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Hill (Originally published in the Indo-Iranian Journal 31 (1988), 179-190, with some minor changes and Chinese Romanizations changed from the Wade-Giles to Pinyin system). The oasis of Khotan is strategically located at the junction of the southern (and most ancient) branch of the famous “Silk Route” joining China and the West with one of the main routes from India and Tibet to Central Asia and China. It provided a convenient meeting place where not only goods, but technologies, philosophies, and religions were transmitted from one culture to another. Khotan, from the traditional time of its founding during the reign of the great Indian emperor Aśoka Maurya (c. 269 to 231 B.C.) until the Muslim conquest c. 1006 A.D., had a tempestuous history and suffered many invasions. However, for much of this period it was a very important and influential centre of Buddhist learning and culture. The early history and long lost language of the ancient kingdom of Khotan have been gradually pieced together by the diligent efforts of a remarkable assembly of adventurers and scholars from many countries.1 We are fortunate in now having a relative abundance of information on Khotan readily available for study. The main historical sources are to be found in the Chinese histories (particularly detailed during the Han and early Tang dynasties), the accounts of several Chinese pilgrim monks, a few Buddhist histories of Khotan that have survived in Tibetan, and a large number of documents in Khotanese and other languages discovered, for the most part, early this century at various sites in the Tarim basin and from the hidden library at the “Caves of the Thousand Buddhas” near Dunhuang. The Li yul luṅ-bstan-pa or ‘Prophecy of the Li Country’2 is of great historical interest. It has been preserved as part of the Tibetan Tanjur but its use of many Khotanese names and terms3 indicate that it was either originally translated from Khotanese or written by someone with direct access to Khotanese sources. The few dates given in the text are sometimes contradictory and most are implausible. Attempts to identify the kings listed in it with the Khotanese kings mentioned in the Chinese histories (which are generally accurately dated) have proved difficult.4 The names the Chinese recorded for the Khotanese kings show little resemblance to the kings’ names in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ which are mainly of Indian origin. To add to the confusion, the same name is frequently used for more than one king. The ‘Prophecy of the Li Country’ may usefully be looked at as consisting of five main sections:
the fifth. An introduction which includes a mythologised account of the founding of Khotan during the reign of Aśoka Maurya (c. An account.D. this does not appear to be the case but. no surprise to find one of the Mgars.a. c. Kashgar and Suj-ab or Tokmak 19 ) from the Chinese who were unable to regain supremacy in the region until 692 A.17 In 670 A. though shorter.D.13 He was. apparently. of Kucha. and the reestablishment of .6 This story may well include genuine historical information. Khotan. therefore. states that: “This vihāra was built at the time when the Li country was attached long ago to the Tibetan dominions and was governed by the Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-stoṅ”11 This Mgar minister is undoubtedly the same person as the “Mgar Bćan-ñen Guṅ-rton” who. was disgraced by the Tibetan king ‘Dus-sro.D. This makes it very difficult. Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston. information from at least two sources seems to have been haphazardly combined. It is. The rest are simply listed by the numbers of generations.D. A similar. while discussing the foundation of the Bhabaña vihāra by King Vijaya Kīrti and his consort.20 The Mgar brothers personally led the armies which responsible for the rapid expansion of the Tibetan empire at this period. to determine the original order of events.8 Although it presents itself (like section c) as being in chronological order. and youngest. according to the ‘Tibetan Annals’ found near Dunhuang12. His governorship of Khotan must have been for some period between the Tibetan conquest of Khotan in 670 A. which includes some interesting statistics on the Buddhist community in Khotan.D.D.5 b. of the reigns of “fifty-six generations of kings of Li and one regent”. d. section dealing with the queens and convents of Khotan. rather. apparently in chronological order. governing Khotan as recorded in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. if not impossible. A preface. 269 to 231 B. the five15 brothers virtually ruled Tibet between them16 until King ‘Dus-sro.’14 After their father’s death in 667 A.D. at this time.) brutally restored the power of the monarchy between 695 and 699 A. the Tibetans took the “Four Garrisons of Anxi”18 (which consisted.C. and executed in 695 A.).9 The following is an attempt to establish some dates for the period of the final seven reigns and the one regency contained in section c: King Vijaya Kīrti (III)10 The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. son of the famous Tibetan prime minister Mgar stong btsan yul bzung. (r. A summing-up. e. 676-703 or 704 A.7 It gives details on the reigns of only those kings who supported Buddhism by building vihāras (monasteries).
