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El capital en el siglo XXI
El capital en el siglo XXI
El capital en el siglo XXI
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El capital en el siglo XXI

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Para el autor, cada país, en relación con su historia y su compromiso democrático, responde de manera diferente a una ley básica del capitalismo de mercado que estimula la concentración de la riqueza en los sectores más favorecidos. El trabajo de Piketty cuestiona la relación óptima entre desarrollo e igualdad sugerida por Simon Kuznets y destaca el papel de las instituciones políticas y fiscales en la evolución histórica de la distribución de la riqueza.
LanguageEspañol
Release dateNov 21, 2014
ISBN9786071624642
El capital en el siglo XXI
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Rating: 4.035911602209945 out of 5 stars
4/5

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  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    People who read this book tend to either love it (5 stars) or feel like it is Marxism revisited and totally bash this book. I'm in the middle on this one. I love that this book has gotten so much attention and has had a meteoric rise to the bestseller list. And even more, I love the conversations everyone is having about this book. But I have a few criticisms. First, the book is incredibly disorganized. I slogged through the entire book, in both audio and print, and I found it difficult to follow. First he will introduce a concept like the inequality of return on investment for the wealthy and the not-so-wealthy. And then he jumps to something totally off topic. Simple, easy to follow points, would much better serve his cause. But my biggest complaint is that I don't know if I completely agree with his solution. Yes, I definitely think that the wealth divide, and especially it's rapid growth is a serious problem. But, we need to look at the reasons behind the problem. Just saying that we should put a tax on capital will reduce the wealth at the top, but I think there are bigger issues on why not everyone has the same opportunity to become wealthy. Although Piketty does touch on issues like the cost of college education and healthcare, maybe the solution shouldn't just be to have a heavy tax on the wealthy, but how the money could be used to help give the people at the bottom of the economic pile a boost up. Free child care, better education, health care - the issues are much bigger than just taxing the wealthy. Another complaint about this book, is it feels like a rant against the wealthy. To bash people like Bill Gates does not promote his cause. But, very glad about the conversations that this has started.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Everyone who has any interest in the direction our world is taking in terms of economic inequality should read this book. In some sections the macroeconomics gets a little technical, but overall Piketty makes the concepts understandable. Some of the things you will learn from this book are that all the developed nations of the world are nearly as inegalitarian now as countries like France and Great Britain were in the 19th century. You will learn that the US is currently the most inegalitarian developed country in the world (even though we believe ourselves to be one of the most egalitarian). You will learn that capital ownership has essentially always been inegalitarian and that the top 1% alone absorbed nearly 60 percent of the total increase of US national income from 1977 to 2007.

    Piketty also thoroughly analyzes the rise of the "super managers," and the astronomically high wages they have been able to demand and gives convincing reasons why this phenomenon has occurred and why it is especially prominent in the US. Lastly, Piketty suggests ways governments could address these problems, including progressive taxation and taxation of capital.

