honor the victims of the Holocaust, the nature of this memorial is left open ended so that each visitor can create new memories and promote the remembrance of the victims. Each time the visitors pass through the site

38 39

Young, At Memorys Edge, 210. Ibid, 199.

Paolillo 26 they can potentially explore a new part of the memorial and never have the same exact experience twice. The USS Arizona Memorial The USS Arizona Memorial (Alfred Preis, 1962) is a dedication to those who died on December 7, 1941 from the attack on Pearl Harbor. Compared to a typical beach vacation when travelling to Hawaii, visiting the USS Arizona Memorial is more than just a tourist attraction. It is an important site for World War II veterans, especially survivors of the attack, because of the great degree to which Pearl Harbor is a part of our countrys history. This connection to the site felt by the survivors is similar to the emotional reaction that Jan Scruggs had when we went to visit the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and started to read his friends names on the wall of lost Vietnam soldiers. In fact, veterans play a large role at the USS Arizona Memorial, not just as visitors but as living aspects of the memorial itself. What makes the USS Arizona Memorial unique is that veterans volunteer to tell their personal experiences from the attack, which gives visitors a greater understanding of the pain and anguish from that day.40 Volunteers also include Japanese Americans who were placed in internment camps.41 Each volunteer can share his or her own story, altering a visitors knowledge about the Pearl Harbor attacks and adding to the assortment of narratives that are a part of that event in history. The different perspectives all work together to create a constantly shifting understanding of American history, which adds to this memorials level of hybridity. In this case, the personal experiences give the memorial its significance. The veterans also demonstrate how people can forgive and move on from war attacks. Some of the U.S. veterans who survived the attacks
40 41

White, National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor, 304. Ibid, 306.

Paolillo 27 actually became friends with the Japanese veterans later on.42 This adds another dimension of personal narrative to the Pearl Harbor attack. This contrasts greatly with the resentment that the Chinese feel towards the Japanese because of the attack at Nanjing. The Nanjing Massacre Memorial acts as more of a lesson about the destruction of war rather than a space for healing and moving on at the USS Arizona Memorial. The USS Arizona Memorial is placed on the water directly over the sunken ship, left in its watery grave. (Fig. 18) The only way to get to the memorial itself is by shuttle boat, which means visitors are already mentally preparing themselves before they even get to the site. There is a list of names of the people who died on the day of the attack, which is a recurring way of memorializing the dead. The memorial structure is all white with large openings on the sides and roof, and the roof curves upwards at either end, creating an uplifting feeling. (Fig. 19) Hybrid Paradigms As discussed earlier, these three memorials each challenge the notion of a traditional memorial in their own ways. Contrasted with their emphasis on verticality and figural sculpture, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial highlights in its forms opposite and slightly descends into the ground. This memorial focuses on abstract rather than literal representation. The Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe also relies on abstract forms as its main design. The collection of concrete blocks formed in a grid creates a visually striking and dramatic effect when seen altogether. Instead of relying on traditional monumentality, the blocks are scaled to human size so that visitors do not feel overwhelmed. As opposed to the other memorials that list the names of the dead,

42

White, National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor, 306.

Paolillo 28 Eisenman chose to leave the stones unmarked without names and without any writings at all. It also stands out from preexisting Holocaust memorials in Berlin because it does not include a museum or contain historical artifacts, like the memorials set up at concentration camps, which rely on using a space already created. Eisenmans design is a newly built space whose sole purpose is one of contemplation and remembrance. The USS Arizona Memorial stands out from other war memorials because its focus is on the actual ship itself, which is still underwater. It acts as a visual reminder of the devastation and destruction that the country felt on the day of the attack. It is also unique because the visitors must embark on a journey just to get to the memorial site. This transportation to the memorial reflects the visitors mental transportation back in time when visiting the site. The site and surrounding areas are inevitably incorporated into the viewers perception of these memorials. At the USS Arizona Memorial, the large openings in the sides and the roof allow the visitor to see the water and surrounding environment, making nature a major element in the memorial site. The Vietnam Veterans Memorials location in the National Mall also provides a lot of surrounding open space and green, manicured lawns. Whereas these two memorials have open spaces of nature surrounding them, the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe is surrounded by streets and city buildings. It is incorporated into the urban design of Berlin, and the buildings can easily be seen from within the memorial site. Having a view of the environment around the memorial becomes a part of the experience and grounds the visitor back into the present time. The emotional and mental journey into the past is an experience facilitated in each of these three memorials. As previously mentioned, the movement along the Vietnam

Paolillo 29 Veterans Memorial wall, when reading the names in chronological order, allows the visitor to journey into history and connect to the events of the war. This path along the wall is the only path in the memorial, forcing the viewer to engage with the wall. The path is designated by stones on the ground, and the middle area is covered with grass that is roped off. The space of the USS Arizona Memorial is also restricted in the sense of having a limited area to walk around. There is only one form of access to the memorial, and once on the floating site, there is a defined set of boundaries. Yet this does not take away from the memorials effectiveness. As with the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the restricted access at the USS Arizona Memorial forces the viewer to engage with the site and journey into the past. In contrast to these two memorials and instead of having a restricted space that guides the visitor, the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe leaves the path solely up to the individual. The openness of the surroundings of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the USS Arizona Memorial contrast with their restricted sense of space, whether it is due to a descending pathway or being on a floating space. Similarly, the buildings of Berlin contrast with the openness of the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe. Whether or not these choices were made intentionally, these contrasts make the spaces that much more dramatic and engaging to the visitor upon entering the site. The difference in surrounding space with that of the site itself makes visitors feel like they are entering a completely separate space, which can also help put them in the appropriate mindset to evoke memories. Although these memorials are all visually different and utilize certain physical elements more than others, they all are effective in evoking memory for their visitors.