There is further support for this identification. the kingdom of Yutian (Khotan) was constituted into the Government of Pishan and its territory was divided into ten wards. the outline of the story is basically the same and they don’t contradict each other. being small. The king of Yutian (Khotan).”27 The Cefuyuangui states: ‘ln the first month of the second shang-yüan year (675 A.D.D. Yuchi (Weichi)28 Fudu Xiong.D. 688 A. and while the son. came in person to render homage at the court.”29 Further on it states that: “In the twelfth month of the second t’ien-shou year (early 692 A. was unable to return. are identical to Fudu Xiong and his son Jing in the Chinese texts.D. must also have occurred within this period. King Vijaya Vikrama23 by name. “At the beginning of the shan-yüan period (674-675 A..). younger brothers.D. and the construction of the Bhabaña vihāra. As he had acquired merit by fighting with the Tubo (Tibetans). The Khotanese monk Devendraprajña (or Devendrajñāna)31 arrived in China c. The evidence suggests that King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV) and his son. the king of Yutian (Khotan) Yü(-ch’ih) Fudu Xiong being dead his son Jing was named king of Yutian.D. He was given the prestigious position of leading the translation team installed by the Empress Wu in the Eastern Weiguo monastery at .22 If this identification is correct then the Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston must have governed Khotan sometime between 670 and 674 A. went to China and on the way back to the Li country. and written from quite different points of view. a Li minister called ‘Amacha Khemeg acted as regent for twelve years.). As we know the Chinese did not regain control of the “Four Garrisons” until 692 A.Chinese power in 692 A.24 This account finds an interesting parallel in the Chinese texts: The Xin Tang shu says. was probably identical with the Fudu Xiong of the Chinese sources who came (or fled) with his family and followers to China in 674 A.D.. King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV). the empress Wu put his son Jing26 on the throne. Regent ‘Amacha Khemeg and King Vijaya Vikrama Immediately following the account of the reign of King Vijaya Kī rti (III) the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ states: Then after that King Vijaya Sagrāma and his son. was named governor of Pishan because of the merit he had acquired by attacking the Tubo (Tibetans).. it seems most unlikely that Fudu Xiong ever returned to Khotan but probably died in China (like King Vijaya Sagrāma).D. The father died in China. as will be shown in the next section. Then King Vijaya Sagrāma’s son.). the Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great. after fighting with the Tibetans. King Vijaya Kīrti (111)21 was followed by King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV) who. built for his pious friend. as well as the end of Vijaya Kīrti’s reign. He divided it into ten wards and conferred on Fudu Xiong the title of Governor. the vihāra Byi-za-gre-rma. their route was restricted by a Dru-gu (Turk) army. Fudu Xiong) leading his retinue of his sons. (the king of Khotan. having returned to the Li country. and high dignitaries numbering seventy people. King Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger. bringing with him more than a hundred Sanskrit texts..”30 In spite of the fact that the Tibetan and Chinese accounts are brief. King Vijaya Vikrama. On the death (of Fudu Xiong)25. the emperor made of his territory the Government of Pisha.
