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Hill (Originally published in the Indo-Iranian Journal 31 (1988), 179-190, with some minor changes and Chinese Romanizations changed from the Wade-Giles to Pinyin system). The oasis of Khotan is strategically located at the junction of the southern (and most ancient) branch of the famous “Silk Route” joining China and the West with one of the main routes from India and Tibet to Central Asia and China. It provided a convenient meeting place where not only goods, but technologies, philosophies, and religions were transmitted from one culture to another. Khotan, from the traditional time of its founding during the reign of the great Indian emperor Aśoka Maurya (c. 269 to 231 B.C.) until the Muslim conquest c. 1006 A.D., had a tempestuous history and suffered many invasions. However, for much of this period it was a very important and influential centre of Buddhist learning and culture. The early history and long lost language of the ancient kingdom of Khotan have been gradually pieced together by the diligent efforts of a remarkable assembly of adventurers and scholars from many countries.1 We are fortunate in now having a relative abundance of information on Khotan readily available for study. The main historical sources are to be found in the Chinese histories (particularly detailed during the Han and early Tang dynasties), the accounts of several Chinese pilgrim monks, a few Buddhist histories of Khotan that have survived in Tibetan, and a large number of documents in Khotanese and other languages discovered, for the most part, early this century at various sites in the Tarim basin and from the hidden library at the “Caves of the Thousand Buddhas” near Dunhuang. The Li yul luṅ-bstan-pa or ‘Prophecy of the Li Country’2 is of great historical interest. It has been preserved as part of the Tibetan Tanjur but its use of many Khotanese names and terms3 indicate that it was either originally translated from Khotanese or written by someone with direct access to Khotanese sources. The few dates given in the text are sometimes contradictory and most are implausible. Attempts to identify the kings listed in it with the Khotanese kings mentioned in the Chinese histories (which are generally accurately dated) have proved difficult.4 The names the Chinese recorded for the Khotanese kings show little resemblance to the kings’ names in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ which are mainly of Indian origin. To add to the confusion, the same name is frequently used for more than one king. The ‘Prophecy of the Li Country’ may usefully be looked at as consisting of five main sections:
His governorship of Khotan must have been for some period between the Tibetan conquest of Khotan in 670 A. Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston. though shorter. d. the five15 brothers virtually ruled Tibet between them16 until King ‘Dus-sro. of Kucha.D.13 He was. A summing-up. This makes it very difficult.D. of the reigns of “fifty-six generations of kings of Li and one regent”.a.17 In 670 A. son of the famous Tibetan prime minister Mgar stong btsan yul bzung. governing Khotan as recorded in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. A similar. which includes some interesting statistics on the Buddhist community in Khotan.). the fifth. Kashgar and Suj-ab or Tokmak 19 ) from the Chinese who were unable to regain supremacy in the region until 692 A. states that: “This vihāra was built at the time when the Li country was attached long ago to the Tibetan dominions and was governed by the Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-stoṅ”11 This Mgar minister is undoubtedly the same person as the “Mgar Bćan-ñen Guṅ-rton” who. apparently. if not impossible. The rest are simply listed by the numbers of generations. e. and executed in 695 A. at this time. An account. rather.5 b. this does not appear to be the case but. section dealing with the queens and convents of Khotan. It is. Khotan. was disgraced by the Tibetan king ‘Dus-sro.20 The Mgar brothers personally led the armies which responsible for the rapid expansion of the Tibetan empire at this period.C. while discussing the foundation of the Bhabaña vihāra by King Vijaya Kīrti and his consort.6 This story may well include genuine historical information. therefore. according to the ‘Tibetan Annals’ found near Dunhuang12. and the reestablishment of . no surprise to find one of the Mgars.D.9 The following is an attempt to establish some dates for the period of the final seven reigns and the one regency contained in section c: King Vijaya Kīrti (III)10 The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’.D.D. 269 to 231 B.D. (r. An introduction which includes a mythologised account of the founding of Khotan during the reign of Aśoka Maurya (c. c. the Tibetans took the “Four Garrisons of Anxi”18 (which consisted.’14 After their father’s death in 667 A.8 Although it presents itself (like section c) as being in chronological order.D. apparently in chronological order. and youngest.7 It gives details on the reigns of only those kings who supported Buddhism by building vihāras (monasteries). information from at least two sources seems to have been haphazardly combined. to determine the original order of events.) brutally restored the power of the monarchy between 695 and 699 A. 676-703 or 704 A. A preface.