Paolillo 30 This emotional connection is extremely important in all of these memorials. While the Nanjing Massacre Memorial shows qualities of a more traditional, non-hybrid memorial, the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Holocaust Memorial, and USS Arizona Memorial exemplify hybrid paradigms because they allow for multiple, continuously changing symbols to be imbued onto their meanings. The difference between the Nanjing Massacre Memorial and the other three can also be contributed to cultural differences. Collectivistic countries tend to promote the awareness of the unified whole, which is exemplified by China through their attempt to convey a single message to the visitors at their memorial. On the other hand, individualistic countries tend to promote the individual identity, which is expressed by the more personal and varied experiences of visitors at the more hybrid spaces of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Holocaust Memorial, and USS Arizona Memorial. Part III The 9/11 Memorial By visiting the 9/11 Memorial at Ground Zero, I came away with a greater awareness of myself and of the way that New York City as a whole is still healing from the tragic events that occurred on September 11, 2001. My first visit was on a sunny, mid-morning day during the week. The memorial affected many of my senses simultaneously, which added to the site as a place for both reflection and restoration. Standing along the edge of the pool, sight, sound, and touch were all working together to form an environment of healing and renewal. The continuous rushing water sound, which almost drowned out the noises from street traffic and construction, was extremely calming. Watching the water fall down into the bottomless voids was mesmerizing, and

Paolillo 31 the play of light and shadow highlighted this continuous cascade of falling water. The water drops in two places, and at the initial drop the water falls in drops, whereas at the central drop it seems as though the water is clinging to the wall trying not to fall. The individual drops of water could be seen because of the sunlights reflection, creating a shimmery water curtain along the walls of the pools. The sharp edges and corners of the pools added to the drama of the space by creating elongated cast shadows in the voids. At one side of the North Pool, the wind picked up the mist of the falling water in such a way that people walking by that edge were getting wet. The stencil-cut names on the bronze sheet metal that runs along the pool also added to the sensory experience because I could not only see the names but could trace them with my hands as well. On a second trip to the memorial, which was on a much warmer day, the bronze was hot to the touch. By making pencil rubbings of the names, I was actively engaging with the memorial and interacting with the materials. The site changes as the sun goes down, an event that I experienced on my second trip as the sun was setting. The lights slowly turned on underneath the names and at the bottom of the waterfalls, which gave the names and the water a glowing effect. Amidst all of these immediate sensory reactions, I never lost sight of the fact that I was still in New York City. The design made no attempt to block out the surrounding skyscrapers, and instead it made me feel very connected to the city and I felt a part of the citys livelihood by being in the memorial. The surrounding construction was a strong reminder of the continuous building and commercial activity that is such a part of the Ground Zero area. There was plenty of space to move around the memorial site freely, and there was no clear pathway. Everyone could walk along the pools at their own pace

Paolillo 32 and in their own direction. Some people were leaning of the edge of the pools, but most people were standing or walking around. I noticed that the majority of visitors were gathered around the South Pool, possibly because that is the pool closest to the entrance. Even more specifically, the visitors were grouped at the corner of the South Pool where the sun was, and the opposite end, which was in shade, had no lingering visitors. Materials and Symbols The pools of water are extremely significant to the 9/11 Memorial. The empty voids act as footprints of the twin towers, even though the pools are not in the exact spots of the towers and actually had to be dug out of the ground. (Fig. 20) The falling water even mimics the downward motion of the falling twin towers. They have been criticized by architectural critic Mark Lamster for being too straightforward, and forcing people to look down instead of up. The pools have been also been thought of as not being adequate spaces for memorial and personal reflection, since visitors can see other people across the pools.43 However, seeing other people around the memorial should not take away from ones ability to reflect and remember, since the site was built as a place of public mourning. The memorial space is meant for groups to gather and connect to each other through their own individual stories. Instead of taking away from the personal reflection one can feel at the site, the pools actually add to the memorial as a space of mourning. Water has the ability to rain peace and healing into the dry crust of our being and restore vitality to our world.44 With an ecotherapy perspective, a strong connection to nature has the ability to lead people to greater awareness of their surroundings and also of

43 44

Mark Lamster, Hope Rises from Ground Zero, The Architectural Review (2011): 31. Malidoma P Some, A Shamanic Reflection on Water, in Ecotherapy, ed. Linda Buzzell and Craig Chalquist. (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2009), 253.

Paolillo 33 themselves in their surroundings. Therefore, the environment can facilitate emotional healing. At the 9/11 Memorial, natural elements such as water and trees bring people into greater awareness of their senses and environment, which can lead to greater healing and self-understanding of the attacks. Water is such a major component of the 9/11 Memorial, both in quantity and visual impact. By fully immersing oneself into the sensations that the site has to offer, visitors can allow themselves to personally reflect in the middle of the busy city. The planted trees work well with the pools to convey messages of hope and new beginnings. They are undeniably an enduring and universal symbol of life and renewal.45 In fact, in 2005 the amount of trees that was initially included in the memorials design was doubled.46 Arad originally wanted eastern pine trees, but they would have been susceptible to pollution and wind.47 According to 9/11 Memorial website, the swamp white oak tree was chosen for the plan because of its color and permanence. The leaves change colors throughout the year, and grow up to sixty feet. The designers emphasize the differences between each tree, which reflects the notion that they are living beings with individual characteristics. The tree design at the 9/11 Memorial is significant to the level of hybridity because it signifies new beginnings and celebrates diversity. These are living aspects of the memorial that will continue to change with each season, and will provide an environment that is constantly in flux. The trees also bring a natural, earthy setting to the busy downtown Manhattan area. There is one
45

Lisa S. Sullivan, Living Memorials National Research: 9/11 and the Public Landscape, Places 19:3 (2007): 34. 46 Sam Lubell and Kevin Lerner, New controversies emerge at Ground Zero, Architectural Record 193:8 (2005): 26. 47 Suzanne Stephens with Ian Luna and Ron Broadhurst, Imagining Ground Zero, (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2004), 37.

