Library

THE

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIE"^

^u

NEW SERIES

EDITED BY

CYRUS ADLER AND

S.

SCHECHTER

VOLUME
1910-1911

lio.

i^' "^^

PHILADELPHIA THE DROPSIE COLLEGE FOR HEBREW AND COGNATE LEARNING

LONDON MACMILLAN & COMPANY.
:

LTD.

CAHAN PRINTING

CO.. iNC

PHILADELPHIA 19 11

CONTENTS
Adler, Cyrus
:

Editorial
:

Announcement

f
Law
on the
Orient

is

Aptowitzer, V.

The

Influence of Jewish

Development of Jurisprudence
Bache:r,

in the Christian

217

W. Review
:

of *'A

Manual of the Aramaic Lan-

guage

of

the

Babylonian

Talmud"

by

Max

L.

Margolis

265
:

Bentwich, Norman
Review of ''The

Judaism and Early Christianity

Conflict of Religions in the

Roman
131

Empire" by Glover
Davidson, Israki.: Poetic Fragments from the Genizah
I

and

II

105, 231

FriedIvAKnde^r, Israel: Jewish-Arabic Studies

183

Friedlaender, Israel: The

Jews

of

Arabia

and

the

Gaonate
FriEdlaender,
Rechabites

249
Israel:

The Jews

of

Arabia and

the

252

FriEdlaender, Israel: Bonfires on

Punm

"
j^.v^lsh

257

FriEdlaender, Israel:

A
:

Reply to Some Notes on

Arabic Studies by H. Hirschfeld

449
Lists

Greenstone, Julius H.
Genizah

Two Memorial

from the
43

Greenstone, Julius H.
Hirschfeld, H.

Review of ''The Graded Sunday

581

School" by Henry H. Meyer

:

Some Notes on "Jewish-Arabic

Studies"

by Israel Friedlaender

447
:

HoscHANDER, Jacob Review of "Amurru

:

The Home

of

the Northern Semites" by Albert T. Clay

139

HorcHANDER, Iacob: Review of "The

,

Earliest Version of

vlonian Deluge Story and the of Govern^., tt-,

by

w H. V.

Temple Library
41

w Hilprecht
III

Montefiore, a\
i

Selec of Rev.ew r.f "Selections Hs,K, Isaac: Ma.mon,des by Israel Writings of

X,

from the Arabic

^^^^^^
,.

,
^^^

^mio j of HusiK, Isaac: Review Bentwich bv Norman ^ r The Psalms of "TVip rsa KoHLER, K. Review
.

the

.^ jewi^i
^^^

LautERBach, Jacob and Midrash in f almud "

01

Church" by Oesterley Allegorists micg Ancient Jewisn T 7 Z.. The /^

me

^^^^ ^^^

Tob Shem Tr.h Ben Maeter, Henry:

Margolis,
Biblical

Falquera I.Joseph P.lnuera

^^^^ ^^^

Max

u..

Philology L.:

MARGOUS, Max

The Grouping

of the Cod,c

tj,e

^^^
^^,g,,is'

^^^^^^,^ ^^^.^^ ^^ Max L.. wore Margolis, Babylonian Language j jj,g the Aramaic of

Greek Joshua.

Manual

^^^

'^'*""\.

MARGous Max
Greek text of
Margol.s,

Review of

"Ecclesiasticus.

The
403

Codex 248 ^^JJ^'

^^,.^^,

,y

j.

h. A. Hart
Dealing

Max

L.:

Some Recent Fu
bt,. .-^

,i^,ti.

^^^

with the Bible

Marx, AlExandEp
^'"'"

^.^^^^y ^, Liter61

Revew MARX, ALEXANDER

:

of Berakot by t the of !, edition

^^^^

K. Pe-ferkowitsch

Review 01 M^RX, Alexander.

^^ ^^^^^

^,^^

^25
Piyt Parts of a Shabu'ot ^^ "Jerusalem" by

\"th7suppressed MisHCON.A..TheSupp ^Montgomery, James

George

^-

533

123
^^^ 341
1

Adam

Smith

Testament

IV

^,

\.

THE

Jewish Quarterly Review

NEW
SERIES
1910

JULY

EDITORIAL ANNOUNCEMENT
The New
the
first

Series of The:

Jewish Quarterly Review,

herewith presented to the

number

of

which

is

pubhc, forms the continuation of the twenty stately volumes

edited,

under the same name, from 1888 to 1908, by Mr.

Israel

Abrahams and Mr. Claude G. Montefiore.

announced

In the

issue of October, 1907, the Editors

tion,

their inten-

at the

end of the current

fiscal

year, to discontinue

the publication of their periodical, by reason of the duties devolving

many

upon them, which made

it

impossible for

them

to continue their laborious editorial work.

At a meeting of the Board of Governors of the Dropsie

College for
1908,

Hebrew and Cognate Learning,

held in June,

the

announcement of the proposed discontinuance

elicited a general

of the

QuARTEREY

expression of regret,

and

it

was then resolved not

in the

to allow the only

organ for

Jewish learning

English language to disappear.

correspondence ensued between the President of the Board

of Governors of the College and Messrs.

Abrahams and

Montefiore, and the result was that the English Editors and

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

all

Publishers ceded
for

rights in the

title

to the

Dropsie College

Hebrew and Cognate Learning.

The Governors of

the College take this opportunity of expressing their appreciation of the

genenous

spirit in

which the negotiations were

conducted, and of acknowledging their sense of obligation

to the

former management.
the President of the College, and the

The undersigned,

President of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America,

who

is

at the

same time

Governor of the Dropsie College,

have been entrusted with the editorship of the

of

New

Series
suc-

The Jewish Quarterly

Review.

They have been

cessful in securing the co-operation of eminent scholars, and

they cherish the hope that they will be able to maintain the
high standard of excellence which, under their predecessors,
the

Review reached
They

as a repository of Jewish

and Cog-

nate Learning.

repeat the assurance given in the in-

augural number of the First Series, that contributions from

all

sources will be welcome.

its

Upon

the merit of an article

alone will depend

admission to the pages of the Review.

The

fact that the

Review has passed from

the hands of

private individuals into those of a learned institution with a

strict

academic character makes

it

incumbent upon the Edi-

tors to formulate their policy according to the

model of aca-

demic publications.
all

This

will necessitate the exclusion of

matter not falling within the province of Jewish history,

ICDITORIAI,

ANNOUNCEMENT

3
ar-

literature,
ticles
tific

philology,

and archaeology, though popular

upon these

subjects, if they are conceived in a scienwill

spirit

and bear the marks of original research

be

readily admitted.

In another respect too the policy pursued in the First

Series will be modified.
a considerable

Heretofore, the

Review contained

amount of matter

relating to the history of

the

Jews of England.

As

there

is

a Society devoted to this

its

subject in particular, which publishes the results of

vestigati.ons. only articles of special

in-

importance or universal
will be accepted

interest relating to English

Jewish History
policy will be

for the

Review.

The same

made

to apply to

American Jewish History, which

likew^ise is cared

for in
re-

the regular publications of an active Society

making
its

search into the history of the Jews in America

object.

peculiar

In general, the main purpose of the Editors

a need which
is

is

to supply

greatest felt just in those departments of

Jewish learning for which neither the regular theological

periodicals nor the I'ocal historical societies

make

sufficient

provision.

The Editors
the need, as

feel

it

all

the

more

their duty to supply

America

is

fast

becoming the center of Jewry,

also the center of Jewish
It

and

in all likelihood will

become

learning in the English world.

would be anomalous

if,

4
in the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

face of this great present growth, the past with
its

its

glory and
lessons

sacrifices, its ideals

and

its

achievements,

its

and

its

inspirations,

were not offered the opportunity

it

of that articulate utterance which can be given to

only

through the mouth of science and scholarship.

With

these aims in view, and bespeaking the interest

alike, the

and co-operation of scholars and laymen

take up their task.

Editors

Cyrus Adler
S.

Schechter

THE SCOPE AND METHODOLOGY OF BIBLICAL

PHILOLOGY
By Max
L. Margolis, Dropsie College
is

The present paper

larger

intended as the forerunner of a

work planned

after the

manner

of Boeckh's "Bn-

cyklopddic iind Mcthodologie der philologischcn

Wissen-

schaff' and

S.

Reinach's "Manuel de philologie classique"\

What

has been done so successfully and on so comprehen-

sive a scale for classical philology, has to the

knowledge

of the writer not been attempted for the wide field of biblical

philology; and while a

a

work
must

of this character consti-

tutes

pressing need to instructor and student alike, a

sketch,

shorter

though

it

necessarily

fall

short

of the ideal requirements, will at least indicate the nature of the want.
It

has not been deemed advisable to encum-

ber this tentative effort with anything like an exhaustive

bibliographical apparatus which

must be reserved for the

larger

work

in the

main the footnotes serve the purpose

of relieving the body of the text from unwieldy parentheses.

The

choice of one concrete example for the illustration of

the various philological operations to which the Scriptures

may

be

subjected
;

will

no doubt commend

itself

to

the

judicious 'reader

if

the

name

of one

modern commentator
it

occurs in this connection quite frequently,

is

is

because he

rightly considered the representative of a certain class

of exegetes.
I.

In

English,

three

distinct

sciences

appear

to

be

THC JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

thrown together under the one name ''philology": (a) the

(general)
Definition of

science of language, also called

linguistic science, or linguistics,

and some-

"Phiioiogy"

times designated, since

it

must have a Greek

science

name, as glottology^
for
its

which has

object a study of the origin and development of

in general, dealing,

language
historical

whether

in a philosophical or

manner, not so much with

all

this or that particular

language, but with

variety of

languages, exemplifying amidst the

types the universal laws governing articulate

speech as a vehicle of thought, the phonetic decay of words,

their

semantic

development,

etc.;

(b)

the

comparative

grammar* of

a group of cognate languages, illustrating the

dialectal variations of a real or

supposed parent language

as they develop into separate languages,

their

and pointing out

is

common
only

laws of structure
of

such, of course,

the

subject

''comparative"

philology;

accordingly,
is

"philology"

minus the qualifying adjective

identified

with the grammatical and lexicographical study of a language, and in the popular mind the philologist
is

solely
philol-

and simply a grammarian or dictionary writer; (c)

ogy proper, which has been defined by
its

master-builders
its

as nothing short of that science which has for

aim the

knowledge of human thought as far as

pressed'.
2.
it

it

has been ex-

Now

the

modes of expressing thought

thought carved

are diverse:

may

be by means of a statue or painting or structure,

in stone,

or painted on can-

Relation of Philology to

vass, or

embodied

in a cathedral,

or by

Cognate

means of

gesture, the

mimicry of language*,
articulate speech, the

or finally by

means of

word spoken

for written).

I'sychology and logic are equally

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS
is

7 the

concerned with

human

thought, but their province

formal side of thought, the laws governing the origin or

possibihty or sequences of thought.
the matter of thought
the thought, recover
it
:

Philology deals with

it

back of the word

would divine
and make
w^hen
it

in its original lucidity

it

throb again with the

first

warmth

that suffused

it

was
His-

ushered into the world.

:

Philology's twin sister

;

is

tory

according to some' the two are identical

others con-

ceive of philology as the

handmaiden of

history, both cover-

ing the same range of subjects, except that the

method
re-

which
mains

is

always apparent in the philological operation

latent in the historical presentation^

Over against

those sciences

whose scope

consists in discovering universal

laws under which particular phenomena

the
historico-philological

may

be subsumed,

sciences

are

pre-eminently conit

cerned with the particular, with Personality, whether

be

that of an individual or that of a collective aggregate of

humanity'.
3.
(

Philology
)
y

is

science to be

sure,

but also an art

largely the

'^/.''^i

ai^d

philological instruction

means

teaching of a

sum

of

technical

devices".
Philology
also

The student must be taught

vey his
tools.
field

early to sur-

and possess himself of the

philology aims at reproducing

an Art

For

if

thought, the actual matter of thought that passed through

a

human

brain and thrilled a

human

soul, interpretation be-

comes the chief

tion
is

philological operation;

and

if

interpreta-

to lead to understanding as lucid

and immediate as

when

man

speaks

us face to face,

it

must be mediated

by as complete an array of data as we can gather, confronted as

we

often arc by a foreign idiom or by a literary

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in

document composed
Philological In-

by-gone days.
is

Mediated under-

standing that
tation

what

philological interpre-

terpretation

is

amounts
is

to".

While immediate uncomplex process,

Mediated

Un-

derstanding
^^^

in itself a

derstanding

made simple and instantaneous through

is

long practice, the mediated philological understanding

necessarily a
still

more laborious one requiring long study

;

and stedfast perseverance

in the end,

it is

true, the expert

gains a certain tact which sometimes works immediately

and as
4.

it

were by divination.
business of the philologist thus seems to be the

The

faithful, lifelike, portraiture of

thought

in all its individual

content and coloring.

Philology both
Imitative

There was a constel-

i^^ion of
.
,

and

that

events that was unique; and in . ^^ j ^i r unique constellation there lived a

.

Constructive

unique
to a unique thought

man

and that man gave utterance

which the philologist would recover

past.

from beneath the rubbish of the

a constructive side to philology.
sessed of an imitative faculty that

But there

is

also

The
is

philologist, if pos-

perfect, will see with

the author's eyes and re-think his thoughts, be he epic bard

or

dramatist

or

prophet
bring
of

or
to

psalmist

l)Ut

he

can
single

do

more

he
or
a

can

bear

upon
all

the the
in

utterance
facts

piece

literature

known
relation said

backward
and

and
it

forward

that

stand
It

thereto

view

synthetically.

has

been

that the philologist understands the orator

and poet better

than they understood themselves or were understood by

their contemporaries; for

what

to

them was immediate and

matter-of-fact,
cognition".
5.

is

turned by the philologist into conscious

Since

human

culture which

is

the object of philolo-

BIBI.ICAL

PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS

9
all

gical investigation

is

national in character, and since of

the

corporate
it

cultural
in

achievements of a
that

nation
tional
it

is

language

the

na-

Biblical

Philol-

genius ^

primarily

manifests
.

itself,

^^ ^^ ^
'"3te

^^^'

...

Departof

follows that the divisions of philology

linguistic

must follow the boundaries of

areas.

mi

There

-11

Study justified by the Formation of

^^^

ment

will

naturally be

found on

Canon

the philological chart vast territories, like the Indo-European or Semitic, and smaller domains like
the the

Greek or Hebrew.

Whatever may be
Eber stands

the heritage which

Hebrews received from

over against the

their Semitic forefathers, the

off clearly

individuality of the sons of

self

by

it-

sum

total of culture

possessed by

all

the children of
Israel, or of the

Shem

alike.

But even

in the

culture of

Jewish people, which can justly be made

the subject of encyclopaedic treatment, the Biblical literature

may
ogy

be properly placed apart and given over to a specific

department of study.
is

The

justification of a Biblical philol-

not

merely to be
is

found

in

the

vastness of

the

philological labor that

requisite for the interpretation of

in

the

thought deposited therein, but rather

the

unique

character of the Scriptures of which the formation of the

canon by the Jews themselves was the

preciation.

first

conscious ap-

In the following pages a survey of the scope

is

of Biblical philology
6.

attempted.