D. The evidence suggests that King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV) and his son. and high dignitaries numbering seventy people. are identical to Fudu Xiong and his son Jing in the Chinese texts.. was named governor of Pishan because of the merit he had acquired by attacking the Tubo (Tibetans). Fudu Xiong) leading his retinue of his sons. Then King Vijaya Sagrāma’s son. came in person to render homage at the court.”27 The Cefuyuangui states: ‘ln the first month of the second shang-yüan year (675 A. after fighting with the Tibetans.D. The king of Yutian (Khotan). was probably identical with the Fudu Xiong of the Chinese sources who came (or fled) with his family and followers to China in 674 A. King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV). the outline of the story is basically the same and they don’t contradict each other. 688 A. and while the son. (the king of Khotan. and written from quite different points of view. it seems most unlikely that Fudu Xiong ever returned to Khotan but probably died in China (like King Vijaya Sagrāma).22 If this identification is correct then the Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston must have governed Khotan sometime between 670 and 674 A. King Vijaya Kīrti (111)21 was followed by King Vijaya Sagrāma (IV) who. was unable to return.24 This account finds an interesting parallel in the Chinese texts: The Xin Tang shu says. bringing with him more than a hundred Sanskrit texts. The father died in China.D. built for his pious friend. Regent ‘Amacha Khemeg and King Vijaya Vikrama Immediately following the account of the reign of King Vijaya Kī rti (III) the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ states: Then after that King Vijaya Sagrāma and his son.Chinese power in 692 A.D. the empress Wu put his son Jing26 on the throne.. King Vijaya Vikrama.). being small. There is further support for this identification. having returned to the Li country. the Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great. a Li minister called ‘Amacha Khemeg acted as regent for twelve years. went to China and on the way back to the Li country. He was given the prestigious position of leading the translation team installed by the Empress Wu in the Eastern Weiguo monastery at .D. as will be shown in the next section. the emperor made of his territory the Government of Pisha. their route was restricted by a Dru-gu (Turk) army. As we know the Chinese did not regain control of the “Four Garrisons” until 692 A. On the death (of Fudu Xiong)25. the kingdom of Yutian (Khotan) was constituted into the Government of Pishan and its territory was divided into ten wards. King Vijaya Vikrama23 by name. the vihāra Byi-za-gre-rma.).. the king of Yutian (Khotan) Yü(-ch’ih) Fudu Xiong being dead his son Jing was named king of Yutian.D. Yuchi (Weichi)28 Fudu Xiong..). He divided it into ten wards and conferred on Fudu Xiong the title of Governor. as well as the end of Vijaya Kīrti’s reign. must also have occurred within this period.”30 In spite of the fact that the Tibetan and Chinese accounts are brief. King Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger. younger brothers. and the construction of the Bhabaña vihāra. “At the beginning of the shan-yüan period (674-675 A.D. As he had acquired merit by fighting with the Tubo (Tibetans). The Khotanese monk Devendraprajña (or Devendrajñāna)31 arrived in China c.”29 Further on it states that: “In the twelfth month of the second t’ien-shou year (early 692 A.D.