Paolillo 34 tree in particular that stands out from the rest known as the Survivor Tree. (Fig. 21) According to the pamphlet provided at the memorial to visitors, the tree was found by rescue workers damaged but not dead, and was nursed back to health at a New York City park. The tree is now located once again at the World Trade Center site, and is fenced off to protect it from the crowds. The new branches of the tree are distinguishable from the original trunk. During one of my visits I noticed flowers and a note card saying I Love You placed on and around the tree. This tree represents strength and life that is an extremely touching element of the memorial. From an ecotherapy perspective, it is believed that viewing natural landscapes reduces stress and promotes a sense of wellbeing that contributes to health and recovery.48 The trees allow for greater selfawareness, and therefore greater healing, which make them extremely important aspects of a tragedy memorial. These trees offer visitors optimism and hopefulness amidst all the tragedy that created the memorial, as opposed to the trees at the Nanjing Massacre Memorial. The trees in Nanjing are left as dead and dried up to represent the death and destruction that occurred in the city.49 They are placed near structures that are meant to look like tombs, which is another direct association with death. The trees are extremely sad to look at, since they look sickly and unnatural. They have a pale beige color and the limbs are cut off in odd places, which make the trees look disfigured. There is no sign of strength, change or renewal that is seen at the 9/11 Memorial. The strong connection between nature and healing is demonstrated by the Living Memorials Project that was established after September 11, 2001 as funding for studying
48

Elizabeth R. Messer Diehl, Gardens that Heal, in Ecotherapy, ed. Linda Buzzell and Criag Chalquist. (San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2009),169. 49 The Nanjing Massacre: Individual Love Versus Mass Hatred. China Today 44:7 (1995): 12.

Paolillo 35 the effects of planting trees and altering the physical environment as a way of communal recovery and building resilience.50 The purpose of planting trees or gardens is to build a sense of community and to create living memorials. The memorials range from planting entire forests to planting sunflowers in vacant lots in New York City, and the simple act of altering the physical landscape gives the site meaning and an attached memory.51 The design of the victims names around the pools was met with many revisions. Although it is not possible for everyone to envision the same idea, the end result is one that reflects a process that went through many changes and represents the ability to collaborate when designing a memorial of such significance. Perhaps the 9/11 Memorial is paving the way for even more collaborative efforts for future memorials. Arad and Walkers original plan for the names was to have them written on the walls along ramps that wound down around the pools underground. However, this plan posed many problems for security and caused concern over adequate emergency exits.52 Another idea for the names was having them displayed on a table underneath a shallow pool of water, but the WTC Memorial Foundation rejected this plan because of building code issues, and the fact that the names could be interpreted as drowning.53 Arads original design for the random listing of names brought strong opposition from the Coalition of 9/11 Families, an advocacy group made up of 9/11 family organizations. The families were concerned with the connection between the randomized listing of the names with a randomized attack, believing this would take away from the severity of the attack, and

50 51

Sullivan, Living Memorials National Research: 9/11 and the Public Landscape, 34. Ibid, 38. 52 Ben Adler, Design After 9/11, The AIA Magazine 100:9 (2011): 129. 53 Ibid, 130.

Paolillo 36 were also worried about the inaccuracy of placing a victims name on the wrong tower.54 The final plan for the names has them grouped according to where they were on September 11th, and the requests were taken from families to group certain names together. The stencil-cut names run continuously along the bronze sheet metal that acts as the barrier to the pools. On hot days, the metal absorbs the heat and becomes almost too hot to touch. At night the names are lit from underneath. The empty space underneath the sheet metal provides space for people in wheelchairs to see the names without the wall being too low as to be dangerous. The corners also display the names of the victims, so every vantage point around the pools offers visitors a place to look at the names. The bronze material is actually a traditional memorial material, as exemplified by the previously discussed statues of soldiers. However, the bronze is not used to make statues but rather to provide a background for the names of the September 11th victims. It is a useful material because it can be poured into molds and is durable in harsh weather conditions. Mark Lamster criticized the names as being somewhat gimmicky, lacking the authority of carved stone.55 Although the 9/11 Memorial deviates from other memorials because of the lack of the use of stone material, the stencil-cut names do not make the memorial any less important. Instead of a solid form or engraving of the names, the negative space made by the cut outs in the metal parallels the negative space that is created by the voids of the pools. The emptiness of the names relates to the emptiness of the footprints, and it is up to the visitors and the thriving culture of New York City to fill those empty spaces. During one of my visits to the 9/11 Memorial, I noticed two people

54

Kevin Lerner, Families, community groups express concern at Ground Zero, Architectural Record 192:4 (2004): 32. 55 Lamster, Hope Rises from Ground Zero, 31.

Paolillo 37 wiping a name continuously and later they started crying. When I walked over to the name that they had been touching, I saw that they had wiped away a thin layer of dust that had accumulated around the name. Their act of wiping away the dust was a way of preserving and protecting that person and his memory. The names at the memorial become directly linked to the victims, since often that is all that is left. In fact, architect Maya Lin has said that names are the first and last possession of any person.56 The names allow family members and friends to have something to look for and also demonstrate the huge number of victims from that day. In a New York Times article, written by Robert D. McFadden from September 11, 2011, reporting on the tenth anniversary of September 11th, one man commented on his reaction to seeing his brothers name on around the pool saying, It was real inspirational to come here after all these years and finally see his name. I touched it. I didnt know what else to do. The stencil-cut names facilitate the connection between the dead and the living by creating a permanent tangible object that can be visited. Objects, such as flags and flowers, can be left by the names as well. (Fig. 22) Controversy When Michael Arad and Peter Walkers memorial plan Reflecting Absence was chosen, there were mixed reviews from the public and fellow architects. There were several major guidelines for the competition which dictated many aspects of the design, such as making the footprints visible and listing the names of the victims.57 Their design was ultimately chosen among the finalists because of Arad and Walkers ability to make important changes that the judges had suggested and because of its strong connection to
56 57

Susan S. Szenasy, Thinking of Memorials, Metropolis Magazine (2002). Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 36.