First in order naturally

It is

comes the intcrprctatio verInUrpretalio

horum, niten nis.

,

rooted in

and

lexicon.

A
Job

concrete
3,

grammar example may help

verborum

define both.
:-i3J
V T
I

3 reads: )2 nSix DV i^N^

Grammatical
is

nin -iDX nS^^ni. T T T

J
1
:

Our

first

business

reading o

(de\

10

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

cipherment, pronunciation).

We
at

recognize a

number of
are nat-

symbols
Decipherment.
urally

(letters,"

nvms).
the

They

treated
:

very

threshold

of

Phonology

grammar
the

the

script,

more

specifically

square script

(ny3"irD na'riD)

which we learn to under-

stand as the Aramaic development of the older

Hebrew"

(nay
about

with
the

the

ligatures

broken through'\
of

We
and

learn

traditional

order

the

alphabet'"

the

names

of

the

letters".

Their
tradition;

consonantal
their
is

function
acold."

we
That

likewise
to

learn
the

from
organs
to

grouping
equally of

cording

of

speech

belongs
treats
(

already
of

that

division

grammar

which

sounds
).

(phonetics).

Next we observe
are treated again

the points"
in the

nnp:

As symbols they

chapter concerning the script where

we

learn their

traditional

names and

their history'", also the fact that the

manuscripts present another system of notation".

In the

phonology we are made acquainted with the vowels of

which they are symbols

we

also find that the parallel sys-

tem has a bearing upon pronunciation."

The

point which

we

find (three times) within a letter

is

treated again under

of symbols"

script as well as

under phonetics^^
(

tliird set

indicating the accents"

script

D^oyo

) is

equally elucidated under

and

phonetics^",
at the

though their exact function can be

end of the grammar''.
i
,

mastered only

In the script
;

we

shall also find the vowel-letters'^

'

discussed
in
"J^N'

and

in

the phonology the absorption" of the

N*

will be

accounted

for.

In the phonetic part of the

:

grammar we

shall also learn to distinguish the first

as originating in

a primitive""

a,

the second as the resultant of a contracted

the third as due to a similar contraction over
/;

diphthong

07^',

the slurred laryngal

which was

really the all-important

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS
;

II

element of the pronominal mination of the fourth

(exegetical)
is

suffix

the grammatical deter-

bound up with a lexicographical

question which will

shall learn in the
first
-^
;

come up subsequently.
to

Similarly
treat

we

same part of grammar

third,

separately the

and the
in the

the

second,

the

fourth,

and the and

fifth
.

same manner

to hold apart

the

first

last -_-

All these distinctions will be found to

be an aid to sense.

The

inseparable prefixes

and

are

again a subject for the chapter concerning the script".

the other hand,

On
pho-

we

shall expect to find elucidated in the

nology the recession of the accent with which we meet three

times in our verse.
7.

The

first

two parts of grammar have taught us

to

read (pronounce accurately).

to tradition,

We

read of course according

the living tradition

which

is

multifarious; but sporadic allusions in early

Traditional

grammatical

literature''

bring us nearer to

Pronunciation

the pronunciation current in the schools of

the authors of the punctuation
transliterations''

(o^npO-

Latin and Greek-

on the whole substantiate tradition, though

pointing to a less fixed pronunciation which here and there

is is

more

archaic.

traditional chanting exists also

which

equally diverse''.
8.

We

proceed

now

to the

Word which
The

is

a combination

of sounds expressive of sense.

third part of

grammar,

the morphology, disengages the stem

its

from
Morphology

formative accretions and classifies forms

acco-rdmg to their inner inflection (characteristic of the

Semitic languages).

Formaclassified accord-

tive elements, forms,

and words are also

ing to their function in the sentence (in a preliminary

at least).

way

Thus

niN^

is

determined as-i3Nf\thc

indicat-

12

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ing the third person singular masculine of the pre-form*" and

the remainder being the simple stem of the root 13X
larly ib^i as
i^T
;

simi-

+ +
J

the s
J
'"

indicating the

first

person

singular of the pre-form, the

a formative stem-accretion

belonging to the X-stem, and what follows being the root

nb'".

DV

and

iiy

""

are placed under one type

(bp:^'D)".

The

identification of types, in our present

knowledge (or
there

ignorance) of

Hebrew (Semitic) grammar, here and

leads to a hint concerning the function (category)

of the
so on.

noun", but just as often leaves us in the dark".

9.

And

Morphology helps us

in the

main

to consult the lexi-

con for the meaning of the root.

The

lexicon contains

more than
The Lexicon. The Sources
of the

that.

For, although the stem-

dilTerentiation along with

is

modal distmctions

Lexi-

dealt with in
-r
1

the
1

grammar", there are

coqrapher ^ ^

.1 manifold nuances which the grammar

1

is

powerless to reduce to law beyond the vaguest outline and

which therefore are conscientiously noted

in the lexicon.

We may
and turn
day;
-i33

lay

our unfinished grammar aside for a moment,

to the lexicon,

lis means perish;

1^ bear; nv

man.

We

select in

each case of course the most

general meaning.
Tradition,

What
;

are the lexicographer's sources?

primarily

supported or supplemented by the

in

consonance of the traditional meaning with the context

the greatest

number of

places,

by the ancient versions", by

In the case of

later Hebrew**,

by the cognate languages.

rarer words*' and especially of hapax Icgomena

(nmn ni??D)
and very

the rabbis already found themselves in perplexity**

likely at

an earlier date the ancient versions*'

Saadya helped

himself by reference to later Hebrew, others like himself

either tacitly or
a

avowedly compared Aramaic*' or Arabic**;

since

process

repeated on a larger scale

the

days of

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS

Schultens and Ludolf, with Ethiopic, Assyrian, Phoenician,

Southern Arabic to swell the apparatus

of words apparently
krit

and

in the

case

borrowed or foreign we consult Sans-

and Iranian and Armenian and Egyptian, and possibly

even Greek'".

The meaning
fail,

of

rare

words, particularly

when

other means
,

must be determined from the con;

text (iroipD ^th

irjy ^dS)

but the context cannot give cer;

tainty or absolute definiteness

it

often represents a circle

which

to be sure shuts out all sorts of possible meanings,

but within

which there

is

still

ample variety to choose

will

from.
to
his

The honest lexicographer

a

add a sign of query

with Rashi, admit

many

meaning thus ascertained,

ith).

or,

ignorance (^nyi"

lo.

The Word has thus

the
unit

far been treated in isolation, but

human

speech does not consist of detached words.

is

The

Sentence

of

speech.
its

Within
Syntax.
tional

the sentence each

word has

function and

FuncPart

more or

less

its

fixed position.

Function

goes in the developed state of the language

with form"

and conversely formative elements with functhrough phonetic decay".

tional force are lost

The theory

of functions within the sentence as a unit belongs to the

first

part of syntax", where also the various kinds of sen-

tences are described''.

Thus dv
dv
is

"I3N^

is

a verbal clause,
is

an optative

sentence;

subject,

idn^

predicate.

Perish the day!

The next sentence may

at first be treated
in artificial isola-

without reference to the preceding clause,

tion.

What

is

the function of the pre-form"?

20,

The

parallel

passage, Jerem

14

has:

'm^'

The English Ver/

sion renders both passages alike:

....

7^'as

born.

Is

it

beyond the power of the English language

particular nuance which belongs to
"iS^S

to express the
?

over against ^mS'

14
or are the

THE JEWISH QU ARTEREY REVIEW

two
really identical?
:

According

to

Kautzsch
II

we ought
Kings
3,

to render

/ zi'as to be born.
so]i
-jSr^' it:'S

He
tJiat

compares
to

27: his eldest

z^'as
:

reign.

On

the other hand,

Ewald and Driver

interpret

nascendus

cram, I was being born, the event being represented as nascent,

and

so,

the speaker "seizing

upon

it

while in move-

ment rather than while

ness to the mental eye"

at rest, pictured
;

with peculiar vivid-

the usage

is

said to be peculiar of
it

the language of poetry, though traces of

in prose.'*

are found also

But there

is

another view quite as plausible

is

iSiN

to

speak the language of Greek grammar,

aorist

minus augment."

As

in

Greek, such forms are archaic,

hence confined to poetry.

And

it is

part of the interpreter's

business to distinguish between prose and poetry.

1 1.

The concluding
tences.

part of

grammar

is

the syntax proper

which deals with co-ordination and subordination of sen-

The

first

half of our verse consists

Syntax proper

of two sentences combined in a svntactical

relation.

In the prose parallel

-iL"i<

inter-

venes to indicate the relation.

the omission of the corresponding relative
is

In Arabic,

conditioned by
In

the indeterminateness of the antecedent.

Hebrew no
in the

such conditions seem to have been considered requisite."

But

the omission of iC'K

is

peculiar of poetry, dv

is

construct state."
12.

In the present instance, the verbal interpretation

is

almost tantamount to the contextual interpretation,

I"*:!;!!
.

tr'ns

The context being

Thus

rhetorical
stylistic

and
ob-

Contextual
Interpretation

poetic, the interpreter

must add

servations.

the parallcUsmns
itself

mcmthe

brorum obtrudes
his attention.

immediately upon

What

is

the subject of

-iros ?

AY.: and

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
night in zvhich

MARGOLIS
is

it

zvas said; hence ioJ<n

r^h^^r\

subject/"

RV.,

on the other hand, takes

zvhich said.

as subject:

and the night

;

Either

is

grammatically correct
:

according to
consult

the former interpretation supply

tradition,

is".

When we

we

find that

AV.

has the support of the Septua-

gint. Syriac,

Vulgate, Saadya, Ibn Janah, Rashi, Ibn Ezra,

Ralbag

on the side of RV. we find among the ancients the

its

Targum with
paraphrase

paraphrase

and

the angel that is set over

conception at night, zvho saidis

The source

of the

Targumic
is set
is

the rabbinic saying: the angel that

over
ap-

conception, Lailah

(=
but

Night)
it

is

his

namef^

This

parently haggadic
as

proves that the rabbis took

:i'':^^'^n

subject; the introduction of the angel sets

aside

the

poetic personification of an inanimate object which to

them

was an objectionable

feature.

That such scruples

existed,

can be proved from numerous passages in the Targum."

But an important observation

is

here in place.

Back of

the haggadic there always lies a certain conception of the

simple, unsophisticated, sense,

which conception may be

er-

roneous or true, but

tion
t:KQ

it

constitutes the rabbinic interpreta-

which

it

is

our duty to record.

,

The discovery

of the

behind the tnir2

or

be the latter

Kmo
The
'^^t be-

mjn

n^bn

cmo

would furnish ample

In the present
coin-

material for a nionograph."*

passage,
cides

hind the trmrs

the

rabbinic
that

interpretation

with

of

RV. and
I

of
see,

most moderns.
going with

Fried.

Delitzsch alone, so far as

can
is

AV.

Budde
poet
as

even

adds

that

the

night

conceived

by the

"geheimnisvollcs Ceisterzvesen", a mysterious ghostly being;

l6

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

comes
close to the rabbis
!

this certainly

few remarks on

the subject of traditional exegesis will also

Traditional

be in place. of words
is

That the

(lexical)

meaning

Exegesis

based mainly on tradition has

been mentioned above.

in

But what

have

mind now

is

contextual interpretation.

The meanings of
tradi-

nb^b
tion.

and iDX by themselves were indeed fixed by But the meaning of the clause idn
not have been a matter of tradition.
nS'Sni

may and

may
when
of

We

cannot say

with certainty whether a given rabbinic interpretation, even

it

is

reported anonymously, was the

Place, time,

commonly

ac-

cepted one at that time.

individual

and the idiosyncrasies

differences.

minds

must

have

occasioned

vSaadya, in the present case

and elsewhere, apparently does

rabbinic
interpretation.

not

consider
is

himself

bound by

There

no unanimity among the ancient versions or among

the medi^evel Jewish commentators.

find a
"-nyD^r

Here and there we

id

or ^nsvo id hinting at some sort of tradiits

tion

but

when

traced to

source,

it

may have

represented

but an individual's reasoning unsupported by further tradition.

In Rashi's days, discoveries were being

made

daily

in the simple sense";

and the motto apparently was, Dies

that the true sense

diem

docet.

It

was known

must be
the

simple, but that the simple sense

was not necessarily

it is

common

that the

Dl*'D

must not be labored, but that

not

gotten without labor; that the simple sense was as deep

(

DK^DH poiy

as the homiletical, but that,

when

discovered,

it

seemed obvious.

Of
to
it

course, the interpretation of authoritraditional

;

tative

minds tends

become

but then
it

it is

not a

question of what

came

to be. but

what
it

was

originally.

For

if

originally based

on reasoning,

must pass once more

itself

before the bar of reason. Moreover, reason

represents

BIHI.ICAL

PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS
may

\J

growth

and what

is

reasonable at one time,

not be
is

so at other times,

and vice versa; a rational interpretation

It

one thing, and a rationalistic quite another.

meritorious piece of

would be a
^^^^

work

to determine with

accuracy the degree of unanimity

among

Unanimity
Bible commentators of repute, ancient and

modern.

For, though Biblical exegesis has been the play-

ground of genius and mediocrity, and individual guesses

have been well nigh countless, nevertheless
cal struggle in the exegeti-

for existence there has been at

fittest

work

natural
the
It
is

selection,

the

interpretation

surviving,

while

ephemeral was consigned to well-merited oblivion.

for the purpose of illustrating

my

point that

resurrect

here the following

Biurist

gem

of absurdity perpetrated by the

die

Landau: "die Nacht,

She hath
,

dem Mann

verkiindete:

Sie hat empfangcn" (the night, which brought tidings to

the husband,
13.
it

conceived).*'*'
is

"inJ

mri

of course,

not easy.

As

for the verb,

would seem on the basis of the

the

parallelistic construction

of

two halves of the

X

verse,

that

it

might be
^SlS
allel

determined by the equation

:

mn:
par-

Exegeticai
Difficulties

=
is

ivas born.
3,

The
n^3

nearest

Cant.
Sn^

4:

bs vnN^anK' ny

'n-nn
6,
is

-nn

^ns,

with

which
;

compare

further

ibid.

9:
a

nmSvS NM

mn

noxS N'h nnx

(DN).

hence min (participle)

synonym of mSv

Synonymity, of course, need

is

not be identity.

The common element

merely: motherme.

hood.

'mSv

is

my mother
stage

as

she that bare

"iS\
is

That
the

nin

indicates a

anterior to
"iSni

shown by

frequently recurring phrase

like

"inm,
Isa. 26,

then by a passage
18,

nn mS'
is

icd

i:Sn

irin

where, though

the whole

said figuratively of anxious

and disappointed

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

conception,

waiting, the three verbs denote the three stages

the approach of parturition, and parturition itself;

also
birth
C^V):!)

compare

Hosea
(

9,
),

ii a

climax of calamities:
ivith child
I
( ]\22

there shall be no

nib
.

and none

), aiid

no conception

Leaving on the side

in the

Chron.