In the corresponding .D. They almost certainly would have met each other in Luoyang. It would therefore seem likely that the regency lasted from c. who is the only king in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ given the title “chen-po” or “the Great”.) who “until that time had been the only Tripitaka of the empire”.D. Fushizhan was officially given the title “King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor. Unfortunately he died shortly afterwards at Luoyang in 691 or 692 A.38 King Vijaya Vahana the Great King Vijaya Sabhava (II) was followed by King Vijaya Vāhana the Great (bijaya bo-han chen-po)39.35 King Vijaya Sabhava (II) The next king listed in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’... His relatives and followers were exterminated and another prince was appointed by the Chinese. about the same time that Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama) returned to Khotan Amacha Khemeg is said to have acted as regent for twelve years while King Vijaya Sagrāma’s son was small. for conspiring with the Tujue (Turks) to rebel.D.D. which would explain why the regency is not mentioned in the Chinese texts. Yuchi Tiao was beheaded by the Chinese in 725 A. If I am correct in this identification then we must assume that King Vijaya Vikrama built the vihāra of Byi-źa-gre-rma in remembrance of his pious friend as Devendraprajña died in Luoyang in late 691 or 692 A. built a vihāra for his “pious friend” Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great (dgra-bcom-pa debendra chen-gyi).D.D. King Vijaya Dharma (III) King Vijaya Vikrama was followed by King Vijaya Dharma (III)34 who can probably be equated with Yuchi Tiao although the evidence is limited to their corresponding positions in the Chinese and Tibetan listings. The similarity between the two names and the use of the title “chen-gyi” or “the Great” strongly suggest that the “Master of the Law” and “Tripitaka” Devendraprajña was the same person as Ārya Arhat Devendra the Great. In the quote from the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ above it is stated that King Vijaya Vikrama. similarly corresponds with Yuchi Fushizhan37 who was probably the prince appointed by the Chinese after they executed Yuchi Tiao in 725 A.D. while the Tibetans were still in control of the area.Luoyang after the death of Divakara (early 688 A.33 This Devendraprajña would have been in Luoyang for the last three or four years of Fudu Jing’s long sojourn at the capital before he was placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese in 692 A. after his return to Khotan. 680 to 692 A. King Vijaya Sabhava (II)36. In 728 A.32 Devendraprajña was famed for his knowledge and was given the titles “Master of the Law” and “Tripitaka”.D.
the religion (dharma) first arose in the Li country. It is of interest to note that ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’ state that “from the rise of the religion . although differing somewhat in details. apparently. The monks fled to Tibet where they were initially welcomed and protected by the Chinese wife of the Tibetan king.52 If Yuchi Kuei succeeded Fudu Da in 736 or 737 A.) and that “A hundred and sixty-five years after the origin of the Li country. several centuries after the last king named in the book. describe the flight of Buddhist monks from Khotan after persecution by an anti-Buddhist king. when religion (dharma) first arose in the Li country.position in the Chinese texts is Fudu Da40 who succeeded to the throne in 736 A. there would have been time for the monks to have been in Tibet for three or four years before the death of Queen Kon-co in c.D. Date of the composition of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ states that: “Reckoning from the time of King Vijaya Sabhava. therefore. Queen Kon-co.41 This is the same ruler as the Bćanlegs mentioned in ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’42 (a document discovered in the hidden library near Dunhuang) and the Rje Bćun-legs43 in whose lifetime ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ is said to have been written. to Kauśāmbī in central India where the monks finally ended up quarrelling and slaughtering each other. King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ was.C. completed during the reign of King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan.D. when Prince Yehu-la’s son King Vijaya Sabhava had been King for five years.)46.D. which was probably in early 740 A.”53 Earlier in the text it is stated that Khotan was founded during the reign of King Aśoka Maurya of India54 (reigned c.D. down to the last intercalary autumn month of the Dog Year. grandson of King Sa-nu.C.49 ‘The Religious Annals of the Li Country’ state that the Khotanese monks spent twelve years in Tibet. and the composition of the work well into the Muslim period.50 This seems to be a mistake. ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ gives the more likely figure of three years51 while ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat of Li’ says that Queen Kon-co died “three or four years” after the arrival of the monks in Tibet. after the death of Yuchi Fushizhan.”55 This would place the introduction of Buddhism to Khotan early in the 1st century B.D. presumably King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan.D.45 After her death. (and definitely between 739 and 741 A. 740 A. after a continuing series of misfortunes. 269-231 B. They headed first to Gandhara and. there are 1.47 The Chinese sources mention that Fudu Da was succeeded on his death by Yuchi Kuei whose wife was granted the title of “Princess” by the Chinese court in 740 A.44 The latter two documents.256 years.48 It seems almost certain. the rise of anti-Buddhist factions in Tibet forced them to flee again. that Yuchi Kuei is identical to the Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’.