Paolillo 38 the site since its major focus is the footprints of the towers. Daniel Libeskind was extremely upset at the choice because it was the design that paid the least attention to his proposal of a master plan.58 Initial public reaction was also negative, since many thought it was too similar to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, too abstract, funereal, and minimalist.59 On the other hand, some critics were in favor of abstraction for the memorial and against the traditional figurative representations.60 As with many public spaces, there was much controversy over what to do initially with the site at Ground Zero immediately after September 11, 2001. Not only did the memorial transform physically over its construction, but so did Ground Zero itself, as the sight of cranes, rescue workers, firefighters, police, the press, construction workers, ambulances, and trucks took over lower Manhattans landscape during the months after September 11th.61 During the ten years it took to complete the memorial, the design went through constant changes and debates arose about almost every aspect of the site. This demonstrates the important role that time plays in the construction of memorials. The original plan for Arad and Walkers memorial design Reflecting Absence was elevated off the ground, but was changed to street level because critics felt it was inaccessible psychologically.62 Access from the ground level is much more welcoming to the public. Political, emotional, and personal reasons motivated people of different groups to voice their opinions about what they thought would be the best solution to rebuilding the area. It seemed as though everyone had their own ideas about how the area should be

58 59

Paul Goldberger, Up From Zero, (New York: Random House, 2004), 228. Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 36. 60 Ibid, 37. 61 Laura Kurgan, Around Ground Zero, Grey Room 07 (2002): 98. 62 Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 39.

Paolillo 39 preserved or rebuilt. George Pataki ordered that nothing should be built where the towers stood.63 This was not only a political move to gain public favor among the families of victims, but it was also a key driving force in the design of the memorial. The 16-acre site was split into two major sections, which was designated for memorial and commercial space. Many were in favor of preserving the space as it was with no redevelopment such as Rudy Giuliani, the families of the victims, and Daniel Libeskind, who had a plan to preserve the excavated pit. Anthony Gardner of the Coalition of 9/11 Families stated that they would prefer if the World Trade Center plaza sculpture and facades remained to help tell the story of the attacks to visitors. Yet Monica Iken of Septembers Mission, another organization of families of the victims, opposed that idea because she said it would be confrontational to the families and a glorification of destruction.64 Some residents of the area were in favor of development because they did not want, as Madelyn Wils of the Lower Manhattan Development Corp. stated, to live with a 16-acre cemetery.65 Even with this push for development, one community advocacy group called Rebuild Downtown Our Town (R. Dot) voiced their concern over the impact that construction would have on the area, such as excessive noise, street closings, and the lengthiness of constructing the new office towers.66 Although many different groups voiced their opinions, the Port Authority and the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation overlooked the desires of the public. The LMDC made attempts to publicize the process by having public hearings and displaying the proposals on their website, but in reality the

63 64

Adler, Design After 9/11, 134. Lerner, Families, community groups express concern at Ground Zero, 32. 65 Adler, Design After 9/11, 135. 66 Lerner, Families, community groups express concern at Ground Zero, 32.

Paolillo 40 publics ideas about what the space should become were never really heard.67 There was also some confusion in the communication between the architecture firms and the public, specifically in the case of Beyer Blinder Belle who was originally selected as the master planner for the site before Daniel Libeskind. In their computer-rendered images of the plans, the plain-surfaced bulky structures, which were only meant to represent the landuse of the plan, were understood by the public to be the final outcome, which resulted in strong opposition and the removal of Beyer Blinder Belle as the master planner.68 Design Proposals Among the finalists for the 9/11 Memorial competition, their designs shared some similar elements, including the use of water, light, underground space, and creating a structure for the unidentified remains. The two memorial designs besides Arad and Walkers design that were among the three final submissions were Passages of Light: The Memorial Cloud by Gisela Baurmann, Sawad Brooks, and Jonas Coersmeier and Garden of Lights by Pierre David with Sean Corriel and Jessica Kmetovic.69 The cloud design included circular tubes of light underground that from above would look like a cloud. The other design was meant to have three levels, and include natural elements such as plants and water. Water was a major design element in many of the proposals, particularly in Suspending Memory by Joseph Karadin with Hsin-Yi Wu in which each of the footprints of the towers is an island full of trees and columns in the middle of water named the Pool of Tears with a bridge in the middle to connect the two islands.70 Underground memorial space was also a major design component in several of the
67 68

Goldberger, Up From Zero, 139-141. Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 95. 69 Ibid, 41-2. 70 Ibid, 47.

Paolillo 41 finalists submissions, including Arads original design before changes were made. In the proposals Inversion of Light by Toshio Sasaki and Dual Memory by Brian Strawn and Karla Sierralta, the victims are memorialized underground, with names on a glass wall in Sasakis design and biographies and images in Strawn and Sierraltas design.71 The proposal by Norman Lee and Michael Lewis entitled Votives in Suspension consists of votive lights suspended from the ceiling hanging over reflecting pools, all underground.72 The use of these recurring design elements represents a common thread among ideas of memorialization. Water has calming effects, and the name reflecting pool has direct associations of remembrance and reflection. The use of artificial light has the ability to create an otherworldly experience that may be appropriate for a memorial site. Light is also an important factor if the main memorial space is underground, where in some designs a little bit of natural light can reach. Having the space underground can also contribute to an otherworldly experience since it is away from the sights and sounds of the busy and noisy city. However, one of the aspects which makes the 9/11 Memorial so impactful is being able to feel the presence of New York City while standing in the memorial. Although people from around the world were affected by September 11th, that day has such a strong association with New York City that trying to take it out of its context would take away from properly mourning and reflecting. The unofficial designs that were created by architects, artists, and critics offer a unique look into the unlimited number of visions that people had without restrictions from the contest guidelines. In 2002, Herbert Muschamp, architecture critic for the New
71 72

Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 44-5. Ibid, 46.

