Karen Radner, “The Assyrian king and his scholars: The Syro-Anatolian and the Egyptian Schools.” In M. Luukko/S. Svärd/R. Mattila (ed.), Of God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars: Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola. Studia Orientalia 106 (Helsinki 2009) 221-238. | Assyria | Ancient Egypt



Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola
Edited by Mikko Luukko, Saana Svärd and Raija Mattila



OF GOD(S), TREES, KINGS, AND SCHOLARS Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola

Edited by Mikko Luukko, Saana Svärd and Raija Mattila Helsinki 2009

Of God(s), Trees, Kings, and Scholars: Neo-Assyrian and Related Studies in Honour of Simo Parpola Studia Orientalia, Vol. 106. 2009.

Copyright © 2009 by the Finnish Oriental Society, Societas Orientalis Fennica, c/o Institute for Asian and African Studies P.O.Box 59 (Unioninkatu 38 B) FIN-00014 University of Helsinki Finland

Editorial Board Lotta Aunio (African Studies) Jaakko Hämeen-Anttila (Arabic and Islamic Studies) Tapani Harviainen (Semitic Studies) Arvi Hurskainen (African Studies) Juha Janhunen (Altaic and East Asian Studies) Hannu Juusola (Semitic Studies) Klaus Karttunen (South Asian Studies) Kaj Öhrnberg (Librarian of the Society) Heikki Palva (Arabic Linguistics) Asko Parpola (South Asian Studies) Simo Parpola (Assyriology) Rein Raud (Japanese Studies) Saana Svärd (Secretary of the Society) Editorial Secretary Lotta Aunio Typesetting Noora Ohvo

ISSN 0039-3282 ISBN 978-951-9380-72-8

Gummerus Kirjapaino Oy Jyväskylä 2009

Preface.....................................................................................................................xi Bibliography of the Publications of Simo Parpola ................................................xv NEO-ASSYRIAN STUDIES Eunuchen als Thronprätendenten und Herrscher im alten Orient ............................1 CLAUS AMBOS The Origins of the Artistic Interactions between the Assyrian Empire and North Syria Revisited...............................................................................................9 SANNA ARO Aramaic Loanwords in Neo-Assyrian: Rejecting Some Proposals .......................19 ZACK CHERRY “To Speak Kindly to him/them” as Item of Assyrian Political Discourse .............27 FREDERICK MARIO FALES Osservazioni sull’orticoltura di epoca neo-assira ..................................................41 SABRINA FAVARO Assurbanipal at Der................................................................................................51 ECKART FRAHM A “New” Cylinder Inscription of Sargon II of Assyria from Melid.......................65 GRANT FRAME “Wiping the Pot Clean”: On Cooking Pots and Polishing Operations in Neo-Assyrian Sources ............................................................................................83 SALVATORE GASPA The Camels of Tiglath-pileser III and the Arabic Definite Article.........................99 JAAKKO HÄMEEN-ANTTILA Informationen aus der assyrischen Provinz Dūr-Šarrukku im nördlichen Babylonien ...........................................................................................................103 KARLHEINZ KESSLER

................................................151 ALASDAIR LIVINGSTONE The Chief Singer and Other Late Eponyms .............................. Diadem...................239 JULIAN READE Die Inschriften des Ninurta-bēlu-uṣur....................... LANFRANCHI Remembrance at Assur: The Case of the Dated Aramaic Memorials ...............................159 RAIJA MATTILA Family Ties: Assurbanipal’s Family Revisited .. Statthalters von Kār-Salmānu-ašarēd......................193 OLOF PEDERSÉN Noseless in Nimrud: More Figurative Responses to Assyrian Domination .................279 SAANA SVÄRD & MIKKO LUUKKO I Feared the Snow and Turned Back ........................265 WOLFGANG RÖLLIG Who Were the “Ladies of the House” in the Assyrian Empire? .....................................................................................167 JAMIE NOVOTNY & JENNIFER SINGLETARY Ašipâ Again: A Microhistory of an Assyrian Provincial Administrator ........111 THEODORE KWASMAN A Happy Son of the King of Assyria: Warikas and the Çineköy Bilingual (Cilicia) ... Chaplet: Power-Dressing at the Assyrian Court.........................................179 BRADLEY J........127 GIOVANNI B................................... PARKER Neo-Assyrian Texts from Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylon: A Preliminary Report........................................................ Teil I ....295 GRETA VAN BUYLAERE ........................................................................201 BARBARA NEVLING PORTER The Assyrian King and his Scholars: The Syro-Anatolian and the Egyptian Schools .........221 KAREN RADNER Fez..................A Neo-Assyrian Royal Funerary Text ............ Turban...............................................

................................................................333 MANFRIED DIETRICH Two Middle Assyrian Contracts Housed in Istanbul ................ASSYRIOLOGICAL AND INTERDISCIPLINARY STUDIES Maqlû III 1-30: Internal Analysis and Manuscript Evidence for the Revision of an Incantation ....367 TAPANI HARVIAINEN Wisdom as Mediatrix in Sirach 24: Ben Sira........ Ambiguity and Literary Tradition.............................................361 MARKHAM J.... Chr........................................... Jewish................................ and Prophecy....... GELLER Wilhelm Lagus: A Pioneer of Cuneiform Research in Finland .327 MUHAMMAD DANDAMAYEV “Armer Mann von Nippur”: ein Werk der Krisenliteratur des 8..................... v.........................................................................307 TZVI ABUSCH Some Otherworldly Journeys in Mesopotamian................................ Love Lyrics..409 BEATE PONGRATZ-LEISTEN Altorientalisches im Buch Judith .... Jh......... Mandaean and Yezidi Traditions ........399 SIMONETTA PONCHIA Reflections on the Translatability of the Notion of Holiness ........................................................353 VEYSEL DONBAZ Two Bilingual Incantation Fragments ......................................391 ANTONIO PANAINO with an “Appendix on Cuneiform Sources” by GIAN PIETRO BASELLO Some Reflections on Metaphor.315 AMAR ANNUS The Diverse Enterprises of Šumu-ukin from Babylon ........................................429 ROBERT ROLLINGER ..377 MARTTI NISSINEN A Mesopotamian Omen in the Cycle of Cyrus the Great .....................................

.....................................Bibliography .........................445 Abbreviations ..........................................................................502 .......................................................................

. they were thought to constantly guide him in his leadership and decision-making and communicated their wishes through ominous signs encountered everywhere in the natural world. As always. I would like to thank Gebhard Selz for the kind invitation and the participants for their comments. formerly under Nubian rule. advising their ruler and hence more often than not directly influencing his political actions. my thanks go to Frans van Koppen for his observations and suggestions. Edited by Hunger 1992. The king employed scholarly advisors to monitor and interpret the messages of the gods and to perform the rituals necessary to keep the precious relationship with the divine powers in balance. and after the invasion of 671 BC even Egypt. 630 BC)2 show dozens of specialists at work. its territories stretched far beyond the Assyrian homeland in Northern Iraq: All of Iraq and most of Syria. their creation. Parpola 1993a and Starr 1990. when Assyria was the most powerful state in the Near East and the eastern Mediterranean region. The king of Assyria ruled as the earthly representative of Assyria’s supreme god Aššur and was chosen by the gods. Some 1300 letters and reports addressed to Esarhaddon (680–669 BC) and his successor Assurbanipal (668–c. wide sweeps of Eastern Turkey and Western Iran and almost the entire eastern Mediterranean coast were under the direct control of the Assyrian king. THE KING AND HIS RETINUE OF SCHOLARS In the mid-7th century. The preserved documents stem from the royal archives of Nineveh.THE ASSYRIAN KING AND HIS SCHOLARS: THE SYRO-ANATOLIAN AND THE EGYPTIAN SCHOOLS1 Karen Radner ABSTRACT The article highlights the presence of scholars from Egypt and Syro-Anatolia in the service of the Neo-Assyrian kings. belonged to the Assyrian block. and allow us 1 2 A first version of this article was presented in July 2007 as a lecture at the symposium “The Empirical Dimension: Assyriological Contributions” held at the University of Vienna at the occasion of Hermann Hunger’s retirement. 1. then the main residence of the Assyrian court.