    Before reading this book I knew there was a large degree if wealth inequality in the US, but I had no idea the scale of the situation and that the US is currently the worst offender in this area. I hope more people read this and realize the truth. Piketty uses impeccable data and tight reasoning to get the truth across.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Solid. The book can easily be encapsulated as: If the rate of growth on Capital exceeds the rate of income growth, then it doesn't matter how hard you work, the rich will continue to get richer. The only way to counter-act this is through taxation.The entirety of the book is in showing what this means, why it's true, and deals with many objections. Memorable, insightful, original. And like other top selling books, will probably have no impact on what people do. 5 stars oc
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    After nearly 600 pages of charts, graphs, tables, arguments, and counterarguments, Thomas Piketty states his conclusions simply. Wealth accumulated in the past grows more rapidly than output and wages. He expresses this in the equation r>g and identifies this as the central contradiction of capitalism.“This inequality expresses a fundamental logical contradiction. The entrepreneur inevitably tends to become a rentier, more and more dominant over those who own nothing but their labor. Once constituted, capital reproduces itself faster than output increases. The past devours the future.”His recommended solution is stated simply: “The right solution is a progressive annual tax on capital.” Ideally this would be a global tax on capital, requiring all nations to cooperate in sharing banking data, and working to assess and collect this tax. The argument and evidence are bulletproof; the remedy is hard to argue with, yet harder to put into place. “The difficulty is that this solution, the progressive tax on capital, requires a high level of international cooperation and regional political integration. It is not within the reach of the nation-states in which earlier social compromises were hammered out.”He makes other recommendations regarding the role of government in establishing a social state, progressive income tax, and public debt. This book provides a modern checkup on capitalism. Identifying a systematic disequilibrium provides insight into an important cause of income inequality. Blaming imperfect competition, lazy workers, or government policy only distracts us from solving the real problem. The World Top Incomes Database was built to provide “the most comprehensive set of historical series on income inequality available so far” to use as source data for this book. The extensive set of figures and tables used in the book are freely available on the book’s official web site. Thomas Piketty’s careful use of representative data serves as a model for other economists to follow. He shows us how to progress beyond cunning use of anecdotes or reciting economic ideology. Only careful use of representative data provides the insights we need to improve our economies and well-being. The arguments made in this book are clear, complete, and representative. The evidence used to support arguments and explore counterarguments is unprecedented. He entertains us with stories from the period novels of Jane Austin and Honoré de Balzac. The translation from the original French-language publication is so skillfully done it seems invisible.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    I know, I know. I actually read Bowling Alone in its entirety too, and had a similar reaction: you can get a pretty good understanding of his thesis from a good review, and it’s not clear that the details add enough to be worth the full read unless you’re in the field. And why should they? I’m not the first to observe that this is a weird hit, heavy on lists and numbers tracking wealth over the centuries and carefully qualified to make sure we never forget that all the numbers are just estimates that probably undercount just how wealthy the wealthiest 1% in the West are and have been since records have been kept. (The partial exception is the post-WWI and WWII eras when so much wealth at the top had been destroyed that they didn’t get much more than half of total wealth.) Piketty contends that there are various structural reasons that wealth from capital—from owning land, machines, and intellectual property—produces greater pretax returns than labor does in almost all historical circumstances, and therefore the rich will get richer in the absence of aggressively progressive taxation. Or, he occasionally suggests, violent revolution, another way that societies have eventually said “enough!” to overconcentration of wealth. Even though anything that can’t go on forever won’t, he suggests, the richest can soak up so much of a society’s wealth for so long that the rest of us are immiserated, and the existence of a “middle class” is a historical anomaly produced by the great destruction of capital in the world wars—including the destruction involved in decolonization—as well as progressive taxation; now that both of those are over, the ideology of meritocracy is inducing us to ignore massively increasing inequality, now greater in the US than in most other countries and than it has been since records were kept. The twist, such as it is, is that it’s now possible to generate huge fortunes not just from returns on capital but also from what we would call “labor”—athletes and actors, though, generally can’t rise to the highest levels of wealth, though financiers can. The use of novels such as Jane Austen’s to examine what wealth meant in previous periods is fun, but it isn’t exactly a peppy read.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    I'm very glad I attempted to dip into this book. It gave me new concepts to chew on, broadened my thinking.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    It was almost as interesting to read the numerous reviews and debates about his book as it was to read the book itself. Very interesting background of how capital influences our economy.