while the Tibetans were still in control of the area. Yuchi Tiao was beheaded by the Chinese in 725 A.) who “until that time had been the only Tripitaka of the empire”. King Vijaya Dharma (III) King Vijaya Vikrama was followed by King Vijaya Dharma (III)34 who can probably be equated with Yuchi Tiao although the evidence is limited to their corresponding positions in the Chinese and Tibetan listings.D.D. about the same time that Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama) returned to Khotan Amacha Khemeg is said to have acted as regent for twelve years while King Vijaya Sagrāma’s son was small. In 728 A.32 Devendraprajña was famed for his knowledge and was given the titles “Master of the Law” and “Tripitaka”. for conspiring with the Tujue (Turks) to rebel. which would explain why the regency is not mentioned in the Chinese texts. after his return to Khotan. It would therefore seem likely that the regency lasted from c.D.D. built a vihāra for his “pious friend” Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great (dgra-bcom-pa debendra chen-gyi).D. who is the only king in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ given the title “chen-po” or “the Great”. Unfortunately he died shortly afterwards at Luoyang in 691 or 692 A.35 King Vijaya Sabhava (II) The next king listed in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. In the corresponding . If I am correct in this identification then we must assume that King Vijaya Vikrama built the vihāra of Byi-źa-gre-rma in remembrance of his pious friend as Devendraprajña died in Luoyang in late 691 or 692 A. 680 to 692 A.D.38 King Vijaya Vahana the Great King Vijaya Sabhava (II) was followed by King Vijaya Vāhana the Great (bijaya bo-han chen-po)39.. Fushizhan was officially given the title “King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor. They almost certainly would have met each other in Luoyang.D. King Vijaya Sabhava (II)36.D.. In the quote from the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ above it is stated that King Vijaya Vikrama.33 This Devendraprajña would have been in Luoyang for the last three or four years of Fudu Jing’s long sojourn at the capital before he was placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese in 692 A. His relatives and followers were exterminated and another prince was appointed by the Chinese.Luoyang after the death of Divakara (early 688 A. The similarity between the two names and the use of the title “chen-gyi” or “the Great” strongly suggest that the “Master of the Law” and “Tripitaka” Devendraprajña was the same person as Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great. similarly corresponds with Yuchi Fushizhan37 who was probably the prince appointed by the Chinese after they executed Yuchi Tiao in 725 A.
therefore.D. when religion (dharma) first arose in the Li country. when Prince Yehu-la’s son King Vijaya Sabhava had been King for five years. It is of interest to note that ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’ state that “from the rise of the religion .48 It seems almost certain. describe the flight of Buddhist monks from Khotan after persecution by an anti-Buddhist king. They headed first to Gandhara and. which was probably in early 740 A.)46. the rise of anti-Buddhist factions in Tibet forced them to flee again.D. the religion (dharma) first arose in the Li country.D.position in the Chinese texts is Fudu Da40 who succeeded to the throne in 736 A. Queen Kon-co.) and that “A hundred and sixty-five years after the origin of the Li country.52 If Yuchi Kuei succeeded Fudu Da in 736 or 737 A.50 This seems to be a mistake. 269-231 B. there are 1. King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ was. that Yuchi Kuei is identical to the Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’.D.C.256 years. after the death of Yuchi Fushizhan. (and definitely between 739 and 741 A. although differing somewhat in details.47 The Chinese sources mention that Fudu Da was succeeded on his death by Yuchi Kuei whose wife was granted the title of “Princess” by the Chinese court in 740 A. completed during the reign of King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan.49 ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’ state that the Khotanese monks spent twelve years in Tibet. The monks fled to Tibet where they were initially welcomed and protected by the Chinese wife of the Tibetan king. down to the last intercalary autumn month of the Dog Year. to Kauśāmbī in central India where the monks finally ended up quarrelling and slaughtering each other. presumably King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan. several centuries after the last king named in the book.45 After her death. 740 A.C.D. grandson of King Sa-nu.D. and the composition of the work well into the Muslim period.44 The latter two documents. there would have been time for the monks to have been in Tibet for three or four years before the death of Queen Kon-co in c.”53 Earlier in the text it is stated that Khotan was founded during the reign of King Aśoka Maurya of India54 (reigned c. Date of the composition of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ states that: “Reckoning from the time of King Vijaya Sabhava. apparently.41 This is the same ruler as the Bćanlegs mentioned in ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’42 (a document discovered in the hidden library near Dunhuang) and the Rje Bćun-legs43 in whose lifetime ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ is said to have been written. ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ gives the more likely figure of three years51 while ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat of Li’ says that Queen Kon-co died “three or four years” after the arrival of the monks in Tibet.”55 This would place the introduction of Buddhism to Khotan early in the 1st century B. after a continuing series of misfortunes.