4,

17,

we

find

n'\r\

with an object
etc.,

metaphorical sense of planning

evil,

but also in the physical sense, as in Moses' question:

^3J{<

in^my

DX

nrn

nyn
,

S^
in

ns ^nnn ^^jsn
agreement
with

Num.

11,

12.

Accordingly
Vulgate,
there
first
is

-i3J

mh

Symmachus,
est

Syriac,

Targum,

means

conceptus

homo,

conceived a man.

We

are then to interpret the

half of the verse as referring to the day of birth, and

the second as treating of the night of conception.

Saadya,

Ibn Ezra, and Fried. Delitzsch simplify the matter by taking the two synonyms, nin and ih\
as identical
;

Saadya
Chron.

and Ibn Ezra support

4,

their rendering

by adducing

17,

methodological error, obscurum per obscurius,

to Cant. 3, 4,

and Fried. Delitzsch refers

but

even there

the parallelism need not be one of identity, for

^ni^ii

means
argues

she that conceived me, hence

my

mother.

Duhm

strenuously against the supposition that the poet alludes to

two

different occasions,

on

aesthetic

grounds".

Aesthetic
in this

judgments are necessarily of a subjective character;

particular instance the
aesthetic

argument

is

contradicted

by verse
able.

10,

where the reference

difficulty
-13J
,

to conception is

unmistak-

second

is

felt

by many commentators
:

with regard to
the

which, they say, means

it is

vir adultus,
in a causait

grown man.

Hence

that Rashi took

co)iceive'^\

n'\r\

tive sense:

A man
this

hath caused to

It

not easy

to

defend

view grammatically.

As

a causative,
its

nin
or-

could onlv come from the root ^

m^ TT

and, at least in
it

dinary sense: point out, direct, teach,

is

unsuitable

Yet,

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
a defense could be bolstered up,

MARGOLIS
would have

I9

and the meaning fructify

origi-

vindicated for

m-

'^

Accordingly the

nated
tion,
14.

in
it is

aT.c,

whereas, according to the current interpretan''\

the equivalent of

Some moderns

resort to emendation.
:

Here we

are

introduced to another philological operation

textual criti-

cism (the lower criticism). ^ ^

ofifshoot

Criticism
It

is

an

_ Textual
. ,

^...
Off-

Criti-

of

the

intcrpretatio.
is

means,

cism an

when our

exegetical skill

taxed to the

shoot of the
intcrpretatio

utmost and we are (actually or seemingly)

confronted by non-sense", a regress from the present form

of the text to an earlier, better, the original perchance,
tradition vitiated to tradition restored.

from

For the

stretch of
earliest

time

intervening between
is

the

original"
;

and the

manuscript extant
intentional", others

a long one

alterations ensue,

some

of an irrational character^*.

Parallel

texts"
ants.

and the versions prove

at least the existence of vari-

The marginal readings

;

of the received text repre-

sent emendations

but often just parallel readings, which

aftertimes for corrections.
still
(

were mistaken
on the
jnp

in
is

A
p^3D

treatise

to be written.
I

Another monograph
;

should be devoted to
(3)

the

npn

Ss

(2)

'",

pytiD;

conjectural emendations in the guise of grammatical

or rhetorical rules" in the works of the mediaeval Jewish

exegetes, notably Ibn Janah and
the
TT

Tanhum.
1

Here

is

also

place

for
ATA

proper definition of the

T

Masoretic

lext.

It

is

apparently nothing
the

Definition of

more than

Masoretic

the text

found

in

manuscripts
Text

and early prints substantiated by that sys-

tem of annotations which we

the

call

Masorah".
is

It

is

true,

Synagogue has

its tcxtiis

rcccptus which
its

sufficient for

practical purposes.

So

it

has

textus receptus of the Tal-

20

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

But the
real text of the

mud.

Talmud

is

at present buried

in manuscripts,

and

indirectly in quotations";

and the

far-

ther

we

ascend*", the

more

the text

is

found

to diverge, the

greater the
text there

number
is

of variants.

For

in the history of

every

such a thing as a leveling process; the more

a book

is

read, the

more

it

will

tend to uniformity."

The
at
it,

genuine text of the Talmud, as far as we can get

despite

some good preliminary work

that has been done,"

is

awaits reconstruction; and the reconstruction of a text

a philological operation which has
its

rules that

must be
text,

mastered"

Equally the reconstruction of the Biblical

not yet the original, but the Masoretic form thereof'*, awaits

consummation

at

the

hands of a master trained

in

the

school of philology.

And much
is

even will remain doubtful.

For, in the

first place,
it

the Masoretic system of annotations,

gigantic though

be,

necessarily incomplete, and

we

fall

back upon the manuscripts themselves which are not uniform.

(

Then examples abound of divergent masorahs The Talmud has been found to be nisbnno nniDO )."
variance with our Masorah.

at

The masoretic

vigilance

certainly antedates the written

seek to attain to the oral

Masorah; we must therefore Masorah. In the case of conflicts,

as an arbiter.

Norzi considers the

Targum
is

We
(

know

tore-

day that the Targum

cension of the text;

based on the Oriental

^Nnnc)

know, that the

we Targum

further know, what Norzi did not

of Proverbs

is

bodily (with slight

changes) taken over from the Syriac Version, which frequently incorporates Septuagintal readings.
occasion, even quotes a reading
nificantly

Norzi, on one
;

from the Seventy

he

sig-

adds that we must not deviate from the tradition

(

of our fathers

irnns*

1J^

noDC' mororo

nr^

i:^

|\s

ijni )".

That

is

on the whole a safe principle for reasons which

later.

will

become apparent

But we know that the Masoretic

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
text
in the

MARGOLIS

21

is

main presupposed by Vulgate, Aquila, Sym-

machus, Theodotion, some further anonymous Greek versions,

and the Hexaplaric texts of the Septuagint.

The
to

artificial
retic,

boundary-line between masoretic and pre-masofalls

at least for strictly scientific purposes, thus

It

the ground.

will be the business of the

all

future editor

of the Masoretic text to adduce

the corrobation of the re-

constructed text wheresoever he will find

it,

How
retic

the

Masois

be

it

manuscript evidence, or a masoretic

Text
to

note, or a quotation

from a

lost

codex, or
be reconstructed

the

Targum, or Aquila, or a Hexaplar manuscript. He will naturally also be in duty bound

it

to register

variants, be

from the margin, or from the Talmud, or

from the Targum, or from the Greek evidence.

be the difficulties that must beset his path, and

Many
many
;

will

the

problems raised.
the

But

scientific

work

is

never finished

and

sum
be

of knowledge often represents but a bundle of

questions.
sions,
it

When
the

he comes to use the evidence of the ver-

Targum

only,

he will be
"^^^

confronted by such texts as are themselves

in

Use

of

need of philological reconstruction

and

the Versions

even with a clean text before him, he will

at

every step face the query

Variant or paraphrase

The
evi-

problems of retroversion become manifold, when the

dence of the oldest version, the Septuagint,
is

approached".

The supreme
tion.

test^ is

again the ability to distinguish be(in the

tween actual variant

"Vorlage") and free translato general

Freedom may be due

motives (religious

scruples and the like) or to individual idiosyncracies.

the degree of freedom need not be the

Also

same

contrast the

Pentateuch with Proverbs or Job.

fronted by the dilemma
:

But before we are convariant,

Freedom or

we must

be

sure of our Greek text which simply teems with variants.

22

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Holmes-Parsons and now the larger Cambridge edition contain but the readings; these await judicious sifting.
Foi"

some are

utterly worthless

and ehminable as inner-Greek

corruptions or wilful (Christian for instance) alterations;

others represent parallel renderings of the same

Hebrew

word
only-

or phrase.

The Septuagint

student must consult not

manuscripts (uncial, cursive) and early prints (Com-

plutensian, Aldine, Sixtine), but also the daughter-versions

(Latin, Syriac, Arabic, Sahidic, Bohairic,

Armenian) and
Josephus,
it

quotations
Philo).

(church-fathers,
is

New

Testament,

The apparatus

a complex one; to ignore

is

to forego the claim to scientific accuracy.

15.

good example

is

afiforded

by the passage

in Job.

For

12}

nnn the Septuagint has:

'ISob apae,',
i'^^o

Lo, a male!

An Example
afforded by

The omission
paraphrase

of

in

one manuscript
the Sahidic

need not detain

:

us.
is

Nor need
a

the

Present

It

male

cJiild^^

cause
Syriac

Passage
literally

comment.
reproduce
has:
the

The
Greek.

Bohairic

and

The
est

Latin

(based

on

the

Hexapla)
a

Conceptus
on
the

homo,
of

which

means
to

simply

reversion

part

Origen

the
text

"Hebraica irritas", substantiating

for

at least the
It
is

Hebrew

those

"pre-masoretic"
that

days.

tolerably

certain,

however,

the

Greek

translator

wrote:

ISob apnv^,

Lo, a male!

What
n^T\

did he read in his

Hebrew
a

text?

Duhm
all

answers:
difficulties,

"I3T

which of course does away with

or
supposed*^,
at

the

real

bound.

He
t^^^

adds:

"Unser

mn
of

konnte von eincm Abschreibcr herriihren, der

fiir

versehentlich das nachbiblische nin, siehc,

schrieb."

This

bit

wisdom comes from Geiger who, however,

ascribes this confusion to the translator

to

who had
Geiger

a scruple
is

translate

delicate

matters

literally.

really

BIBIvICAI,

PHILOLOGY
for

MARGOLIS
the translator

23

guilty of a contradiction;

if

had that

scruple, the adventitious aid of a misread (mispointed)

mn
of

becomes unnecessary.
apffey

As

for

Duhm's

identification

with

13?

he

is

of course thinking of the graphic

similarity of 2
is

and

2.

But Gen.
BrjXv
;

7,

2 (twice)

'ln:^'^<1

E^'\s

rendered

apnev

Kal

so do our English versions

I

render: the male and his female] yet,

will

am

sure,

no one

pretend that the Greek' translator

;

(let

alone the English)

read

n^pJI

"iDT.

The

translator

simply

ignored

bit

of Pentateuchal criticism and with the least of concern assimilated a J to a

for
|3

phrase

Similarly apm-^
afxrz.)

is

employed
is

and

1''^

'"'.

All that

need point

to,

a mas-

culine noun, denoting a

human

being whether grown or in

apasv

childhood.

Thus

"in3

might be rendered

with imelse

punity
read.

and there
for nin
.

is

no warrant that something

was

As

the translator
^^\r^
.

may perchance have been

much

misled by the late

Hebrew

There was, however, a psythe scruple about

chologic motive for his error

not so

translating delicate matters literally, but because his literary

taste

(which he shared with

Duhm)

shrank from ascribing

to the poet a double reference to the

day of birth and to

vvxOripi(.pov

the night of conception.

birth
;

Job curses the

of his

voild

tout.

That the translator was quite capable

of mispointing his text shall not be gainsaid.

To mention
ni!D?n

one example among many: nio^n tongue

6,

dreams for

ox-

6!

Nor

is

it

to

be denied that the translator

found

in his

"Vorlage" many a variant; thus, for example,

pyjn

will ye

weary for

jrjn will
I

ye vex

19, 2.

Were

to edit

the Masoretic text critically,

~iD3
e.

should print

in the text
fj}

mh
(
'

and
the

in the

arijuuicutum the following sources:

a ha fax legomeiioji)
1

S,

i.

form

is

el).

-{i/vr]6-q

axSpia-o^)

24
^(^<"13J

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

foariNn)

l^iconccptus

est

homo)

2!(i?J n12^6<

"was created" more decorous than "was conceived")

(^(idoh
ap<T'^

also

freedom)^'.
to the received text

i6

Back of Duhm's dual objection

there really lurks a subtler motive which affords an example

Higher The ...

Criticism.

of the influence of the higher criticism on

textual

(on interpretation).

Duhm

is

con-

Determination
^

vinced that the poet imitates Jerem. 20, 1418.*'

^^^^

His pronouncement
;

is

of course based

on highly subjective grounds

but

it

furnishes a handle

for determining the date of our poem.

3
ff.,

"The
ff.",

poet, in 3,

is

dependent upon Jerem. 20, 14

thus runs the

categorical statement in the Introduction.

The poem was

This, of
definite,

therefore composed some time after Jeremiah.

course,
is

a vague date

to render

it

more

further

observations are requisite.

Duhm
may

supplies them.

He

is

not quite sure that

polator.

12,

20-25

not belong to an inter-

But then repetitions are a peculiar feature of our

poem.

Be

that as

it

may, verses 14-25 mirror the "Seelen"All things are

zustand" of post-exilic Jewry.

come

to

nought, nations and empires, the aristocracy and priesthood

such was the impression made on them by external history

by virtue of the continued national catastrophes everywhere."

Hence,

at

the time

when our
state,

poet wrote, the successive

wars of Assyrians, Chaldeans, and Persians, as well as the

downfall of the Jewish

were a matter of the

(9,

past.

When
is

the poet bitterly complains

24)

When

a land

given into the hand of a wicked man.

He

coz'eretli

the

-face of the rulers

therof\

Duhm

sees therein an allusion

to conditions such as prevailed in the Persian period.

"H
first

we were

better

acquainted with the history of the

centuries following the exile,

we would be

in a position to

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS
poem
still

25

fix

the date of the author of the

more accu-

rately."

Duhm

proceeds to find in Job, in the passages

is

wherein the greatness of God

glorified,

reminiscences

from Deutero-Isaiah.

As

for the terminus

ad quern, the

points of contact between the

poem and

the Priests'

Code

go

to

show

that the latter

is

dependent upon the former;

first

thus the cosmological conceptions of the

chapter of

Genesis are farther advanced than the corresponding notions

in

Job

38.

Accordingly, the date of the

century B. C.
is

poem

is

placed

in the first half of the fifth

While thus the

(and others)
3

priority of the curse in

Jeremiah
critics

to

Duhm

an assured
original,

fact,

certain

look upon Job

length of

as

the

some even going

20,

to

the

pronouncing

Jerem.

14-18

an interpolation on the basis of Job.

is

Whatever be
one
;

the answer, the query

certainly a justifiable

of course, the two passages

in

may

be both dependent

upon a common source,

ample has

which case the question would

have no bearing whatsoever on the date of Job,

at

An

exin

any rate been afforded for the manner

which the date of a work may be ascertained under favorable conditions

17.

from

internal evidence.

The

intcrpretatio

z'erhorum

is

incomplete without

the interprctatio rerum.

Thus,
the

in the present instance, the

former simply

reveals

fact

that

Job

cursed the day of his birth and the night

of his conception
;

the latter, however, deals

rerum

with the ideas underlying the curse.

ing
is

Cursis

a species of magic; the curse

a "spell", and

it

operates mechanically.

