P. 1
Ruiz - Dead Ends

Ruiz - Dead Ends

|Views: 25|Likes:

More info:

Published by: Olga 'Ligeia' Arnaiz on Sep 12, 2012
Copyright:Attribution Non-commercial

Availability:

Read on Scribd mobile: iPhone, iPad and Android.
download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
See more
See less

09/12/2012

pdf

text

original

Frontiers, Inc.

Dead Ends or Gold Mines?: Using Missionary Records in Mexican-American Women's History Author(s): Vicki Ruíz Source: Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1991), pp. 33-56 Published by: University of Nebraska Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3346574 . Accessed: 16/04/2011 01:30
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=unp. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

University of Nebraska Press and Frontiers, Inc. are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies.

http://www.jstor.org

Vicki Ruiz

Dead Ends or Gold Mines?: Using Missionary Records in Mexican-American Women's History

Peggy Pascoe and Valerie Matsumoto clearly delineated the theoretical issues we face as feminist historians.1 Expanding on their essays, I would like to discuss what is often ill perceived as the flip side of theory that is, methodology. How do we use institutional records (for example, missionary reports, pamphlets, and newsletters) to illuminate the experiences and attitudes of women of color? How do we sift through the bias, the self-congratulation, and the hyperbole to gain insight into women's lives? What can these records tell us of women's agencies? I am intrigued (actually, obsessed is a better verb) with questions involving decisionmaking, specifically with regard to acculturation. What have Mexican women chosen to accept or reject? How have the economic, social, and political environments influenced the acceptance or rejection of cultural messages that emanate from the Mexican community, from U.S. popular culture, from Americanization programs, and from a dynamic coalescence of differing and at times oppositional cultural forms? What were women's real choices? And, to borrow from Jiirgen Habermas, how did they move "within the horizon of their lifeworld"?2 Obviously, no set of institutional records can provide substantive answers, but by exploring these documents in the framework of these larger questions, we place Mexican women at the center of our study, not as victims of poverty and superstition (as they were so often depicted by missionaries) but as women who made choices for themselves and for their families.

Frontiers,

vol. XII, no. 1, ? Frontiers Editorial

Collective.

33

. 1.. ?llis •.... .FRONTIERS :si - . . . : . University Archives.<..~S~~?~:..• :i o -. .. Las solas: Mexican women arriving in El Paso. ~ ~ :: f :: E ..r• Fig. • .. New Mexico.. .<..d •. i• . . ] . (Courtesy of Rio Grande Historical Collections. 1911. New Mexico State University.•>.... Las Cruces.) 34 . i-:-. ".

Mexicans. Inheriting a legacy of colonialism wrought by Manifest Destiny. its population swelled to 68. the Methodist Home Missionary Society responded (at last) to Houchen appeals by assigning Effie Stoltz. and Boy Scouts. Houchen offered a full schedule of Americanization programs . Bible study. For several decades. However.VOLUME XII.5 Segundo Barrio or South El Paso has served as the center of Mexican community life. When one thinks of Mexican immigration. as depicted in figure 1. only 1. employment. low-status jobs. this Methodist settlement had two initial goals: (1) to provide a Christian rooming house for single Mexicana wage earners and (2) to open a kindergarten for area children. Texas. Mexicans have comprised over one-half of El Paso's total population. The first Houchen staff included three female Methodist missionaries and one "student helper. and schools served as constant reminders of their second-class citizenship. Historian Mario Garcia related the following example: "Of 121 deaths during July [1914]. the only consistent source of social services in Segundo Barrio was the Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement House and its adjacent health clinic and hospital. Education and economic advancement proved illusory as segregation in housing. to 35 . Today. English instruction. as in the past."7 In 1920. accessible health care. agribusiness and industry. over one million Mexicanos migrated northward between 1910 and 1930. By 1918. To cite an example of stratification. 1 Pushed by the economic and political chaos generated by the Mexican Revolution and lured by jobs in U. regardless of nativity. In 1900. Founded in 1912 on the corner of Tays and Fifth in the heart of the barrio. Perceived as cheap labor by Anglo businessmen.S. Infant mortality in Segundo Barrio was alarmingly high. a registered nurse. from 1930 to 19 60.citizenship. one typically visualizes a single male or family group. The records of Houchen Settlement form the core of this study. NO. cooking. they have provided the human resources necessary for the city's industrial and commercial growth. and many decided to stay in this bustling border city." Ofilia Chdivez. carpentry. the Mexican community of El Paso numbered only 8.748 residents.476. was their Ellis Island.3 El Paso.8 percent of El Paso's Mexican work force held high white-collar occupations. 52 were children under 5 years of age. women also traveled as solas ("single women"). but by 1930. have been segmented into low-paying.6 Living in the barrio made these women sensitive to the need for low-cost. Over the course of the twentieth century. Mexicanos settled into the existing barrios and forged new communities in the Southwest and Midwest. wooden tenements and crumbling adobe structures house thousands of Mexicanos and Mexican Americans alike.

. A: lava N :: :::f :B'F-. 2.~ SAOr WIT:~ i ~ . the nurse is Dorothea Mufioz.ui "A A. (Courtesy of Houchen Community Center. .000 babies were born at Newark hospital..) 36 .. From 1937 to 1976.:~07 Fig. over 12.FRONTIERS tlot 3: AS "T I t GJANOR?A &MAT. Although mother and child are unidentified...

$30 covered the hospital bill (see figure 2). neighborhood women could give birth at "one of the best-equipped maternity hospitals in the city. Health care at Newark was a bargain. from 1920 to 1960. well-baby care. Chicano activists. a small adobe flat was converted into the Freeman Clinic. As a community center. it would be demolished to make way for the construction of a more modern clinic and a new twenty-two-bed maternity facility . one Methodist cited in the 1930 s pamphlet boasted that the settlement "reaches nearly 15. the buildings that cover a city block in South El Paso still furnish day-care and recreational activities. and citizenship classes.000 to 20. pregnancy exams. Camp Fire Girls. Along with Bible study. hygiene. and aerobics. it opened a six-bed maternity ward. Seven years later."9 As a functioning Progressive-era settlement. where she operated a first-aid station. Millie Rickford would live at the settlement for thirty-one years. Patients paid for medicines at cost. 1 the settlement. Indeed. at times. scouting. and during the 1940s. there are classes in ballet folklorico. Houchen Community Center.VOLUME XII. in 1930. it coordinated an array of Americanization activities. and he. cooking. Staff members also opened a day nursery to complement the kindergarten program. in turn. payable in installments. she persuaded a local physician to visit the residence on a regular basis. enlisted the services of his colleagues. Arriving in 1930."s Houchen Settlement did not linger in the shadows of its adjacent hospital. Within seven months of Stoltz's arrival. NO. Stoltz's work began in Houchen's bathroom. These included age. the Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement House (named after a Michigan schoolteacher) would receive a new name. Several Methodist missionaries came to Segundo Barrio as young women and stayed until their retirement. this clinic provided prenatal exams. it would become more of a secular agency staffed by social workers and.and gender-graded Bible studies. Two years after her departure. working girls' clubs.10 In 1991. music lessons.the Newark Methodist Maternity Hospital.000 people per year (or one-fourth to one-third of El Paso's Mexican population) approximately utilized its medical and/or educational services. Fragmentary evidence for the period 1930 to 1950 suggests that perhaps as many as 15. Prenatal classes. Run by volunteers. Citing climbing insurance 37 . In terms of numbers. karate.000 people. More importantly. and pediatric services. how successful was Houchen? The records to which I had access gave little indication of the extent of the settlement's client base. Staff members would boast that for less than $50. and infant immunizations were free. Houchen had amazing longevity from 1912 to 1962. English.