    While I do not agree much with Picketty's politics, I found the data illuminating.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    What was it Bilbo Baggins said about economics books? "I understand less than half of them less than half as well as I'd like, and I like less than half of the ones I understand less than half as well as they deserve." That hobbit spoke a deep truth, and while I wait in vain for the economics book that helps me understand it better by carefully restructuring all the parts where concepts like "national capital stock" and "individual average capital" both get reduced to "capital" in different ratios and then further to mathematical expressions (you have to be so gentle with the conceptual jargon and with the math when trying to reach people like me) and/or helps me like it better by revealing that something about our present economic system actually makes sense and things are gonna get better, or that there's a feasible alternative, let me dig into the econ book I got rather than the one I'd wish for: this celebrated volume, perhaps the most-read book of original economics research written in my lifetime.Probably you're familiar with the basic argument. First, 1) the period from WWI to the 1970s, where capital stock was greatly decreased by shocks like the wars and the depression, as well as the relatively egalitarian policies that followed, and where economic growth and wage income increased faster than invested wealth or property values, was a historical outlier, and that we are now returning to something more like the nineteenth century in terms of the concentration of wealth and its impact on society. (This book's central topic, to be clear, is "Inequality," which easily could have been the title.)With reams of data, magnificently processed, packaged, and summarized, Piketty makes this case, leaving us with his theoretical contribution: 2) the central inequality r > g, or rate of return on capital is greater than economic growth. It certainly is not empirically demonstrated that this is feature of capitalism per se, as Piketty purports, rather than a historical accident, but I do not see this as a flaw; seemingly the only way we could demonstrate it, especially in light of Piketty's laudable commitment to empirical evidence and not just conceptual or mathematical theory, would be to have a whole lot more centuries under capitalism to see what kinds of things happen (spare us that!). And what we do know is that it is happening, regardless of whether it must happen, and that rules that protect large fortunes and the fact that the more you have to invest, the better your return are the cause. Piketty demonstrates all this with data and arguments that seem cogent to a bilbo like me, and spices it up with the constant references to the novels of Balzac, Austen, Henry James and others that he uses to depict the kinds of socioeconomic structures he's talking about. Citing Balzac of course proves nothing, but it certainly helps us envision the kind of situation--a return, since all things being equal slower growth increases the power of wealth in a society--to oligarchy and "patrimonial capitalism"--that he's projecting, and it's one of the joys of this book.Said joy makes Capital (let's call it Le Capital, please, though Piketty doesn't create or work within a parallel set of assumptions about how economics works as Marx did--one cool thing about this book is how--as far as this B.B. can see--it makes sense entirely within the assumptions of classical economics) as much a work of economic history as a theoretical contribution or a comment on policy; and as such, of course, can inform the way we understand the past and even read its literature--did you know inflation was essentially zero throughout the nineteenth century? That's how they could get away with shillings and ha'pennies. And guineas were 1.05 pounds, and were a kind of parallel unit of pay that you used at fancy restaurants and to pay for certain professional services in order to say "I'm a rich asshole"--a kind of tipping, in a sense, though also a rich asshole tax. But speaking of rich asshole taxes..., he does make one central policy recommendation, to avoid the mild dystopia r > g takes us to: 3) a progressive annual global tax on capital (starting at perhaps 0.1% on capital of $100,000 and moving to say 10% on the largest fortunes of over $1 billion, though the precise numbers are obviously secondary to the concept), combined with greatly increased income taxes at the high end. The intent would be to keep inequality under control and stop it increasing (without necessarily touching social mobility, though I know for me a society where I know my place and it's making 5/7 of what the doctor or lawyer or CEO makes is far preferable to the one where the doctor makes 15 times what I do and the CEO 300 times and increasing all the time, and my main concern is how to rocket up the social ladder and join them and sneer downward), not to remove it entirely.This is the game-changer, and as such it is the part that has come in for controversy and criticism. But looking at the criticisms (conveniently summarized in many places online), sorry, they're a poor lot: there are critiques of the assumption that inequality matters and assertions that what's important is that absolute wealth keeps growing (without even getting into the large literature on the socially and psychologically corrosive effects of inequality, we've seen the material effects of growing inequality based on r > g in places like the real estate bubbles that are popping up all over these days: what does it matter if my dollar income keeps increasing if the price of necessities like shelter increases multiple times faster? (This also leaves aside the fact that absolute incomes are not increasing, so how much inequality would matter if they were is a moot point and the argument a red herring). Then there are basic libertarian critiques of government and redistribution, which have little to