Instances from the Scriptures and

from the
duced.

rest

of the "Semitic world"

is

may

be easily adbiblical

The

subject

justly treated in

manuals of

26
archaeology.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The aim
of the science of archaeology
is

to

The Auxiliary
Sciences of Archaeology.
History, and

recover for us of a latter day a vision of

^^^ jj^^ q antiquity (specifically of a cer. . .
.

tain people of antiquity) both in

its

external

Geograpiiy

forms and

in

its

inward

interests.

With
on a

the adjunct sciences of geography

and

history, each

comprehensive
pretation

scale,

it

transcends the mere verbal interin

its

by placing a literary production

proper

milieu, the latter constituting the total

tions by

complex of condi-

which an author

is

surrounded and which must

if

be

known

as fully as possible

the

words he spoke and

and

the thoughts he thought are to be adequately understood.

We

must know the

forests,

soil

he trod on, with

its hills

its

fields

meadows and
citizen,

with
;

and valleys and streams

which he was a
its

and the sky above them

with
its its

the country of

constitution and government,

laws and

institutions,

courts and parliaments

all its

the nation

whose

son he was, with

of thought,
social,
its

inherited habits of life and

manners
political,

traditions

and

beliefs

and hopes the

;

and cultural atmosphere, which he shared

in

common
truly

with his people at that particular period,

to

if

we wish

understand him.
is

For words are abbreviated thoughts,

manifold stirrings; as we exchange
it

and thought
inner
life

but an element, become conscious, of the

all
its

with

communications with our fellow-men, we speak as

in riddles, in hints

were

and

allusions,

which are
is

at

once under-

stood because the entire situation

mentally present to

speaker and addressed

alike,

and the

full intent

and import
utter-

are thus supplied above the verbal

meaning of the
life.

ance

from the context,

it

the context of pulsating

This

context

is

the business of the philologist to reconstruct

in its cntiretv in

order that the word snatched therefrom

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY

MARGOLIS
all
its

2J
parts.

may

be organically co-ordinated with

the

Over

against

atomistic

interpretation

of

The Contextual
'"terpretation
of

Scriptures, with the arithmetic

total

mean

of the
as

sum

of

fragments

operating

generic sacred logic, the contextual elucidation

Scriptures versus the Atomistic

must be emphasized, which

is

indeed truly individual.

like Isaiah 22,

mere verbal exposition of a passage

1-14

will at best

mean

a general

and vague reference to a

battle

and a war (Rashi),

Once we know,

or imagine that

we

know, the exact situation admirably summed up

cise

in the con-

heading: ''Arraignment of the impenitent Jerusalemites

during Sennacherib's siege of the capital" (Luzzatto), every

word becomes

significant,

every phrase forceful, and the

in the center thun-

whole one vivid scene, with the prophet

dering amidst the noisy carousals of his compatriots the

message of
perplexity".
18.

''a

day of trouble, and of trampling, and of

Individual as a situation always

is

is,

the

word spoken
all

therein

supremely

so.

cultural forces that go to

Though we must know make an environmust

al-

the

ment, of which naturally the person of the

speaker or writer
is

Individualistic

a part, there

Interpretation

ways

remain

residuum

which

baffles

analysis and
ality^*.

which constitutes the core of human person-

As

philologists,

we

deal with the heroes of

man-

kind, with Goethe

and Shakespeare and Dante and Plato

and
in

Isaiah.

It

behooves us to remember that the genius,

his people,

employing the native speech of

enriches

it

constantly not only by

new

coinages, but in particular by

endowing old words with new potencies and pouring new

wine into old
bottles.

" Lc style est I'Iiohduc nirmc."

The
but

grammar
the

of the language spoken by Isaiah was forged in

it

dim past by some Bedouin ancestor; and

is

28

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

proper that we ascend to the source and there discern the

mechanism

in all its parts.

But

it

is

equally important, and

in the last analysis

of the utmost importance, that

we

seek

to ascertain the prophet's

own grammar and

him
to a

lexicon, the

particular nuance given by

word or

phrase, the

thought that underlies a favored expression."'

viduo-psychological

The

indi-

moment

in

philological

interpretation

plays as important a part at least as the grammatical, lexical,

and contextual factors previously considered.

rabbis
set

Even
the

the

off

the

verbose

Ezekiel

against

concise

Isaiah

f and no two
(

prophets,

we

are told, spoke in the

same
19.

style

nnx

]):iD2 Y'.

The simple sense with

is

the elucidation of which the

philologist

charged
the

is

often and rightly contrasted with

allegorical.

Allegory

is

of

course

Allegorical

legitimate

form of

rhetoric.
D'^^J^D
is

The prophets

interpretation

frequently speak in
the solution
(btJ'Di)

and nn^n of which

sometimes appended,
of
the

but

more often

left

to

the

imagination

hearer

or reader.

When

a writer veils his thoughts in allegorical

is

form, the allegorical method of interpretation

the

naturally

only admissible one.

lUit

where we are reasonably

certain that an allegorical

meaning was farthest from the

mind of

the author, the allegorical interpretation

may

fitly

interest the student of the history of exegesis; but for the

purpose of understanding the writer

place.

it

is

clearly

out of

For, while the Zohar ])r()nounces a

woe upon him

the

who

says that there are in v^crij)tures secular stories and

sayings'",

ordinary
opinion
sense".""
:

the

Talmud

gives

expression
its

to

"No

Scriptural verse

may

be divested of

simple

Well may the church- fathers point with ridicule

to the "carnal""'" exegesis of the

Jews and

their adherence

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
to the ''bare letter"
;""

MARGOLIS
i.

29

the rational,

e.,

philological, inter-

pretation of the Scriptures, which

modern Christian com-

mentators are fond of contrasting with the rabbinic whims

and

fancies,

is

rooted in the ''mos ludaicus""', that habit

in the

of the Jewish mind which, though inckilging

by-ways

of homily and mysticism, never lost sight of the one royal

road to the understanding of Holy Writ, the sober, simple

sense.
20.

That verse
us
to

in the third

chapter of Job which has

philological

introduced

so

many and important

operations, will reveal one more.

ceive that Job curses his

We
How

per-

The Higher
Criticism
again,

day.

are

we

to reconcile that with the character ''Job

the patient" that

we have met with

?

in the

unity of Authorship

preceding two chapters, the Prologue

of course, be only a seeming one
;

The discrepancy may,

is

that

to say,
it

on deeper

insight into the general plan of the

to

work

have been designed.

Or

again the

may be found difficulty may be real,

is

provided
to a

we apply our standards

of unity of composition
It

Hebraic literary production.

true that there

is

such a thing as a universal standard against which no poet,

be he ever so ancient or "Oriental",

may

sin

with impunity.

But

it

is

equally true that within wide limits standards of

literary composition
difficulty

have changed with the times.

Or

the
:

may

be solved by cutting the Gordian knot

(higher, literary).

frequent operation of criticism

Thus,

according to Dulim, the

poem beginning

at chapter 3

and

concluding with 42, 6 was worked by the post-exilic author

into the older

framework, the ancient "X'olksbuch" of which

the epilogue
(42, 7-17)

the

first

two chapters and

all

are at

present

that

remains, the
in

poem having

displaced the
justice

intermediate

part

which Job defended God's

against the onslaughts of the three friends and which con-

30

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The
not-

eluded with a speech of the Lord commending Job.

figure of Satan,

which other scholars regard as unmistakand the

late
S^p'"**

able evidence of post-exilic origin'",

withstanding, the "Volksbuch"

is

placed by

Duhm
this

in pre-

deuteronomic times.

We may

realize

from

example

how

ill-informed

we

are about the succession of religious

late is

ideas that
to be old.

what one regards as

pronounced by another

The same holds good

of linguistic observations

for

it

is

quite true that, though a

it

word or
Suffice

a phrase meets
to

us elsewhere in late writings,

may have commenced

it

be used at a

much

earlier period.
is

to say that

the interpreter's task

not complete until he adjusts the

single thought to the general

scheme of the work,

to

its

central thought.

The Central
j"^ Literary
f*,

each receives
.

its

The whole and the parts full meaning when co-orIt is

Work

dinated with the other.

sary to

indeed neces-

know

the general purport of a book

before

we

can adequately understand the specific chapters

and verses.
less

The method of procedure

the

involves a

more or

hasty perusal of
;

parts

and a provisional sum-

ming up

then from the point of view of the summary, or

the questions concerning the general plan, a

more painstak-

ing study of the points of detail as they relate to the plan

of the whole.

For the supreme question

content of the entire

work and what

its
;

What is the object? Some may

is.

use the scalpel of criticism too freely

but

all

of us must

seek to penetrate into the innermost thought of the author,

the whole thought, the larger meaning.

our criticism sanely and with a

we proceed in conservative bias, we shall

If

establish unity of thought by subtle psychologic processes,

and show that the unity was

original, despite

seeming

in-

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
congruities
shall
,

MARGOLIS

31

or

if

we
r

be chary of harmonistic devices,

we

with the radicals pronounce the unity

-

to be the

work
1

of an
; '

editor

j-^

>5
,

J and several
1

Original and
Editorial

unities will

result

in

our case, the unity

'

'

Unity
,

..

of the ''Volksbuch", and the unity of the

poem

dovetailed into the framework.

criticism,

From
its

the point of

view of

whether we agree with

first

results or not,

a chapter like the

of Genesis assumes

y^e Multiple
Sense
^.
1

a variety of aspects, the sense varying acJ. cordmg o

of
1

as

^ we mterpret ^

the creation

,,

hymn
-^

in its early

mythical form, then the story

Scripture on a Chronological Basis

as

it

was
it

told at the Israelitish sanctuaries, then the narra-

tive as

hrst

assumed

literary form,

and

lastly the semiit

rationalistic, semi-theological

account as
This,

we read
it

now

at

the opening of the Pentateuch.

is

true,

is

vastly

more than
important

the ordinary 'iiterary" criticism connotes.

is

Very

the sense of an omission, of that

which with

the progress of ideas

gist
in a

was cut

out, eliminated.

The

philolo-

thus would read behind the lines and view Scripture

chronological perspective with
its

parts located in sucritical re-

perimposed planes.
gress to beginning

Important, however, as the

is,

the student cannot be too earnestly

warned against
in critical

a sin of omission

which

is

quite frequent

works, the forgetting of the converse process of

progression towards the form assumed under the hands of

the
final

"redactor".

And
;

the

very

last "^^^

redactor was the instinct of the Jewish peopie that

^^' ^

made

the canon

and

it

made

the
Philology

canon by exclusion no

less

than by inclusion.

For

in

constituting the canon the Jewish people with no

mean

effort of exegetical skill,

and

there

is

really

none

higher,

summed

up the content of Scriptural thought, of

32

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

IVeltanscJiauiDig, the presentation of
Biblical philology.
is

the Scriptural

which

must forever mark the goal of

21.

question quite pertinent

how

far the philologist

If

must identify himeslf with

Assent to the
Scriptural
IVeltanschauung a Prerequisite of Exegetical

his subject.

"Nachempfindit

ung" be the essence of philology,

would

seem impossible without a

identification of interests.
,
.

full

measure of
this identi:

Yet
. .

Success

hcation

may

,,

be merely hctitious

we may
all

for the time being feel with the ancient author

his

and think
this

thoughts and share his beliefs and hopes, but

be a part

may
dual
it

we

play after the fashion of the actor

who

beneath the assumed personality retains his own"^

personality
to be

Is this

an exegetical possibihty?
but
it

possibility

is

sure,
is

cannot minister to success.

For

objectivity

just as

a friendly attitude.
is,

much endangered by a hostile as by Tcrtium non datiir. The impartial mind

and indifference
assent
to
is

as a rule, the indifferent one,

hostility.
I

a species

of

take
is

it

that

the

Scriptural

IVcltanscJuumng

a prerequisite of exegetical success in

the highest sense of the word'"".

And

if

may

be per-

mitted to express the same thought in different words, only

a

Jew who knows himself

at

one with the Biblical religion

Surely a poet
is

can adequately interpret the Scriptures.

the poet's best interpreter,
pher's.
to

and a philosopher the philosoit

In the same manner

requires a religious
is

mind
nur-

understand psalmist and prophet, and only he that

itself

tured by Jewish thought,

rooted in the Scriptures,

may hope

to

master the Scriptural

Word

in its fullest

and

deepest import.

Only

Jew can say on approaching Holy

flesh,

Writ: This

is

flesh of

my
it

and bone of

my

bones.

He

must possess himself,

is

true, of the philological

;

method

and of the completest apparatus

but he alone can add

:

thereto that which ensures fullest comprehension

the love

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
for his own, for the thought that
to throb,

MARGOLIS
makes
his

33

innermost soul

which

still

lives in

him

albeit faintly, so that his

it

understanding of the Scriptures, mediated though

philological
efifort,

be

by-

becomes

to a considerable extent indeed

is

immediate, just as the language of Scriptures

a large
22.

to

him

in

measure a living tongue.

word concerning

the art of constructing a com-

mentary and concerning translations.

^ or else give only results.
.

commentary may

either choose to present the entire apparatus,

How
^

to

Write

Even
it

in pre-

Commentary

senting the entire apparatus,

is

not neces-

^^ a Trans-

sary to carry the reader into the workshop

with
will

all

its

chaos of open books.

principle of selection

become imperative.

It is certainly

a weariness of the
their in-

flesh to

wade through bulky commentaries with

all

terminable parentheses and with

terpretation
baffling,

the history of the in-

of

single

verse

unrolled in a
that

manner
has

so

so
is

perplexing.

Not everything

been

printed
alike.

relevant; and this applies to ancients and

is

moderns
few rep-

<^>.loh)yia

not necessarily -oXuXoyia

resentatives judiciously selected will

more than balance an

army
low.

of would-be exegetes and critics.

is

When
it

again a com-

mentary
It

written for a wider circle,

quite as

need not be shaltoil

may

much

represent endless

which,
It

hovv^ever,

should be wisely kept in the background.

refrain

must

above

all

from forcing the passage

difficulties is

to be interpreted.

An

honest stateitient of the

worth more than

abortive attempts at explanation.

individual ignorance
;

We

must be ashamed of
in

but

it

is

our plain duty to share

the general ignorance. for the widest circles. the

pitfalls

Translations are, of course, intended

The

translator

must guard against

alike.

of

literalism'"'

and paraphrase""
is

The

most perfect

translation, of course,

that

which

im'itates

34
all

'THE

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

the ambiguities of the original without introducing fresh

;

ones

a truly delicate task.

There are obviously cases

baffle

in

which such endeavor would

the most expert

skill.
;

Translation then becomes an abbreviated commentary

commentary, moreover, which registers mere

results.

The

translator should therefore resist the temptation of brilliancy

at the

expense of truth.

As

a rule, he will acquiesce in

the probable rather than risk novelties.