dance. The settlement also offered a number of afterschool activities for older children.' . the most elaborate playground in South El Paso could be found within the outer courtyard of the settlement (see figure 4). . Bible classes. They could play on the swings and slide. Houchen workers placed Americanization and proselytization at the center of their efforts. .it is a Good Shepherd guiding our folks out of darkness and Catholocism [sic] into the good Christian life. their ideals and they in turn gladly accept the best America has to offer as they . These included "Little Homemakers. Methodist missionary Dorothy Little explained: "Houchen settlement stands as a sentinel of friendship . a few predicted dire consequences for those who participated in any Protestant-tinged activities. One priest 38 . indeed. Other people remembered making similar bargains with their mothers. biblical verses . Elsa Chdivez remarked that her mother let her play there on the condition that she not accept any "cookies or Kool-Aid." Along similar lines.. U. they also learned English. and that is what our church really is to the people . the Methodist church closed the hospital and clinic in December 1986 over the protests of local supporters and community members. We assimilate the best of their culture. In "Our Work at Houchen. one Methodist pamphlet printed during the 1930s equated Catholicism (as practiced by Mexicans) with paganism and superstition." and these programs began early. Clearly troubled by Houchen. teen clubs.12 To "become one with us" no doubt included a conversion to Methodism. between the people of America and the people of Mexico. For right here within our four walls is begun much of the "Melting" process of our 'Melting Pot. For many years. A life-long resident of Segundo Barrio.even etiquette a la Emily Post14 (see figure 3).11 From 1912 until the 1950s. and they perceived themselves as harbingers of salvation. Embracing the imagery and ideology of the melting pot. Although preschool and kindergarten students spoke Spanish and sang Mexican songs." the refreshments provided by Houchen staff.FRONTIERS costs (among other reasons). the women of Houchen sought to win the hearts and minds of children. become one with us. . piano lessons.15 How big of a step was it to venture from the playground to story hour? Settlement proselytizing did not escape the notice of barrio priests. . It is important to remember that these missionaries were." it was expressed this way: "Our Church is called El Buen Pastor .13 Like the Franciscan missionaries who trod the same ground three centuries before.. missionaries.S." scouting. The settlement's programs were couched in terms of "Christian Americanization. but they could not go indoors. and story hour. their art. history.

"::.. . the big attraction for neighborhood children was the settlement's elaborate playground. NO.:::. . ":: ? - . (Courtesy of Houchen Community Center. r:/ p Fiii-_::: -:•:: .. For many years..•'. ?~~~ ?! :i !!• FX ..r i0A :•.. kindergarten students are taught to say grace during snack time..VOLUME XII. Here. The task of "Christian Americanization" began early. ::. • :::+.) 39 .-:?:i::::: .. . ....•. 3.: .... 4. ": "':: : -. (Courtesy of Houchen Community Center.) ..•. ~• •I• •.: Fig. 1 .• / " .~~':~ ~~ aL I+ %~ Fig.:.

" 'If we can teach her [the mother-to-be] the modern methods of cooking and preparing foods and simple hygiene habits for herself and her family.. 40 . however. received special attention. Like the proponents of Americanization programs in California. These efforts varied in scale from settlement houses to night classes. and the curriculum generally revolved around cooking. M irmmi:::~~:::.:? 8 Fig. (Courtesy of Houchen Comunity Center.j::: . settlement workers believed that women held a special guardianship over their families' welfare.17 (see figure 5). particularly expectant mothers.16 Children were not the only people targeted by Houchen.FRONTIERS ::wx:. Women. several area Catholic churches began distributing food baskets and establishing soup kitchens. As part of a prenatal class. Houchen's "Christian Americanization" programs were not unique. religious and state-organized Americanization projects aimed at the Mexican population proliferated throughout the Southwest. hygiene. Between 1910 and 1930. 5. took a more realistic stance and did not chastise their parishioners for utilizing Methodist child-care and medical services. Perhaps as a response to both the Great Depression and suspected Protestant inroads. we have gained a stride' . Others. a Houchen nurse demonstrates bathe an infant.: zoi ??X:ri: Ii::.: VI ?~~~~~:~: PWd :::::. As head nurse Millie Rickford explained.::ir4 Nl'_ IN::::: ell.) the "proper" way to went so far as to tell neighborhood children that it was a sin even to play on the playground equipment.

beginning with the kindergarten rhythm band of 1927..18 Houchen. For instance. and Blue. This dance recital captures the Eurocentric orientation advocated by Houchen residents. and civics. and Aida Rivera. France. Music seemed a universal tool of instruction.VOLUME XII. the " 'Star Spangled Banner. Alice Ruiz.?1 . of course. 1 ~i~a:3 ~~?~:":l"~:. there apparently were several instances when youngsters were clothed in European peasant styles. a youngster could take dance or music classes and perform in settlement recitals19 (see figure 6). ~:a*:? !:r r s --?? ?--?? : i:~""*-?`r -::': _1 ar. Celebrating Mexican heritage did not figure into the Euro-American orientation pushed by Houchen residents. Edna Parra. for the "cause of Americanization.rl:::::I ~~j~~ :*r ~:t~ :?~ ~ *Ii"~^ i. ballet." (Courtesy of Houchen Community Center. missionaries offered flute.t : -?~ 'Xe ?"I' i 1 ?~?? . offered a variety of musical activities. and tap lessons. The last figure is not atypical." her district had purchased a Victrola and several records. Scotland.) English. 6. For 50 per week. White. NO. .' 'Silent Night.: ~. Some immigrant tradiEngland.:??:1 II -? -1 11 r- Fig.' 'The Red. including two Spanish melodies. and Lithuania.:::""l'"'t ?. representing Houchen in a local Girl Scout festival held at the Shrine temple. Mira Gomez. During the 1940s and 1950s.":~:y'i-"::'~~'LI"jk*::! ??:::. guitar. Settlement workers believed that their students could "melt" within the "melting pot. modeled costumes from Sweden.' . Priscilla Molina. i :r hj :u x i- t ?H: I r Q r ~)li L~ I~ t $: i\ ji. One rural Arizona schoolteacher excitedly informed readers of the Arizona Teacher and Home Journal that.' [and] 'Old Kentucky Home.20 tions were valorized more than others. 41 .