do with Piketty specifically, and you probably already know where you stand on those (yes, if you think the free market distributes income fairly and rewards people according to their deserts, you will probably not be in favour of redistribution downward, no surprise there). Then there is the major countervailing force that Piketty acknowledges, the decreasing rate of return on capital, but as long as it still remains higher than economic growth all this means is that an upper limit on equality will be set--and if you like the way society is now, that limit might be low enough for you, but it isn't for me. Then there are the tech bros who say innovation will spur growth that will overcome either a) inequality, by spurring economic growth (but we've seen how that has worked so far) or b) the deleterious social effects of inequality, by freeing us from labour robots singularity something something, but that kind of positivism is half religion and half venal self-justification and has been taken apart definitively (I think) by Evgeny Morozov. Then there are arguments like that of Acemoglu and Robinson that r > g is not an iron law but merely a matter of policies and happenstance--but, shrug, if so, all the more reason we can use policies to fix it. Their comment may be meaningful for economists engaging with this as a work of theory, but not for the rest of us wondering how to fix the problem.And the rest of the critiques seem largely to follow this mode: his concepts could use tweaking, or he is too mathy and insufficiently theoretical, or feminist economics will flip your whole conception of what economics is about Thomas Piketty. Or here are some errors in the data that don't affect the outcome. Everybody seems to be piling on, but what nobody seems to disagree with except from some ideology-first right-wing perspectives is that a tax like Piketty's would reduce inequality and concentration of capital. And though he himself acknowledges that it would be politically impossible, for those of us who see such effects as a self-evident good, it still acts as a kind of beacon: not a "general strike for our times," given the top-down nature of the proposal and the lack of a whole worldview and engagedness and structure of action and empowerment that the general strike would have implied, but something in that direction: a benchmark against which we can evaluate policy changes and their effects and an inspiration to dream big.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Kind of depressing in that the only way out of the hole that Piketty digs is to enforce a global, democratic progressive wealth tax. The one shinning thing is that Piketty's imagination is limited and the world is infinite in its capacity to change.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    A very interesting book and wonderfully thought provoking. Piketty has gathered an an amazing mass of data on income and wealth across time and countries. He shows that wealth was highly concentrated in Europe before WW1 and is now becoming almost as highly concentrated. While his research and data are without fault, his analysis and remedies are much more debatable. A couple of thoughts:- his main point is that the top 1% own too much and this is bad. He leads you to believe that the top 1% is stable and self perpetuating - the kids of the current 1% inherit and join the 1%. But, and this is a big but, he has no data to support this. If there is churn in the 1% - rags to riches to rags in three generations - then many of his concerns are much less valid.- he uses the French Revolution as background noise - "when the situation is intolerable, the people will rise" sort of thing. But while the top 1% now may have similar percentages of the wealth as then, and the bottom 50% may have almost none of the wealth, the situation of the bottom 50% is vastly different now from 1789. The ordinary person now has access to food, health care and education. They have opportunities that were not available to the peasants in France. I may think it ridiculous that some bozo is a multi billionaire, but I can't see me being moved to revolutionary fervour by it.- his "one big idea" for addressing the problem of an over-concentration of wealth is a progressive tax on capital. Fine idea. Can we start tomorrow? But, as he points out, with the mobility of most capital, this tax can only work with almost universal sharing of banking and financial information. Yeah, right! And, in fact, if such a tax was introduced without universal information sharing, the people who would end up paying most of it would be owners of real estate - the new propertied middle class as he calls them. The ultra rich wouldn't be paying too much in such a tax. As he pointed out in his analysis of the rate of return for the different university endowments, the more money you have, the more money you can make. And, while he didn't say this, it is equally true - the less tax you will pay.Read June 2015
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    In its measured tone and patient accumulation of detail leading to a revolutionary conclusion, as well as in the elegant simplicity of its central idea, this reminds me of nothing so much as Darwin's Origin of Species. And it's a surprisingly easy read for such a monumental work too.