Paolillo 42 York Times, Joseph Giovannini, architecture critic for New York Magazine, and Max Protetch, a New York architecture and art dealer, each called for architects and artists to come up with proposals for rebuilding the World Trade Center site. These concepts were never meant to be realized, but they were individual statements made by architects that represented a variety of ideas about proper memorialization and urban planning. Some designs called for the entire site to be a memorial, while others incorporated a memorial with residential, cultural, and commercial space. Many of these early designs had many of the characteristics of the later official proposals that were selected as finalists, such as keeping the footprints as sacred memorial spaces, creating underground areas, incorporating reflecting pools, and using new materials and building techniques.73 The variety in types of designs that were submitted reflect the variety of ways in which people personally remember and mourn tragic losses. This opportunity for experimentation allowed architects to really push the limits in terms of memorial architecture, and several of the designs took full advantage of what hybridity can bring to memorialization. Specifically, the team of Kas Oosterhuis and Ilona Lenard submitted an idea to Max Protetchs exhibit A New World Trade Center: Design Proposals that consists of twelve different images, each for what their structure would look like when it changed each month of the year.74 (Fig. 23, 24, 25) The way in which the building changes throughout the year makes it relatable to a living creature, and mimics the changes that one goes through during the healing process. This proposal is a truly hybrid space, because its physical transformations reflect changes in symbolic meaning for each month. Another proposal that includes physical changes is the one submitted by Gluckman
73 74

Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 133. Ibid, 143.

Paolillo 43 Mayner Architects, which uses technological advancements such as electrochromatic glass, lenticular screens, and holography to alter the structures color, opacity and surface.75 (Fig. 26) Although it is a physically permanent structure, its ability to change appearance reflects the continuing push for greater hybridity and temporality. The strong understanding of the importance ephemeral qualities to a memorial is in the realization of one of the submitted proposals to Protetchs exhibition, A Tribute in Light, which consists of two beams of light extending into the air, first lit on March 11, 2002.76 Unofficial proposals can also come in the form of ideas or personal opinions about what should be done with the Ground Zero area. When a group of eighth grade students at the Grace Church School in Lower Manhattan was asked what they wanted to see the site become, answers ranged from implementing sports arenas to memorials to rebuilding the towers to providing Lower Manhattan with parks.77 These different ideas represent the innate nature to both reflect on the past and move on. The students are aware that a piece of the skyline is missing, and efforts can be made to either rebuild completely new or recreate the past building forms. The official proposals for the memorial and the master plan that were submitted to the contest held by the Lower Manhattan Development Corporation demonstrated the push for honoring the victims in an appropriate and sensitive manner. Some proposals are evident of the desire to rebuild the twin towers, especially in the case of design produced by Team Twin Towers, which replicates the twin towers but makes them more stable and

75 76

Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 163. Ibid, 182. 77 Setha M. Low, Spaces of Reflection, Recovery, and Resistance: Reimagining the Postindustrial Plaza, in After the World Trade Center, ed. Michael Sorkin and Sharon Zukin, (New York: Routledge, 2002), 168-9.

Paolillo 44 adds more security against terrorism.78 Others take advantage of the opportunity to rethink the space in Lower Manhattan by incorporating new architectural forms and techniques, and adding more cultural and residential spaces rather than commercial spaces. The proposal submitted by Meier, Eisenman, Siegel, and Holl included a gridded mega structure, emphasizing both verticality and horizontality that was meant to use new technology, specifically photovoltaic cells in the walls that trap sunlight during the day and give off a glow at night, and included offices, a hotel, and cultural facilities.79 (Fig. 27) This building is unlike any other in New York City and would definitely stand out as well as provide a new way of thinking about the urban landscape. The Importance of Temporariness Immediately following the attacks on September 11th, temporary memorials were created all throughout New York City. Flowers, teddy bears, candles, flags, messages, and posters of missing people were placed together by friends and families of the victims to mourn their losses in public settings. This reaction in a public manner demonstrates the innate desire to mourn as a community and to outwardly express signs of grief. The Temporary Memorials Committee of New York New Visions produced a map in December 2001 of the makeshift memorials that were created around Ground Zero, which was constantly updated to keep up with the changes.80 This map made it easier for people to mourn together and establish a greater sense of community. The changing nature of the map itself relates to the importance of hybridity and a sense of temporality in memorials. Memorials in this sense are almost considered living beings themselves,

78 79

Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero, 23. Ibid, 82-3. 80 Kurgan, Around Ground Zero, 97.

Paolillo 45 because they can grow and be manipulated by people and surrounding areas. These memorials were created in various areas, such as firehouses, police stations, public parks, hospitals, and train stations, to accommodate large groups of people.81 Spontaneously created sites of memorial, as opposed to commercial and private areas, are more welcoming and lead to greater healing.82 These spaces are representative of the importance of having hybrid qualities in a memorial. They are temporary sites created directly by the same people who are using them to mourn and reflect, without any political or commercial influences. Even permanent spaces can have the same effect as temporary spaces if they offer similar ways to manipulate the area. The 9/11 Memorial successfully does this by allowing visitors to leave behind personal or meaningful objects at the site. When I visited the memorial, I noticed that many flowers and American flags were stuck into the stencil-cut names, replacing the empty spaces with signs of hope and life. This is an example of how human care and investment in small alterations to the landscape can transform the ordinary into the sacred.83 An extra level of meaning becomes attached to the space, not only by the people who left behind the flower but by other visitors who will see it. One particular flower may also have other possible cultural significance, since it was a white flower placed in a name of Chinese descent. In Chinese culture, the color white is a sign of mourning. This act of mourning and remembrance adds to the 9/11 Memorials level of hybridity. In the same way that Eisenmans Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe provides not an answer to memory but an ongoing process, a
81 82

Kurgan, Around Ground Zero, 98. Low, Spaces of Reflection, Recovery, and Resistance: Reimagining the Postindustrial Plaza, 164. 83 Sullivan, Living Memorials National Research: 9/11 and the Public Landscape, 35.