The former Michigan schoolteacher whom the settlement was named after bequeathed $1. moreover. were important community institutions for over half a century. condemned missionaries like the women of Houchen for working among Mexican and African Americans.FRONTIERS Settlement workers held out unrealistic notions of the American dream. in part. In a virulently nativist tract. For example. C. As a Chicana historian. middle-class environment for Mexican youngsters. I respect the settlement workers for their health and child-care services. Babbitt. more are leaving Catholicism . and many became fluent Spanish-speakers themselves.more are entering business and public life . a program that eased the children's transition into an Englishonly first grade. S. the perceived accomplishments of the settlement: "Sanitary conditions have been improving . Babbitt argued that religious workers were "seemingly conspiring with Satan to destroy the handiwork of God" because their energies were "wasted on beings .23 Furthermore. Nor did Houchen residents denigrate the use of Spanish. settlement workers could not always count on the encouragement or patronage of Anglo El Paso. . As Minerva Franco recalled. who are not in reality the objects of Christ's sacrifice. a local physician. The Women's Home Missionary Society of the Newark."22 There are numerous passages and photographs in the Houchen collection that provide fodder for sarcasm among contemporary scholars. before judging the maternal missionaries too harshly. It is as if they endeavored to create a white. Houchen probably launched the first bilingual kindergarten program in El Paso. The hospital and clinic. I am of two minds. but I cringe at their ethnocentrism and their romantic idealization of "American" life. Cooking classes also became avenues for developing particular tastes."24 Perhaps more damaging than this extremist view was the apparent lack of financial support on the part of area Methodist churches.more children go to school .and more and more they are taking on the customs and standards of the Anglo people."21 The following passage taken from a report dated February 1942 outlines. "I'll never forget the look on my mother's face when I first cooked 'Eggs Benedict' which I learned to prepare at Houchen. Yet. New Jersey Conference proved instrumental in raising funds for the construction of both the Freeman Clinic and the Newark Methodist Maternity 42 . romantic constructions of American life. complete with tutus and toe shoes.000 for the establishment of an El Paso settlement.more parents are becoming citizens. The records I examined revealed little in terms of local donations. it is important to keep in mind the social services they rendered over an extended period of time. as well as the environment in which they lived. In fact. .

who hasn't a kind word and a heart full of gratitude towards the Settlement House. had himself been a Houchen kindergarten graduate. Houchen's board of directors conducted the first communitywide fund-raising drive. Emulating the settlement staff.000 to renovate existing structures and to build a modern day-care center.makes painfully clear the conservative attitudes toward social welfare harbored by affluent El Pasoans. these documents have their limits. When the clinic first opened its doors in June 1921. As a result. no matter to which denomination they belong. less effusive perspective. Volunteers sought to raise $375. quotations abound that heap praise upon praise on Houchen and its staff."26 Obviously. Upon graduation from Bowie High School. Fernando Garcia. she entered Asbury 43 . Soledad Burciaga emphatically declared. received consistent financial support from the El Paso Community Chest and. these missionaries coordinated a multifaceted Americanization campaign among the residents of Segundo Barrio. But the Houchen fundraising slogan . The Houchen Day Nursery. Oral interviews and informal discussions with people who grew up in Segundo Barrio give a more balanced. And a few did follow this pattern. Most viewed Houchen as a Protestant-run health-care and afterschool activities center. the United Way. however. El Buen Pastor. it involves getting beneath the text. In 1975. the term Friendship Square was coined as a description for the settlement house. Furthermore. it's your affair . 1 Hospital. NO.25 The women of Houchen appeared undaunted by the lack of local support."When people pay their own way. not welfare" . later.27 In 1949. and church. one must take into account the selectivity of voices. .VOLUME XII. hospital. "There is not a person.were gifts from Methodist groups across the nation.everything from sterilizers to baby scales . One of the ministers assigned to El Buen Pastor. rather than as the "light-house" [sic] in South El Paso. Missionaries hoped that children born at Newark would participate in preschool and afternoon programs and that eventually they and their families would join the church. For example. In drafting settlement reports and publications. Elizabeth Soto. some young women enrolled in Methodist missionary colleges or served as lay volunteers. had attended Houchen programs throughout her childhood and adolescence. day nursery. But how did Mexican women perceive the settlement? What services did they utilize? And to what extent did they internalize the romantic notions of "Christian Americanization"? Examining Mexican women's agency through institutional records is difficult. missionaries chose those voices that would publicize their "victories" among the Spanish-speaking. For over fifty years. for example. in 1939. all of the medical equipment .

Missionaries also envisioned a Protestant enclave in South El Paso. Lucy Lucero. His mother was a Catholic. . Shortly after its founding in 1897. She's great.FRONTIERS College to train as a missionary and then returned to El Paso as a Houchen resident. The settlement church. . The church itself had an intermittent history. the couple had six children. However.28 Based on the selectivity of available data. the local college. it is clear that the women of Houchen strove to build self-esteem and encouraged young people to pursue higher education. In the words of settlement worker Ruth Kern: "Reyna and Gabriel Dominguez are Latin Americans. she left settlement work to become the wife of a Mexican Methodist minister. Some members of the family do not even speak English. 'Hey. El Buen Pastor disappeared. Margaret Holguin. In 1968. Gabriel was five years old.". The more common goal among Houchen teens was to graduate from high school and perhaps attend Texas Western. In 1991.29 Based on the selective case histories of converts. the small rock chapel would be converted into a recreation room and thrift shop as the members of El Buen Pastor and El Mesias (another Mexican-American church) were merged together to form the congregation of the Emmanuel United Methodist Church in downtown El Paso. Houchen residents offered warmth and encouragement. in a Catholic home. even though both were born in the United States. El Buen Pastor. all born at 44 . Gabriel was born in Arizona. Then I met Miss Rickford and I felt. had a peak membership of 150 families. "The only contact I had had with Anglos was with Anglo teachers. the construction of an actual church on settlement grounds did not begin until 1945. . but she became a Protestant when . Reyna was born . The Dominguez family offers an example. Holguin's decision to pursue nursing was "perhaps due to the influence" of head nurse Millie Rickford. she's human. .30 The youth programs at Houchen brought Reyna and Gabriel together. After their marriage. she began attending The Methodist Church. According to her comadre.' " At a time when many (though certainly not all) elementary schoolteachers cared little about their Mexican students. to their frustration. The first child born at Newark Hospital. took part in settlement activities as a child and later became a registered nurse. After several years of service. Lucero noted. Yet. but at the age of eleven years. it was officially rededicated as part of Houchen in 1932. one cannot make wholesale generalizations about Friendship Square's role in fostering mobility or even aspirations for mobility among the youth of Segundo Barrio. I suggest that many of those who joined El Buen Pastor were already Protestant. very few people responded. but. a modern gymnasium occupies the ground where the chapel once stood.