There
is

is

much
;

in

the history of Biblical interpretation that

translation destined for the people

ephemeral

must seek
;

to

embody
it

that

which

is

most universally acknowledged

nay,

should be

a good deal behind the times. the use of the scholar

critical

Whereas
all

a translation for

may

indulge in

the signs of the

apparatus and indicate lacunae where the translator

strict

must, according to

rules

of

science,

refrain

from

translating, a popular translation clearly

tive.

must be consecuunit,

The

Bible, moreover,

must be translated as a
it

as

it

left the

hands of the
;

last redactor, as

was gathered

into a

canon

for surely in a translation one cannot superIt

impose one stratum upon another.

able whether a

may

be even question-

margin with alternate renderings, or with

references to the versions or other ''ancient authorities",

or with the more

text, after the

literal

rendering for the free one in the

fashion of the two historical English Verfor in none of the classes mentioned

sions,

is

desirable;

can there be any attempt at exhaustive treatment.

case, of course,
is

The
conve-

different
;

when

the translation

is

accom-

panied by a commentary

then such matter

may

niently be located in the latter.

tion should

The

diction of the transla;

accomodate

itself to the original

poetry should

be rendered in an elevated style, and

uncommon Hebrew
In

words by corresponding uncommon English words.

this respect the

English Versions are capable of improve-

BIBUCAL PHILOLOGY
ment,
ized

MARGOLIS

35

much

as the general style

and manner of the Author-

Version must remain forever the starting-point of

For, the

any new attempt.

of our Bible, the
tinct

more we study

the English

more we

realize the existence of a disis

still

sacred language which stands quite apart and

in all its niceties

understood

by the educated.
itself

The
to

sacredits

ness of the original has

communicated
1

ver-

sions; the English Bible of 161

is

a classic in English literis

ature quite as

much

as the original

in

Jewish

literature.

NOTES
*

Edited

by Bratuscheck, Leipzig,
edition,

1877.

' *

Second

Paris,

1907. 1899,
315.

Whitney, The Life and Growth of 'Language,

Compare

the title of Mr. Giles' work,

"Manual
its

of Comparative Philology

for Classical

Students"

(first

edition,

1895); in

German

translation

it

was

made
1896).
*

to

read "Vergleichende Grammatik der Klassischen Sprachen"

(Leipzig,

Compare
from April

also

Max
17/7,

Miiller, passim;

Whitney,

/.

c. it

The

birth of philology in the

8,

modern sense of the word,

F.

has been said,

dates

when

A. Wolf registered in the University of

Gottingen as studiosus philologiac.

From

1783

to

1790.

Wolf

delivered

in

Halle a series of lectures on the Encyclopaedia and Methodology of Classical

Studies,

the

first

of which

was announced
rerutn,

as

"Encyclopaedia philologica, in
antiquitatis

qua,

orbe

universo

earum

quibus
ambitus,

litterae

continentur,
iittli-

peragrato,
tates,

singularum

doctrinarum
recte
et

argiimcnta,

coniunctiones,

subsidia,

denique

cum

fructii
first

tractandae

cuiusque

rationej

illustrabuntur".

In an essay printed in the

volume of the "Museum der

Alterthumswissenschaft" (1807; reprinted in his "Kleine Schriften," H, 1869,

808
ff.),

he defines

"Alterthumswissenschaft,"

i.

e.

(classical)

philology,

as

the "Inbegriff der Kenntnisse

und Nachrichten,

die uns mit

den Handlungen

und Schicksalen, mit dem

politischen,

gelehrten und hauslichen Zustande der

Griechen und Romer, mit ihrer Cultur, ihren Sprachen, Kiinsten und Wissenschaften,
Sitten,

Religionen,

National-Charakteren

und

Denkarten

bekannt

machen, dergestalt dass wir geschickt werden die von ihnen auf uns gekom-

menen Werke
Geist,

griindlich

zu verstehen und mit Einsicht in ihren

Inhalt

und

mit

\crgegenw;irtigung des alterthiimlichen

Lebens und
goal

X'ergleichung

des
"(las

spzitern
letzte

und des
Ziel,"
selbst,
is

heutigeii,

zu

geniessen".
als

The

of

all

such study,

"kein

anderes

die

Kenntiiiss

der

aiterthumliciien
alten

Menschheit
Ueberreste

welche

Kenntniss aus der durch

das

Studium der

bedingten

Beobachtung einer organisch entwickelten

bedeutungsthe

vollen Nationalbildung hervorgeht".

As Prof. Oertel (Lectures on

Study

36
of Language,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

1902,

10)

aptly remarks,

"Wolf conceived
definition

of Philology as the

Biography of a Nation".
the great
philologist

The Wolfian
to

was somewhat modified by

is

Boeckh;
criticism,

him

philology

neither

archsology,
but
its

nor
task

linguistic

study,

nor

nor

history

of

literature,

sole
<

consists in the cognition of that which the

human mind has produced ("das

Boeckh's
definition
it

Erkennen des vom menschlichen

has become has
the

Geist

Producirten").

common
slight

property of philologists,
rephrasing.

though here and there

opening
pages
I,

undergone a

Thus,

in

the

of

Iwan
read:
Geistes

Miiller's

"Handbuch der Klassischen Altertums-wissenschaft",

hat
die

we

"Die

Philologie
Ziel,

wissenschaftliche

Erkenntnis

des

fremden

zum

wie er sich unter bestimmten \'erhaltnissen einzeln und in Gemein-

schaft verkorpert

und

in

bleibenden Denkmalern ausgepragt hat:

sie
(/.

ist

also
i):

wesentlich Wiedererkenntnis und

Aneignung".

Similarly

Reinacli

c,

'"La philologie embrasse I'etude de toutes les manifestations de I'esprit liumain

dans I'espace
*>

et

dans

le

temps".
gesture-language

On

the

subject
in

of

comp.
60

Darwin,
ff.
;

The Expression

of

the

Emotions

Man and
I

Animals,
131
ff.

1899,

Wundt, Volkcrpsychologie

=
^

Die Sprache

(1900), c,
11):

So

Boeckh

(/.

"Sieht
alle

man

auf

das

Wesen

der

philologischen

Thatigkeit selbst, indem

man

willkiirlich

und empirisch gesetzten Schrangiebt,

ken wegnimmt und der Betrachtung die hochste Allgemeinheit

die

so

ist

Philologie

oder,

was dasselbe

sagt,

die

Geschichte,

Erkcnntniss des Er-

kannten".
*

"La methode de recherche de

la

I'histoire,
la

c'est

la

philologie."

"La

linguisarts,

tique,

numismatique,

I'archeologie,

critique
faits

verbale,

I'histoire

des

des religions, des usages populaires, des

economiques, des

faits politiques,

tout cela est tout entier dans I'histoire; done tout cela est tout entier dans la

philologie"

(L.

Havet

in:

Revue

politique et litteraire,
"la

16
ici

Mai

1885, 633

ff.).

In history,
dissimule".
"

the

same scholar continues,

methode

existe,

mais

elJe

se

Comp.

Windelband,
(:=

Geschichte

unci

.Vaturwisseiischaff,
(

Strassburg
zz

1894:

"die eine
stalten".

Naturforschung) sucht Gesetze, die andere

Geschichte)

Ge-

"
^^

"Kunstgriffe," as

Windelband
ist

(/.

c.)

expresses

himself.

"Verstehen

schlechthin

allgemeim

menschlich,

wie

sprechen
sich

und
das

mittheilen

Von diesem gemeinen Verstehen

denen
allein

unterscheidet

philologische vor allem durch die kiinstliche Herbeifiihrung aller der Bedingun-

gen,

unter

das

\'erstandniss
in:

moglich

ist"

(II.

Steinthal,
32.

Die

Artcn und Formcn der Interpretation,

genversammlung,
1878,

Verhandlungen der

Philolo-

25

ff.).

" "Der
selbst

Philologe versteht den

besser als ihn die

Redner und Dichter besser

als

dieser sich

und

Zeitgenossen schlechthin verstanden haben: denn

er

macht klar bewusst, was

/.

in

jenem nur unmittelbar und

thatsiichlich vorlag"

(Steinthal,

<.,

29).

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
"
^
1

MARGOLIS
i

37
(once),

(three times),

(three times),
2

-j

(twice),

(four times), q
(three times),
jj

(three times),

(four times),

(once),
coins,

-)

(once).

" Mesha' and

^*

Siloam

inscriptions,
?

Phoenician,

Samaritan.

Hence

the finals

V n

D T.
also in

^*

Acrostics in the Psalms and elsewhere;

Septuagint.

Nahum

i?
etc.

" Talmud,
^'

Hence
-

the

Greek names Alpha, Beta,

Above and below

times),

the line:

(four

times), .-

(three

times).

(once),

(five

T
^^

(twice),

(twice).
points.

Jerome and the Talmud know of no

" Superlinear, Babylonian, i*ntjx npj " The Tiberian -- segol and its Babylonian
" Gemination,
spirant
^*
-5

counterpart.
the

compensation;

explosive

sound,

opposite

whereof
letter:

the

is

sometimes marked by a horizontal stroke above the

'^^ -^

.::..

^^ ^^ ""A^ Word and

with

their

Babylonian counterparts.

sentence-accent.

'"
^^

Syllabication:

open or closed
is

syllable,

accented

or

unaccented.
of the

A
At

knowledge of syntax
systems
first

prerequisite.

The same holds good

in

metrical
^^ ^ ^ ^^ '-

which

should

be

discussed

an

appendix.

used sparsely;

particularly

frequent in late writings.

Loss of sound, quiescence.

Pre-Hebrew,
Division
of

Semitic.

words.

Comp.

Hayyuj
concerning
to

on

the
,

pronunciation

of

and

Ben Asher's minute

of
62

directions
X1C*
^'

the

See the

writer's

"The Pronunciation
(1909),

the
ff.

according

New

Hexaplaric

^Material",

AJSL., XX\'I

Jerome,

Hexapla,

Septuagint.

'* ^^ '"
*'

Sephardic,
X'ulgo:

Ashkenazic.

imjierfect.
in

See

n.

55.
i
;

Implied

the
iy\-\

geminated
,

compare the phonology.

;

Primitively

comp. the noun ^Si

TT

see the phonology.

'*

Pausal
fa' I;

for

"^^jj

comp. Aramaic

t<'i2Jl

T
^^

an

advance on the mediaeval grammarians;

is

aid

from the cognate

languages, with which

olates.
*"
*^

to

be compared the Hexaplaric transliteration of seg-

Nomen

actionis,

nomen

agentis,

etc. fa'l

Convergence of forms through phonetic modification (improper

in
fa'il,

nouns
con-

originating
crete
*^ *'
**

for

example), semantic development which leads

like.

to

out of abstract nouns and the

The formal

side in the morphology, the functional in the following part.

When

they agree with our text and are not guessing.

artificially

The canon

marks the boundary

line;

there

is

Mishnic Hebrew
Sira,

in

the canon and Biblical

Hebrew

outside the canon, compare Bar

but

38
also

THE JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

Mishna and Baraita
is

sporadically.

Care must be had, however,

lest

the

Mishnic use
*^

itself

derived from the Biblical phrase.

stones,

E.

g.,

the

names of precious

zoological

and botanical names, or

the catalogue of articles of finery in the third chapter of Isaiah on which a

theologian has written a

work consisting

of three volumes.
in

" Recourse was had to certain persons (the maidservant Rabbi) with whom Hebrew was still a living language; or to
*''

the house of

a Bedouin.

Very often they probably acquiesced in a quid pro quo or an approximate rendering after the manner of the Authorized
Witness
the

disagreement.

Version; compare,
*^
*' ^
''^

for

example, the word gourd.

So

Ibn

Koreish.

Principally

Ibn

Janah.
in

Jerome found Latin words

But not necessarily
so
is

the

Scriptures.

in

primitive stages:

the feminine suffix

-a

in

the

Indo-European languages
for zuife,

said to have

come about

in imitation of the

word

woman, whose

root hajipened to end in -a; see

Brugmann, Crundriss
i

der Vergleichenden Grammatik dcr indogermanischen Sprachen, II

100
f.

(1899),

" So
torical
^'

the case-endings which primitive

Hebrew possessed
also

are absent in hisin

Hebrew;

the

same has happened, for instance,

properly
it

English.

At any

rate conventionally;

should form a grammatical divito

sion by

itself,

and the syntax should be made

begin with the combination

of sentences into a period.

^*

Nominal and verbal clauses; asseverative, negative, interrogative,

Pre

etc.

^^

after the

manner of Sweet,

is

with

me an
it

abbreviation for:
calls
it

the

form of the verb made with formative

form.

prc^-Kes.

Konig
after

the

Vaktul

The ordinary name "imperfect"

in

labels

one of

its

functions,
classified

and moreover has no place

as forms,
**

the morphology where forms should be

to

and not according

Dia,
itr

their

function.

n'H'

tk

" The Assyrian

the

so-called
(

preterite

(iksad,

iksud)

is

identical
in

in

form with
primitive

Hebrew imperfect

"^SrS^

for

instance).

Apparently

the

Semitic language the pre- form was indifferent as to the time; in the historical

languages

it

was, therefore, free to develop into a preterite (as in Assyrian)

(as in

or into a subjunctive
clusion.
in

Ethiopic).

Hebrew

itself

leads to the
in

same conis

Simple preterital traces have been preserved

*?

^Hp' TX which
aoristic

no wise different from

lie

Hp

that

is

to

say,

the

force does

not
its

in

the verbal form, but in the

\
.

accompanying adverb of time

itself,

TX
T

and
the

equivalent

The Greek
preterital

aorist

w;c
to

are the

told,

originated
(

in

same manner.
originally

The

force

belongs
to

augment
the

which

was an

adverb

of

time, r: then,

which

verbal

form

was

joined enclitically.

from the

With augmentless forms the temporal force likewise came context and was not inherent in the verbal from (see Brugmann,

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
/.

MARGOLIS
Grammatik, 3d
ed., call

39
1900, 262-267.
aorist

c, II 2 (1892), 859
the
to

f.,

866

ff.

Griecliische

Even
seem
final

accentual

conditions of the

Greek compound which we

have prevailed in primitive Hebrew: wo yakhil (hence the

loss of the
syl-

vowel and the shortening of the stem-vowel in the ensuing closed

;

lable

hence

in the case of an open penult, the accent rests there even in his-

torical times: ii.<a-yya-ke)n.

See the writer's "Notes on Semitic Grammar III",

n.
4.

AJSL.,
'*
'*'

XIX

(1902),

46,

Comp. "iQx

n'7'Sni

in

the second half of the verse.

n.
i.

See Noldeke, Manddische Gratninatik, 451,

''"

Comp. Menahem Ibn Saruk. s. v. IT; Ibn Kzra and Rashi, passim. " This complement may be omitted in prose, and certainly in poetry.
'^

Niddah
See

16

b.

"^

Cornill,

Ececliicl,

123.

But

also

in

the

other versions;

comp. the

writer's

"Character of the Anonymous Greek \'ersion of Habakkuk, chapter

3" in: Old

(1908),
**

Testament and Semitic Studies in ^Memory of W. R. Harper,

f.

135

Material

may

be found in the works of Malbim and Ehrlich; to be used

with caution.

" DV-S32 C'C'nnnD mntrE

37,

Comp. Rashbam,

ed.

Rosin, 1881, 49

(on Gen,

2).