D. probably came to the throne c. Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama) sends an ambassador 717 A. remains unknown although it was probably roughly contemporary with the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’...62 Unfortunately. ‘Amacha Khemeg is regent of Khotan. appears immediately prior to the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ in the Tibetan Tanjur.D. who.D. and his son and successor.59 it was presumably backdated to make it appear to be a true prophecy. 866 A. presumably during the reign of King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan (= Yuchi Kuei).. therefore.680-c. is placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese. c.D. seven hundred and thirty-three. as this work mentions events which occurred after 739 A. was ruling by 747 A..692 A. 770-c.57 The only Dog year in this period was 746 A. Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama). the mention of the Dog year above. However.60 The related work. Stein suggests63 that Facheng may have played a part in the drafting of the Tibetan version.. Similarly.D.D.). his family and followers go to China after fighting with the Tibetans. ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat(s) of Li (Khotan)’ 61. Fudu Xiong (Vijaya Sagrāma IV). 670-673 A.”56 Here we have an even more impossible dating for the same period and are thus compelled to reject them both. provides a clue. may be dated to 739 A. although R. PROPOSED CHRONOLOGY 670 A. The Tibetans defeat the Chinese and take control of the ‘Four Garrisons. which was composed according to “calculation made by the assembled Pandits of Li in the Hare year during the lifetime of the Li king Rje Bćun-legs.D. therefore.D. Yuchi Kuei.’ Khotan helps the Tibetans conquer Aksu.(of Buddha) there had passed years a thousand.. King Vijaya Kīrti III builds the Bhabaña vihāra. quite likely by one of the monks who had fled to central India. nor the translator of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ are known. They are unable to return to Khotan.. However.”58. It was translated into Chinese by the bilingual monk Fach’eng (c.D.D. 692 A.D. that the work was compiled in 746 A.D. Yuchi Sheng..D. ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’. 674 A.D.A. son of Fudu Xiong (Vijaya Sagrāma IV). was definitely ruling in 740 A. as shown above. The actual date of composition. at the latest. c. . 737 A.. It would appear. During the period from king Earth-Breast (Sa-nu) to the Li ruler Bćan-legs fifty-six generations of kings. Khotan governed by Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston. neither the author.
1903. Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sambhava II) officially given the title “King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor. 787 A.D.. Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême Orient.D.D. The Chinese emperor bestows a title on his wife. . c.D. 746 A. 736 A. (between 639 and 741 A. Petersburg.D. The refugee monks are forced to leave for Gandhāra. after going to China and marrying an imperial princess.D.D. 747 A. Yuchi Sheng hands over the government of Khotan to his younger brother. 756 A. c. which includes the following item. Yuchi Tiao (Vijaya Dharma Ill) is beheaded by the Chinese for conspiring with the Turks.. helps the Chinese defeat “Little Bolu” (the Gilgit valley). 725 A. ABBREVIATIONS AM BEFEO Asia Major. 740 A. Shih-hu (Jabgu) Yao. Taiwan. Chavannes. Reprint.D. The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ is completed.) the Chinese Queen Ko-co of Tibet dies.D. The monks flee to Tibet. Documents sur les Toukiue (Turcs) occidentaux.to China. 737 A. 740 A. Yuchi Sheng. 728 A. c. Documents. Edouard Chavannes. St. Yuchi Yao still ruling Khotan at the time of Wukong’s visit..D. The Chinese emperor bestows a title on the wife of Yuchi Kuei (Bćan-bzaṅ Bćan-la Brtan). Fudu Da (Vijaya Vāhana the Great) succeeds Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sabhava II). Yuchi Kuei (Bćan-bzaṅ Bćan-la Brtan) succeeds Fudu Da (Vijaya Vāhana the Great) and begins his persecution of Khotanese Buddhists.D. 1969. Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sabhava II) is placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese.