to late fifties. though recorded by Houchen staff. In the records I examined. Mrs. Instead. all the children would run to say hello and kiss his hand. As she explained. Historians Sarah Deutsch and George Sanchez have noted that sporadic.. they blamed time and culture. I found only one instance of the conversion of a Catholic adult and one instance of the conversion of an entire Catholic family.. . My brothers and I would just stand by and look.. did not figure into their understanding of Mexicano resistance to conversion. Espinosa admitted to being a closet Protestant. Houchen staff member Clara Sarmiento wrote of the difficulty in building trust among the adults of Segundo Barrio: "Though it is easy for children to open up their hearts to us we do not find it so with the parents. and most of the people we serve . women remained steadfast in their goals of conversion and Americanization. . sometimes my friends' mothers wouldn't let them play with us. "I am afraid of the Catholic sisters and [I] don't want my neighbors to know that I am not Catholicminded. The priest would usually come . Many of the converts were children. It is not as if these Methodist women were good social workers but incompetent missionaries. . Ruth Crocker also described the Protestant settlements in Newark 45 . and many had already embraced a Protestant faith. As Dorothy Little succinctly related.and called bad names."33 When contacted by a Houchen resident. the threat of social isolation could certainly inhibit many residents from turning Protestant. In a land where the barrio could serve as a refuge from prejudice and discrimination." She continued. there were times when my brother and I were stoned by other students . come from Catholic heritage. described growing up Protestant in South El Paso: "We went through a lot of prejudice . . poorly financed Americanization programs made little headway in Mexican communities.VOLUME XII.3' It seems that those most receptive to Houchen's religious messages were already predisposed to that direction. When the priest would go through the neighborhood. . During an oral interview. "It is hard especially because we are Protestant. goals that did not change until the mid."32 I would argue that the Mexican community played an instrumental role in thwarting conversion. 1 Friendship Hospital. Also. "We can not eradicate in a few years what has been built up during ages. ."34 settlement Although a Protestant enclave never materialized. . Estella Ibarra. The Dominguez family represented Square's typical success story." The fear of ostracism.. NO. The failure of proselytization cannot be examined solely within the confines of Friendship Square. a woman who participated in Houchen activities for over fifty years. and tell us how we were living in sin.

the privileging of color . "Houchen provided . At Houchen I was shown that I had worth and that I was an individual. Wageearning mothers who placed their children in the day nursery no doubt encountered an Anglo world quite different from the one depicted by of the Methodist missionaries. "I was beginning to think that the Baptist Church was a little too Mexican. opportunities for learning and experiencing.36 How did children respond to the ideological undercurrents of Houchen programs? Did Mexican women feel empowered by their interaction with the settlement. We want to help people develop a sense of values in life. Growing up in Los Angeles. In her words.FRONTIERS Gary." In an era of bleaching creams. thus. they refused to embrace the romantic idealizations of American life.. Sarah Deutsch picked up on this theme as she quoted missionary Polita Padilla. raise a series of provocative questions... had limited appeal. Mulligan remembered her religion as reaffirming Mexican values. more significantly." Others. they were skeptical settlement's cultural ideations (see figure 7). but much of my life was spent in the Allison School where we had a different training so that the Mexican way of living now seems strange to me. saw little incompatibility between Mexican traditions and Protestantism. the resiliency of Mexican culture and the astuteness of Mexicanos. In No Separate Refuge. the following remarks of Minerva Franco. however.37 What did she mean by that statement? Did the settlement house heighten her self-esteem? Did she feel that she was not an individual within the context of her family and neighborhood? Some young women imbibed Americanization so heavily that they rejected their identity. born and brought up in New Mexico. This inability to mold consciousness or identity demonstrates not only the strength of community sanctions but.". and values. Indiana. The Friendship Square calendar of 1949 explicitly stated that the medical care provided at Houchen "is a tool to develop sound minds in sound bodies. as in the case of Houchen. Mexican women derived substantive services from Friendship Square in the form of health care and education. even long-term sustained efforts. which appeared in a 1975 issue of Newark-Houchen News. like Estella Ibarra and Rose Escheverria Mulligan. "I am Mexican. and.35 Yet. consciousness.. Too much restriction. as having only a "superficial and temporary" influence. or were Methodist missionaries invidious underminers of Mexican identity? In getting beneath the text.with 46 .."38 Houchen documents reveal glimpses into the formation of identity. for thus it is easier to find peace with God and man. Clara Sarmiento knew from experience that it was much easier to reach the children than their parents.