As

if

inx could
to
sollte

be construed over
*1?DX
!

rTlH

with

l^JJ

and as

if

'ISJ

*1u3N

were tentamount
^'

12JI7

"Man

dem

Dichter, trotz seiner unleugbaren

Neigung

fiir

das Uberzu-

ladene,

nicht

den

Verstoss

gegen

das

einfachste

asthetische

Empfinden

schreiben, zwei so ganz verschiedene Objekte mit einander zu verbinden."

'*

The meaning:

point

may
36).
is

itself

be secondary, derived from the primary

signification:

throw, shoot, in which sense

the causative (I

Sam.
of

20,

Of

course,

we we

find

both the simple stem and

are treading on unsafe ground;

the

etymology

niin
arii

involved,

about which

there

have been many

is

guesses

(Assyrian
scholars).

"lead,
ri*1\

guide",
T\'^'\n

and

tcrtu

"law"
has
also

compared
the
is

by

some

But

apparently
early
rain,

meaning:
a

throw water, rain; hence

mio

the

:::

HTi^ which

nominal
n*l:

form of the type yafal.

(i)
tlirow,

Others again distinguish three different roots

ivarawa,
.

comp.

Ethiopic

modern Arabic

zvarra;

(2)

causative^:

moisten, a by-form of

nil
T T

comp. for the transposition

vj

and

VV^ for
obtain:

example;
fructify.
*
^'

(3)

causative

=:

teach.

From

the sense vioistcn

we would

'With the
It

-^

properly geminated, compensative production.

is

has been said that "there

or

no manuscript so old as

common
by
an

sense".

'^

Autograph
at

immediate transcript,

sometimes

prepared

amanu-

ensis

dictation,

compare Baruch and Jeremiah.

C'lEID
'3ipn
for example.

" Compare

the

40
''*

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Scribal
to

errors,

graphic

or

auricular;

change

of

script

from
of
etc.

the

Old
to

Hebrew
a line
^'

the

square;

dittography;

haplography;

aberration

the

eye

above or below; lacunae;

g.

illegibility

of the "Vorlage";

E.

Chronicles compared with the sources (Pentateuch, Samuel, Kings);

deuterographs;
""

n'JB^n

SriDin

>

^^

^^'^

Janah expresses himself.

J.

Reach, Die

Sebiriiietc.

der Massoreten von Tiberias, 1895.

"
^*

Ellipsis,

pleonasm,
{tnasora

Marginal

parva,

masora magna)

or

systematic

(masora

finahs,

''

'Aruk, Raslii aiul others.

Thus, for example, Pesahim 113 a the editions

and the two Munich MSS. read

Syriac)

mc>B
in

>

whereas 'Aruk has

t;TtJ3

(comp.

which reading
in

is

also

found

the

Columbia College MS. described

of Meghilla",
find
is

by the writer
*'

his

"The Columbia College MS.

so

1892,

i.

Gaonic
ed.

Responsa;

Sanhedrin
reading

106

we

in

the

Tesitbot

ha-geas

onim,

Harkavy,

the

]XVX
for

which

explicitly

interpreted

a Persian feminine proper

(cod.
*^

name

|Tf>)s

of the editions and the

Munich
for
ex-

95)

and Karlsruhe MSvS., an impossible grammatical form.

small

The comparatively

number

of variants

in

the

Pentateuch,

ample,
^^

need not be taken as a proof of originality.

f.,

Rabbinovicz; but see the writer's remarks in TLZ., 1908, 610

to

and

in the

Preface
1910.

his

Manual

of the

Aramaic Language of

the Babylonian

Talmud,

"
**

See the writer's "Commentarius Isaacidis,

etc.",

1891,

flf.

The

efforts

of

Baer and Ginsburg (not

to

mention

their

predecessors)

notwithstanding.
*' *"
*'

Comp. Norzi, passim.

See on Zechar.
14,
5.

See a series of
(1906), 85-89;
(igog),
33-61.

articles

by the writer in ZAU'.,

XW

(1905),

311-319;

XXVI

XX\'II (1907), 212-270; AJSL., XXII (1906). iio-iic;

XXV
*^
*^

Male

child as in
to

Hebrew 13;
TT

Jerem.
"^^Jl

20,

15.

The reference
Com]-),

the conccjition

vir

adultus.

^^
'*

the

Concordance.
text
in

iH

lation;

~ Masoretic note; Heb. n: the Hebrew V Symmachus; ^ r; Syriac \'ersion, ^0

findet

adequate
QJ

trans-

l:^

\'ulgate;

Targum;

(gur Septuagint.
^^

"Man

pewohnlich

in

Hi

ff.,

cine

grijssere

poetischc

Kraft

als

in

Jer 20,

14

ff.

auf mich machen die schmuckloseren, naiveren Schmerzenseinen

ausbruche

Jeremias
die

ergreifenderen
aber etwas

Eindruck.
untl

als

die

kunstvollere

Nachahmung,
'^^

iiberlegter,

iiberladen

kalt

ist."

Duhm's rendering.
See Steinthal,
instance,
13 b.
/.

"*

c,

31

f.

" For
"

the

Holy One of

Israel.

Hagigah

BIBLICAL PHILOLOGY
^

MARGOLIS
'1:2x1
tr:

Sanhedrin 89
]S?2i

a.

ndSv^ ]mE'D nxrnxS xnx

9,

xnmx xm

12 n^nrh n

'ttl'im
''^

(Zohar on Num.

1).

ItSliyS H'O ^1 KnpO ;<N (Shabbat 63 a). "0 Justin Martyr, DiaL c. Tryph., c. 14: y^ets 7rd;^Ta crapKLKus veporjKaTe.

"^ Origen,
^'-

De

principiis,
64,
c.

liber iv:

\piKdv ypd/J.f/a.
niysticani

Jerome,

Epist.

9:

"autequam

sender

intelligentiam,

more ludaico quae

^'^

scripta
first

sunt simpliciter exponam."

time in Zecliariah
19,

It
2,

occurs for the

ID. 10;

^"*

elsewhere Prov.

20;

Ezra

8,

30;
i,
i

Esther

4,

4;

9,

23. 27;

Chron.
^"^

12, 19; II Chron. 29, 16. 22; comp.

Abot
que

and elsewhere frequently.

Littre has said

somewhere:
et la

"II faut

le

coeur devienne ancien parmi

les

anciennes ghoses,
ainsi
et

plenitude de I'histoire ne se devoile qu'a celui qui

le

descend,

dispose,

dans

passe.

Mais

il

faut

que

I'esprit
la

demeure
foi

moderne,
tifique."
^*"'

n'oublie jamais qu'il n"y a pour lui d'autre foi que

scien-

Comp. Luzzatto's Introduction

After the manner of Aquila.
In the style of the Targum.

to

his

Commentary on

Isaiah.

^*''

^^^

TWO MEMORIAL LISTS FROM THE GENIZAH

By Julius H. Greenstone,
Every department
yielded by the

Gratz College

of Jewish and general Semitic learn-

ing has been considerably enriched by the literary treasures

Cairo Genizah.

Valuable additions have

been made to the knowledge of Hebrew and Arabic gram-

mar and
Jewish
tory,

lexicography, Bible exegesis and Talmudic lore,

liturgy, philosophy,

law and customs.

Jewish

histhis

however, was probably the greatest gainer by

Outside of the fact that
all

wonderful discovery.

these

branches of Jewish literature throw light on the

habits of the people living at the time

life

and

when

these were

written or compiled,

we

find in the

Genizah a number of
historical

documents which are purely or mainly of an

nature and which reveal to us
that

many

facts

and conditions

were entirely unknown

Jewish history
will

to the historian.

Some
the

chap-

ters of

have to be completely rewritten

all

and others must undergo revision when

Genizah

fragments are deciphered and made accessible to the student.

By

far the ^iiost noted

contribution to Jewish history

S.

was made by the discovery and publication by Dr.

Schechter, of the Megillat Bhyathar, by which

we

are in-

formed for the

first

time of the existence of a line of

Geonim

in Palestine

and Egypt, even after the Babylonian

office

academies had been closed and the

there ceased
forever.

of the Gaonate
history,

The student of Jewish

43

44

'fHIt

JEWISH QUARTERLY RF.VIKW

accustomed
to

who

was

hitherto

pass

rapidly
his

from

the Orient to

Moorish Spain, accompanied on

tales, will

journey

by some romantic
in Palestine

now have

to stop for a while

and

in

Egypt, where he will meet with a large

titles

array of names and

borne by Jewish notables and

with a literature that will repay careful study and investigation.

The

Megillah, which narrates the contention that

existed in 1083 between the

Gaon Ebyathar and

the exil-

arch David concerning the religious jurisdiction over the

Jews of Egypt and

the

Palestine, contains sufficient data for

reconstruction of that period of Jewish history,

ex-

tending over a century,

when

this

important family of
over
the

Geonim
these

held

ecclesiastical

dominion

Jews of

two

countries.

Prof.
in

W. Bacher

actually attempted

such a reconstruction

an

article published in the

Jkwish

Quarterly Review

(vol.

XV,

pp. 79-96).
;

This, however,
will

may have been somewhat premature

many changes

have to be made therein on the basis of documents subsequently published by Poznanski, Cowley and others.

Some

years will yet pass before an accurate presentation of the

history of the

Jews

in

Egypt during the

tenth,

eleventh

and twelfth centuries

will be constructed
in the

from the many

possession of the

Genizah fragments which are now

great libraries of Europe and America and of a

individuals.

number of
for a better

While the value of these fragments

is

understanding of Jewish history

fully

appreciated

by

Jewish scholars, the labor connected with deciphering the

time-worn and

frequently

illegible
field

manuscripts

and

the

paucity of workers in this

of learning are causing a

regrettable delay in the progress of publication.

The two following

Genizah fragments
in

texts

are

from the
of

collection

of

the

possession

David Werner

GE-NIZAH

MI;MORIAL LISTS

GREENSTONE;
I

45

Amram,

Esq., of Philadelphia, to

whom

hereby offer

my

thanks for permitting their publication.

No.
This consists of one
sides of the paper, in
leaf,

8^^ x 8 inches, written on both

in

two columns,

a square
text
is

Hebrew
unfortu-

script with a strong turn to cursive.

The

nately in a very poor condition, badly faded in a

number
words

of places and one corner entirely gone.

that are
illegible

The

lines or

are
is

marked here by

dots,

while those

words whose reading

conjectured are enclosed in brackets.

The manuscript
the illustrious

represents a memorial prayer, probably

read in the synagogue on certain occasions in

dead.

memory
in

of
the

That

this
is

custom prevailed

Jewish community of Egypt

evident from three frag-

ments published by Dr.

M.

Gaster, in "Gcdcnkbncii zur

Brinnerung an David Kaiifmann" (Breslau, 1900, Nos. XV,

XVI, XVII,
which

pp. 241-2)

and by others

in various periodicals,

as well as by another fragment in the

will be given later.
it

Amram
is

collection

The

list

given here

of special

interest, since

contains

many names

of persons that evi-

dently occupied important positions in the Egyptian Jewish

community.

Many

of these

names are

also

met with

in

other documents coming from the Genizah, as will be indicated in the notes.
into

Of

special

interest

is

the division
It
is

families and the titles attached to each name.

possible that this prayer

was

in

use in

tlie

Cairo Jewish

congregations during the life-time of

the

Maimonides, since
each
list,

names mentioned

at

the end of
list,

especially
lived

that at the end of

the third

arc of

men who

somewhat

prior to the date of the great savant.

As

far as could be

made

out from this very imperfect

document, there arc here

live distinct lists of

names.

The

46
first list,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

extending from
the
line
i

to line i6

on the

first

column,

contains

names of the members of the

illustrious

priestly family,

who

presided over the Yeshibah Geon Jacob

from about 1046

to about 1131.

Here we meet again with

those familiar names found in a

number

of fragments,

of which were published by Schechter,

many Poznanski, Wortwo

sons, Joseph

man and
founder of

others.
this

First

comes Solomon, apparently the

his

Gaonic dynasty, then

and Elijah, Ebyathar, the son of Elijah, the author of the

famous Megillah, then comes

Elijah,

the

fourth in the

academy, then Solomon, a brother of Ebyathar, although

not so designated, and,
last,

Mazliah, son of Solomon, also

not designated as such, with

whom

this

line

of

Geonim

seems to come

to a close.
list

The second
extending to

beginning with
9,

line

17,

column

I,

and

line

column
in the
is

II,

apparently contains the

names of the leaders

scription of this
identified
list

Cairo Yeshibah.

The

super-

illegible

and the names cannot be

with any degree of certainty.

is

The

first

name

mentioned

that of
a title
is

Abraham, the head of

the

academy

Gcon Jacob,

borne by the heads of the Palestinian

academy, which
his

rather puzzling in this case.

Next comes

son Josiah, entitled the chief of the court of justice.

left

The upper

corner of the second column

is

torn

off,

so

that the first three lines cannot be read.

is

The next name

that of Zadok, then

comes

his son

Moses, "the mighty

Prince, the intelligent judge, the foundation of the rule, the

glory of the academy", then his son Josiah,

Prince, the glory of the academy".

*'the

honored
list

This ends the

of

names

of the

members of
list,

this illustrious family.

line
10.

The
line
10.

third

extending from
contains the

column
a

II,

to

column

III,

names of

family of

GENIZAII

MEMORIAL

LISTS

GREENSTONE

47

Negidim.

About seven

lines of this list are illegible, a fact

greatly to be regretted since this might have been of great

assistance in unraveling the obscurity in

which the history

of the

Egyptian Negidim

is

still

shrouded.

The names
Meborach,
his

that can be read with certainty are those of

son Saadia, and his son Judah the Nagid.

are illegible; line 19 has the
rest of the

Lines ly and i8

name

of Saadia, and then the

column

is

entirely faded.

On column

III,

we

meet

first

with the names of Moses and of his two sons,

Meborach and Judah, and then of Nathaniel.

The fourth
with
line

list,

beginning with
III,

line

11,

and ending
illus-

20 of column

contains the

names of an

trious family of

Hachamim, probably judges or

and the

assistants

in the court of justice.

Only two of these names could be

last,

deciphered, the

first

both being that of Isaac.

line 21,

The
nent
this

fifth list,

beginning with

column

III,

and

ending with

line 11,

column

I\^,

contains the

names of promi-

men
list,

in

the Cairo community, the

illegible.

superscription of

however, being again

The

first
is

name

is

that of

Solomon, "the
IV,

fifth",

the next

name

illegible.

On column
Josiah,
left

we read
this

the

names of Yahia

(?), Dosa,

Isaiah,

Shemaryahu and Ephraim.

column there
is

In the upper

hand corner of

added the name

of Joseph, apparently by the same hand.