i. however. Paul Pelliot. Emmerick (TTCK. 1967. gives the title as Li-yul-gyi-lo-rgyus or ‘The Annals of the Li Country’. one which is also found by itself in a Chinese version and in three Tibetan manuscripts discovered near Dunhuang. 1981. DTT HADT HERCT JA TLT TTCK 1967. Aurel Stein’s Ancient Khotan (1907).). however. E. ‘Notes additionelles sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaux’. Paris. W. The History of Early Relations between China and Tibet. There are. the same name Emmerick gives to the previous work! To further 1 . Don Y. W. iv. JRAS (1972). 2. p. Thomas. 1940-1946. London. F. p. Emmerick. H. R. p. Bacot. Edouard Chavannes. two translations of the work into English. Documents de Touenhouang relatifs à l’histoire du Tibet. Histoire Ancienne du Tibet. Introductions in English to the history of ancient Khotan may be found in M. London. i. 1935-1963. 77. J. 1935. ). Journal Asiatique. Thomas (TLT. Thomas. Thomas. 1) as his is the most recent of the two. Bailey’s paper ‘The Kingdom of Khotan’ (Australian National University. W. Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents Concerning Chinese Turkestan.Chavannes. F. 2 There appears to be some disagreement about the name of this text. pp. 123-184. Bloomington. I should also mention Bailey’s five lectures in The Culture of the Sakas in ancient Iranian Khotan delivered at Columbia University in 1979 and published in 1982. Paris. 1-15. Bailey’s Khotanese Texts. T’oung Pao sér. Tibetan Texts Concerning Khotan. currently. NOTES Quotations from French texts have been rendered into English by the author. 89). Although I have not yet been able to obtain them. and his ‘A HalfCentury of Irano-Indian Studies’. pp. 1. W. Romanizations of Chinese words have been standardised according to the Wade-Giles system. F.). 1-110. pp. II. V (1904). p. Emmerick (TTCK. I have followed here the usage of R. pp. Notes addit. 1961. 1-18 (including a good short bibliography of the various expeditions on p. gives its name as Lihi-yul-lun-bstan-pa or ‘The Prophecy of the Li Country’ (TLT. 1971). 99-110. Toussaint. Lee. n. (1961). pp. shorter. Ch. E.) calls it the Li yul-gyi dgra-bcom-bas lu-bstan-pa. In the Tibetan Tanjur this work is found combined with another. parts i-iv.
14 . 179. 11 12 DTT. 90-97.” (D. 59. pp. p. i. Pulleyblank. (H. pp. 9. Ryūkoku Daigaku ronshū. Stein.D. 2. See TTCK. See E. pp. pp. 87. 3-7. Y. 21-63. Bailey. 10 TTCK. iii. iv.. and ‘Succession and Chronology of the Viśa Royal Family in Khotan’ by T. TTCK. Thomas. pp. and from 791 to about 850 A.) The mgar family or clan is only known to have been prominent in the first period. 73-75.. 1963. 63-73. pp. W. 1985.D. 13 The Jiu Tang-shu says: “Mgar sto-brćan yul-zun had five sons. p. vii. G. pp. Khotanese Texts. H. Part 1. 1963. TTCK. Khotan was controlled by Tibet for only two periods. 27-43 (in Japanese). iv. Apr. his second son was Qinling. vii. G. Khotanese Texts. who died young. 364. TTCK. W. Additionally. 99-101. Khotanese Texts. 15. p. 110-141. Lee. Khotanese kings see ‘The Date of the Staël-Holstein Roll’ by E. pp.the confusion Thomas translates its title. It would seem most unlikely that there would be two such prominent men at the same period with the same names. For discussions of the name mgar (‘Gar) see R. vol. Pulleyblank. p. iv. xii. pp. Bailey. as ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat (or Arhats?) of Li (Khotan)’. Inoguchi.) 3 See F. ‘The Language of Ancient Khotan’. W. and the fifth one was Polun. G. A. 330-333 and H. 71. the eldest one was called Zanxiruo. p. pp. the fourth one was Xiduogan sitokan.s. p. 254-255. n.D. HERCT. TTCK. 3. 38 That their names are identical is obvious. the third son was Tsanp’o. 2. (TLT. Earlier attempts to date the kings listed in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ include ‘The Dates in Saka texts from Khotan and Tun-huang’ by Sten Konow in Acta Orientalia. p. W. See TLT. Thomas transcribes the name of this minister as Btsan-ñin (ñen) Guṅ-ston (rton). 1929. 1961. and E. 7-21. AM. pp. F. ibid. 66-76. p. Pelliot. AM. Bailey. For the dates of some 10th century A. which is given in the colophon. See also P. 6 7 8 9 I have followed throughout the numbering used by Emmerick for kings sharing the same name. 1925. 4 5 TTCK. No. TTCK. p. pp. W. Vol. pp. between 670 and 692 A. p. Pulleyblank’s note in TTCK. iv. 100. ‘Deux Notules d’Histoire Ancienne du Tibet’ in JA. xi.