(Courtesy of Houchen Community Center. A wage-earning mother on her way to work escorts her children to the Houchen Day Nursery. g. MNMU. 7.. Fig. NO.) 47 .VOLUME XII. ama M. 1 -slk fN4 ` t:-iI Z ?.

day nursery head Beatrice Fernandez included in her report a question asked by Margarita.was an early lesson.41 The most striking theme is that of individualism. Clara Sarmiento. outside of conversion. Whether dressing up children as Pilgrims or European peasants."42 The Latina missionaries of Houchen served as cultural brokers as they diligently strove to integrate themselves into the community. They learned also that they had to share. enjoyed visiting El Paso and Ciudad Juairez in the company of Houchen scouts. Texas. Friendship Square's greater sensitivity to neighborhood 48 . is it alright if our hair is black?"''39 Houchen activities were synonymous with Americanization. Relating the excitement of kindergarten graduation. Febe Bonilla. Maria Rico.". an Anglo settlement worker recorded in her journal the success of a Girl Scout dinner: "The girls learned a lot from it too. definitions of those values or of "our American way" remained elusive. "I chose my own religion because it was my own personal experience and . the Alpine Girl Scouts wrote. They were taught how to set the table. yet. I was glad my religion was not chosen for me. and to wait their turn. to cooperate. these women had the assistance of five full-time Mexican lay persons. Maria Payan. Spanish was the means to communicate the message of Methodism and Christian Americanization. During the 1950s. "We are all wearing white. Missionaries emphasized the importance of individual decisionmaking and indiClara vidual accomplishment.'"40 It is important to remember that Houchen provided a bilingual environment. Mary Lou L6pez. Until 1950.FRONTIERS white as the pinnacle . and how to serve the men. The all-Mexican Girl and Boy Scout troops of Alpine. not a bicultural one. one of the young graduates. . "Now we can all say we have been to a foreign country. Sarmiento explained to a young client. socks and Miss Fernandez. some of the settlement lessons were not incongruous with Mexican mores." Scouting certainly served as a vehicle for Americanization. In addition. In recounting her own conversion.. missionaries stressed "American" citizenship and values. Indeed. the Houchen staff usually included one Latina. and Beatrice Fernandez had participated in Methodist outreach activities as children (Soto at Houchen) and had decided to follow in the footsteps of their teachers. In a thank-you note. In December 1952. the number of Latina (predominately Mexican-American) settlement workers rose to six. white dress. slip.43 It is no coincidence that the decade of greatest change in Houchen policies occurred at a time when Latinas held a growing number of staff positions. A member of the settlement Brownie troop encouraged her friends "to become 'an American or a Girl Scout' at Houchen. Elizabeth Soto.

" remarked Lucy Lucero. out of the influence exerted by Mexican clients in shaping the attitudes and actions of Mexican missionaries.one for teenagers and one for adults .45 Although representing only a single year. in the new Houchen constitution of 1959. Newark nurses summoned Catholic priests to the hospital to baptize premature infants. approximately 8.VOLUME XII. at the parents' request. NO. they would not receive "in any way indoctrination" regarding Methodism. family solidarity. adopt its tenets of "Christian Americanization. although children said grace at meals and sang Christian songs. too. 1 needs arose." Because of the warm. but Friendship Square did not always leave a lasting imprint. Taken together. For instance. by and large. However. brochures describing the day nursery emphasized that. During the 1950s. Implemented by a growing Latina staff. But I didn't become Protestant. the congregation of El Buen Pastor in 1944 included 160 people. rather than as a religious mission. Instead. During this period. In fact. In contrast. all mention of conversion was dropped. they did not. Houchen was the home of two chapters .46 Finally. client-initiated changes in Houchen policies brought a realistic recognition of the settlement as a social service agency. The settlement afternoon programs had an average monthly enrollment of 362.".614 people visited the clinic and hospital." Children who attended settlement programs enjoyed the activities. I will further suggest that although Mexican women utilized Houchen's social services. 7. "My Mom had an open mind. the goal of Houchen Settlement was henceforth "to establish a Christian democratic framework for . it conveyed a more ecumenical. Client desire became the justification for allowing the presence of Catholic clergy. one cannot equate pleasant memories with the acceptance of the settlement's cultural ideations. Houchen settlement is remembered with fondness. and neighborhood welfare.47 Settlement activities also became more closely linked with the Mexican community.of the League of 49 . The most complete set of figures I viewed was for the year 1944.44 Settlement records bear out the Mexican women's selective use of Houchen's resources. "I had fun and I learned a lot. and 40 children attended kindergarten. nondenominational spirit. During the 1950s. a policy that would have been unthinkable in the not-too-distant past. so I participated in a lot of clubs.individual development. in part. supportive environment. these figures indicate the importance of Houchen's medical facilities and of Mexican women's selective utilization of resources.000 residents of Segundo Barrio utilized Friendship Square's medical and educational offerings.

"49 Certainly. enrolled in our birth control clinic. after having her thirteenth and fourteenth children (twins). opened a birth control clinic for "married women. bear in mind that people of color have not had unlimited 50 . made veiled references to the "very dangerous business" of Juarez abortion clinics. Like women of color in academia. a working coalition of Mexican women that spanned the missionary-client boundary may have accounted for Houchen's more ecumenical tone and greater community involvement. now for one and one half years she has been a happy and non-pregnant mother. as well as their conscious decisionmaking in the production of culture. although on a gender-segregated basis. retain.FRONTIERS United Latin American Citizens (LULAC). the settlement. they sought to take advantage of the system without buying into it. They consciously decided what resources they would utilize and consciously ignored or sidestepped the settlement's ideological premises. it appears unclear whether or not the residents themselves offered any contraceptive counseling. But during the early 1960s. set the boundaries for interaction. and create distinctive cultural forms. I would argue that Mexican clients. gender.. class.50 But this general typology tends to obscure the ways in which people navigate across cultural boundaries. and Latina settlement workers may have exhibited a greater willingness to listen. Though it is a matter of pure speculation at this point. the most visible and politically powerful civil rights organization in Texas. and Chicano (third and beyond). Houchen had changed with the times.48 Carpentry classes once the preserve of males . in cooperation with Planned Parenthood. In reviewing Houchen's history." Indeed. Chicano scholars have divided Mexican experiences into three generational categories: Mexicano (first generation). Houchen provides a case study of what I term cultural coalescence. There is not a single hermetic Mexican or MexicanAmerican culture but rather permeable cultures rooted in generation. and personal experience. borrow. however. but to what extent did other policies change as the result of Mexican women's input? The residents of Segundo Barrio may have felt more comfortable expressing their ideas. a Houchen contraception success story was featured on the front page of a spring newsletter: "Mrs.opened their doors to young women. region. Houchen was not a beacon of salvation but a medical and social service center run by Methodists. Mexican-American (second generation). G. moreover. Houchen workers. However. not the missionaries. Immigrants and their children pick. For most women. What factors accounted for the new directions in settlement work? The evidence on the baptism of premature babies seems fairly clear in terms of client pressure.