Paolillo 46 continuing question without a certain solution, the 9/11 Memorial is just the springboard for further remembrance and discussion.84 It initiates memory and creates a space for people to come together and share experiences, keeping their stories alive. The important role that memorials play in our culture is demonstrated by the completion of the 9/11 Memorial before any other project in the Ground Zero area. Although half of Ground Zero is devoted to the construction of offices and commercial buildings, the memorial was constantly given priority in terms of funding. By 2009, the construction of the memorial and museum were moving at a much faster pace than the surrounding commercial buildings.85 Although there were doubts that the memorial would be completed in time for the tenth anniversary of September 11th, the importance of its opening coinciding with September 2011 was stressed throughout the process, which is demonstrated in Arads statement in which he says, I think the 10-year anniversary will be an intense moment of reflection for everybody in this country.86 Ten years after such a tragic event allows both the country and individuals see how far they have gone in the healing process and assess how they will continue to deal with the tragedy in the future. Transformation into a Sacred Space The transformation of the Ground Zero area has turned it into a sacred space, not religiously but spiritually. Since the attacks on September 11, 2001 up until now, the Ground Zero area has gone through many changes both physically and psychologically. The ability to mourn the victims at the site where they died is an extremely important
84 85

Young, At Memorys Edge, 206. C.J. Hughes, A tale of two rebuilding efforts at Ground Zero, Architectural Record 197:9 (2009): 29. 86 Ibid, 29.

Paolillo 47 aspect to the spaces effectiveness. The design of the memorial plays into this idea of Ground Zero as a sacred space, because of the large area that was devoted to just the memorial and the negative spaces in the ground representing the footprints of the twin towers. This slight preservation of the site, although not an exact preservation because the pools had to actually be dug out of the ground and are not exact footprints of the towers, makes it clear that this space has evolved over time due to drastic circumstances. We can react to sacred spaces beneficially by using them to discover who we are, how we respond to violence, and how we seek solace in its aftermath.87 A sacred site is one that continues to shape our understanding of history and gives us cultural insight into what marks an important event. It is a place of mourning and remembrance, and its placement exactly where the victims lost their lives adds to the sites level of hybridity. The heightened awareness of terrorism and greater alertness that the country as a whole felt after September 11, 2001 is reflected in the increased desire for monitoring and surveillance. Many of the official and unofficial proposals of the Ground Zero area incorporate some aspect of increased security. The underground characteristic of Arads original concept for the memorial was rejected because of security concerns. This great level of caution was definitely exemplified by my visit to the memorial. A timed ticket is required to enter the memorial, in order to facilitate crowd control. The tickets have a suggested donation price but can be free, and are easy to obtain on the memorials website. However, walking into the memorial is not as simple as walking into other previously constructed memorials. A security check, with a body scanner and bag scanner, is reminiscent of the security line at an airport. Although the increased level of

87

Sullivan, Living Memorials National Research: 9/11 and the Public Landscape, 36.

Paolillo 48 security is undoubtedly warranted, it makes the memorial less quickly accessible and approachable to a passerby who just wants to stroll through the area. The security line actually took away from the experience to reflect for two visitors from South Africa that I spoke with at the memorial. They called it ridiculous and bizarre, saying that it should be more open to the public and more spontaneously accessible. I hope that one day the country can feel safe enough so that people can easily walk into the 9/11 Memorial, but it will probably be a long time from now. Personal Conversations with Visitors During my visits to the 9/11 Memorial I spoke with several visitors about their personal reactions to the site. Everyone I interviewed remembered exactly what they were doing when they heard about the news of the attacks, some even going into great detail about specific memories from that day. This demonstrates the power of flashbulb memory, which occurs when people hear about shocking major news and is a result of subjective experience mixing with the collective experience.88 The global impact of the attacks is also demonstrated by the ability of tourists from various parts of the world to remember these specific moments in time as well. Many of the visitors were tourists, travelling from as far away as South Africa and India, while many were from various states throughout the United States, including Ohio, Massachusetts, and here in New York. The information, security, and maintenance workers also shared their thoughts about the memorial. Everyone I spoke with remembered exactly where they were and what they were doing when they heard about the attacks, one man referring to that moment as frozen in time. Overall, almost

88

White, National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor, 295.

Paolillo 49 everyone I spoke with felt an overwhelming sense of sadness at the memorial. Similar words were used to express their feelings about the space, such as peaceful, sad, evocative, and beautiful. While talking to some people from Boston, one woman almost seemed on the verge of crying because she had been reading the names of the first responders and felt a connection to them because she had read about some of their lives in the biographies that were printed shortly after September 11th. She had also indirectly known some of the people on one of the flights from Boston that had crashed. Looking out at the waterfalls, she said that the stripes created from the water were evocative of the stripes in the facades of the Twin Towers. Another woman from Ohio said that as she was standing along the pool it was easy to put herself in the victims shoes. A woman from India was very moved by the water as well, saying that life moves on just like water and negativity gets washed away by the waterfalls. A young woman from New York City said that the waterfalls reminds her of an inversed building mimicking the falling of the towers, yet the bottom is out of view so it never crashes. One of the maintenance workers, who sees the grieving families there every day, said that his heart goes out to the families, and having personally lost a younger brother, he said one never gets over the loss of a loved one. He told me how the names remind him of a cemetery, since families visit the names knowing they will never be able to see that person again but the memorial provides them a space where they can share a day together. Also like a cemetery, visitors can leave behind flowers near the names as a sign of remembrance. In fact, during the 19th century in America, cemeteries were the first public parks and sculpture gardens.89 This reference to cemeteries emphasizes the importance of honoring

89

Reynolds, Monuments and Masterpieces, 237.