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    If, like me, you do not have a talent for economics, this book will be hard work. Thomas Piketty does his level best to make things clear and, without his ability, I doubt that I would have made it passed page two. I will not pretend that I followed every nuance of his argument, but I certainly learned a great deal about the machinations of the financial system. I guarantee that this tome will enlighten any reader.Piketty takes the reader on a journey from the beginnings of the capitalist system to the latest crash. He explains the hows and whys of the situation in a most understandable manner and never stands upon his superior knowledge. If you have wondered to whom the whole world owes fiscal amounts beyond comprehension, then you will be both made wiser and more irate at the shocking answer. You will also learn the reasons for and the weaknesses within the creation of the European Monetary Union, the truth about austerity and the simple, but politically unlikely steps which are needed to rebalance the World's finances.Piketty rates economics as a social science: he accepts that it does not possess the definitive accuracy of mathematics or physics which would allow him to call it a full science and, it is this modesty which helps to make this a readable work. The author is not dictatorial and very patiently explains to fiscal illiterates, such as myself, basics which must be second nature to him.Whether you have any political inclinations, or not, I would strongly recommend that you obtain and persevere with this book. We are all affected by this financial crisis and it is good to be able to put it into perspective, rather than to parrot a political parties half baked views.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    This book deserves all the attention it has received, and also deserves the time and mental energy that a careful reading entails. First, the book deals a massive blow to the theory of free-market capitalism that has become a core belief of the capitalist elite, and of much of the economics profession. Secondly, it provides a straightforward theory of how capitalism really works. And thirdly, it proposes solutions to the rising inequality that stems from that process. Those solutions don't look politically possible now, but as the author emphasizes, economic developments have political consequences. Moreover, the point isn't really the precise remedies that Piketty proposes, but the fact that he opens the discussion.The idea of free market capitalism, over the past half century, has grown from a collection of theories espoused by Adam Smith et al into an economic and political ideology, reinforced by the collapse of the Soviet Union, and supported by the economic elite whose interests it has served. The idea that capitalism ultimately benefits all participants -- that "a rising tide lifts all boats" -- is a powerful one that has been accepted by many people whose boats remain unlifted. Much of that reflects that, in the US and Europe, almost everyone between 50 and 70 did grow up in a world where the tide did rise, and most boats rose with it, with income inequality falling drastically compared to pre-war levels. That improvement is very widely assumed to be the result of a capitalist economic system. This is the central "fact" that Piketty demolishes, showing that the 1945-75 period (the thirty glorious years, for the French) reflected economic recovery from the war and political decisions that levelled income distribution. Rather than the thirty glorious years being the base state, Piketty argues, they were an aberration from the underlying pattern of capitalism, which is that income inequality -- and far more important, wealth inequality -- tends to grow strongly over time. Most of the book is about the data that he uses to arrive at this conclusion, data that were NOT easy to obtain. Indeed, Piketty's achievement in constructing his data base is just as important as his conclusion. Heretofore, we have been discussing inequality almost exclusively as an income phenomenon: what Piketty brings into the discussion is the question of wealth. Not only does he bring it in, he makes it possible to measure it. (Note: most of the reasonable criticism of Piketty so far -- I don't think that yelling Markist! is reasonable criticism -- has focussed on the data. Piketty, in the book, warns over and over of possible data weaknesses, and has made his data available on line. There will be problems, there are always problems with data. But disagreeing with a few data assumptions does not invalidate the argument). Based on this data, Piketty arrives at his central argument -- that when the rate of return on capital (very broadly defined) exceeds the growth of national income, when r is greater than g, wealth will become more concentrated. In the 50's and 60's, when economies were speeding ahead at 3-5% based on recovery from the war (and from the Depression) and when inflation was low, r was not necessarily greater than g. Since then, however, growth in the advanced countries has slowed sharply, while the return on capital has remained at 5% or better. The result is an increasing concentration of wealth, and Piketty sees no reason why this should change (The US has a special aspect which Piketty examines -- the dramatic increase in income inequality, as high-end wages have soared relative to average wages. This is of interest, but the key point remain r>gTo deal with this, Piketty proposes an international, progressive tax on wealth. That looks improbable at present, but, as he notes, a meaningful income tax looked pretty improbable a century ago. I don't think, however, that Piketty's proposed solution is critical -- what matters is the discussion he has brought to the fore. The essential point is that the state (really a group of states( is the only entity that can offset the concentration of wealth implicit in modern capitalism. Destroying capitalism doesn't work: consider the Soviet Union. But its benefits can be spread more widely by political means (taxes) while leaving the economic motor in place. Ultrahigh taxes, remember, do not seem to have deadened entrepreneurship from 1950 to 1975. This is not light reading, though it is remarkably free of economic jargon (as a former economist, I am an expert on that topic). But it is well worth the time and effort it demands. It is already playing a major role in the discussion on inequality and its political ramifications, and has certainly changed my thinking on the subject. This is a very major work.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    Interesting views backed with science Is always an good read.