Diviners. for giving me my first job in 1997 but also for almost single-handedly engineering the renaissance of Neo-Assyrian studies. a noble sacrifice from which the community of Ancient Near Eastern scholars has greatly profited. I would like to focus on a point. to the State Archives of Assyria Project and the Corpus of Neo-Assyrian Texts. 528– 535 (āšipu). often abbreviated to “scribe” = ṭupšarru).6 is certainly the professional predecessor of the later ṭupšar Enūma Anu Enlil. has not quite found the attention it deserves. and successful. however. I would like to dedicate this study to him which. Simo has given many years of his life. For political and prosopographic reasons. The references are collected and discussed by Jakob 2003: 522–528 (bārû = MA bāri’u). which in my opinion. this is the expected range of experts representing the five main branches of Mesopotamian scholarship. the list can be dated to the period shortly after 671 BC when Esarhaddon’s second. MARV 2 17:56. are already well attested in royal service during the Middle Assyrian period. literally “scribe of the canonical omen series Enūma Anu Enlil”. they are acting as supervisors (bēlē perre) for workers charged with creating a palace garden. then five diviners (bārû). So far. and much of his energy. nine physicians (asû) and six lamenters (kalû). With great affection. who is listed together with two physicians. to use the most common if decidedly imprecise translations for these professional titles. invasion of Egypt took place. While the presence of singers and musicians at court is well 3 4 5 6 My research was greatly facilitated by the use of the electronic Corpus of Neo-Assyrian Texts.4 dated to the 17th day of the month of Kanun (X) but without mention of the year. and I would like to offer him these pages as a token of my gratitude. exorcists and physicians. While the Assyrian rulers of the 7th century certainly relied heavily on the Mesopotamian scholarly tradition we know that they did not do so exclusively: they also enjoyed the service of contingents of scholars trained in the Syro-Anatolian and the Egyptian tradition.5 as are of course also learned scribes: the “scribe of the tablet house“ (ṭupšarru ša bīt ṭuppāte). a term not yet attested in the 2nd millennium texts. it is crucial to be aware that the known letters represent only parts of the correspondence of only two kings with only their Assyrian and Babylonian specialists. followed by nine exorcists (āšipu). builds directly on the foundation of his work. The list starts with seven astrologers (ṭupšar Enūma Anu Enlil. In this paper. Simo Parpola’s ground-breaking editions of the scholars’ letters have made this rich material accessible for the first time. see Jakob 2003: 224.3 When working with the documents of the scholars’ communication with their king. 535–537 (asû = MA asi’u).222 KAREN RADNER rare insight into the symbiosis and interdependency between the scholars and their patron at that time. as so often. . This is best demonstrated by a list of scholarly experts at court. SAA 7 1. an exorcist and a diviner in a catalogue of palace staff.

7 lamenters are not attested at all so far.. and the sequence “the scribes.g. In our list the 36 experts representing the five branches of Mesopotamian scholarship are followed by another three groups of advisers. 5. This has already been observed by Parpola 1993a: XXXIV n. and in the following I will try to shed some light on what attractions they might have offered to the Assyrian kings. . ḫarṭibē. 4..9 But let us focus instead on those scholars whose sheer existence at court is not even indicated by the evidence of these letters. Yet augury.10 Indeed. see Jakob 2003: 518–522 for references and discussion. 2. the exorcists. veterinary surgeons.]. [. three so-called ḫarṭibē and three “Egyptian scribes” (ṭupšarru Muṣurāyu).. physician” in SAA 12 82: 6–7 and SAA 12 83 r. but it must be pointed out that also the Neo-Assyrian attestations are surprisingly rare. exorcist. and the lamenters are more often than not missing when the royal scholars are listed as a group in Neo-Assyrian texts. that among the specialists that Esarhaddon had moved to Assyria after the capture of Memphis in 671 BC were “exorcists. Obviously the members of the Mesopotamian school vastly outnumber the Syro-Anatolian and Egyptian experts. Note e. the diviners. SAA 10 338–346. snake charmers” is mentioned explicitly in a royal 7 8 9 10 zammāru and nu’āru. we are able to trace the augurs’ activities at the royal courts of Assyria from the early 8th century to the end of the empire. Egyptian ritual experts on the other hand would seem to appear in the Assyrian kings’ service only as a consequence of Esarhaddon’s successful invasion of Egypt in 671 BC. bear Egyptian names while the “bird watchers” have Akkadian names. All Egyptian scribes and the ḫarṭibē. the physicians and the augurs” in SAA 10 7. three “bird watchers” (dāgil iṣṣūri).8 It may not be pure coincidence that theirs is by far the smallest group in the surviving scholarly correspondence of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. and as we shall see the “bird watchers” operating in Assyria are frequently identified as originating from these areas. a letter dating to 672 BC. Egyptian scribes. SAA 10 7..]. this is highlighted by the fact that while Mesopotamian and Syro-Anatolian experts are named among those experts taking an oath on the occasion of the new succession arrangement in 672 BC. diviner. Egyptian scholars are not yet mentioned. THE SCHOLARS OF THE EGYPTIAN SCHOOL As we shall see below. the art of divining the gods’ will by interpreting the flight of birds. the sequence “scribe. Yet their presence in the royal retinue is highly significant. [. is a discipline characteristic of the cultural tradition of Anatolia and Northern Syria. the appointment of Nergal-apil-kumu’a under Assurnaṣirpal II (883–859 BC).The Assyrian King and his Scholars 223 known from the Middle-Assyrian records. a term as we shall see used for Egyptian ritual experts. in the case of our list in the proportion 12 : 1 : 2 – and this is in all likelihood representative of their respective influence.

BA KUR. plural: Dan 2:27..MEŠ LÚ. But note that Goedicke (1996) called this interpretation into question and instead advocated a derivation of ḫarṭummîm from ḥry-tm3 “the one on the mat” → “The one on duty”.LAH 4. 295–344. II 20. the ḫarṭummîm17 figure prominently as experts in the interpretation of dreams.ḫar-ṭi-˹be-e˺ 10´ [. Lieven 1999: 113. LÚ].Mu-ṣur-a-a 11´ [. For an edition of the eleven tablets series see Oppenheim 1956: 261–269. Ritner 1993: 220. known only from a badly broken prism fragment from Nineveh. see Nordh 1996: 107–132. Quaegebeur 1985. My reading of the end of line 10´ was confirmed by collation in the British Museum (31 July 2007).. cf. it is likely due to the setting and context of the stories and accepted e. Assurbanipal’s dreams are discussed by Zgoll 2006: 189–215. Tantamani king of Kush. The “Houses of Life” were part of temples and probably also palaces and housed knowledge in the form of manuscripts and experts.MEŠ LÚ. 8:3. with additional material in Oppenheim 1969.16 In the Biblical attestations. Ritner 1993: 221 and Nordh 1996: 209. Ex 7:11.20 Yet members of the Egyptian school may have been valued also for 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Bu 91-5-9. this loanword represents Late Egyptian ḥry-tp and/or Demotic ḥr(y)-tb. 24.. 121.14 this included (but was not limited to15) the more specialised meaning of dream interpreter. 156.mu̮ na-i-ši LÚ.] LÚ.. Dan 1:20. As did his contemporary and rival for the control of Egypt. Nordh 1996: 209–210.11 While this sadly incomplete enumeration of Egyptian specialists clearly aims to impress with detail. 14–15. 9:11. x]x. also Ritner 1995: 55–56 and Noegel 2007: 92–98. by Edel 1976: 56. That this term is to be identified with ḥry-tp is a popular opinion among both Biblical scholars and Egyptologists. In the Hebrew text of the Bible. especially in the stories of Nebuchadnezzar’s dream and Joseph in Egypt. 218.MAŠ. Ray 1976: 135–136 (with Ray 1987: 89–90). the abbreviated title had become the basic word for magician. 5:11). Ritner 1995: 53.A. they were units of knowledge storage. the ḫarṭummîm (or ḫarṭummê Miṣrajim) are only attested in the plural form (Gen 41:8. 1995: 52–53. our list of experts at court features only two of these categories of Egyptian scholars: One group is the “Egyptian scribes” (ṭupšarru Muṣurāyu) while the others are designated as ḫarṭibu. 4:4.MEŠ. As Szpakowska 2003: 64–65 emphasises.. Note the survey of the Egyptian presence in first millennium Assyria and Babylonia in Huber 2006. Last edition: Onasch 1994: I 31–32. and it may be this kind of expertise which the ḫarṭibē offered to the Assyrian king. in his so-called “Dream Stela” (edition: Breyer 2003. column a: 9´–11´: 9´ [. dream oracles were certainly popular with Assurbanipal who used dreams18 to legitimise his actions in his royal inscriptions19 and whose library contained the dream omen series Zaqīqu (also Ziqīqu). both derived from the original Egyptian title ḫry-ḥb ḥrytp “chief lector-priest”. on the dream see most recently Noegel 2007: 100–102). 22.13 In Late Egyptian and Demotic usage.224 KAREN RADNER inscription. an office closely associated since the Old Kingdom period with the “House of Life”12 and magical practice: the “chief lector-priest” recited hymns and incantations in the context of temple and state ritual but also performed apotropaic magic and funerary rites for private individuals.g.MAŠ. The earliest surviving copies come from Assurbanipal’s . 2:2) but the Aramaic passages of the Book of Daniel also feature the singular form ḫarṭom (Dan 2:10. production and administration as well as of education. 6.MUŠ. with oneiromancy being an increasingly popular form of divination from the New Kingdom period onwards..