the emperor Kao Tsung “conferred on (Fudu Xin) the title Great General of the Valiant Guards of the Right. n. bringing (with them the men of) Yü-tien (Khotan). and Polu is Mgar brćan-ñen guṅ-rton (HERCT. His older as well as younger brothers all had superior ability. six thousand pieces of linen and silk and a princely 21 .D. He gave him a robe. 90-92. In 649 A. p. p. 15. 12.D. 38.) The Xin Tang-shu states: “Ch’in-ling was all-powerful in the (Tibetan) state for a long time. DTT. 11. It is not possible to confidently identify King Vijaya Kī rti with any of the Khotanese named in the Chinese accounts. 85). However. and the various Ch’iang tribes were afraid of them.). Tsanp’o is bTsan-ha. in particular. p. The ‘Four Garrisons’ of Anxi were then subdued. 113. 94. There is a possibility that he was Shih-hu (Jabgu) Tien. the list in the C’hiu Tangshu (see note 14 above) seems so definite I have accepted its version. 7. i. The Xin Tang-shu states that in 670 A. . to the town situated near this river. 91.D. 10. 2. n. 86. as does the Xin Tangshu (HADT.. pp. they took the town of Po-huan (Aksu). 25) says: “In T’ufan. The masses feared them. pp. Choephel.e. Chavannes states (ibid. W. 11. p. 15 The Jiu Tang-shu (HERCT. pp.HADT. 2).) Lee identifies the Tibetan names of these brothers as follows: Tsanhsijo is Mgar bćan-sña hdom-bu (d.g.” (See also HADT.” (From HADT. pp. Ch’in-ling is Khri-bri bćan-lod. p.. 19 20 HERCT.. Karashar replaced Tokmak as one of the ‘Four Garrisons’. 24. Khri-bri btsan-lod (Ch’in-ling) always stayed in the centre of T’ufan and administered the national affairs. 22. ever since the minister Khri-bri btsan-lod (lun Ch’in-ling) and his brothers came to control the army. (Among them) Tsan-p’o had total power over the eastern territories where he was a plague on our frontiers for nearly 30 years. 39. Tokmak..) 18 Chavannes. a sash. 685 A.D. The White Annals. pp. (Besides). and made trouble on the border. p. Some authors (e. son of Fudu Xin (who ruled from at least 640 to 649 A.” (From HADT. he constantly resided in the central district so as to direct affairs. pp. 94. His younger brothers commanded troops at the various cardinal points. the Tibetans “invaded and plundered 18 vassal prefectures’. 29) list only four Mgar brothers. G. Documents. HADT. In 719 A. p. (a dependency) of Jiu-tzu (Kucha). All these brothers had talents of the first order. Tibet: A Political History. Shakabpa. Hsitokan is Sta-gu. p. bTsan-ba was steadily in the eastern frontier facing China over thirty years.) 16 17 HADT. 21. 359) that Sui-shih transcribes the name ‘Suj’ which refers to the Suj-ab (or Chu) River and.D. 23.). p. His young brothers were dispatched to the outlying areas.D.