Paolillo 50 the dead by leaving behind personal items and visiting either a final resting place or the location where they died. Ground Zero has also been referred to as a cemetery or burial site by anthropologist Geoffrey M. White, saying that they enable families to engage in ritual practices that continue to define the space and allow it to evolve over time.90 This manipulation of the space reflects changing emotional views of the site and the constant flux of memory. When I spoke with a couple from Staten Island, the wife felt overwhelmed by the sadness of the memorial and started crying. She came across a group of names that she recognized from Staten Island, both firefighters and people working in the offices of the Twin Towers. Her first instinct was to touch the names. By searching for particular names, the impact of how many names and victims there were from that day hit her all at once. The names were relatively easy to find, but she noticed that tourists were just leaning on the names blocking them, forcing her to wait until they moved to search and interact with familiar names. Her son had lost a friend who was working in the one of the buildings, and he took a tracing of the name. The husband was upset by the emptiness created by leaving the footprints as massive voids in the ground. As a native New Yorker who had frequently visited the Twin Towers and had walked by a week before the attacks, he could not help but compare the massiveness of the buildings then to the emptiness of the site now. He said that the emptiness highlights what is gone, including the people, and what we have left now. New Yorkers seem to feel a certain degree of ownership over the space, and also raise concerns about the construction and commercial space surrounding the memorial. Seeing the names of people that he was close with and

90

White, National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor, 300.

Paolillo 51 that he had seen grown up because they were the children of his friends brought back memories of the people and individual stories about their decisions to live and work in New York City. I also spoke with this couples son, who is a New York fireman who was not yet working for the fire department on September 11, 2001. He visited the memorial before it was open to the public, so there were only other firemen and police officers, which he felt made his experience more personal and touching. He stated that his expectations of the site were different than his actual reactions, being very emotional. He was there at sunset and he thought the lights around the memorial made it look beautiful. He appreciated the minimalist design because it is not too over the top and is just right for mourning. Although no one extremely close to him was lost on that day, he did recognize many of the names. Seeing the names, he felt many emotions all at once, one major one being pride, because as a fireman he feels he is keeping on the tradition of the fallen firefighters. Having visited other New York City 9/11 memorials, specifically the ones in Brooklyn and Staten Island which are bronze plaques listing names of firefighters, he thought that the one at Ground Zero stood out as the nicest, and that it should be because the site itself is so significant.91 Visitor participation and reception of a memorial site plays an important role in how hybrid spaces can evolve over time and remain relevant for future generations. The success of the memorial depends greatly on how people respond and interact with the space. Aside from the security check, the 9/11 Memorial is a welcoming site that provides space for a variety of different kinds of visitors. As exemplified by the varied responses from visitors at the memorial, although there are common emotions of sadness

91

Personal conversations with visitors at the 9/11 Memorial.

Paolillo 52 and remembrance, each person reacts slightly different to the various elements of the space. Conclusion There are many contributing factors that go into a hybrid space. Both conceptual and tangible elements make up these spaces, and it is important that they work together in order to create the most effective site for memorialization. Memory, tradition, form, and space interact with one another to create memorials that can have continuously evolving symbols. Tragedy memorials in particular exemplify how these different entities work together to evoke different memories in different people, and in return give the memorial different symbolic meanings. The Vietnam Veterans Memorial, the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe, and the USS Arizona Memorial demonstrate these important qualities and exemplify how meaning can be shifted and how it continues to shift. Examining memorials according to their level of convention versus level of hybridity points out their most effective physical elements and how these elements successfully relate to visitors. As demonstrated by the three cases and the 9/11 Memorial, the concept of what characterizes a traditional memorial is changing and indeed has already changed significantly. This reflects a shift in societal views and the idea that humanity is always leaning towards change and progress in the hopes of improving our condition.92 The traditional forms of the recently constructed memorials, including the rejected designs for these spaces, are abstract and open to interpretation. Previously traditional materials, such

92

Robert Kronenburg, Flexible: Architecture that Responds to Change, (London: Laurence King Publishing Ltd, 2007), 16.

Paolillo 53 as stone, are being used in new ways, which reinvents them and keeps them current and contemporary. Memorial architecture needs to keep progressing towards greater hybridity. Robert Kronenburg, a professor of architecture, defines flexible structures as architecture that adapts, rather than stagnates; transforms, rather than restricts; is motive, rather than static; interacts with its users, rather than inhibits.93 His ideas about the transforming physical aspects of flexible architecture can be extended to the conceptual ideas of hybrid architecture. The recent proliferation of abstraction and minimalist designs for memorials represents our cultural push for change and greater hybridity. The proposals for the 9/11 Memorial that include new, transformative materials and technology demonstrate an understanding of where memorial architecture is headed for the future. There will never be one final answer as how to appropriately mourn the loss of large numbers of people, and the memorial spaces must reflect this openness. Accepting a wide range of memories and symbols demonstrates a more democratic process of remembrance.

93

Kronenburg, Flexible: Architecture that Responds to Change, 11.

Paolillo 54 Works Cited Adler, Ben. Design After 9/11. The AIA Magazine 100:9 (2011): 128-135. Beardsley, John. Art in Public Spaces. Partners for Livable Spaces, 1981. Carchidi, Victoria. Struggling with terror: the Pentagon memorial. Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes 30:3 (2010): 193-207. Chadwick, Alex. At the Vietnam War Memorial with Jan Scruggs. National Public Radio, May 27, 2005. Diehl, Elizabeth R. Messer. Gardens that Heal. In Ecotherapy, edited by Linda Buzzell and Craig Chalquist, 166-173. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2009. Dupre, Judith. Monuments. New York: Random House, 2007. Goldberger, Paul. Up From Zero. New York: Random House, 2004. Gough, Paul. From Heroes Groves to Parks of Peace: Landscapes of Remembrance, Protest and Peace. Landscape Research 25:2 (2000): 213-228. Hughes, C.J. A tale of two rebuilding efforts at Ground Zero. Architectural Record 197:9 (2009): 29. Kurgan, Laura. Around Ground Zero. Grey Room 07 (2002): 96-101. Kronenburg, Robert. Flexible: Architecture that Responds to Change. London: Laurence King Publishing Ltd, 2007. Lerner, Kevin. Families, community groups express concern at Ground Zero. Architectural Record 192:4 (2004): 32. Lubell, Sam and Kevin Lerner.New controversies emerge at Ground Zero. Architectural Record 193:8 (2005): 26. Low, Setha M. Spaces of Reflection, Recovery, and Resistance: Reimagining the Postindustrial Plaza. In After the World Trade Center, edited by Michael Sorkin and Sharon Zukin, 163-171. New York: Routledge, 2002. Martin, Michel. The Wall Turns 25. National Public Radio, November 13, 2007. Matsuda, Matt K. The Memory of the Modern. New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. Mayo, James M. War Memorials as Political Memory. Geographical Review 78:1 (1988): 62-75.