rather than the Hieratic and Demotic scripts in which the source material of the ritual experts was composed and which may have seemed to Assyrian eyes like just another variant of a cursive and quasi-alphabetic script. The compilation process of the series remains unclear. the underlying similarity and therefore familiarity of the Egyptian approach may well have made it popular at the Assyrian court.22 and this professional is meant (together with an asû “physician” = Egyptian sjnw) to prepare a remedy to cure barrenness in the Hittite king’s sister. perhaps most strikingly. the similar case of the “people from Ḫundur” in Western Iran (Ḫundurāyu). the list of deportees from Memphis in Esarhaddon’s already quoted inscription clearly distinguishes between “exorcists” and ḫarṭibē which may indicate that the latter’s specialisation was seen as being profoundly Egyptian. 75. KBo 28 30. The hieroglyphs. Nineveh library records mention Zaqīqu tablets from the libraries of a diviner (SAA 7 50 i 15´) and of an exorcist from Nippur (SAA 7 49 iii 2´) that had been integrated into the royal library. they are often specifically called “Egyptians” (Muṣurāyu).26 library. cannot have failed to impress the members of a cultural environment that highly valued tradition and exclusivity in a writing system as a parallel to their own ancient cuneiform tradition. retain Egyptian names (Pedersén 1986: 125–129. Note that there are remarkable similarities in the Egyptian and Mesopotamian traditions of interpreting dreams which due to certain shared hermeneutic practises cannot easily be explained as parallel developments (Noegel 2006: 102– 105 and Noegel 2007: 105). Yet we can be certain that scholars and priests were busy trying to integrate the newly found Egyptian traditions into the Mesopotamian world-view. see Butler 1998: 99–101 for a critique of Oppenheim 1956: 295–296. edition: Edel 1994: 178–181 no. invented – palaeographic sign lists following the 21 22 23 24 25 26 . what then was the expertise of the “Egyptian scribes”? It is likely that they were specialists in the Hieroglyphic script. cf. see Radner 2003: 62–63. While structurally the approach of Egyptian and Mesopotamian ritual experts had much in common. in the city of Assur. albeit not always.25 If we identify the ḫarṭibē at the Assyrian court as ritual experts of the Egyptian tradition.23 we can take it for granted that the Egyptian way of purifying and divining will have differed in detail from the routines of the Assyrian and Babylonian experts but most important of all the language in which incantations and prayers were performed was of course Egyptian. as were the gods the prayers were addressed to. on the other hand.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 225 their magico-medical knowledge as had been the case half a millennium earlier: in one of the Akkadian letters of Ramesses II to Ḫattušili of Ḫatti. Various Egyptian households can be identified as their members frequently. the heart and soul of Assyrian culture which boasted a sizable Egyptian population in the 7th century.24 the god Nabû was also worshipped under the name of Horus. especially at a time when palaeography was a favourite and lively discipline of Assyrian cuneiform scribes. Scribes reconstructed – or. however. Radner 2000: 101).21 āšipu “exorcist” clearly is used to represent Egyptian ḥry-tp. As argued by Edel 1976: 54–57. and it may be that this is primarily a designation of their profession rather than simply an ethnicon. more correctly. In any case. Are they the Aššur temple’s counterparts of the ṭupšarrē Muṣurāyē and the ḫarṭibē in the royal entourage? Radner 1999a: 74. Ritner 1993.

Moreover. 135 and Curtis & Reade 1995: 203 no. as may the curious literary composition that we call “The Underworld Vision of an Assyrian Prince”29 which seems to emulate Egyptian conceptions of the judgement after death. a good example is CTN 4 229 + K 8520 from Kalḫu. They remain a fixture in the Assyrian kings’ service until the end of the empire.28 the effects of the presence of Egyptian scholars among the royal entourage – and also among the inhabitants of Assur – have hardly been recognised. Kaelin 1999. 3.32 order of entries in Syllabary A. augurs are first attested in the lists recording the wine portions distributed to the various members of the royal court of Kalḫu in the early 8th century. 158–180). Smith 1949: 16.MUŠEN. the sacking of the very temples whose walls were decorated with these reliefs is reported by Assurbanipal in the accounts of his Egyptian campaign.226 KAREN RADNER While modern scholars have taken notice of the remarkable influence of Egypt on 7th century Assyrian art. 148. The augurs of Northern Syria and Anatolia Augury was a discipline typical of Northern Syria and Anatolia. see Wiseman & Black 1996: 33. may owe something to their influence. The renaissance of dream oracles in Assurbanipal’s reign. 35–41) and Archi 1975 (with a thorough discussion of the terminology on pp.27 notably the palace reliefs of Assurbanipal. They also used these pseudo-archaic signs for new text compositions. pl.MUŠEN “bird watcher” and LÚ. rather than Mesopotamia. 28–29.DÙ “bird breeder” – the two terms are used in texts of different periods but are synonymous (Kammenhuber 1976: 10. the topic most certainly deserves further attention. 219 (K 8520). followed by Feldman 2004: 144–145. the underlying Hittite term remains unknown. for example. Discussed in depth by Ünal 1973 (with a useful summary of the possible movements of the birds on pp.IGI. the presence of dagger-wielding demons on the reliefs adorning the doorways of Assurbanipal’s palace may be compared with similar representations of Egyptian demons guarding the Netherworld (Ataç 2004: 71).1. and the origins of the augurs active in Assyria were often specified. Commagene (Kummuḫḫu) and Šubria are the heirs of a well documented 2nd millennium tradition practiced already by Idrimi of Alalaḫ30 and the experts31 in the service of the Hittite kings. On the phenomenon see Daniels 1992. ll. note also the recent summaries by Beal 2001: 67–73 and Bawanypeck 2005: 1–11. On Assyrian “Egyptomania” see most recently Feldman 2004 and Thomason 2004: 157–161. 158). THE SCHOLARS OF THE SYRO-ANATOLIAN SCHOOL In Assyria. These augurs from Ḫamath. with a convenient list of the known Egyptian objects brought back to Nineveh by Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (p. Bawanypeck 2005: 1–2). see Finkel 1997 on CTN 4 235. 3. 27 28 29 30 31 32 . argues that the artistic conventions of Assurbanipal’s Nineveh palace reliefs showing the battle of Til-Tuba mirror those of the scenes depicting Ramesses’ II victory at the battle of Qadesh and similar scenes commissioned by Seti I and Ramesses III. Written with the logograms LÚ. SAA 3 32.

collections of which were integrated into the terrestrial omen series Šumma ālu. Pl. When a falcon is observed hunting and losing its prey to another falcon. Archi 1982: 293 n. as showing a man with a hunting falcon. various individual observations regarding the birds’ movements in the sky.34 a depiction of a Late Hittite augur with his bird. his writing tablet and stylus identifying him as a scholar. AO 19222. These tablets are the written records of rites performed by specific augurs who 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 Ünal 1973: 33–34. spotted in a certain area and at a certain period of time. on the other hand (SAA 8 237). The discipline practised by the Syro-Anatolian augurs may need to be distinguished from the broader Mesopotamian tradition of observing bird omens. moreover.37 allow us to reconstruct the method used by the augurs in some detail but the underlying theory is of course not explained in the available sources. Tablets 66–67. see Bonatz 2000: 22. kept on a string. new protocols from Sarissa (modern Kuşaklı) were published by Haas & Wegner 1996. XXII: C 65 and Hawkins 2000: 274–275. Forerunners to the bird sections of Šumma ālu are attested as early as the Isin-Larsa period (McEwan 1980: 58). the end of tablet 72. 125: no. See Reiner 1960: 28–29 for a discussion of omens derived from the flight of birds and prayers asking for favourable observations. 47 (with references). IV. such bird omens also feature in the Nineveh correspondence of the 7th century.11.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 227 The basic principle governing augury mirrors that of Mesopotamian extispicy: the goal is to receive a confirmation or rejection of a question put forward to the gods and in order to achieve this. . Note that Bonatz (2000: 99) interprets this scene. In addition to the Ḫattuša material used by Ünal 1973 and Archi 1975. and similar ones.38 While the known Hittite omen collections bring together observations on the flight of birds39 the Mesopotamian omens do also focus on this area. Ünal 1973: 55–56. The letter SAA 10 58 contains a selection of bird omens quoted to the king by the astrologer Balasî. (quite possibly the unknown tablets 73–78) and tablet 79 of Šumma ālu deal with the behaviour of birds (McEwan 1980: 61). three new letters from Tapika (modern Maşat Höyük) were published by Alp 1991: 203–211 and two new letters from Sarissa (modern Kuşaklı) by Wilhelm 1998.40 but not exclusively: they show an interest in all sorts of remarkable behaviour observed in different birds. can be found on his memorial stele from Maraş.41 The expertise of the augurs in the service of the Hittite kings was not limited to divination. In addition to the Ḫattuša material used by Ünal 1973 and Archi 1975. are combined into a total result which is either positive (“the birds confirm it”) or negative (“the birds reject it”). and related letters. obviously in response to a specific request by Esarhaddon after a raven had been seen dropping something into a building – a positive omen as it turns out that predicts profits.33 The augurs used both wild birds observed in their natural habitat and birds raised in captivity. at least two tablets of Šumma ālu contain eagle omens and must be assigned to a position between tablets 61 and 66 (Moren & Foster 1988: 278).35 Hittite protocols36 documenting the registered phenomena and their interpretation. with the omens of tablet 79 focusing on falcons observed during military campaigns (Maul 1994: 229). this is explained to the king as a bad omen announcing death. as ritual instructions unearthed in the royal archives of Ḫattuša reveal. Pl.