Chavannes and several other early writers transcribed it as Wei. n.. Documents. 1965. 19. 127. just before Fudu Jing was placed on the throne in 692 A. p. Aurel Stein.. pp.. the Little Yuezhi.) It is not known if Tien ever came to power. One text. 1. Documents. died in China and Vijaya Vikrama (presumably a younger brother) took the throne.. 679 A... Ancient Khotan. 26 27 Chavannes. The fact that the Tibetans retained control of the ‘Four Garrisons’ until 692 A. 3. p. by Burton Watson. Chavannes. 2. p. Shjii.. 126. changed Wei to Yu. did settle in the “Southern Mountains” to the northwest of Lake Kokonor in the time of the Former Han dynasty. (Fudu Xin) asked that his sons and younger brothers be incorporated in the Imperial Guard.. Two famous Khotanese painters working in China also had this surname: Yuchi Bochina (early 7th 28 . 127.residence.. as the text seems to imply. King Vijaya Kī rti could well have been a later successor.D. presenting various animals to the court.” (From : Chavannes.. It is not clear here whether Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger. chap. However. therefore. 23 24 TTCK.). 123. M. If the ‘Amacha Khemeg ruled for the 12 years prior to 692 A. n.. It is not clear whether Fudu Xiong died. The Xin Tangshu states that Yuchi was the family name of the king of Khotan. suggests that Fudu Xiong was never able to return to Khotan but died an exile in China. G. 25 Fudu Jing sent an ambassador to China in 717 A.. the Tzu chih t’ung chien... 173. see Records of the Grand Historian of China.. like his father.. where necessary. 18. gives his name as Hsia. vol. Documents.g. 127. However. Notes addit. 268. 34.. Notes sur Marco Polo 1. it suggests the possibility that Vijaya Sagrāma died in China c. Documents.. p. E. or earlier. Chavannes. The first character of this name may be read as either Wei or Yu. One branch of the Yuezhi... trans.D. pp. the title given to the Khotanese kings in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ (e. even if he did. 22 See Chavannes. 126.. Pulleyblank suggests a possible relationship with the name of the Yuezhi people in his article ‘Chinese and Indo-Europeans’. 1961. p. Chavannes. p. p.D. Yuchi is a well-known disyllabic family name and the reading here should be Yu (see Paul Pelliot. p. After keeping him there for several months he sent him back. I have. and that the regent was installed after word of his death reached Khotan. or whether Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger took the name Vikrama (perhaps when he came to power). Notes addit. when quoting from others. This has lead some to see a relationship between the name (Weichi) and Viśa or Vijaya. and London. 41 8ff.. 59. N. p. pp..Y. Documents. JRAS. 24. 9).D.D. 127.
pp. p. The fact that he is mentioned as already having the title of “a-mo-chih” of Khotan.” TTCK. 37 The Cefuyuangui quotes a brevet in which Yuchi Fu-shih was named ‘King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor in 728 A.. p..D. 67. 61.” Chavannes. he sent soldiers and found a way to behead him.e. 82. 291. 61. 33 “Then after that (i. 191194.. 29 Chavannes. F. Bailey. pp. Yuchi Tiao. p. T’u Hsien knew of these schemes. Documents. Chavannes.. 295... p. p. note. Thomas. pp. 38 . 311. and that the brevet had to be delivered to him by an envoy. It is not known if they were related to the Khotanese royal family but it is possible. 1979. p. ‘the king of Yutian (Khotan). 30 Antonio Forte. p.) and his son (?).” Chavannes. BEFEO LXVI. 37. 24.D. 23. ‘Le moine Khotanais Devendraprajña’.cent. (the Chinese court) made a new appointment by putting Yuchi Fushizhan on the throne. Documents. See Mario Bussagli.. 34 The Tzu-chih t’ung-chien says that in 725 A... after Vijaya Dharma III). The Great Painters of China. pp. 313. Notes addit. Central Asian Painting. Ibid.. At present Vaiśravaa guards this vihāra. the Chinese minister Serthe-śi and King Vijaya Dharma together built for their pious friend Parmog Jinasena of Hgum-tir the vihāra of Byams-pa Maitri of the Upper City.. and Max Loehr. Notes addit. 1963. At present Vaiśravaa guards this vihāra. 26. Oxford. A.. p. 31 32 Ibid. For the title “a-mochih” see H. 36 The Tang annals make no mention of Yuchi Tiao but continue directly on from Fudu Jing: “Jing being dead.D. 207--208. Yuchi Yiseng. 35 “Then after that (i. W..D. it was merely an honour or a statement of recognition by the Chinese emperor. TLT.. after Vijaya Vikrama).” TTCK. note.. W. 66. p.. Another prince was appointed. and Yutian (Khotan) was then pacified. Chavannes.. 38. Geneva. Documents. 290. 1942. pp. ii. His relatives and followers were all exterminated. who was sent to China by the king of Khotan c.e. indicates that he had already been ruling Khotan for some period before the brevet was sent. 127. p. made an agreement with the various Tujue (Turk) kingdoms to rebel. the king’s minister Kathe-śi and King Vijaya Sabhava by name together built for their two pious friends Udrendra Rod-ci and Dharmānanda the vihāra of the Khe-gan Peak. 289. JRAS. 627 A. 1980.