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Meyers, Victoria. Space and the Perception of Time. Journal of Architectural Education 53:2 (1999): 91-95. The Nanjing Massacre: Individual Love Versus Mass Hatred. China Today 44:7 (1995): 6-15. Ochsner, Jeffrey Karl. A Space of Loss: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Journal of Architectural Education 50:3 (2007): 156-71. Patricios, N. N. Concepts of Space in Urban Design, Architecture and Art. Leonardo 6:4 (1973): 311-318. Reynolds, Donald M. Monuments and Masterpieces. New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1988. Some, Malidoma P. A Shamanic Reflection on Water. In Ecotherapy, edited by Linda Buzzell and Craig Chalquist, 251-255. San Francisco: Sierra Club Books, 2009. Stephens, Suzanne with Ian Luna and Ron Broadhurst. Imagining Ground Zero. New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2004. Sturken, Marita. The Wall, the Screen, and the Image: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial. Representations 35 (1991): 118-142. Sullivan, Lisa S. Living Memorials National Research: 9/11 and the Public Landscape. Places 19:3 (2007): 34-38. Szenasy, Suasn S. Thinking of Memorials. Metropolis Magazine (2002). White, Gregory M. National subjects: September 11 and Pearl Harbor. American Ethnologist 31:3 (2004): 293-310. Young, James E. At Memorys Edge. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2000.

Paolillo 56 Images

Fig. 1. Place Vendome Column of Napoleon, 1806-1810, Paris, France. (http://debrafinerman.com/paris.html)

Fig. 2. Washington Monument, Robert Mills, 1886, Washington, DC. (http://legendsrevealed.com/entertainment/2010/07/30/architecture-legends-revealed-2/)

Fig. 3. Lincoln Memorial, Henry Bacon, 1915, Washington, DC. (http://dc.about.com/od/monumentphotos/ss/PhotLincolnMem_12.htm)

Fig. 4. Statue of soldiers added to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Frederick Hart, 1984, Washington, DC. (http://blog.cwam.org/2010/10/vietnam-veterans-memorial.html)

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Fig. 5. Coast Guard Memorial, Norman M. Thomas, 1955, Battery Park, NYC. (http://www.nycgovparks.org/parks/batterypark/highlights/19559)

Fig. 6. Memorial to the 107th U.S. Infantry, Karl Illava, 1927, Central Park, NYC. (http://dailyphotostream.blogspot.com/2011/01/107th-infantry-memorial.html)

Fig. 7. Abingdon Square Memorial, Philip Martiny, 1921, Greenwich Village, NYC. (http://www.nycgovparks.org/parks/abingdonsquare/highlights/10818)

Fig. 8. Dying Slave, Michelangelo, 1513-1515. (http://www.vacationprints.com/Paris-Michelangelo-Dying-Slave.htm)

Paolillo 58

Fig. 9. Statues at the Nanjing Massacre Memorial, 1985, China. Personal photograph from authors sister, Emily Paolillo.

Fig. 10. Trees at the Nanjing Massacre Memorial (http://daniel-clarke.suite101.com/nanjing-tourist-attractions-nanjing-massacrememorial-a360095)

Fig. 11. Pentagon Memorial, Kaseman Beckman Amsterdam Studio, 2008, Arlington, Virginia. (http://pentagonmemorial.org/explore/biographies/photo-gallery)

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Fig. 12. Aerial view of the Vietnam Veterans Memorial, Maya Lin, 1982, Washington, DC. (http://www.achievement.org/autodoc/photocredit/achievers/lin0-029)

Fig. 13. Wall at the Vietnam Veterans Memorial (http://www.everydaycitizen.com/2008/05/maya_lin_and_the_vietnam_war_m.html)

Fig. 14. Vietnam Reflections, Lee Teter, 1988. (http://leeteter.com/Default.aspx)

Fig. 15. Harburg Monument Against War and Fascism, Jochen Gerz and Esther ShalevGerz, 1986, Harburg, Germany. (http://www.artonfile.com/detail.aspx?id=GPA-05-04-01)

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Fig. 16. Aerial view of the Holocaust Memorial, Peter Eisenman, 2005, Berlin. (http://www.artsjournal.com/herman/2005/05/for_the_murdered_jews_of_europ.html)

Fig. 17. Ground view of the Holocaust Memorial (http://www.earthinpictures.com/world/germany/berlin/holocaust_memorial_(holocaust_ mahnmal).html)

Fig. 18. Aerial view of the USS Arizona Memorial, Alfred Preis, 1962, Honolulu. (http://commonamericanjournal.com/?p=22507)

Fig. 19. Ground view of the USS Arizona Memorial (http://www.quarterlyreport.com/picture_gallery/images/uss_arizona_memorial/uss_arizona_memorial_interior _view.jpg)

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Fig. 20. Pools at the 9/11 Memorial, Arad and Walker, 2011, NYC. Personal Photograph of the author.

Fig. 21. Survivor Tree at the 9/11 Memorial Personal Photograph of the author.

Fig. 22. Flowers on names at the 9/11 Memorial Personal photograph of the author.

Fig. 23-25. Unofficial proposal (three of twelve renderings), Kas Oosterhuis and Ilona Lenard, submission to Max Protetchs exhibition. Suzanne Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2004) 143.

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Fig. 26. Unofficial proposal, Gluckman Mayner Architects, submission to Max Protetchs exhibition. Suzanne Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2004) 163.

Fig. 27. Proposal, Meier, Eisenman, Siegel, and Holl. Suzanne Stephens, Imagining Ground Zero (New York: Rizzoli International Publications, Inc., 2004) 83.

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