42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 Bawanypeck 2005: 21–125 (editions). As also suggested by Bawanypeck 2005: 300–301. 153–241 (textual analysis). Most of these rites were meant to neutralise the portents of “bad birds”. . an arbovirus disease46 in the vein of today’s West Nile Fever47 or the various forms of Equine Encephalitis48 would seem to be a likely contender. if not days. have been accompanied by an apparent evolution of a new virus variant (Acha & Szyfres 2003: 372). For diagrams of the virus transmission cycles see Acha & Szyfres 2003: 113 (EEE). is not immediately obvious. 375 (West Nile Fever). as viruses are constantly evolving and adapting. but to my knowledge an arbovirus disease has not yet been considered for the Hittite outbreaks.” Why they are performed by augurs. Ünal 1973: 52. 293–295 (discussion). Bernheim & Zener 1978: 11 suggested to identify the epidemic among the Achaeans before Troy.228 KAREN RADNER are identified by name and sometimes also place of origin. Acha & Szyfres 2003: 110–117 (Eastern Equine Encephalitis = EEE). Yet this may be in part explained by the fact that augurs habitually went to war with the army45 and therefore were on the spot when the first signs of an epidemic outbreak were observed. malaria and typhus which do not trouble these animals – must be ruled out as the disease has to be communicable between humans and the animals in question.49 Yet today’s arbovirus diseases can give us an idea of what the ancient epidemic may have been like. that is. of a negative omen.2. 365–372 (Western Equine Encephalitis = WEE). to claim that the Hittite plague is identical with any of these modern diseases would of course go much too far. 241–264 (textual analysis). the region of Western Anatolia. Excursus: Epidemic outbreaks affecting the Hittite and Assyrian armies As the epidemic is said to affect not only men but also horses and cattle. On the natural history of the arboviroses. Therefore. and these are linked to the augurs of Arzawa. 368 (WEE). Recent outbreaks of the West Nile Fever. equids and other domestic animals by mosquitoes. for example. Acha & Szyfres 2003: 372–377. with Equine Encephalitis. In the confined and crowded setting of a military camp contagious diseases could spread with alarming speed and effectively eradicate the entire army within weeks. These rites44 rely on scapegoat rituals to end mass epidemics causing death among men and animals during military campaigns – “if there is a plague in the army camp and people. 3. while during a 20-year long epidemiological study in the region of Hapetininga (Brazil) 16 different strains of the EEE virus were isolated from infected animals (Acha & Szyfres 2003: 112). The virus is transmitted from infected wild birds to humans. rather than other ritual experts. 293–298 (discussion). see Fiennes 1978: 53–62. some of the more obvious candidates for its identification – bubonic plague. as reported in the Iliad. horses and cattle die horrifically.43 But some ritual instructions have a very different goal.42 and may be compared to the rituals of the Mesopotamian namburbi tradition.50 usually in and around hot. Bawanypeck 2005: 126–148 (editions).

g. A number of namburbis53 show that the idea of neutralising bad omens indicated by the behaviour of birds was well known in the Neo-Assyrian empire. E. and whether these rituals are Mesopotamian compositions. the conditions favour the quick spread of the disease. The fact that contagious diseases frequently haunted the Assyrian army is of course evident from the way ancient armies operated: soldiers’ cramped living conditions had not significantly improved since the days that army camp epidemics had not only killed masses of Hittite soldiers but even king Šuppiluliuma I. Singer 2002: 56–69. The disease is encountered during campaigns to Cilicia and the Orontes river valley. the copies from Nineveh and Assur containing long lists of specific birds. chicken used as sentinel birds for EEE (Acha & Szyfres 2003: 115). swampy areas where mosquito populations are high. they are edited by Maul 1994: 229–269. But the effect of “bad birds” can also be neutralised by performing a “namburbi against any type of evil (omen)”.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 229 swampy areas. The virus attacks the central nervous system of its host: the onset of the disease is sudden and its progress rapid – death tolls in the epidemics recorded in the 20th century AD are very high. they become amplifiers of the disease which eventually spreads by mosquito bites to the humans and also to a variety of other animals. it may have been convenient from a purely practical point of view if the person observing the bad bird omen performed also the appropriate counter ritual.52 We may assume that also the augurs in the service of the Assyrian kings worked beyond the discipline of divination and performed a variety of rituals. edited by Maul 1994: 465–483.54 the famous “plague prayers” of Muršili II55 51 52 53 54 55 Acha & Szyfres 2003: 112. Typically the virus first infects the equids. horses and cattle in Hittite military camps well.51 The characteristics of these modern viral diseases and their transmission fit the bill for the epidemics killing men. this may be another reason why specifically the augurs are involved in countering the epidemic: charged with observing the birds’ behaviour they would be likely to detect the first symptoms of the disease in these animals. Finally. today the active surveillance of sentinel birds is part of the efforts to control outbreaks. . a mortality rate of 75% to 90% in horses and of 65% in humans with signs of Eastern Equine Encephalitis. Since military campaigns always take place in summer at the only time of possible infection and since there is a high concentration of soldiers and horses. note the pheasant casualties preceding an outbreak of EEE in the United States in 1973 (Fiennes 1978: 174). of Syro-Anatolian origin or the product of a fruitful exchange of ideas. since wild birds are the original hosts of the virus. Copies of bird namburbis have been found in the royal library of Nineveh. with e. Klengel 1999: 168. including cattle and dogs.g. 113–114. in the Sultantepe library and in the library of a family of exorcists from Assur. The available sources allow us only to speculate whether also the Assyrian kings valued the augurs of the Syro-Anatolian school as ritual experts to avert epidemics during military campaigns.

Grayson 1975: 76: Chronicle 1 ii 5´) and referred to in two letters from Sargon’s correspondence (SAA 1 171:14 and SAA 1 180:11´. For a recent comparison see Grabbe 2003. and for 759 BC. albeit not entirely unlikely. 41 (text B 1:60´.58 offer ample possibilities for the swampy. both from Western Syria). epidemic”: for the year 802 BC. “to Ḫatarikka. a district of the kingdom of Ḫamath along the western bank of the Orontes. 40 (text B 1:54´. bows and shield handles. epidemic”. Both accounts have long been thought to refer to an outbreak of an epidemic. reported in the Babylonian Chronicle series (“There was an epidemic in Assyria”. Isaiah 36 and 37):60 The latter reports that the “Angel of the Lord” entered the Assyrian camp one night and smote 185.59 the catastrophe is reported both in Herodotus’ Histories (2: 141) and in the Bible (2 Kings 18 and 19. Powell 1929: 174–176. mosquito-friendly setting that we have found to be ideal for the spreading of the arbovirus diseases discussed above.61 an attempted invasion of Egypt under Sennacherib is not reported. Radner 2006c: 58 no. yet the location of a 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 Millard 1994: 34 (text B 1:16´).230 KAREN RADNER illustrate how dangerous these outbreaks were considered not only for the army but also for the entire Hittite state.56 While the mention of the rebellion in Guzana in the Ḫabur triangle. text B 2:55´). Compare the epidemic of 707 BC. . the entry reads “to the sea. and Mayer 2003: 176–178. and Ḫatarikka.000 men whereupon the Assyrian army retreated from Judah. The fact that also the Assyrian army was ravaged repeatedly by epidemics is clear from the evidence of the Eponym Chronicles which at times supplements the routine mention of the destination of the Assyrian army with the note mūtānu “mass death. Knauf 2003: 144–149. While the conventions of royal inscriptions ensure that Sennacherib’s official records are silent on this topic. Yet the most famous Assyrian army epidemic is that which forced Sennacherib (704–681 BC) to end his 701 campaign into Palestine. Frahm 1997: 11. while the official Assyrian accounts mention the battle with Egyptian troops who came to the rescue of the Philistine city of Ekron. see most recently Laato 1995: 220–223 (note the response by Oded 1998) and Gallagher 1999: 241–252. for 765 BC. text B 2:49´). 57–58. which was part of a widespread uprising lasting for five years. Both the coastal regions of “the sea”. Herodotus relates what seems to be the same event in a very different way. epidemic”. offers no clue to the exact location of the disease outbreak (which may have raged in all of Assyria57) the situation is different in the other two cases which state the destination of a military campaign. “revolt in Guzana. in the reign of Adad-nerari III (810–783 BC) certainly the Mediterranean. the Assyrians forced to withdraw from Egypt after mice swarmed one night over their camp in Pelusium in the Nile Delta and weakened the army by devouring quivers. epidemic”.62 too little is known about the disease ravaging Sennacherib’s army to warrant an identification with a virus disease in the vein of modern Eastern Equine Encephalitis or West Nile Fever. The official Assyrian reports of the campaign are discussed by Mayer 2003. 50.