n. p. Aurel Stein. aided the Chinese in their conquest of “Little Po-lu” (the Gilgit valley) in 747 A. 104 and note 1.i. i. pp. 127. p. 69. king of Yutian (Khotan). notes 3. p.D.. TLT. 105. TLT.. An error for Btsan-legs (=Btsan-bza Btsan-la-brtan). inviting the Sagha of (Ćar-ma to be their pious friends (kalyāamitra). The Cefuyuangui says that: “In the ninth month (Oct. Notes addit. Yao. 1. p.” TTCK. TLT. i. 86. and left with 5.D. Shih-hu (Jabgu) Yao. after visiting the court and receiving a Chinese princess of the imperial clan as wife.000 cavalry to assist the emperor against the rebel An Lu-shan and remained in China until his death. 56. i. i. Yuchi Sheng handed over the government of Khotan to his younger brother. Notes addit. DTT. n. i. p. 23.” Chavannes. pp. 1895.. the stupa (Su-sto-ña. 76. was still ruling Khotan when the Chinese pilgrim monk Wu-k’ung visited in 786 A. 27.. TLT. Levi and Chavannes. HADT. 68. Documents. Documents. TLT. 69. 103. 305. pp. at the same time the title of princess was conferred by brevet on his wife Chih-shih. p. 127. p. 316.-Oct.” Chavannes. Ancient Khotan. pp. 4. i. ‘L’Itinéraire d’Ou-k’ong’. 83. pp. i. I. p. on the ting-ch’ou day. built the vihāra of Su-sto-ña. went and.D.. 314.. 736 A. JA..p. 59. Documents. 63. p. 61. (spouse) of Yuchi Fudu T’a. 177.-Nov. 51. 363. pp. 2). 61. Yuchi Sheng who. 67. p. 362. Chavannes. built by King Vijaya Sabhava (I) soon after the arrival of Buddhism in Khotan) having fallen into ruin through length of time.. the title of wife (of the king) of Yutian (Khotan) was granted to lady Shih. Fudu Da succeeded him. TLT.. 61. M.‘Afterwards. TLT. p. Thomas entitles this 51 52 . 127.. after that King Vijaya Vāhana the Great (bijaya bo-han chen-po) and the monk called Hbah-la-śi. i. p. 49 50 TLT. n.. 82. pp. 1. TLT.. 61. 60. At present Vaiśravaa guards it. TLT.). In 756 A. As mentioned earlier (page 179... pp. Chavannes.D. 39 The Xin Tangshu states: “On his (Yuchi Fushizhan’s) death. His younger brother. who had come from China. HERCT. 60. 50. Sept. 40 41 TTCK.. 83. 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 Yuchi Kuei was followed by his son. i. 314. 176.
(see n. TTCK. p. p. 99. pp. It then describes the flight of the monks from Tibet to Gandhara. TTCK. where it says they settled for more than two years (TLT. TTCK. ibid. Stein (BEFEO 72. 9. Stein. 53 TTCK. pp. A. 305.. the date ascribed above to the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. 217. 23. n. Ueyama suggests that a eulogy dating from 866 or 867 relates to Fa-ch’eng and was composed after his death.D. Paul Demiéville. 4. 60 61 TLT.. TLT. I. I have used the latter title here to avoid confusion with the text which Thomas calls ‘The Annals of the Li Country’ but which Emmerick calls the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. 59 ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ is mentioned in the colophon of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. pp. 75. says that the last dated colophon mentioning him is from 859 but that he probably died several years later. . therefore. p. 770858. 49-50). It must. 25. p. 15-23. 1970. in central India. 217) gives Fa-ch’eng’s date as ca. 64-65) before fleeing once again to Kauśāmbī.77-87. i. TLT.. III. 46 above). 54 55 56 57 58 This work mentions the death of Queen Kon-co which took place sometime between 739 and 741 A. R. be dated either prior to. the latter work.. However.D.. 69. i. p. A. in his review of Daishun Ueyama’s study of Fa-ch’eng (T’oung pao 56. ‘The Prophecy of the Li Country’ but notes that its title is amplified in the colophon to “The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat (or Arhats?) of Li’.work in English. or contemporary with. As it mentions the death of Queen Kon-co and the flight of the monks to Gandhara and Kauśāmbī it cannot be dated very much earlier than 746 A. p. pp. 127.. Chavannes. 62 63 R. pp. pp. 1983. 75. Documents. p.
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