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Submission to the Joint Scrutiny Committee on the Draft Defamation Bill

Submission to the Joint Scrutiny Committee on the Draft Defamation Bill

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Published by English PEN
A cross-party committee, comprising members from both Houses of Parliament, was established to scrutinise the Government's Defamation proposals. The Libel Reform Campaign made a submission to the committee.
A cross-party committee, comprising members from both Houses of Parliament, was established to scrutinise the Government's Defamation proposals. The Libel Reform Campaign made a submission to the committee.

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Categories:Types, Research, Law
Published by: English PEN on May 16, 2012
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09/20/2012

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www.libelreform.org
The Rt Hon Lord Mawhinney Libel Reform CampaignChair c/o Sense About ScienceJoint Committee on the Draft Defamation Bill 14A Clerkenwell GreenScrutiny Unit, 7 Millbank London EC1R 0DPLondon SW1P 3JA
25
th
May 2011
Dear Lord MawhinneyThe Libel Reform Campaign was set up by Index on Censorship, English PEN and SenseAbout Science to obtain major changes in the English libel laws to better protect freeexpression. We have enclosed our response to the Joint Committee on the DraftDefamation Bill’s call for evidence.The Libel Reform Campaign welcomes the government’s commitment to reforming Englishlibel law. The UN Human Rights Committee, the House of Commons Culture, Media andSport select committee, and the Ministry of Justice working group on libel all raisedsignificant concerns over the negative impact of libel on free speech. All three main politicalparties made a commitment to libel reform in their general election manifestos, and thecoalition agreement included a pledge to libel reform. This consensus for reform provides aunique opportunity to overhaul these failing laws. This opportunity must not be wasted witha partial codification of the existing common law.We are delighted that the Committee is now considering the draft Defamation Bill andrelated matters in detail. In this submission we set out our answers to your questionsregarding the Bill. Each organisation behind the Libel Reform Campaign – Sense AboutScience, Index on Censorship and English PEN – will separately submit short additionalevidence showing the impact of the current law on scientists, investigative reporters andauthors, respectively.
 
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The purpose of libel law is to give individuals redress where their psychological integrity hasbeen violated by an ungrounded attack on their reputation. Several lawyers and legalacademics have argued powerfully for the social importance of reputation as an aspect of the Article 8 right to privacy. Some even say that they believe in free speech, but thatreputation is as or more important. This seems difficult to sustain. Certainly, the greathistorical arguments in favour of free speech are hard to translate into terms that wouldprotect reputation. Imagine Voltaire saying: “I may not agree with [your reputation], but Iwill defend to the death your right to [protect] it”. It seems unlikely.Or in the words of the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: “the adventof a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedomfrom fear and want [and the right to protect their reputation] has been proclaimed as thehighest aspiration of the common people”. Not four freedoms but five? No: reputation,whilst indeed protected under the UDHR, has never been one of the public’s primaryconcerns.There is a good reason for this. Reputation is important, but it does not have thefundamental character of free speech to democracy, to the pursuit of knowledge, or to self-expression. Individuals whose reputations are unjustifiably damaged deserve the right tovindication. But to valorise reputation too highly risks creating precisely the situation wefind ourselves in now, where free speech has to defend itself against attacks which may ormay not be motivated by a genuine desire to protect one’s reputation.The challenge is to balance the law in such a way that speech which can be justified in termsof its public interest value, its truthfulness, or its expressive value as honest opinion is notprevented, whilst unjustifiably damaging speech is deterred.The need to find this balance is understood by the 55,000 signatories to the Libel ReformCampaign’s online petition; the 249 MPs who signed EDM 423 calling for libel reform in thelast Parliament; and the 60 organisations which have backed our general calls for reform –including the Royal College of General Practitioners, Amnesty International, the PublishersAssociation, the Royal Statistical Society, the University and College Union, Mumsnet andChristian Aid.We have identified the following four areas where the draft Defamation Bill currently fallscrucially short of the public’s expectations from reform:
 
The law chills speech on matters of public interest and expressions of opinion onmatters in the public realm
. The draft Bill includes an approximate codification of thecommon law Reynolds defence for responsible publication. This has been shown to beimpracticable for many contemporary authors and publishers, including NGOs, scientists
 
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and online commentators. We believe that, where genuine public interest can bedemonstrated (rather than merely statements which may interest the public), andwhere any errors of fact are promptly corrected, the burden of proof in this defenceshould be shifted to the claimant, who should prove malice or recklessness on thedefendant’s part. And in order to avoid legal uncertainty, we believe that the ‘publicinterest’ test should be removed from the defence of honest opinion.
 
The law is used by corporations and other non-natural persons to manage their brand
.The draft Bill does not include measures to prevent non-natural persons from suing inlibel. Whilst non-natural persons may benefit from some human rights, they cannotbenefit from Article 8’s protection of psychological integrity. Their ability to sue in libelshould be tightly restrained, as recommended by the Culture, Media & Sport selectcommittee. We propose four remedies that would be more appropriate for non-naturalpersons than suing in libel for damages.
 
The law does not reflect the nature of 21st-century digital publication
. Withouttackling the role of online intermediaries, the law encourages private censorship bybodies which are neither authors nor traditional publishers. The Bill must be revised toallow judicial oversight of threatened libel actions against online hosts andintermediaries, by requiring claimants to obtain a court order against such a secondarypublisher where the original author or publisher of a statement cannot be identified orcontacted.
 
The law allows trivial and vexatious claims
. The substantial harm test in the draft Billdoes not raise the bar sufficiently high to prevent time-wasting and bullying claims bylitigants who are not interested in justice. We recommend that this test should beconsiderably strengthened, to prevent vexatious use of the law to silence legitimatecriticism. A high threshold should not prevent claims from individuals whosepsychological integrity has been violated by a libellous statement.As Justice Minister Lord McNally has said, the law as it stands is “not fit for purpose”. Thereare other areas in the Bill where we wish to see improvements but we are particularlyconcerned that, without these changes, the Government’s stated ambition of turningEnglish libel law from a “laughing stock” into an “international blueprint for reform” will fallflat.These substantive legal reforms must be accompanied by changes to procedure – on whichwe will submit further evidence – and costs. The cost of defending a defamation action hasa significant chilling effect on freedom of expression. Defendants are routinely left tens of 

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