most notoriously the pestilence caused among the Achaeans at Troy: Apollo Smintheus is one of the patron deities of Troy. The two lists from the reign of Adad-nerari continue after the heading with the date with the following remark: “One seah and 5 ½ litres. CTN 3 119: 5: [x qa] ˹LÚ*˺. 22–23 (date lost). 377–380. the army and foreign delegates. CTN 1 3 + CTN 3 145 iv 5: [x qa LÚ*.64 it would be surprising if the Assyrians were not aware of this distinct ritual tradition. Herodotus’ story can be connected with the “Asiatic” deity Apollo Smintheus. While augurs are named in such expenditure lists among the other wine recipients65 – as are the scholars of the Mesopotamian tradition: physicians. note the new editions of these texts by Fales 1994: 371–374. the diviners and the exorcists in CTN 1 8:35–36 (dated to either 751.MEŠ [KUR.[d]a-gíl–˹MUŠEN˺.3. Parpola (1976: 167–186) suggested a number of improved readings which have been used here and in the case of the other wine lists quoted in the following. . the augurs of Arzawa.Ku]-mu-ḫa-a-a (dated to 784 BC). Augurs in Assyria Let us now retreat to more secure grounds and survey the evidence for augurs in Assyria. CTN 1 3 + CTN 3 145 i 3–6: 3 1-BÁN 5 ½ qa gi-nu-ú 4 4 qa 5 6 d LÚ*. and are even recorded in the Bible. and this of course brings us back to the Hittite counter-plague experts. and the augurs of the Syro-Anatolian school in the Assyrian king’s retinue would seem to be most likely to practise the art. Classical authors hold the god responsible for various epidemics.[MEŠ] (no year date given).”67 Here the augurs are not mentioned as part of the palace staff but rather in a passage dealing with sacrifice and ritual.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 231 military camp at Pelusium in the swampy setting of the Nile Delta would certainly provide ideal conditions for the onset of such an epidemic. a region that also includes the swampy expanses of Wiluša/Troy. CTN 1 14:3–5: 3 [1-BÁN 5 ½ q]a gi-nu-ú 4 [4 qa LÚ. the augurs (from Commagene). We encounter similar.da]-˹gíl˺–MUŠ[EN.MEŠ] 5 [2 qa] SUR [ina IG]I [dIM] (dated to 785 BC). the regular sacrifices. Janowski & Wilhelm 1993. Four litres. Bernheim & Zener 1978 and West 1987: 267–271. The earliest evidence comes from Kalḫu and dates to the years 785 and 784 BC in the late reign of Adad-nerari III (810–783 BC) when augurs are mentioned in a very prominent position in the beginning of two lists of wine distributed to the members of the royal court.da-gíl]–MUŠEN. the physicians.g. The dating of the wine lists follows Fales 1994: 365. As scapegoat rituals in the manner of the “plague rituals” performed by the augurs of Arzawa were popular in the Levant in the early first millennium.Ku-mu-ḫa-a-a 2 qa ṣu-ra-ri ina IGI IM (dated to 784 BC). the diviners and the exorcists in CTN 1 6: 20.63 lord of plagues whose sacred animal was the mouse. the libations in front of the god Adad. Two litres.MEŠ KUR. E. 3.g. 749 or 735 BC) and the chief physician. especially in the royal retinue. if shorter passages in the beginning of four later lists that can be dated to the 63 64 65 66 67 E. diviners and exorcists66 – they also received wine for ritual use.da-gíl–MUŠEN.

is a crucial factor here must remain uncertain. but F. has convincingly argued against the notion that they list daily wine disbursements and suggested instead.3:10. Fales 1994: 370. the augurs. whether the connection with the storm god.MEŠ (dated to either 751. . CTN 1 16 + CTN 3 122:1´–2´: 1´ [6? q]a g[i-nu-ú] 2´ [2? qa L]˹Ú*˺. In 805 BC.28 v 7–9. the festival incorporated an augury performed by specialists from Commagene. as far as their beginning is preserved. Adad-nerari and his mother Sammu-ramat (Semiramis) followed Šuppiluliuma’s request “to cross the Euphrates”72 and came to Commagene’s aid.101. The monument73 erected on the border between Commagene and its western neighbour Gurgum survived for at least 32 years as Adad-nerari’s successor Shalmaneser IV (782–773 BC) confirmed the boundary in 773 and added his own inscription to the old monument – king Šuppiluliuma.74 With Commagene and Assyria so closely connected. see Donbaz 1990: 15–24 Figs. RIMA 3 A. who is therein mentioned by name. 7–16. 2000: 331–332.232 KAREN RADNER reign of (possibly) Aššur-nerari V (754–745 BC) and (certainly) Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC): “Six litres.70 Interestingly for us. for purely practical reasons.1 ii 135.0.0. the most prominent deity in the Syro-Anatolian tradition. Adad-nerari III entertained close relations with this kingdom. For photographs.105. commemorated by a number of boundary stones commissioned by the Assyrian ruler. CTN 1 9:2–3: 2 6 qa gi-nu-ú 3 ˹2˺ qa ˹LÚ*˺. start with the expenditure for ritual activities would seem to further strengthen Fales’ argument. is situated just north of the modern border between Turkey and Syria in the region encircled to the west by the curve of the Euphrates and separated from its northern neighbour Melidu by a sizable mountain range.101.30:54–59. as Commagene was known to the Assyrians. is still in power.˹da˺-[gíl]– ˹MUŠEN˺.1.MEŠ (dated to either 745 or 732 BC).0.d]a-gíl–MUŠEN.101.M.d[a-gíl]– ˹MUŠEN˺. CTN 1 28 + 29: 1´–2´: 1´ [6? qa gi]-nu-[ú] 2´ [2? qa LÚ*. RIMA 2 A. According to Adad-nerari’s Pazarcık stele: RIMA 3 A. Kummuḫḫu. and intervened on behalf of the Commagenean ruler Šuppiluliuma71 (Ušpilulume to the Assyrians) when a coalition led by his southern neighbour Attar-šumki of Arpad threatened his borders.101. note the new transliteration and translation by Fales 1994: 371–374. 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 CTN 1 8:2–3: 2 [6? qa gi-nu-ú] 3 2 qa LÚ*. the Assyrian intervention led to the establishment of new boundaries between the Syro-Anatolian kingdoms. A. Fales.29:13–14. who was the last to discuss their purpose.69 The fact that all lists. the regular sacrifices. 749 or 735 BC).104. Hawkins 1995: 93. The stele is now in the Archaeological Museum of Kahramanmaraş (= Maraş).MEŠ] (date lost).d[a-gíl–MUŠEN. The mention of libation sacrifices to Adad makes it seem likely that the festival was held in honour of the storm god for whom Assurnaṣirpal II had founded a temple in Kalḫu.[MEŠ] (date lost). Two litres. that they are records of wine expenditures for a festival celebrated once a year around the time of the vernal equinox.0. a loyal ally and vassal of Assyria.”68 The purpose of the wine expenditure lists from Kalḫu is not stated in the texts themselves.0. and A.0. A.