Then begins
only one line
to find the
is
is

the prayer for the congregation, of which

left,

and

in

which we might have expected

name

of the Nagid then ruling.

first

Of

interest
lists.

the reference to resurrection in the

and third
I

COLUMN

48

THE JEWISH OUARTERIvY REVIEW

nn^t^'^

tj^fe<i

in^n no^c' ij:n im'i^

in^^x
i-iicm

4
5

t>^fc<'i

inDH

npy^
n5<:i

nw

DK insn ^o^n' vni^i npy^

nn^nx nicni
^j<-ic'^

nn^ir^

6
7

^d ^t^

pi n>n

inDn n^^VD

"i:::n

i:nii
nfc<2

iji P33
^^'ni

12

ntDc: ^^31 2py^

(Dn-'^n)

nn^tr^

13 14
15

V nn nxtn nonvcn
n:i'bv
nto^

nn^'tj'cn

nnpn Dm"'Dy xnn

D
...
bv^
-iiyi

n^,!)r

...

Di^tJ'n

16
17
1

''tj'Kni

nti^K

DH^jn ^nn inx^ Dn^nn^c^^

p:iD)

19

O^-iD

ly V Dyn

n-ntj'
i::nfc<

i2nj

20
21

(nn^ti^^)
(-ly

tJ^K"i

Dnnnx

):2i)
\'\t<:

Dnn)n:n
On)^t:'K^

ini?:;n bb^) 2PV'

22

i:jni<
p-i

";in*Ti

mo

P:i3

23

n^3 3N
II

pnvn

24

COLUMN

i?K-itJ'^

^3

^t^'

nnwn
V'\i'i

i::n6<

GENIZAH MEMORIAL USTS

GRKENSTONEJ
bi<^^^
itj^n
ntj'jo

49
b^
4
5

p:d ni^ni

^53

(^o)K^nn

v^m nnxn
nn^tj^^-i

i^nni

niom
"iD Djn

niRen

nitj^nn
j-io

dd^
plD

^
7

itj'n

irT'tJ^i^^

x:ini

^m
nto

nxTH

p^n

myi

10

p:3 iv^ Dn>jn>N"i ^xit^^

n^;j nncK^D
1:^11
ijn?2

12

ninni

ij3-id
15^,1
i:ni"i

J<n11^^

inuD
ijnii

13
14
15

inxn
i:jnK

innvD
^oid

ino (mj
i'Nit^u

p;id

mom

n^ijn

min^

16
17

18

nni<n i^n innyD

ijn-ii

ijid pj^ m:ni

19

20
21

22
23
n

24

COLUMN
ntj'o

III

ij:n
i^::)

ij

Dn^::n
Dntj^n

d^

men
itj^n

3
ijnni ijid pj3

nnxn
n-nn^

line
p:^

4
5

"i:nii

)r^r2

vnsi

i^x-it^^^

50

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ijnm v.^^ p:2^
bi<iz*^2

i^iNn

"tK'n

(nnEU'rn) ^^02: ^>di nz^rr^n n^nn

(Knni L:n^:n r nri) n^rn

:)

ncnvrn

2\i?2 ur\i'*2V

10

(D^s:D)nn nnsL"*:
(pnx"') i:2Ti
"i:nr:

n^Dnvcn

mn2'j*':n

12 13

p:d ly ^k"ik^^2 D>i>n:n

^:2^^ irio p:dt

n:n

p-i

n^2

15

b\i:n
nrj't::n

2in pn^^

17

18
r:2'*j'^n.

nt22: >>Di

...

19

nDnv'^n
nDT^ (nL"2: ^ni:>)

nn^c'cn

20
21

2d

pdh

I'.yi

mDHvan
^{^''cnn
(n'i^c')

mnsir'^n
p:3 "y

22 23

i:2"n

i:"it:

^^3C*^n
^,:n-n

\^'^n

iTnsnn
u:(n)*j''n

24
25

irit:

p:d "y

(j'Ni)

D2nn

K!5tr:n

!'^DC''2n

viri

26
27

1:10 p:d ni:m ii:n pi rrn

COLU.MX IV

"lij^n

tn^'j'K^

211 :i: p:2t 2:ni

:-;:

3nn

in^yj'^

mi

p:3i S>itJ'^n

mn

GEXIZAH MEMORIAL LISTS

innctj'
:2-i-.

GREENSTOXE
pjs^.

:"'iD

^--^n

("^5^'^)

35

:nTi :".c p:2i :ni

nn n^-xn i^n

n^z^vn^T] bby, 2:n n^^n (c^-tCK)

-

F n

n
:"i

XT

i^

bi'S

n lur"!

"Tictj'M

(i:\i^)

iia^^

10

NOTES
Col.
I,
1.

4.

no!?D',

identical

with Solomon ben Yehudah,

in

chief

of

the
p.

Syna-

gogue

in Palestine,

1046,
p.

comp. Bacher, JQR.,

n.
i,

XV,

81,

and

Schechter, Saadyana,

81,

and many other places; comp.

p.

Epstein, in Monatsschrift,

XLVII,

345, but see

Poznanski
151
ft'.,

in his

"Schechter's Saadyana" and in REJ.,

p.

XLVIII,

p.

and LI,
and

52

ff.

see also
in

my "Turkoman
Palestine,

Defeat

at Cairo", p. 27, n. 30,

Worman,
1-

JQR., XIX,
in

pp. 724-727,

Nos. VII-XVI.
Schechter,
/.

5-

in^':)^,

Gaon
1.

1062-1084;

c,

p.

81,

n.

i,

p. 88,

8,

16, p.

114,

1.

6; see Epstein, Monatsschrift,

his son

XLVII,

p. 345,

concerning a responsum of Elijah and

Ebyathar to Meshu-

1am
1.

b.

Moses

of Mayence.
/.

6.

^D1m\ Schechter,
at

c,

p. 88,

1.

8,
I

11,

14; see

my "Turkoman

Defeat
this

Cairo",

pp.

17-18,

where

endeavored to establish that

Joseph never occupied the position of the chief of the Academy

and died

in his position

as

pi
in
;

n^l
a

3S<

Poznanski, in a private
the AJSL., April,
/.

communication, as well as
agrees with
Schechter,
/.

letter

to

1906,

my

proposition
81,
n.
i,

see

also

\\'orman,

c.

Xo.

I,

and
of

c./ p.

where Joseph has only the

title

1-

7-

"tn^3K

see Schechter,

/.

c,

p. 80, n. 3,

and references there quoted.

in

In a fragment of a
bucli

K^ddish published by Schechter,

"Gedenk53),

zur Erinnerung an David

Kaufmann" (Hebrew
title

part, p.

this

Ebyathar
is
is

is

mentioned with the same

as here,
as

Solomon
''J'^^E^'H.

Hakohen
Solomon

designated as HTCT'n

IS and Zadok

muna

probably identical with the one mentioned here

in

Lie,

52

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

after the death of his brother, comp.

who became Gaon

/.

Worman,
c.

c, p. 723, n-

4/.

1-

9-

in^Ss, possibly identical with the one mentioned apud Schechter,

XLIV,

1.

4,

who

flourished about iiii.

p.

Comp. Bacher,
LI,
still

/.

c, p. 95,

and REJ.,

XXX,
the

235,

see

also

ib.

p.

53-

Although he
list

never held the position of Gaon, he

is

is

included in this
title
/.

as

also Joseph

jH n^3 3X

Regarding the
and Schechter,

see Bacher, JQR.,

p. 2,
11.

XV,

pp. 82-83,

c,

ninnn ^y^3"in No. XXXVIII,

Schechter,
c,

18,

19.

o-

HD^t^, son of

Elijah,
p. 2,
1.

brother of Ebyathar,
18,

see

/.

No.
1-

XXXVIII,
"iJ^nS

and XLIII,

1.

i,

Bacher,

/.

c,

p. 83.

"

do not quite
.

understand the meaning of the phrase

I^DH
line

IDT

n''bvD

The word
It
is

"iJjnN

is

written

over

the
a

and

then crossed out.

here, beginning the
IJDII
1.

possible that the writer

made

mistake

name n^SvO, but

forgetting to mention the words

"IJ^O

p"l'2,

and therefore rewrote the whole phrase.

in 1131, see
1.

12.

n^bvD, son of Solomon, lived at Fostat

p.

Schechter,
/.

/.

c,
94-

81,

n.

I,

No. XLIII,

1.

6,

No. XLIV,

10; Bacher, a

c,

p.

Dr.

Schechter kindly called

d.
I,

my
p.

attention to

note in
d. k.

Harkavy

and Strack, Catalog

St.

hehr. Bibelhandschriften

Bibliothek in

Petersburg, vol.

part

2,

273,
K'N-i

Codex
]r^2^\

B. 19a: P^nV^n HT r\:p

irnbx ^HD-iT

3pr

|i5<^

r\T^'

n^Wn

ij^iin

-n

op3D

VTi^n 51DV Jn^-n ddh-i ^ot;'r:n

pVd

nxro

iL-'c^i?

i:io^3

D^:3is:n

r^

sin

n'i:in^

in^r

dm^nh nnnc6 ^ins

nri:'

nr:n I'-inn

liiD

The
Dn"lDN.

date given here, Sel.

/.

1446,
I.

corresponds to the year 1135;

comp. Worman,
1.

c,

p.

723,

No.

21.

It

is

possible that this

illegible,

list,

the superscription of which

is

unfortunately

contains the names of

most important Yeshibah of Fostat, also

one family.

men prominent in the apparently members of

same
not
at
all

That

the Yeshibah should be designated by the

name borne by
lU'iijamin

the

Palestinian

Yeshibah,

is

strange.

of

Tudcla. in enumerating the

academics of Bagdad,

names
p.

the
It

first
is

and largest academy

ip]:^

pN3 HTt:'^

(ed.
in

Adler,

39).

possible then that the largest

academy

any town

GENIZAH MEMORIAL LISTS

was known by that name.
the

GREENSTONE)

53

Bacher

(/.

c, p. 86, n. 6), also hints at

possibihty that the

heads of the Egyptian community were

designated as Geonim-

This

Abraham
/.

could not be identified with the one mentioned

c, p. 81, n.
i,

apud Schechter,

and Worman,
in
list,

/.

c, p. 723,

No.

I,

to

whom
this

Mazliah addressed a

letter

1131,

because the date of

Abraham, being the

first in

the

must be placed somewhere

in the first half of the

eleventh century.

After writing the above, Dr. A.

Marx
(Col.
:

kindly called

my

atten-

tion to an entry in the recently published

Neubauer-Cowley Cata368
f.

logue of the Bodleian Manuscripts

Cod. Heb.
i?N"i::'^

b.

II,

No. 23), where the following occurs

5fNi
Dn-i3{<

nUXVDiTJ3Tl
n-iitr

^ODH....

pjs ny

ni^nv v oyn

ijnj

-ic's

D^n
/.

^ni

3pr pxJ T\T^^

in^K^XV

probably
p.
2,
1.

father
18,

of

Zadok

comp.

Schechter,

c.

No-

1-23.

XXXVIII,

where Josiah
3^<
.

is

called 2^J,

no doubt an ab-

breviation of

pi n^3
title

Schechter's statement that Zadok was

(p. 82),
title

invested with the

/.

of

3S

has been corrected by Bacher,

c, p. 82, n.

4.

3N

was the

of his father Josiah, as the 7"T

^t^'vt^'

after

2N

indicates, while

Zadok was then appointed

''y^3")
.

having

been promoted from his position as

lished

In the Kaddish pub-

by

Schechter
is

in

the

Kaufinann-Gedenkbuch,
,

referred

to

above,

Zadok
K^X")

also called

^2^'vi^'

at the time
/.

when Ebyathar was

already

and Solomon

2J<

quotes a letter written by a

Worman, c, p. 731, No. XXX, Josiah who calls himself n)}^5^^ K^J<"l
.

^PV

PXJ

We

should be grateful

for

the

publication

of

this

letter in full.

pM)l, probably son of Josiah,

at

who was

appointed

''K'^^K'

by Elijah,

Col. II,

1.

3-

the time of the great assembly, at Tyre, in

1082,

and who so

successfully championed the cause of the Gaonic family against the

exilarch David in 1093.

1.

See Schechter,

/.

c, No.

XXXVIII,
Hebrew

p.

2,

18; Bacher,
57.

/.

c, pp. 82-83; Kauf)iianii-Ccdciikbiicli,

part,

P-

ne^D, son of Zadok.

The
IK'n

title

inxn

IC^^n

appended

to
1.

his
7,

name,

1-

s.

and that of

in^M

to that of his son Josiah in

would

indicate that they held

some

of^cial position in the Nagid's cabinet.

There probably was some distinction between the epithets of "inNn

54
and

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

'^3D^^, the
office,
first

possibly given to the one who, besides his

diplomatic
1.

also acted as judge-

12.

1~I130, not designated as Nagid.

in

The

title

pni?D

Nl"i^V

is

found

another fragment applied to jMeborach,

/.

father of
this

Moses, the

Nagid (Worman,

c,

p.

728,

No. XVIII), but

Since

would be no
to

proof of the identity of the two.

we have

place this

Meborach somewhere

in the first half of the eleventh century,

we

cannot identify him with the Meborach

part in the Ebyathar controversy.
1.

who took such

a prominent

14.

"innyo

son of Meborach, also not mentioned as Nagid.

The

epi-

thet ^XlCJ'^n

"inxn

"IKTI

would indicate that he was connected with

the Nagid's cabinet, as noted above.

1.

16.

min^

son of Saadia,

first
is

one to bear the

the
light

title

of Nagid.
a

It

is

probable that this Judah

same

in

whose honor

poem was
any

composed,

first

brought to
in

by Mr. E. N. Adler and published

p.

by Neubauer
foundation

JQK., VIII,

556,

since

there

is

hardly

for

Neubauer's suggestion

(followed

by Gottheil, in
p.

his article "Egypt", in the

Jewish Encyclopedia, V,

68) that that

S'i:':!!,

Judah

is

identical with

Judah

S"'J^'M, son of Josiah

p.

menp. 552,

tioned in Sambari's Chronicles,

133,
p.

1.

11.

See JQR., VIII,

n. 4.

and Poznanski,
1.

in

RBJ., XLVIII,

164 and
is

19.

innyD.

it

is

possible that this

Saadia

the father of the

famous

Meborach, son of Saadia, who was Nagid during the

of the eleventh century.
It
is

latter part

also possible that the

in

name

of

Me-

borach
illegible.

is

mentioned somewhere

the following lines which are

We

know

very

little

about this Saadia, except that he

in

was

a physician, as

were also some others mentioned

this

list.

Of his son Meborach, however, we know a great deal, since name occurs in many fragments, and especially because of
prominent part he took
Ebyathar.
n.
8.

his

the

in the
/.

controversy described

in the
1-

Megillat
p. 82,

See Schechter,

c,

No. XXXVIII,

p.

3,

5,

and

It

may
in

be of interest in this connection to quote from a

fragment

Mr. Amram's collection, which reads as follows:

nSv^n
....|0

-innn 1"ti30
hd^k'ni

1:311

mo

psi

^nnioj K3-I
iii

N-nn^D
ij dd

ddr niran ^iSx

L*'n

,...nn
...IB

nnyo
pS

io ip

sniS:

^no sjtDQ..