are neither dead ends nor gold mines but points of departure. "Siga las Estrellas" [Follow the Stars] beckoned one Max Factor advertisement. Aimed at women. 1 choice. both material (infant immunizations) and psychological (self-esteem). of models. Even the Spanish-language press promoted acculturation. young women coming of age during the 1920 s may have wanted to be like the flappers they saw on the silver screen or read about in magazines. unrealistic. one could interpret the cultural ideations of Americanization as indications of an attempt at what Juirgen Habermas has termed "inner colonization. including chaperonage. and economic segmentation have all constrained the individual's aspiration. imperialism.VOLUME XII. the elementary schools. And Houchen records reflect the cognitive construction of missionary aspirations and expectations. and social. 51 . movies. and cosmetics were purchased. Religious and secular Americanization programs. hair coloring. Cultural coalescence encompasses both accommodation and resistance. stylized. sexism. and unattainable.51 The ideations of Americanization were a mixed lot. and decisionmaking. Racism. rejecting the ideological messages behind them.'"53 Yet. In other words. Methodist missionaries sought to alter the "lifeworld" of Mexican immigrants to reflect their own idealized versions of life in the United States. political. like those of Houchen. while. Strict parental supervision. As an example. and the reality of poverty and prejudice served to blunt their ability to emulate the icons of a new consumer society. Creating the public space of the settlement. advertisements promised status and affection if the proper bleaching cream. the failure of such projects illustrates the ways in which Mexican women appropriated desired resources. NO. The fluidity of cultures offers exciting possibilities for research and discussion. and radio bombarded the Mexican community with a myriad magazines. most of which were idealized. The shift in Houchen policies during the 1950s meant more than a recognition of community needs. persecution. in the main.52 By looking through the lens of cultural coalescence. the documents revealed more about the women who wrote them than those they served. Institutional records. Settlement workers can be viewed as the narrators of lived experience. Young women encountered both the lure of Hollywood and the threat of deportation and walked between the familiarity of tradition and the excitement of experimentation. it represented a claiming of public space by Mexican women clients. but few would do more than adopt prevailing fashions. At another level. especially in the realm of consumer culture. expectations. we can begin to discern the ways in which people select and create cultural forms. and Mexican women acted.

ed. Because of the deportation and repatriation drives 2. 9. When standing at the cultural crossroads. Stoltz. 1880-1920 (New On a national level. Steven Seidman. 1969). 1947) [HF]. 6. 29-33. Mario T. El Paso. Mario Garcia meticulously documents the Chicanos. 17 . Martinez. This essay was completed with the support of a University of California. economic Century" (Houchen report. 42. pp. October 20.4 percent. "Friendship Square" (Houchen pamphlet. "The Methodist Church and Latin Americans in the United States" (Board of Home Missions pamphlet. 1927) [HF]. Effie Stoltz. who arrived in South El Paso in 1893. 1 (September 1982): 42-43. 10. pp. "Friendship Square". 1989)." paso del norte. 4. and social stratification of Mexicans in El Paso. Hitt. "Friendship Square" (Houchen [HF]. Hammond. Chicanos. 24 (September 1943): 140. The Chicanos of El Paso: An Assessment of Progress (El Paso: Texas Western Press. El Paso Times. dated May 10. pp. Mexicans Haven: Yale University Press. formed the "third largest 'racial' group" by 1930. Desert Immigrants. Davis. M. 3.FRONTIERS not reacted. "Christian Health Service" (Houchen report. However. according to "South El Paso's Oasis of Care. 1943) [HF]. and members of the Houchen board for their permission to use settlement materials. 7. Garcia. I gratefully acknowledge Tom Houghteling. 52 . Houchen Community Center executive director. letter from Dorothy Little to E. 8. see Garcia. 1980). circa 1930s) [HF]. 1945 [HF]. Mae Young. I was not permitted to examine any materials then housed at Newark Hospital. Clark and Dorothy McConnell. "South El Paso's Oasis of Care. Elmer T. "Friendship Square". dated September 14. outnumbered only by Anglos and African-Americans. the proportion of Mexican workers with high white-collar jobs jumped to 3. Mexican women blended their options and created their own paths. NOTES 1." Southwestern Social Science Quarterly. In 1960. 144-145. Thelma Hammond. and hereafter referred to as [HF] (for Houchen Files).. 1924) [HF]. letter from Bessie Brinson to Treva Ely. according to Martinez. 10. 1945. 1958 [HF]. 6. p. part of an uncataloged collection of documents housed at Houchen Community Center. Texas. p. Humanities Institute Fellowship. it was not until 1912 that an actual settlement was established. according to T. Oscar J. 171. to the settlement impulse." (Houchen report. The most complete statistics on utilization of services are for the year 1944 and are given in the letter from Little to Young." p. 1941) [HF]. Wilson Longmore and Homer L. "Friendship Square. "Growing With the Martinez. circa 1940s) (Houchen newsletter. "Freeman Clinic". Desert Immigrants. p. 5. "Health Center" report. Jiirgen Habermas on Society and Politics: A Reader (Boston: Beacon Press. "A Demographic Analysis of First and Second Generation Mexican Population of the United States: 1930. I thank Valerie Matsumoto for her unflagging encouragement and insightful comments. Dorothy Woodruff and Dorothy Little. 145. March 1949) [HF]. 1981). Desert Immigrants: The Mexicans of El Paso. Garcia. "Settlement Worker's Report" (Houchen report. "Freeman Clinic: A Resume of Four Years Work" (Houchen pamphlet. My very rough estimate is based on the documents and records to which I had access. It should be noted that Houchen Settlement sprang from the work of Methodist missionary Mary Tripp. Hammond.