my lord.]gi-Teššup. Qatazili) and Muwattalli (Ass.un-˹qi˺ LUGAL ša ina UGU-ḫi-ia [L]UGA[L] 13 EN išpu[r]-a-ni a-ta-[a]l-k[a] 14 a-na mPa-[a]r-[n]i-al-de-˹e˺ 15 a-sa-al. Šuppiluliuma (Ass. but maybe I have told lies to the king.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 233 the presence of ritual experts from Commagene at the royal court of Kalḫu can be contextualised in the exchange of specialists that is characteristic of allied powers and so well attested in the diplomatic correspondences from Amarna and Ḫattuša. 11´–17´: 11´ mPa-ar-ni-al-de-e LÚ*. which the king. one of Ik-Teššup’s sons. Ḫattušili (Ass. Pl. cf. may ask him why the birds make (the suggested campaign) favourable. VI. Hawkins 2000: 340–344. This is not surprising as this kingdom. write to the Šubrian (king) that he should send Parnialdê.e. see also Hawkins 2000: 333.76 the relief at Malpinar is executed “in Assyrianizing style”77 which is evidence for Assyrian stone masons. and [. augurs are well attested at the royal palace of Kalḫu down to the time of Tiglath-pileser III (744–727 BC). ND 2673 = CTN 5 136–138: r. Ušpilulume). Ḫu-Teššup. For Šubrian translators (targumannu ša Šubrê) in Assyria.”81 A report follows on the recent manoeuvres of Urarṭian messengers who are busy forging alliances on behalf of their country. had successfully preserved its ancient Hurrian heritage. Hawkins 2000: 340: “indistinct through weathering but of a vaguely Assyrianizing appearance”..80 the author continues: “(Concerning) the seal(ed letter) of the king.79 During the reign of Tiglath-pileser. see Radner 2005a: 95. and to that king’s reign dates our first evidence for augury in Šubria. Kalaç & Hawkins 1989: 107. see Ulshöfer 2000: 166. has sent to me: I went and questioned Parnialdê. 166–168: no. Ik-Teššup. ND 2673 = CTN 5 136–138:12–15: 12 [N]A4. and then the letter continues: “Parnialdê and your servant (i. For this part of the letter. The king.3. situated in the mountainous region to the north of the Assyrian holdings on the upper Tigris and stretching from the Tigris headwaters in the west to the borders of Assyria’s arch enemy Urarṭu in the east. not only as an informer of the Assyrian officer active in the region but also as a potential advisor to Tiglath-pileser himself.78 As we have seen. especially in view of the proud celebration of its Hittite heritage as illustrated by the fact that the kings bear the names of some of the most famous rulers of the Hittite imperial period. my lord. his augur. Šubria was allied with Assyria. my lord? (Therefore) let the king. See above for the example of an exorcist and a physician requested by the Hittite king from Ramesses II. the contemporary of Sargon II.ARAD-ka 12´ i-da-bu-bu i–su-ri .75 Cultural transfer is also attested from Assyria to Commagene at the time.. in Commagene. in the shape of the rock relief (with an accompanying Luwian inscription) of an official of Šuppiluliuma’s son and successor Ḫattušili. or at least their influence. After starting the letter to his king with a passionate appeal to campaign into the very heart of Urarṭu. the contemporary of Esarhaddon and the last king of Šubria. to its capital Ṭurušpâ. Mutallu). an augur in the service of the king of Šubria. my lord. with its kings bearing Hurrian names. the author) have talked. The fact that the ancient art of augury was flourishing in Commagene in the eight century BC is not surprising. and we encounter Parnialdê.”82 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 Zaccagnini 1983: 250–255.

Two litres. at least one of them is from Šubria. My reading follows the copy on pl. Consider also the role of Mar-Issar. spearheaded not just by fugitives and disgraced rejects outside of the royal entourage85 but also by the rulers’ most valued specialists. Yet that the rulers of the 8th and 7th century84 would consider it appropriate to dispatch their top experts abroad on state business gives us ample opportunities to reconsider the transfer of ideas. Burkert 1983 and 1992. in the expectation to have them return reasonably soon..ME[Š] 4´ ka-a-a-m[a-nu]-te “Eight litres.BANŠUR (remainder of obverse too fragmentary). and mentions a Commagenean augur: “From the 19th day to the 23rd day five seah per day. it is clear that the Assyrian royal court indeed housed Šubrian augurs.”87 The friendly relations between Assyria and Commagene continued to blossom until the reign of Sargon II (721–705 BC) who even added the northern neighbour state of Melidu to the kingdom of his trusted ally Muwattalli (Mutallu to the Assyrians) in 711 BC.˹Šu!ub!-ri˺-a-a 2´ PAP 8 LÚ*. 27. 4.. reverse (after a break): 1´ KUR.MEŠ-šú 16´ lu-[še-bi]-la LUGAL EN li-iš-al-šú 17´ [ma-a a-na m]ì-i-ni MUŠEN. in Babylonia.] from Šubria. 83 84 85 86 87 .86 At the same time. pl.da-gíl–MUŠEN. This is a rather different scenario than the long term presence of Commagenean augurs at Kalḫu who possibly never returned to their home country. One litre. Lines 14´–15´ are quoted by Parpola 1994: XXXIV n. two seah eight litres. Wiseman 1953: 147. including that of eight augurs. While it is unknown whether Tiglath-pileser in fact summoned Parnialdê. A contemporaneous administrative memorandum lists wine libations for the gods of Kalḫu – Šamaš. the augur from Commagene.da-gíl–MUŠEN. After the Assyrian invasion in 708 BC Commagene ceased to exist as an independent state and was transformed into the province of the a-na-ku 13´ la ˹ket˺-tú ina IGI LUGAL EN-ía aq-ṭí-bi 14´ LUGAL E[N] a-na KUR. one of Esarhaddon’s scholarly advisors. One litre. r. Nabû and Ištar – and other ritual activities. Pl.MEŠ 3´ PAP 2-BÁN 8 qa SUR. But the partnership ended abruptly and brutally when Muwattalli allied himself with Urarṭu in 709 BC. Šamaš. Ištar. a total of eight augurs. [. 14 = ND 3476:1–5. In total.Šub-ri-ia-a-e liš-pur 15´ m Pa!-[ar]-na-al-de-e LÚ*. Ninurta. Ninurta.” Parker 1961: 26–27. for the table. Walter Burkert’s idea about the activities of “itinerant oriental scholars”83 to explain the “orientalizing revolution” in the Greek world was met with some scepticism.˹Ku˺-muḫ-a-a. 1´–4´: 1 8 qa ˹dŠ˺á-maš 2 2 qa dMAŠ 3 1 dAG 4 1 d15 5 1 ša GIŠ. the customary libation offerings.]bayu. 13 = ND 2442 i 6´–7´: 6´ [T]A U4–19–KÁM EN U4–23 5-BÁ[N š]a U4-me 7’ [mx x]-na-a-a LÚ*. this case suggests that experts in the royal retinue could be dispatched abroad by their patrons for short periods. One litre.MEŠ LÚ*. also and in particular from Ancient Near Eastern scholars who rather focus on the scholars’ lives in the shadow of their royal patron.MEŠ ú-ṭa-bu-ni.da-gíl–MUŠEN. [. Nabû.. probably of grain dispensed during a military campaign. specialists from Commagene continued to be active in Assyrian service: A very fragmentary administrative text lists food rations. Rollinger 1996: 206–208. Cf..234 KAREN RADNER The possibility of having the augur of the king of Šubria sent to the Assyrian court raises tantalizing possibilities for us to speculate about the way scholarly expertise was exchanged.