son of Fudu Xiong (Vijaya Sagrāma IV).. Khotan governed by Mgar minister Bćan-ñen Guṅ-ston. Similarly.D.. therefore. is placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese. 737 A. King Vijaya Kīrti III builds the Bhabaña vihāra. therefore. was ruling by 747 A. c. that the work was compiled in 746 A.. It was translated into Chinese by the bilingual monk Fach’eng (c. Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama) sends an ambassador 717 A. 670-673 A. Stein suggests63 that Facheng may have played a part in the drafting of the Tibetan version..D. ‘Amacha Khemeg is regent of Khotan. which was composed according to “calculation made by the assembled Pandits of Li in the Hare year during the lifetime of the Li king Rje Bćun-legs. who.D. The actual date of composition. and his son and successor. 866 A. his family and followers go to China after fighting with the Tibetans. quite likely by one of the monks who had fled to central India.D. ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat(s) of Li (Khotan)’ 61. seven hundred and thirty-three. They are unable to return to Khotan. 770-c. although R..57 The only Dog year in this period was 746 A. the mention of the Dog year above.. provides a clue..”56 Here we have an even more impossible dating for the same period and are thus compelled to reject them both. presumably during the reign of King Bćan-bza Bćan-la Brtan (= Yuchi Kuei). was definitely ruling in 740 A. Yuchi Kuei. appears immediately prior to the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ in the Tibetan Tanjur.D. remains unknown although it was probably roughly contemporary with the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. as shown above. Fudu Xiong (Vijaya Sagrāma IV).60 The related work. The Tibetans defeat the Chinese and take control of the ‘Four Garrisons.D. 692 A.”58. It would appear. c. However.D. During the period from king Earth-Breast (Sa-nu) to the Li ruler Bćan-legs fifty-six generations of kings.D. 674 A. PROPOSED CHRONOLOGY 670 A.59 it was presumably backdated to make it appear to be a true prophecy. .. nor the translator of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ are known. Yuchi Sheng. probably came to the throne c.D. may be dated to 739 A.).A. neither the author.’ Khotan helps the Tibetans conquer Aksu. as this work mentions events which occurred after 739 A.62 Unfortunately.D. at the latest. However.692 A.D.(of Buddha) there had passed years a thousand.D.. Fudu Jing (Vijaya Vikrama).D. ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’.D.680-c.
1903. c. Fudu Da (Vijaya Vāhana the Great) succeeds Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sabhava II). The ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ is completed. c. Documents. Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sabhava II) is placed on the Khotanese throne by the Chinese.. St. The Chinese emperor bestows a title on the wife of Yuchi Kuei (Bćan-bzaṅ Bćan-la Brtan). after going to China and marrying an imperial princess. The monks flee to Tibet. 746 A. Shih-hu (Jabgu) Yao.D. Chavannes. Yuchi Tiao (Vijaya Dharma Ill) is beheaded by the Chinese for conspiring with the Turks.D. 747 A.) the Chinese Queen Ko-co of Tibet dies. Bulletin de l’École Française d’Extrême Orient. 740 A. Reprint. (between 639 and 741 A. Taiwan. 740 A. Documents sur les Toukiue (Turcs) occidentaux. The refugee monks are forced to leave for Gandhāra. Petersburg.to China. 736 A. 728 A. 756 A.D. Yuchi Yao still ruling Khotan at the time of Wukong’s visit.. Edouard Chavannes.D.. The Chinese emperor bestows a title on his wife. which includes the following item.D. c.D. Yuchi Sheng hands over the government of Khotan to his younger brother. Yuchi Fushizhan (Vijaya Sambhava II) officially given the title “King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor. Yuchi Kuei (Bćan-bzaṅ Bćan-la Brtan) succeeds Fudu Da (Vijaya Vāhana the Great) and begins his persecution of Khotanese Buddhists.D. . 1969.D.D. helps the Chinese defeat “Little Bolu” (the Gilgit valley). 737 A. 787 A.D. Yuchi Sheng. 725 A. ABBREVIATIONS AM BEFEO Asia Major.D.