the Catholic diocese opened up the Gary-Alerding Settlement with the primary goal of Americanizing Mexican immigrants.VOLUME XII. January 9. Dorothy Little. October 8. 1983." Anita Hernandez. Letter from Tom Houghteling. Health Service". El Paso Herald Post. March 12. April 19. 15." For more information "Friendship Guti6rrez. executive director. Square. Ph. James B. The bishop took such action to counteract suspected inroads made by two local Protestant settlement houses. "Gary Mexicans and 'Christian Americanization': in Study in Cultural Conflict. the number of Mexicans in El Paso dropped from in 1930 to 55. Ibid. letter from Little to Young.' " pp. The documents reveal a striking absence of adult Mexican male clients. 1983. 1961. "The Freeman Clinic and the Newark Conference Maternity Hospital" (Houchen report.) Elsa Chaivez is a pseudonym used at the person's request. 17." Multicultural Reader in U. 1500-1846 University Press. eds. 18. see Ram6n on the Franciscans. interview with the author. 1961. Calif. Ruiz (New York: Routledge. "Settlements Under the Women's Home Missionary Society. 1974). circa 1920s) [HF]. Friendship Square calendar for 1949 [HF]. 115-134. February 11. and Gender on the Anglo-Hispanic Frontier in the American "Christian 14. 1983. circa 1940s) [HF]. interview with the author. Refuge: Culture. May 1963). Sanchez. (Tape of presentation and discussion is on file at the Institute of Oral History. interview with the author. 1 10. University of Texas. 1961. to the author. Indiana. Clark and McConnell. March 7.D. El Paso Herald Post. Woodruff and Little. Lucy Lucero. El Paso Times. See A Ruth Hutchinson Crocker. 53 . "Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement".. 12. circa 1940s) [HF]. "Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement" (Houchen report. "The Methodist Church. Class. The Catholic Discussion following "Settlement Houses in El Paso" presentation. church never established a competing settlement house. 13. 1991). pp. Chicanos. August 24. from the private files of Kenton J. "The Kindergarten" (Houchen report. Little. However. Women's History. NO. Ellen Carol DuBois and Vicki L. letter from Brinson to Ely. El Paso.S. 1983. For more information on Americanization " 'Go After the Women': Americaniprograms in California. "'Go After the Women. 1940) [HF]. "Community Centers" (Women's Division of Christian Service pamphlet. in Unequal Sisters: A zation and the Mexican Immigrant Woman. "Our Work at Houchen" (Houchen report.: Stanford Sexuality.476 according to Martinez. by 1960. El Paso Times. 250-283. see George J." given by the author at the El Paso Conference on History and the Social Sciences. Texas.796. 1987). When Padre Jesus Came. 68. discussion following presentation on "Settlement Houses in El Paso. 1990). Sarah Deutsch. August 8. 1942) [HF]. The Mexican men who do appear are either Methodist ministers or lay volunteers. 1961. May 12. August 2. it had risen to 63. "Settlement Worker's Report". of the 1930s in which one-third of the Mexican population in the United States was either deported or repatriated. 1915-1929. "A Right Glad New Year" (Houchen newsletter. Escobar (Chicago: Cattails Press. during the 1920s in Gary. 6. El Paso. and Power in New Mexico.. Clymer. 16. Tom Houghteling. Elsa Chaivez. Jennie C. No Separate Sanchez. 1983. the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage. 1919-1975. (Stanford. 1990. 250-263. Houchen Community Center. 1991. El Paso Herald Post. pp.000 in 1940. "Our Work at Houchen". dated December 24. p. Gilbert. eds. "Friendship Square". Lane and Edward J. January 3." in Forging Community: The Latino Experience Northwest Indiana." (pamphlet. "Funding Proposal for Youth Outreach and Referral Report Project" (April 30. Woodruff and Little. El Paso Herald Post. circa 1940s) [HF].

260). 260. December 16. Hammond. letter from Brinson to Ely. Tex. 11 (January 1923): 26. 1961. 21. 19. 1975. 1975. "Account Book for Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement (1903-1913)" [HF]. September 5. pamphlet courtesy of Jack Redman). March 7. in Houchen activities and were eager to share their recollections (cf. I am also indebted to students in my Mexican-American history classes when I taught at the University of Texas. 28. "Greetings for 1946" (Houchen Christmas newsletter. Local civic groups occasionally donated money or equipment and threw Christmas parties for Houchen children. Indiana. September 1975.. 26. "Four Institutions. 1909. December 14. 54 .' " p. Vernon McCombs. Hammond. Woodruff and Little.: El Paso Printing Company). Most of the educators who attended the talk had participated. "Gary Mexicans. May 12. 23. Soledad Burciaga. 1947." according to Hutchinson Crocker. I agree with George Sanchez that Americanization programs created an overly rosy picture of U. El Paso. by Mrs. El Paso Herald Post. The Remedy for the Decadence of the Latin Race (El Paso. "Victories in the Latin American Mission" (Board of Home Missions pamphlet. 20. Friendship Square calendar for 1949. One Goal. "Friendship Square". It should be noted that in 1904 local Methodist congregations did contribute much of the money needed to purchase the property upon which the settlement was built. "Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement." "Settlement Worker's Report". El Paso Times. life. speech given by Kenton J. 1976) [HF]. Newark-Houchen News. Babbitt. Woodruff and Little. 1961. " 'Go After the Women. El Paso Times. note 13). 1987). Newark-Houchen 1975. El Paso Herald Post. December 1946) [HF]. Texas. "Our Work at Houchen". In his words: "Rather than providing Mexican immigrant women with an attainable picture of assimilation. 24. It is also informed by a public discussion of my work on Houchen held during an El Paso teachers' conference in 1983. June 1975 (Clymer Files). 1939) [HF]. 55 (presented to the Pioneers Association of El Paso. Community" (Houchen pamphlet. 27. "The Kindergarten". El Paso Times. Americanization programs could " 'Go only offer these immigrants idealized versions of American life" (Sanchez. January 19. 1935) [HF]. El Paso Times. Houghteling interview. Little. 1951. News. "Rose 22. "Growing With the Century". from playing on the playground to serving as the minister for El Buen Pastor. especially the reentry women. C. for their insight and knowledge. "Americanization Notes. "Friendship Square". 118-120. News clipping from the El Paso Times (circa 1950s) [HF]." Arizona Teacher and Home Journal. "South El Paso's Oasis of Care". Babbitt. May 23. March 12. Hernandez. Chaivez interview. "A Right Glad New Year". September Sanchez.' " p. widow of the author. The Methodist and Presbyterian settlements in Gary. "Friendship Square". October 3. circa early 1950s) [HF]. The Christian El Paso Times. "Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement".S. 1880-1940 (New York: Oxford University Press.FRONTIERS Southwest. Little. 1961. Stoltz. "A City Block of Service" (script of Houchen slide presentation.D. 1951. Clymer. 25. "Freeman Clinic". This study is based on a limited number of oral interviews (five to be exact)." pp. also couched their programs in terms of "Christian Americanization. Little. "Friendship Square". "Friendship Square". "Brillante Historia de la Iglesia 'El Buen Pastor' El Paso" (Young Adult Fellowship newsletter. but they represent a range of interaction with the settlement. "Yesterday in 1923" (Houchen report. Ph. El Paso Herald Post. Woodruff and Little. S. El Paso Herald Post. p. 1977. July 11. according to "Account Book". 1946) [HF]. After the Women. "Settlement Worker's Report". to some extent.