and 62–63 (nos. SAA 5 163. E. Upaq-Šamaš.The Assyrian King and his Scholars 235 General of the Left (turtānu šumēlu). Clearly. 60–61). he is dismissed from his post and replaced by another guard.g. with the capital Ḫamath.MEŠ] 2 [LÚ*]. nevertheless. Luukko & Van Buylaere 2002: 8–9 edit the letter as part of the correspondence of Esarhaddon but without giving their reasons. the fact that their erstwhile master was still alive must have posed a serious risk to their loyalty. was in doubt. That they had possessions with them that were worth stealing indicates that they travelled in style – a clear sign of their high status. In addition to making predictions these augurs may have conducted rituals to keep the army safe – note the rich evidence for Hittite military rituals (discussed by Beal 1995). the reference is found in a fragmentary letter from the royal correspondence that is difficult to attribute with any certainty. how much of these traditions had been passed on to the Syro-Anatolian ritual experts of the first millennium BC? SAA 16 8:1–2: 1 [Š]a LÚ*.93 Yet it seems more likely to me that the king in question is Sargon II in whose early reign the city of Ḫamath (mod.94 But after Sargon II gained control of Assyria in the aftermath of the uncertain events surrounding the death of his brother Shalmaneser V (726–722 BC) one Ilu-bi’di 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 Radner 2006c: 48–49 no.88 Muwattalli managed to flee. guaranteed them a comfortable living standard and a powerful social position. Radner 2006c: 58 (no. We can assume that although all advisers to the last ruler of Commagene were highly welcome additions to the entourage of the Assyrian king. especially so close to the Urarṭian border. Due to its abrupt beginning the tablet may be the second “page” of a letter. Yet another country of origin of an augur in the service of an Assyrian king is Ḫamath. 13. however. . 50). a military official active in the Assyrian-Urarṭian border regions. informs the king about a complaint raised by the augurs against their guard (ša-maṣṣarti) who they claim has stolen from them. thereby creating the Assyrian provinces of Ḫatarikka and Ṣimirra.91 As the augur is mentioned in conjunction with “the beginning of the reign” the letter could date to Esarhaddon’s reign92 whose correspondence occasionally refers to his heroic rise to power after his father’s Sennacherib’s murder and the omens predicting his kingship. 54). The Syrian kingdom of Ḫamath had previously lost its independence during the reign of Tiglath-pileser III who annexed the northern part of the country in 738 BC.ḫa-mat-a-a. while the southern part. Hama) played an important role. was conquered in 732 and transformed into the Assyrian provinces of Manṣuate and Ṣubutu. SAA 10 109. their strategic importance. Sargon saw it as a priority to keep the augurs happy but the fact that a guard was set aside to watch over them demonstrates that their trustworthiness.da-gíl–M[UŠEN. A letter to Sargon89 illustrates how a group of augurs travelling with the Assyrian army90 was kept under close watch. 61 (no. Sargon had taken the side of the augurs and ordered the trial of the guard and the return of their property but Upaq-Šamaš’s investigation fails to prove the guard’s guilt.

The relevant passages in SAA 12 82:6–7 and SAA 12 83 r. a goldsmith.MAŠ LÚ.da-gíl–MUŠEN [..ZU LÚ.” SAA 6 133 r..] LÚ. According to a stele erected in Ḫamath: Borowski stele.. side B:5–8: 6-LIM 3-ME LÚ. The population of Ḫamath was deported as a consequence and replaced with 6. and Ilubi’di was brought to Assyria for his public execution by flaying..]-kašir. As recorded in the appointment of Nergal-apil-kumu’a: SAA 12 82–84.]. and while the only completely preserved name.NAGAR LÚ.100 Then. Augurs are also mentioned. physician....]-lamur. a carpenter. however.. an exorcist. the revolt was subdued in 720 BC. a smith. diviner. possibly Anatolian names (Kanni.MAŠ].236 KAREN RADNER (also called Iau-bi’di)95 started a rebellion in Ḫamath that quickly led most western provinces to rise against Sargon’s rule. LÚ. who seem to have been relocated to the new royal residence just like Assurnaṣirpal II had personnel moved from Assur to Kalḫu almost two centuries before. SAA 16 8:5–8: 5 at-ta-ṣa-áš-šú ki-i [an-ni-i] 6 [q]ar-ba-ti-ia ina IGI [x x x] 7 [nu]-uk LÚ*.dagíl–MUŠEN.[. Frahm 1997: 158.102 When discussing the list of experts at court from which our study took its departure we have already encountered augurs during the time of Esarhaddon (680– 669 BC) as a well established faction of the king’s scholarly entourage..98 and it is not surprising that the art of augury was practised there.MEŠ.. Tawari. like Kummuḫḫu and Šubria.]: ‘Let the augur learn!’”97 Ḫamath was. Babiri. a region steeped in its ancient Syro-Anatolian heritage. If we turn to the reign of Sennacherib (704–681 BC). . smith. a physician. a [. a [.” Edition: Hawkins 2004: 160–161. there had been no mention of augurs101 which supports the notion that augurs were only introduced to the royal entourage at a later moment. Nanna). 69 + 121 + 67 + 117: [.].300 guilty Assyrians and had mercy on them.. a fragmentary passage of what may be an account of the building works of Nineveh in an inscription from the aqueduct at Jerwan mentions a sequence of scholars and craftsmen. and I settled them in the country of Ḫamath.Aš-šur-a-a 6 7 8 EN ḫi-iṭ-ṭi gíl-la-su-nu a-miš-ma re-e-ma ar-ši-šú-nu-ti-ma ina qé-reb KUR. again is unusual the other names seem to be Assyrian: [.A. Ubru-[...SIMUG LÚ. Our letter may need to be seen in this historical context.[MEŠ] 8 [li]l-mu-du..8: IGI m[x x x x x]x da-gíl–MUŠEN. The presence of a sizable number of augurs in Sennacherib’s Nineveh is confirmed by a court decision drawn up in 694 BC which deals with a burglary committed by one Kaskayu “The Kaškean” and four other men with foreign. the following witnesses are identified as augurs by using the ditto sign.KÙ.DÍM LÚ.ḫa-ma-ti ú-šešib-šú-nu-ti “I disregarded the crimes of 6. The only passage that is sufficiently clear seems to refer to the augur’s relocation to Assyria and his inauguration into his new surroundings: “I brought him here and personally said the following in front of [. unfortunately in broken context. no. Hawkins 2000: 398–403. an augur..5 list the sequence of “scribe.300 “guilty Assyrians” who had been pardoned by Sargon96 – these people surely had not supported his claim to the throne. in an oracle related to Esarhaddon 95 96 97 98 99 100 101 102 Hawkins 2000: 401.] and [. goldmith.]...... six augurs are among the witnesses. exorcist. Takali. “[.]”99.

a Šubrian augur. the last Šubrian king. the exorcists. advocated by Luukko & Van Buylaere 2002: XXXIX. .da-gíl–˹MUŠEN˺. The situation may have escalated due to the fact that the murderers of Esarhaddon’s predecessor Sennacherib were rumoured to have found refuge in the area.104 It is certainly relevant to note here that Šubrian independence ended during Esarhaddon’s reign with the conquest and subsequent integration into the Assyrian empire in 673 BC. a hallmark of the Syro-Anatolian ritual tradition. is also mentioned in a short administrative memorandum. ZT 12048:12–13: 12 IGI mMU–GIŠ LÚ*. SAA 10 7.e.103 and when the chief scribe Issar-šumu-ereš reported on the preparations for the scholars “staying in the palace and living in the city” to take the loyalty oath sworn in 672 BC on occasion of Esarhaddon’s new succession arrangements. The latest evidence was only recently excavated in Ziyaret Tepe. The hitherto trusted ally stood accused of harbouring Esarhaddon’s enemies. which can be dated shortly after the conquest of Egypt in 671 BC. Edition: Parpola 2008: 98–100 no. the diviners.108 This man. 4–5. Note also the possible connection with the letter SAA 16 164. he listed “the scribes (i. by Šumma-lešir. According to the reconstruction of Reade 1998: 257 Nabû-tappûtu-alik was eponym of the year 616 BC. Known from the information preserved in Esarhaddon’s Letter to the Gods (Borger 1956: 105 Götterbrief II ii 18–27). they also worked as ritual experts. Yet Šubrian augurs continued to practice also in their native lands. the physicians and the augurs”. While the evidence for the activities of the augurs in 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 SAA 9 2 iii 2´: LÚ. It was established Assyrian practice to drain an annexed country of its specialists. and the augurs hitherto in the service of the Šubrian royal house would have certainly been considered for the scholarly entourage of Esarhaddon. to which their designation refers. astrologers).109 As is so often the case with professional titles. Edition: Parpola 2008: 40–44 nos. among others. They were considered authorities in the containment of epidemics wrecking armies on campaign and typically practised rituals of the scapegoat type.107 is witnessed. partially preserved in the fragmentary envelope ZT 12049 r. may well have been former advisers of Ik-Teššup. one of the very last eponyms of the Assyrian empire. Beyond the art of augury. The three augurs in the already discussed list of experts at court. see the discussion by Leichty 1991: 54. ZT 13463:5: LÚ*. or another augur.5. the ancient Assyrian provincial capital of Tušḫan: A private legal document dated to the year of the chief eunuch Nabû-tappûtu-alik. and all efforts of the Šubrian king Ik-Teššup to convince Esarhaddon of his loyalty proved to be in vain.˹da-gíl˺–MUŠEN 13 Šub-˹ri-i˺a-a-a. the literal translation of dāgil iṣṣūri as “bird watcher” is far too restrictive to do justice to the expertise of these scholars of the Syro-Anatolian tradition.da-[gí]l–[MUŠE]N. The political context of the annexation of Šubria is also discussed by Dezsö 2006: 35–37. a prophetess of Ištar from Kalḫu.105 That Šubria was very much part of the Syro-Anatolian cultural horizon is again highlighted by the fact that Ik-Teššup attempted to reverse the Assyrian invasion by having an elaborate scapegoat ritual106 performed – as we have already discussed. 25.[(MEŠ)].The Assyrian King and his Scholars 237 by Urkittu-šarrat.