Paul Pelliot. 123-184. I should also mention Bailey’s five lectures in The Culture of the Sakas in ancient Iranian Khotan delivered at Columbia University in 1979 and published in 1982. Introductions in English to the history of ancient Khotan may be found in M. 1981. E. E. 1-110. W. Histoire Ancienne du Tibet. Thomas. however. p. 1-18 (including a good short bibliography of the various expeditions on p. gives the title as Li-yul-gyi-lo-rgyus or ‘The Annals of the Li Country’. 99-110. Edouard Chavannes. F. Documents de Touenhouang relatifs à l’histoire du Tibet. ). Thomas (TLT. F. parts i-iv. iv. I have followed here the usage of R. 1940-1946. Aurel Stein’s Ancient Khotan (1907). H. London. JRAS (1972). pp. 1935. Tibetan Literary Texts and Documents Concerning Chinese Turkestan. shorter. 2 There appears to be some disagreement about the name of this text. 1) as his is the most recent of the two. Bailey’s paper ‘The Kingdom of Khotan’ (Australian National University. Paris. Bailey’s Khotanese Texts. however. The History of Early Relations between China and Tibet. Bacot. p. Emmerick (TTCK. pp. Lee. Ch. Journal Asiatique. Emmerick (TTCK. 1935-1963. and his ‘A HalfCentury of Irano-Indian Studies’.) calls it the Li yul-gyi dgra-bcom-bas lu-bstan-pa. 77. 1. p. n. Paris. Although I have not yet been able to obtain them. London. Notes addit. i. Toussaint. 1971). F. 2. pp. II.Chavannes. W. Emmerick. In the Tibetan Tanjur this work is found combined with another. the same name Emmerick gives to the previous work! To further 1 . 1-15. 1961. pp. currently. 1967. NOTES Quotations from French texts have been rendered into English by the author. ‘Notes additionelles sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs) occidentaux’. (1961). Romanizations of Chinese words have been standardised according to the Wade-Giles system. W. i. R. Thomas. Bloomington. 89). Don Y. W. two translations of the work into English. pp.). Tibetan Texts Concerning Khotan.). p. T’oung Pao sér. DTT HADT HERCT JA TLT TTCK 1967. gives its name as Lihi-yul-lun-bstan-pa or ‘The Prophecy of the Li Country’ (TLT. one which is also found by itself in a Chinese version and in three Tibetan manuscripts discovered near Dunhuang. J. There are. V (1904). Thomas.
Pulleyblank’s note in TTCK. 1961. p. G. No. 100. p. TTCK. 87. 90-97. Bailey. It would seem most unlikely that there would be two such prominent men at the same period with the same names. 3. 21-63. p. 1985. p. Pulleyblank. W. W. which is given in the colophon.. Thomas transcribes the name of this minister as Btsan-ñin (ñen) Guṅ-ston (rton). 27-43 (in Japanese). p.) The mgar family or clan is only known to have been prominent in the first period. 38 That their names are identical is obvious. Pulleyblank. Khotanese Texts. 1963. xi. pp. 11 12 DTT. pp. pp. pp. the eldest one was called Zanxiruo. For discussions of the name mgar (‘Gar) see R. pp. 1963. 6 7 8 9 I have followed throughout the numbering used by Emmerick for kings sharing the same name. Lee. W. 73-75. 13 The Jiu Tang-shu says: “Mgar sto-brćan yul-zun had five sons. 2. TTCK. and the fifth one was Polun. i. pp.” (D. 1929.the confusion Thomas translates its title. G. who died young. AM. 4 5 TTCK.. iv. G. Thomas. A. vii. and E. 330-333 and H. Khotan was controlled by Tibet for only two periods. Inoguchi. pp. 7-21. p. 71. p. W.D. Stein. xii. pp. pp. the third son was Tsanp’o. Part 1. and from 791 to about 850 A. between 670 and 692 A. See also P. and ‘Succession and Chronology of the Viśa Royal Family in Khotan’ by T. 63-73. iv. n. 179. Ryūkoku Daigaku ronshū. W. 1925. HERCT. Apr. TTCK. 3-7. vii. 15. pp. 9. (H. ibid. See TLT. 14 . 99-101. (TLT. Bailey. Khotanese Texts. 110-141. Pelliot. 59.s. pp. 254-255. Y. Khotanese kings see ‘The Date of the Staël-Holstein Roll’ by E. Bailey. pp.) 3 See F. For the dates of some 10th century A. p. the fourth one was Xiduogan sitokan. ‘Deux Notules d’Histoire Ancienne du Tibet’ in JA. as ‘The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat (or Arhats?) of Li (Khotan)’. 2. AM. Additionally.D.D. Khotanese Texts. Vol. pp. H. See TTCK. iii. Earlier attempts to date the kings listed in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ include ‘The Dates in Saka texts from Khotan and Tun-huang’ by Sten Konow in Acta Orientalia. ‘The Language of Ancient Khotan’. TTCK. p. 364. vol. his second son was Qinling. 66-76. iv. p. 10 TTCK. F. See E. iv. TTCK.