35. "Lupe. No Separate Refuge. 1954) [HF]. No Separate Refuge. Newark-Houchen News. Sarmiento. As she explained. "One Woman's Story". "El Metodismo en la Ciudad de El Paso. Soledad Burciaga.VOLUME XII. Newark-Houchen News. Sherna Berger Gluck (Long Beach. Ibid. many immigrants came to the settlement. El Paso Times. Friendship Square calendar for 1949. "Victories". "Friendship Square" (Houchen pamphlet. Escheverria Mulligan. Little. Bulifant. June 14. 226-227. "A Right Glad New Year"." Clara Sarmiento. Garcia interview. Ruiz. p. Anglo settlement worker's journal. Beatrice Fernandez. Sarmiento. Sanchez. NO. 85-86. (Houchen report. "Our Work at Houchen". 55 . 12 [HF]. 1929 [HF]. 34. entry for Friday. "Kindergarten Report" (Houchen report.-Mexico Border: Responses to Change (Boston: Allen and Unwin. Deutsch. Calif. circa 41. November 11.S. "Day Nursery" 39. circa 1950s) [HF]. Methodist News Bulletin. ed. "The Torres Family" (Houchen report. 30. From 1932 to 1939. January-March 1953). "One Woman's Story" (Houchen report. September 1975. Vicki L. took what they wanted of its services. "Houchen Day Nursery" (Houchen pamphlet. 122). 24. 38. "Brillante Historia".: CSULB Foundation. El Paso Times. pp. September 9." Christian Herald. "Brillante Historia". Texas" (Methodist pamphlet. Texas. 1958) [HF]. circa late 1950s) [HF]. Estella Ibarra." p. A. "FriendSpanish-American ship Square". Fernando Garcia. 1940" [HF]. letter from Little to Young. 43. News clipping from the El Paso Times (circa 1950s). interview with Jesusita Ponce. "May I Come In?" (Houchen brochure. 1940) [HF]. 33. "Gary Mexicans. 1951. pp. circa 1950s) [HF]. 31. 37. "There Is No Segregation Here" (Methodist Youth Fund Bulletin. pp. 1951 [HF]. 78-79. "Report and Directory of Association of Church Social Workers. Ruth Kern. letter to Houchen Girl Scouts from Troop 4. " 'Go After the Women. circa 1940s) [HF]. 1983. 40. vol. 1982. September 1975. Mary Lou L6pez. and remained untouched by its message" (Hutchinson Crocker. Gregory Houchen Settlement". "Gary Mexicans. September 1975. "The Door: An Informal of El Pamphlet on the Work of the Methodist Church Among the Spanish-speaking Paso. Lucero interview." in Women on the U. pp. Hazel Bulifant. services for El Buen Pastor were held in a church located two blocks from the settlement. settlement worker's private journal. "Today in 1939" (Houchen report. 1987). "Our Work at Houchen". Ruth Hutchinson Crocker also notes the propensity of Protestant missionaries to focus their energies on children and the selective uses of services by Mexican clients. interview with Rose Deutsch. "Lupe" (Houchen report. "Rose Gregory Houchen Settlement". entry for December 1952 [HF]. 1 29. Ibarra interview. 1950) [HF]. "Our Work at Houchen. 1951. Ibarra interview. "Freeman Clinic and Newark Hospital" (Houchen pamphlet. "Lupe". p. May 18.. circa 1950s) [HF]. 64-66. "Oral History and La Mujer: The Rosa Guerrero Story. "Christian Social Service" (Houchen report. 1983). Latin American Community Center. 121. 259-261. "Lupe. interview with the author. June 14. McCombs. "Friendship Square" (Houchen pamphlet. Alpine." Datebook for 1926. p. "A City Block of Service". 32. April 1946 [HF]. July 1945 [HF].' " Hutchinson Crocker. 27 of Rosie the Riveter Revisited: Women and the World War II Work Experience. 42." In her study. Sarmiento." Newark-Houchen News. 36. "Inevitably. Houghteling interview. 1939) [HF]. circa 1940s) [HF]. September 21. Hammond. circa 1950s) [HF].

Adolescence. 48. Nancy Fraser. 1952." "Houchen [HF]." in Building With Our Hands: New Directions in Chicana Scholarship. Garcia. Adela de la Torre and Beatriz Pesquera (Berkeley: University of California Press. Bulifant. Mexican Americans. "Life in a Glass House" (Houchen report. La Opinion. Moral Consciousness Communicative Action. Chavez interview. circa early 1960s) [HF]. eds. 1990). September 1974. 1983. Ofilia Chavez served as a "student helper". 1960) [HF]. and Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell. 50. Ind. trans. "News From Friendship Square" (spring newsletter. 1989). Day Nursery". Seyla Benhabib and Drucilla Cornell (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. " 'Star Struck': Acculturation.. forthcoming). 52. Ideology. Program for Houchen production of "Cinderella" [HF]. 19201940. October 8. and Identity. letter from Brinson to Ely. and the Mexican American Woman. there seems to be a shift back to original settlement ideas. eds. Discourse. 1989). 51. Lucero interview. circa 1950s) Program for first annual meeting. Beatrice Fernandez would direct the preschool. 53. El Paso Times. It should be noted that thirty years later. Ibid. 13-22. "Introduction: Beyond the Politics of Gender. Houchen Community has regularly scheduled Bible studies. For more information on LULAC. Letter from Little to Young.: MIT Press. see Garcia. intro. 295302. "Friendship Square. Steven Seidman. 1984). Freeman Clinic and Newark Conference Maternity Hospital (January 8. Mexican Americans: Leadership. and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Mass. In 1912. Unruly Practices: Power. 1987). 1938. 45. 49. Today. Thomas McCarthy (Cambridge. Newark-Houchen News. Martha Gonzalez. June 5. "The Door". Houchen Settlement and Day Nursery. in 1991. according to letter from Houghteling to the author. September 12. Woodruff and Little. 1927. Jiirgen Habermas on Society and Politics. 1848 to the Present (Notre Dame. Methodist missionaries seem to have experienced some mobility within the settlement hierarchy. La Opinion. forty years later. Richard Griswold del Castillo touches on the dynamic nature of Mexican culture in La Familia: Chicano Families in the Urban Southwest. 46." in Feminism As Critique. see Mario T. pp. 47.: University of Notre Dame Press. As an example of this typology. 44. "One Woman's Story". and application of the ideas of Jiirgen Habermas have been My understanding and informed by the following works: Jiirgen Habermas. 1930-1960 (New Haven: Yale University Press. A more developed elaboration of these themes may be found in my essay. interview with the author. January 8. 56 . ed.FRONTIERS 1950s) [HF].. Christian Lenhardt and Sherry Weber Nicholsen.

You're Reading a Free Preview

Download
scribd
/*********** DO NOT ALTER ANYTHING BELOW THIS LINE ! ************/ var s_code=s.t();if(s_code)document.write(s_code)//-->