    This is not a light book to read. In some parts I revisited more than once during my first read through. I listened to from beginning to endit 3 times. It is solid research explaining how or economic system works. I great read.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    This is a brilliant macroeconomics book. But it's still a book about macroeconomics so that bar is fairly low.Piketty compiles data on capital and income going back decades and for a few countries a few hundred years. What he finds is a trend of growing inequality in both wealth accumulation and income. That inequality was interrupted by WWI and WWII.Obviously, WWI and WWII were a massive destruction of human life. They also eradicated an enormous amount of accumulated capital and dramatically reduced a large inequality that had developed in the early part of the twentieth century.In the twenty-first century, the inequality is growing. Piketty has the data to show it.
  • Rating: 4 out of 5 stars
    4/5
    Everything a non-expert needs to know is in the first chapter, but what a chapter!
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    There's a reason everybody's talking about this book. My economic background is a couple of undergraduate courses (micro- and macroeconomics) and my own reading of Marx, Smith, and Krugman. I found Piketty both readable and compelling. His arguments are evidence-based, not ideologically bound, though certainly "liberal" in their conclusions -- a case I suspect of reality's famously liberal bias ;) I'd like to think conservatives and libertarians could read it, and would argue it on its merits, and I'm certainly open to reading those criticisms -- hoping (against hope) I'll find them as clear, cogent, and similarly supported by verifiable data.
  • Rating: 3 out of 5 stars
    3/5
    There's a lot of good data here, and some excellent recommendations, but....

    Like a lot of economics books, this one is pretty dry. The first 300 pages tend to belabor the obvious, repeating the same information, and displaying it in redundant charts, and then reaching startling conclusions such as that wealth increases when saving increase. I understand that the author is trying to ensure a basic understanding, so that everyone reading the book can follow his later arguments, but I have to think this could have been done with better style in half as many words. This is an interesting book, though. It has the unique ability of putting you to sleep because of the painful amount of dull detail and of keeping you awake because of the frightening story it conveys.

    So what's the big take away from this book? Well, essentially I think it's that capitalism has taken over democracy. Money makes money faster than labor does. The political policies put in place in the last half century favor wealth-holders over wage-earners. The rich are getting richer and workers are getting nowhere. Things used to be different. Regulations and taxation between the end of WWII through the late 1970s mitigated the worst abuses of runaway capitalism. This has changed since, though, and the new situation is unsustainable. It would be a good idea to try to change things to ensure that the wealth of nations isn't so disproportionately distributed to the wealthy in those nations before the whole thing falls apart. There are a lot of bad ways to do this, but the least bad would be a progressive tax on wealth. I wish I could say there was a remote chance of this happening, but I can't, at least not until worse options have been tried and allowed to fail.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Big. Dense. Brilliant. Magisterial. Worrisome. Infuriating.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    Piketty proves that not income, but wealth - capital - leads to a growing inequality. It's not what you make with hard work and frugality, but what you inherit - when money starts to make so much money that you don't have to work anymore, you can buy politicians, you can dictate the have-nots to slave for you. It's the ultimate oligarchy we don't want in a meritocracy.The book - although written by a French economist - focuses largely on the situation in the US, but that will eventually grow out around the world. The value of the book is not so much that you have to agree with the solutions, but that it provides you with facts that gives you a possibility to make up your own mind about wealth and wealth redistribution and the future of our society - for better or for worse.Well worth your reading time.
  • Rating: 5 out of 5 stars
    5/5
    What's not to like about an economics book that has 52 references to Balzac, except that it only has 12 references to Solow.