p. In 649 A. In 719 A. pp. Choephel..) The Xin Tang-shu states: “Ch’in-ling was all-powerful in the (Tibetan) state for a long time. 11. 94. pp. 15. p. 11. a sash. Karashar replaced Tokmak as one of the ‘Four Garrisons’.) 16 17 HADT. ever since the minister Khri-bri btsan-lod (lun Ch’in-ling) and his brothers came to control the army. Chavannes states (ibid. His younger brothers commanded troops at the various cardinal points. 113. and the various Ch’iang tribes were afraid of them. six thousand pieces of linen and silk and a princely 21 . in particular. p. Tibet: A Political History. Some authors (e. the list in the C’hiu Tangshu (see note 14 above) seems so definite I have accepted its version. pp. 85). p. 24. he constantly resided in the central district so as to direct affairs. 91.D. 2. bringing (with them the men of) Yü-tien (Khotan). There is a possibility that he was Shih-hu (Jabgu) Tien. Tsanp’o is bTsan-ha. 22.D. 90-92. All these brothers had talents of the first order. n. and Polu is Mgar brćan-ñen guṅ-rton (HERCT. HADT. (Among them) Tsan-p’o had total power over the eastern territories where he was a plague on our frontiers for nearly 30 years.” (From HADT.. pp. the emperor Kao Tsung “conferred on (Fudu Xin) the title Great General of the Valiant Guards of the Right. and made trouble on the border.D. 38. 12.” (From HADT. Hsitokan is Sta-gu. Ch’in-ling is Khri-bri bćan-lod.). Documents.D.D.) 18 Chavannes. The ‘Four Garrisons’ of Anxi were then subdued.e. 25) says: “In T’ufan. His young brothers were dispatched to the outlying areas. 21. p. 2). 23. 15 The Jiu Tang-shu (HERCT. n. Tokmak.g. DTT.. Khri-bri btsan-lod (Ch’in-ling) always stayed in the centre of T’ufan and administered the national affairs. p. 94.). W. It is not possible to confidently identify King Vijaya Kī rti with any of the Khotanese named in the Chinese accounts.D. 29) list only four Mgar brothers. G. pp. 685 A. (Besides). The masses feared them. The Xin Tang-shu states that in 670 A. the Tibetans “invaded and plundered 18 vassal prefectures’.. pp. Shakabpa. they took the town of Po-huan (Aksu). 359) that Sui-shih transcribes the name ‘Suj’ which refers to the Suj-ab (or Chu) River and. The White Annals. p.HADT. . 7. He gave him a robe.) Lee identifies the Tibetan names of these brothers as follows: Tsanhsijo is Mgar bćan-sña hdom-bu (d. to the town situated near this river. as does the Xin Tangshu (HADT. bTsan-ba was steadily in the eastern frontier facing China over thirty years. son of Fudu Xin (who ruled from at least 640 to 649 A.” (See also HADT. p. p. (a dependency) of Jiu-tzu (Kucha). 19 20 HERCT. 39. 86. 10. However. i. His older as well as younger brothers all had superior ability.
