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Why Unayza ? Ulema Dissidents and Nonconformists in the Second Saudi State

Why Unayza ? Ulema Dissidents and Nonconformists in the Second Saudi State

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Published by detoxprime
Why Unayza? Ulema Dissidents and Nonconformists in the Second Saudi State
Why Unayza? Ulema Dissidents and Nonconformists in the Second Saudi State

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Published by: detoxprime on Jul 01, 2012
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Why Unayza? Ulema Dissidents and Nonconformists in the Second SaudiStateHistorians of the second Saudi state (1824-1837, 1843-1891) haveconcentrated on the efforts of rulers to establish and consolidate authority over centraland eastern Arabia. Saudi, Egyptian, Russian and American scholars have minednineteenth-century chronicles, Egyptian archives, and western travelers' accounts tocraft detailed narratives about the various challenges that Saudi rulers confronted:fractious nomads, rebellious towns, ambitious vassals, dynastic succession struggles,imperial schemes hatched in Istanbul, Cairo, and Baghdad, and delicate diplomacywith agents of the British Empire. Because the interdependency of political authorityand religious mission is commonly emphasized in treatments of Saudi history, it ispeculiar that few historians have attended to the second Saudi state’s religiousdimension beyond a handful of generalizations: Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab’sdescendants, known as Al al-Shaykh, continued to act as the realm’s religious leadersand to endorse Saudi authority. In turn, the Saudi rulers set aside funds from thetreasury for qadis (judges), teachers, mosque personnel, and religious pupils. In otherwords, the symbiotic relationship between Al Saud and Al al-Shaykh first created inthe 1740s persisted in the nineteenth century.
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 The Arabian chronicles do not shed much light on ulema in that period beyondmentioning prominent shaykhs in the customary
tarjama
(biographical sketch) withplace of birth, names of teachers, positions held, names of pupils, names of anywritten works, and date of death.
2
In the writings of European travelers, there appearsketches of stern personalities in the colorful pages of Wallin, Palgrave, Doughty, andothers, but little else.
3
But two kinds of sources do contain abundant informationabout religious scholars and their discourse. First, biographical dictionaries, a genreof literature familiar to Middle East historians, are useful for identifying significant
 
2
ulema and for detecting patterns in the religious estate.
4
Second, the ulema’s epistlesand books express the era’s religious discourse.
5
These sources indicate that inaddition to the struggle for political mastery, so thoroughly covered by historians, aless conspicuous, discursive struggle was waged in the peninsula’s mosques to firmlyanchor the teachings of Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab (1703-1792) as the correctunderstanding of Islam. Wahhabi, or salafi
 ,
6
ulema transmitted those teachings topupils attending study circles and to townsmen at large on the occasions of the Fridaysermon and public lessons. Arabian chronicles and European travelers give theimpression that townsmen under the second Saudi state publicly conformed to thoseteachings. But in the biographical dictionaries and the religious epistles, we find anexception to that impression during Faysal ibn Turki’s second reign (1843-1865) inone town, `Unayza, where we find a pocket of dissent and nonconformity. Thenumber of ulema there who opposed or merely did not conform to the Wahhabi viewwas higher than any other town in Najd, and a significant segment of the town’sulema and notables hospitably received a visiting shaykh who openly disputed basicpoints of Wahhabi doctrine.The visitor in question was Shaykh Daud ibn Jirjis al-Naqshbandi (1816-1882).
7
It seems that Ibn Jirjis began his visit in innocent fashion with a period of study under the local Wahhabi qadi (Abdallah Aba Butayn), who issued him acertificate (
ijaza
) authorizing him to teach. Then, in the course of teaching, Ibn Jirjisvindicated certain verses of a famous poem of devotion to Muhammad,
al-Burda
, thatthe Wahhabis considered expressions of polytheism. The Baghdadi scholar alsorefuted certain Wahhabi tenets by citing passages from the works of the Ibn Taymiyyaand Ibn al-Qayyim, the most important medieval authorities for the Wahhabi mission.The upshot was a flurry of polemical essays by Wahhabi ulema, Ibn Jirjis, and his
 
3
supporters, and the division of Unayza's religious scholars and pupils into rivalcamps.
8
In addition to the scholastic response to Ibn Jirjis, the leader of the Wahhabiestablishment in Riyadh, Shaykh Abd al-Latif ibn Abd al-Rahman, sent an angryletter to the Unayzans to rebuke them. He wrote:There occur among you matters that cause pain for the believers and joy forthe hypocrites…most of you honor Daud the Iraqi even though he is famousfor enmity toward monotheism (
tawhid 
) and its supporters.Shaykh Abd al-Latif enumerated the harmful arguments that Ibn Jirjis openlyespoused in Unayza: Supplicating the dead is not a form of worship but merely callingout to them. Worship of graves is not polytheism unless the supplicant believes theburied saints have the power to determine the course of events. Whoever merelyprofesses the testimony that there is no god but Allah and prays toward Mecca is aMuslim. He then wrote:This man enjoys friendly relations with your town and is accustomed to goingthere. Among its nobility and dignitaries are some who honor, befriend, andsupport him, and who accept his specious arguments. The reasons for this arehatred, heretical tendencies, and refusing to accept Allah’s light and guidance,which are known in al-`Arid [Riyadh’s region].
9
 In a separate letter to a supporter in Unayza, Abd al-Latif urged this man to publiclyrecite the Wahhabi criticisms of Ibn Jirjis at Unayza’s mosques and to adviseUnayzans of their duty to show enmity toward him. He also requested the names of the men who had invited Ibn Jirjis so that Abd al-Latif could show them to the Saudiruler, Amir Faysal, who had barred Ibn Jirjis from entering al-Qasim.
 This is one of the very few religious controversies that appears in the historicalrecord of the second Saudi state. The doctrinal arguments themselves belong to apolemical tradition that began in the eighteenth century when Arabian and Ottomanulema first noticed and responded to Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab’s teachings. As

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