4. Archi 1982. The presence of these foreign experts at the royal court of Nineveh illustrates its cosmopolitan nature. an inferior copy of Babylonian developments and sophistication. certain phenomena like the treaty tradition that seem to indicate a cultural continuum from the Hittite to the Neo-Assyrian Empire may have been adapted from Anatolia only in the first millennium. then. foreshadowing Achaemenid palace life.238 KAREN RADNER the Assyrian empire is admittedly limited we have nevertheless been able to trace their presence at the royal court and on military campaigns for about 200 years from the reign of Adad-nerari III to the final years of the Assyrian empire. When the cultural relationship between Syro-Anatolia and Mesopotamia is considered we must not limit ourselves to the Hittite imperial period110 – our survey of the role of the augurs in Assyria has highlighted that there were ample opportunities for the intellectual exchange between the scholars of the Syro-Anatolian and the Mesopotamian tradition in the service of the Assyrian kings. Not all of these traditions are equally visible but this must not stop us from looking for them. via states like Commagene. befitting the rulers of the entire world as they styled themselves. . OUTSIDE INFLUENCE AT THE ASSYRIAN ROYAL COURT Let us conclude.g. The Assyrian kings employed not only Mesopotamian scholars as their advisors but also experts from foreign schools of thought. rather than Demotic and Hieratic. with the ḫarṭibē their Egyptian counterpart while the “Egyptian scribes” were probably valued for their skill in the hieroglyphic writing system. 110 E. Instead. Assyrian civilization cannot just be seen as part of the Mesopotamian tradition or. The “bird watchers” represent specialists in the Syro-Anatolian tradition of ritual and divination. worse. it is a colourful amalgam of features of the many local cultures out of which the Assyrian Empire was forged but also of those with which it was allied.

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CT 36 = BUDGE 1921. NATAPA = DELLER. CT 53 = PARPOLA 1979. ePSD = The electronic Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. F. MDP 4 = SCHEIL 1902. OMA 1–2 = SAPORETTI 1970. ARRIM = Annual Review of the Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project. ARI = Assyrian Royal Inscriptions. Baghdad. BAK = HUNGER 1968. AT = field numbers of tablets excavated at Arslantepe. 1998–2006. DAW = KÄMMERER & SCHWIDERSKI 1998. NAT = PARPOLA 1970a. MARV 2 = FREYDANK 1982. Assur. FALES & JAKOB-ROST 1995. BBR = ZIMMERN 1901. PNA 1/ II = RADNER 1999d. PNA 3/I = BAKER 2002. KAI = DONNER & RÖLLIG 1962–1964. DISO = JEAN & HOFTIJZER 1965. KUB 43 = RIEMSCHNEIDER 1972. BBSt = KING 1912. CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago 1955–. DB = Darius’ Behistun inscription. MAss = siglum of texts excavated in the German excavations at Assur in 1990. BIN 2 = NIES & KEISER 1920. GCCI 1 = DOUGHERTY 1923a. MDOG = Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft. Bab = field numbers of tablets excavated at Babylon. PNA 2/II = BAKER 2001. Ann. Istanbul. PSD = Pennsylvania Sumerian Dictionary. EA = KNUDTZON 1915. NAOMA = FREYDANK & SAPORETTI 1979. PKTA = EBELING 1950. KBo 28 = KÜMMEL 1998. Ki = tablets in the collections of the British Museum. . DJBA = SOKOLOFF 2002b. = VON SODEN 1958–1981. CRRAI = Compte rendu. AO = tablets in the collections of the Musée du Louvre. PRT = KLAUBER 1913. CTN 3 = DALLEY & POSTGATE 1984.). PNA 1/I = RADNER 1998. MARV 1 = FREYDANK 1976. SAGGS. BIN 1 = KEISER 1918. = EVETTS 1892. CTN 4 = WISEMAN & BLACK 1996. AHw. MSL = Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon. ND = field numbers of tablets excavated at Nimrud. CT 40 = GADD 1927. NWL = KINNIER WILSON 1972. CTN 2 = POSTGATE 1973a. FLP = tablets in the collections of the Free Library of Philadelphia. PNA 2/I = BAKER 2000. MZL = BORGER 2004. = Annals. CT 38 = GADD 1925. NALK = KWASMAN 1988. BaM = Baghdader Mitteilungen. KAJ = EBELING 1927. AR = KOHLER & UNGNAD 1913. KAR = EBELING 1919. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale. HED = PUHVEL 1984–.502 ABBREVIATIONS A = tablets in the collections of Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzereli. MARV 4 = FREYDANK 2001. BM = tablets in the collections of the British Museum. CTN 1 = KINNIER WILSON 1972. HAL = KOEHLER & BAUMGARTNER 1994–2000. LS = BROCKELMANN 1928. NL = H. IM = tablets in the collections of the Iraq Museum. LAS II = PARPOLA 1983. Ass = siglum of texts excavated in the German excavations in Assur. K = tablets in the Kuyunjik collection of the British Museum. ANOR 8 = POHL 1933. CDA = BLACK. ADD = JOHNS 1898–1923. Ner. PBS 10/1 = LANGDON 1915. W. ETCSL = BLACK et al. The Nimrud Letters (Iraq 17 [1955]. etc. DJPA = SOKOLOFF 2002a. CT 54 = DIETRICH 1979. Ass = field numbers of tablets excavated at Assur. CTN 5 = SAGGS 2001. ABL = HARPER 1892–1914. PVA = LANDSBERGER & GURNEY 1957/58. FGrH = JACOBY 1926. EŞ = Eski Şark Eserleri Müzesi of the Arkeoloji Müzeleri. GEORGE & POSTGATE 2000. DNWSI = HOFTIJZER & JONGELING 1995.

SAA 8 = HUNGER 1992. Berlin. SAA 14 = MATTILA 2002. St. RIMA 2 = GRAYSON 1991. SAA 13 = COLE & MACHINIST 1998. RIMA 1 = GRAYSON 1987. TCL 3 = THUREAU-DANGIN 1912. SAA 6 = KWASMAN & PARPOLA 1991. SpTU 4 = VON WEIHER 1993. SpTU 3 = VON WEIHER 1988. RGTC 11 = VALLAT 1983. Rm = tablets in the collections of the British Museum. SAA 2 = PARPOLA & WATANABE 1988. UET 6 = GADD & KRAMER 1963–1966. RIMB 2 = FRAME 1995. YOS 17 = WEISBERG 1980. SAA 3 = LIVINGSTONE 1989. SAA 10 = PARPOLA 1993. TCL 13 = CONTENAU 1929. SAA 7 = FALES & POSTGATE 1992. SAA 15 = FUCHS & PARPOLA 2001. TUL = EBELING 1931. VA = siglum of objects in the Vorderasiatisches Museum. SAA 9 = PARPOLA 1997. Th = tablets in the collections of the British Museum. SAA 17 = DIETRICH 2003. StAT 2 = DONBAZ & PARPOLA 2001. RGTC 8 = ZADOK 1985.Bibliography 503 RGTC 7/I = BAGG 2007. . SAA 5 = LANFRANCHI & PARPOLA 1990. Berlin. SAA 11 = FALES & POSTGATE 1995. YOS 6 = DOUGHERTY 1923b. VAT = tablets in the collections of the Staatliche Museen. YBC = siglum of tablets in the Yale Babylonian Collection. SAA 16 = LUUKKO & VAN BUYLAERE 2002. RIME 4 = FRAYNE 1990. UT = GORDON 1965. SpTU 2 = VON WEIHER 1983. TCL 9 = CONTENAU 1926. SAA 12 = KATAJA & WHITING 1995. Sm = tablets in the collections of the British Museum. RIMA 3 = GRAYSON 1996. STT 1 = GURNEY & FINKELSTEIN 1957. TEBR = JOANNÈS 1982. STT 2 = GURNEY & HULIN 1964. ZT = field numbers of tablets excavated at Ziyaret Tepe. SAA 4 = STARR 1990. YOS 3 = CLAY 1919. SAA 1 = PARPOLA 1987. = Stele. SAA 18 = REYNOLDS 2003. TCL 12 = CONTENAU 1927. TCL 16 = DE GENOUILLAC 1930.

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