Chavannes. Shjii. Documents. 24. 34. p. p. 126. 127. 2.. died in China and Vijaya Vikrama (presumably a younger brother) took the throne. the title given to the Khotanese kings in the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’ (e. p. or whether Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger took the name Vikrama (perhaps when he came to power).D. M. Documents. presenting various animals to the court.D. Ancient Khotan. If the ‘Amacha Khemeg ruled for the 12 years prior to 692 A. where necessary. p. Documents. pp. I have.. After keeping him there for several months he sent him back.D. and London. 59. 126. even if he did... 3. The first character of this name may be read as either Wei or Yu.). N. 268. suggests that Fudu Xiong was never able to return to Khotan but died an exile in China. This has lead some to see a relationship between the name (Weichi) and Viśa or Vijaya. by Burton Watson. 1965.D. JRAS. p.. 1. 18. 1961. Chavannes and several other early writers transcribed it as Wei. or earlier. 127. pp... 127. when quoting from others. Two famous Khotanese painters working in China also had this surname: Yuchi Bochina (early 7th 28 .. Yuchi is a well-known disyllabic family name and the reading here should be Yu (see Paul Pelliot.. Aurel Stein. Notes sur Marco Polo 1. However. pp. as the text seems to imply. Documents. King Vijaya Kī rti could well have been a later successor...” (From : Chavannes.D.. the Little Yuezhi. p. the Tzu chih t’ung chien. like his father. 25 Fudu Jing sent an ambassador to China in 717 A. One branch of the Yuezhi.. G. 123. One text. However. Pulleyblank suggests a possible relationship with the name of the Yuezhi people in his article ‘Chinese and Indo-Europeans’. therefore..) It is not known if Tien ever came to power. The fact that the Tibetans retained control of the ‘Four Garrisons’ until 692 A.. p.Y. 22 See Chavannes. Chavannes. see Records of the Grand Historian of China. n. it suggests the possibility that Vijaya Sagrāma died in China c. vol.g. It is not clear here whether Vijaya Sagrāma the Younger.. 26 27 Chavannes. gives his name as Hsia. Chavannes.. p. changed Wei to Yu.. chap. Notes addit. and that the regent was installed after word of his death reached Khotan. trans.. E. n.. 173. 23 24 TTCK. did settle in the “Southern Mountains” to the northwest of Lake Kokonor in the time of the Former Han dynasty. The Xin Tangshu states that Yuchi was the family name of the king of Khotan. 9). 679 A.. 19. 41 8ff. just before Fudu Jing was placed on the throne in 692 A. Notes addit.residence. p. (Fudu Xin) asked that his sons and younger brothers be incorporated in the Imperial Guard. 127.. Documents.. It is not clear whether Fudu Xiong died.
Chavannes. 67. he sent soldiers and found a way to behead him. p. TLT. 31 32 Ibid.” Chavannes. Documents. F. 37 The Cefuyuangui quotes a brevet in which Yuchi Fu-shih was named ‘King of Khotan” by the Chinese emperor in 728 A. and Max Loehr. Ibid. indicates that he had already been ruling Khotan for some period before the brevet was sent. ‘the king of Yutian (Khotan).e.. JRAS. 38 . 26. Another prince was appointed... p.. 291. Bailey. Yuchi Yiseng. ii. For the title “a-mochih” see H. 289. W. 295.D. made an agreement with the various Tujue (Turk) kingdoms to rebel. Yuchi Tiao. Central Asian Painting. It is not known if they were related to the Khotanese royal family but it is possible.” TTCK.. ‘Le moine Khotanais Devendraprajña’. pp. A. Geneva. the Chinese minister Serthe-śi and King Vijaya Dharma together built for their pious friend Parmog Jinasena of Hgum-tir the vihāra of Byams-pa Maitri of the Upper City. p. 38. p. 1963. See Mario Bussagli.. it was merely an honour or a statement of recognition by the Chinese emperor. p. 37. Chavannes. 61. 61. after Vijaya Dharma III). p. who was sent to China by the king of Khotan c. Notes addit. Oxford.D. 33 “Then after that (i.cent. pp. (the Chinese court) made a new appointment by putting Yuchi Fushizhan on the throne.. The Great Painters of China. BEFEO LXVI. Documents.D. 311.. Notes addit... 29 Chavannes. p. 627 A.” TTCK. 1942. p. 24. 23. 290. Thomas.e. 82. W.. pp. 191194. 207--208. p.. 1980. 35 “Then after that (i.) and his son (?). 66. pp. p.D. His relatives and followers were all exterminated. At present Vaiśravaa guards this vihāra. note.” Chavannes. Documents.. 313. 34 The Tzu-chih t’ung-chien says that in 725 A.. T’u Hsien knew of these schemes. and Yutian (Khotan) was then pacified.. after Vijaya Vikrama). At present Vaiśravaa guards this vihāra. note. 30 Antonio Forte. The fact that he is mentioned as already having the title of “a-mo-chih” of Khotan. pp. the king’s minister Kathe-śi and King Vijaya Sabhava by name together built for their two pious friends Udrendra Rod-ci and Dharmānanda the vihāra of the Khe-gan Peak. and that the brevet had to be delivered to him by an envoy... 1979. 127. 36 The Tang annals make no mention of Yuchi Tiao but continue directly on from Fudu Jing: “Jing being dead.
aided the Chinese in their conquest of “Little Po-lu” (the Gilgit valley) in 747 A. 363.. 314. pp. p. 83. 76.. 104 and note 1. 61.. Levi and Chavannes. 69.” TTCK. (spouse) of Yuchi Fudu T’a. p. i. 176. pp. i. i. 68. 56. Sept. p.-Oct. TLT.. i.D. 49 50 TLT. pp. p.. I. At present Vaiśravaa guards it. Documents. pp. Shih-hu (Jabgu) Yao.. TLT. 83. Fudu Da succeeded him. p. TLT. 63. 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 Yuchi Kuei was followed by his son. The Cefuyuangui says that: “In the ninth month (Oct. 1. Documents. 23. n...i. p. i. after that King Vijaya Vāhana the Great (bijaya bo-han chen-po) and the monk called Hbah-la-śi. Documents.-Nov. 177. after visiting the court and receiving a Chinese princess of the imperial clan as wife. 127. 39 The Xin Tangshu states: “On his (Yuchi Fushizhan’s) death. Notes addit. at the same time the title of princess was conferred by brevet on his wife Chih-shih.” Chavannes. was still ruling Khotan when the Chinese pilgrim monk Wu-k’ung visited in 786 A. 60. 61. TLT. 1.D.. Yuchi Sheng handed over the government of Khotan to his younger brother. DTT. inviting the Sagha of (Ćar-ma to be their pious friends (kalyāamitra). An error for Btsan-legs (=Btsan-bza Btsan-la-brtan). p. p. 67. 103. the title of wife (of the king) of Yutian (Khotan) was granted to lady Shih. 69. 86. pp. Chavannes. HADT.. 4. 2). TLT. on the ting-ch’ou day. Aurel Stein. Yuchi Sheng who. As mentioned earlier (page 179. 61.. the stupa (Su-sto-ña. pp. Thomas entitles this 51 52 . p. JA.‘Afterwards. 1895. built by King Vijaya Sabhava (I) soon after the arrival of Buddhism in Khotan) having fallen into ruin through length of time. TLT.D.D. i.. 27.p. Notes addit. p. Ancient Khotan. built the vihāra of Su-sto-ña. 362. went and. HERCT..” Chavannes. i. 127. 51. 60. 59. i. TLT. n. p. 316. M. 314.. 61. notes 3. In 756 A. His younger brother. pp. who had come from China.000 cavalry to assist the emperor against the rebel An Lu-shan and remained in China until his death. 305. Yao. 127. p. 50. Chavannes.). n. 105. pp. 82. ‘L’Itinéraire d’Ou-k’ong’. i. 736 A.. king of Yutian (Khotan). 40 41 TTCK. TLT. and left with 5. TLT.
217. 60 61 TLT. 46 above). 9. p. . 1970. TTCK. 770858.. pp. Ueyama suggests that a eulogy dating from 866 or 867 relates to Fa-ch’eng and was composed after his death. p. A. I. 69. i.. 59 ‘The Prophecy of the Arhat Saghavardhana’ is mentioned in the colophon of the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. pp. 53 TTCK. Chavannes. ibid. therefore.D. the date ascribed above to the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. pp. 23. says that the last dated colophon mentioning him is from 859 but that he probably died several years later. be dated either prior to. pp. However. 49-50). TTCK. n.. R.77-87. pp. It must. I have used the latter title here to avoid confusion with the text which Thomas calls ‘The Annals of the Li Country’ but which Emmerick calls the ‘Prophecy of the Li country’. Stein (BEFEO 72. TLT. p. (see n. pp. p. p. p. TTCK.work in English. III. 54 55 56 57 58 This work mentions the death of Queen Kon-co which took place sometime between 739 and 741 A. 4. Paul Demiéville.. TLT. ‘The Prophecy of the Li Country’ but notes that its title is amplified in the colophon to “The Prophecy of the Ārya Arhat (or Arhats?) of Li’. As it mentions the death of Queen Kon-co and the flight of the monks to Gandhara and Kauśāmbī it cannot be dated very much earlier than 746 A. 75. 127. A. Stein. the latter work.. 15-23. 75. i. or contemporary with. Documents. in his review of Daishun Ueyama’s study of Fa-ch’eng (T’oung pao 56.. where it says they settled for more than two years (TLT. in central India. 99.D. 64-65) before fleeing once again to Kauśāmbī. It then describes the flight of the monks from Tibet to Gandhara. p. 1983. 62 63 R. 217) gives Fa-ch’eng’s date as ca. 305. 25.
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