DiSl" D':in I^NT'

DDIU^S

1JN D^r"11?D1

GENIZAH MKMORIAI, LISTS

GREEiNSTONE

55

Comp. Worman, JQR., XVII,

p.

13.

nS^D, probably son of Meborach,

who may have

been the Nagid

Col. Ill,

1.

i.

after his father's death, about the beginning of the twelfth century.

See

Worman,
is

/.

c,

XIX,
to
his

p.

728,

No. XVIII, where a Moses, son

epithets,

of Meborach,

is

mentioned with similar

and where refer-

ence

also

made

two

sons,

whose names, however, are

not given.
of

This would strengthen our conjecture that the name

Meborach was given here between the names of Saadia and Moses. The two sons of Moses, whose names are given here as Meborach
(1.

4)

and Judah

(1.

5),

both bear the

title

of

"inNH

"ISJTI

but not of Nagid.

7X^nj
in

probably
time

identical

with

the

Nathaniel

who was Nagid

succeeded

1-

7-

the

of
the

Maimonides,
usurper
p.

and

probably
ousted.
/.

by

him,

after

Zota

was

See

Jewish

Encyclopedia,
sin,

V,

68;

Neubauer,

c;

Berliner,

Magaof
a

1890,

pp.
et

50-58;

comp.
p.

Merx,
39,
,

Documents Palcographiques
mention
is

Hebraiques
ni5"li

Arabes,

where

made

h^

r\2^^^ K>N1 ^)hn hi<:n:

but not Nagid, possibly because of

it

Maimonides, who refused the position when

(Neubauer).
This

was offered
is

to

him

may

also be the reason

why he

not desigp.

nated as Nagid here.

Comp. Poznanski, REJ., XLVIII,

ed. Adler, p. 71, n.
i,

146,

and Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela,

Nathaniel
is

where

mentioned as the head of the community when Benja-

min

visited Egypt, but not as Nagid.

pnv\

possibly

the
/.

same
c,
p"l

as

D'^nn ^2
4; also
;

C'N"!

'C^T]

pnV"'

mentioned

1-

i3-

apud Schechter,
fragment as

p. 82, n.

mentioned

in

another
/.

Amram
724,

pjn'

n^3

pnv

comp. Worman,

c,

p.

No.

VII, quoting from a letter addressed by Joseph, son of Solomon,

after his father's death, to Jacob, son of Isaac

pn n^3

who may
son of
the other

be

the

same;
is
(1.

also

ib..

No.

LXXXII, where |nDn pnv\

'{"^^T^
.

Jacob,
Isaac

addressed as
17)
is

VstJ^DH

The

identity of

uncertain.
list

Line 20 ends the

list is

of the family of
is

D^DDn.
I

Then another

given, but the superscription

not legible.
list

am

unable to

identify any of the

names

in

the

following

with any degree

56
of
certainty.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

It

was rather tempting

to

identify the

last
b.

name

given here,
yahu, a

'DM

"lE^M

D^IDN, with the famous Ephraim

very frequently
in

Shemar-

name
it

that occurs

the

Genizah frag-

ments, so that
of
the
tion

was

possible for Poznanski to construct a biography

p.

him

(REJ.,

XLVIII,
various
be

145

ff-)-

If,

however,

we regard
Shemaryahu

names
will

in these

lists

as contemporaneous, this assump-

have

to

rejected,

because

Ephraim

b.

flourished
last

much

earlier than the date that

in

might be assigned to the

names mentioned

other

lists.

No.
This
is

II

a long,

narrow

strip of paper,

13^ x 3%
is

inches,

written on both sides of the paper, in an old square hand

with a strong turn to cursive.

One
is

side

filled

to the
filled.

bottom of the page, while the other

not quite half

The writing
ever,
is

is

remarkably well preserved; the paper, how-

perforated in several places.

herein mentioned are not as yet
titles

The names
would indicate

known

to

Jewish history, although the

attached to most of them

that their bearers

were prominent men

in

the Fostat Jewish community.

The name

of Nagid, men-

tioned here at the end. in

recited in the synagogue,

whose
is

life-time this prayer

was

Moses, probably Moses Mai-

monides, thus fixing the date of the manuscript as the

latter half
is

of the twelfth century.

The

Isaac in line 25

possibly identical with the one mentioned in the previous

IFF,
1.

list. col.

13.

while Joseph,

'*the

honored prince" of

1.

may
col.

be the same as the one mentioned in the corner of

I\' of the

previous

list.

One Petahiah men

(1.

18)

is

men-

tioned as having died a martyr's death, while two (Joseph,

1.

14

and Samuel,

1.

26) young

are recorded as having of one

in

died in a foreign land.

is

The memory
is

woman, who
29-31.

given

many

pious epithets,

mentioned

11-

Her

GENIZAH MEMORIAL LISTS

GREENSTONE

57

name

is

not given, possibly because she was too well

known

at the time.

The

list

of the departed concludes with

1.

31.
11.

Some
The

of

the living relatives of the dead are

named

in

32-47, and
last

consolation

is

offered

them

in their

bereavement.

few

lines

(48-54

conclude with a blessing for the congreall

gation,

and especially for the Nagid Moses, and

those

who

participated in the meritorious act of burying the dead

or offering consolation to the living.

:D'n-in ^iS

fiDV

ii-n

iiro
'^^

pii ny

niDnvon

^:m

i^n^jn

nn

nn:3jn lirn

\iv Dnij

DnnDjn
|p?n

(Dnti^n)

vnnn
ir^

4
5

mtDni i:n

on

pjin

nvipn itocjn "ipM nn^H'

pn^"*

ii

lo

ynrijn

jprn nn^K' Si
-n

no pii

"idt^

ijn iprn ^dv

io p:D

mom
.

9
yij

nnyD
i:2i"i

11

-10

p:!D

vmon 'jn
.

10

1J10

ip nj 331

]}2:

3jn jprn
^xio:;^

n
12

.i:n^jn

'^"i

mi myn i^Dnn

ipM mnnn ^dv n io vnon

pbi ynj "inv:D3x
ya:
ii

>:ij>i

13 14
15

nxn

itocan
ii

ipM unnn nnyo

nt3

lo

10 piii^rh

p3n

nyi
n^niD
.

16
17

o^r\ nn^^ ^y

nn^n dm
^DV
ii

iprn

T3

iprn

io

piii

yi:

18

58

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

\']:iM
-i^yi
.

pv

DHi: prn

cncy
no

19

i:"iD

pii idt!? xn^tj^c:

'^'

^n^:!?

20
21

n^jn

nn
FiDV

3jn
"11

nti^n

bi<)^^ limi

"ic

pii
.

mi'^n
3Jn

^jiJ'"!

22 23 24 25

i:nTi

in^
."in'?

piii

yb:

jprn

nnr n:n pT n^n pnv^

^i<1ct^'
"^i

ntDE^n
"ijn-n

unnn
i:^c

io nir^m

piii

,inr:DaK

nn

26
27

tyi'j

|n:ni Dnnn nipy^

n^ip^n n-i^n:n"i

nyi:vn
D^tj^ycni

niti^^n

28

niD n^*2 nit::n

nvDnn

29

.!?iDi

Dn^:n

'--^

nn

'^^

nv

31

fbn:n

'&1 lunni n)b^r])

D^'ir

wnn)

32

i!?^n^

-mni^im nninnn
^:i

33

nnn pnv^ np
i'^ifot^'

nun

tJ'fc<n

^y

34
35

ii

n?o ii

pin

vnicn
vnfc<"!

^^tJ'i

(^ui)

(nDv)

no

pnjm Dnnn

36
37

D^nD Dcnj^ D^n^xn

n:

32 n^ nx, irnl'x Dnj^ d:i bim

38

VERSO
Dnnn
2)?V' ^uni ^:no

np

39

incn:^ D\n^Nn
2b
(nfc<

nnn^n pnjm
D3 i'Ui i^n^^n

40
41

i:^n^t<)

Dnr

Dtj'Knn

nrn hnsn D^?2:i:yn ^n

tier
ni^

42

nn:m onnn

io pin

43

CENIZAH MEMORIAT r IS-rc: UKlAt, LISTS

GREENSTONE
.

50
;,

injm

n,rn ^^letf, 3^, ^^

^^

D^3XD DDnr D'n^Nn

nr,i

bxn

46

wtiP ivi D^njD

r^ttnp nbyi

mn

t,npn

48 49 50

1,33 ot^Niai

nt^D ijTjj ijjHN. 1J311

una

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY AND

LITERATURE
By Alexander Marx,
Jewish Theologfcal Seminary of America.

The
among

last

decades of the Gaonic age have hitherto been

;

the

most obscure periods of Jewish history

and

yet those years

were of the highest importance, determining

the subsequent development

in the spiritual life of

and marking a turning-point

Jewry.

For up

to that time, Pales-

tine

and Babylonia had indisputably constituted the centers

of Jewish culture.

About

the beginning of the eleventh

century or the end of the tenth, there ensued a period of

decentralization,

and the influence of Babylonia waned more

just

and more, although

then the administration of the

academies and thus also the direction of the entire spiritual

life

were

in

the

hands of particularly eminent persons.

ac-

While the supremacy of the Babylonian schools was

cepted without reserve by the

new

centers of culture just

then arising in the Occident, nevertheless their rivalry was

necessarily detrimental to the continued existence of the

older seats of learning,

whose very source of income was

light has

being diverted.

Much

been shed upon these

cir-

cumstances by the finds of recent years.

of
the

Our knowledge
and Pales-

conditions

prevailing

in

l^abylonia

tine, in Italy

and

in the

various parts of Northern Africa,

has been materially increased through the publication of

the Chronicles of

Ahimaaz and of
6i

tlie

numerous more or

62
less

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

These
dis-

complete texts belonging to the Genizah.

while

coveries,

extending our knowledge and rectifying

erroneous and legendary conceptions, have also opened up

new problems, and have

of inquiry

naturally

prompted a large number

of scholars to occupy themselves with this period.

field
is

Of no
is

the motto Dies

diem docet

truer, as new-

material from the inexhaustible hoard of the Genizah

constantly becoming accessible,
be, to confirm, to correct, or to

serving,

as the

case

may

overthrow

earlier conjec-

tures.

In the following Studies, coming as they do in the

the

wake of

meritorious

efiforts

of

Schechter,

Harkavy,

Epstein, Ginzberg, Poznanski, Eppenstein and others, the

writer purposes a re-examination of a

number

of historical

and

literary questions, in the course of

which several new

texts are to be published for the first time.

I.

The Palestinian Academies

discoveries of the Genizah have proved

The unexpected

helpful to a greater extent than in any other field of investigation in lifting the veil

from the

spiritual activity of
first

Palestinian

Jewry during the second half of the

last

millen-

nium,
is

at

any rate so far as the

century of that period

concerned.

Here more than one chapter has been won

back for Jewish history.

points,

Our
the

conceptions of important
of
the

as

above

all

of

settlement

calendar,

have undergone a thorough revision.

Passages with which

we

were

long

familiar

are

now

assuming

on

the

basis of our extended

in their
It
is

knowledge a

totally different aspect,

way enabling

us to complete the newly- won picture.

my aim

to discuss a

number of such passages which

at-

have hitherto been the subject of scant or inadequate

tention.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

It

MARX

63

may

be doubted whether the Palestinian academies

officially
;

at

any time

renounced the prerogative of fixing

appears
that

the

calendar

it

rather

there

was

constant

clash

of

opinions
as

between
substantial

Palestine
difference

and
in

Babylonia.
the

So

long
itself

no

calculation
itself

was

manifested,
protests

the

opposition
the

expressed

in

fruitless

on

part

of the weaker side, but otherwise left no distinct traces/

Matters came to a head only when Ben Meir advanced

such rules of forming the calendar as involved a practical
difference in the fixing of the festivals.
decisive

Then, of course, a
however, Palestine

combat was

inevitable, in which,

was worsted.

If the

Babylonians maintained' that from

in

immemorial times they had not been influenced

calendar calculations by Palestine,
it

their

stands to reason that

even

in

earlier

times the other side was not minded to

acquiesce in this state of affairs.

^

We
,

rather find distinct

of
the
is

It

sounds

like

theoretical

recognition

supremacy
undoubtedly

of

Palestine

when

in

the the
is

prayer ]piS Dip'

scholars
of
in

which
are

of

Babylonian
reference,
of

origin,

Palestine
the

named
a

first.

The
script

however,

wanting
to

Turin
the

Siddur,

tran-

which
(comp.
23

was made available

me through

kindness of Prof.
I,

Schechter
Berlin

my Untersuchungcn zum

Siddur des Gaon R. Amram,

1908,

f.).

There we read: t^^-ityn KyiK3

X'tTHp

">

''^np

hzh

itrnS'j sniun m-iSi nS: ^c^nS iinnr,?;; :;ik Szn Sn^T h)!')H2 linn'oSn hzh^ H2Z1 'J^nS*. Xnn'nO. Equally noteworthy is the omission

of

all

reference

to

the

exilarchs,

who
the

in

our

Book
of
P-

of

Prayer

are

peculiarly

enough
is

introduced

amidst
in

officials

the

Academy.
f.,

Such
in

reference

also
to

wanting

the

OUil "nTHO,

172

and

Siddur according

the ritual of Ancient France

(previously cod. Hal-

berstam 443: comp. ZfliB., IX, 143) in the Library of the Jewish Theological

Seminary of America, both agreeing substantially with regard

to

this

case:

m
in

Ssirrn xyiKn

n
else.

i]nn) xnu'np n-nnn (kj^o hzb) i^nm pioS

'tri-n

...nDi

'j^m nm i:^n xnn^nD

Saadyana,

ihz

'B'h S223.
Bornstein

The

latter arc

mentioned nowhere
^

Schechter,

Cambridge
89.

1903,

17;

in

'jllITI

1CD

honor of Sokolow, Warsaw 1904,

64

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

traces of a polemical attitude to Babylonian emancipation

from Palestinian dominion, not only

thar^ of a later date, but also at

in the

Megillat Bbia-

an earlier period antece-

dent to Ben Meir.

In the Pirkc dcrabbi Bliczcr, chapter viii,

we

read:

"When no

one was
in

left

in

Palestine, the inter-

calation

was ordained

Babylonia.

Nevertheless, wheri
set
soil.

Ezra and the entire congregation returned, Ezekiel

about
ordaining
the

an

intercalation

on
He,

Babylonian
said
to
this
in

But

Holy
thou
of

One,
hast
;

blessed

be
to

him:
act
their

Ezekiel,

no
thy

right

perform
are
that

outside

Palestine
let

brethren
to

now

own

country;
like

them attend

matter."*

This

sounds

an emphatic protest against the Babylonian

practice, especially

when we remember

that,

according to an

explicit statement in the

Palestinian Talmud,'' Ezekiel orsoil.

dained the intercalation on Babylonian

that the passage alluded to

It

is

likely
in the

was quoted by Ben Meir

portion of his letter

^

now
I

missing."

The statements found

Schechter,
as there

/.

c,

86-104.

quote according to the pages and lines of

the

MS.
*

indicated.

SsT

xit:?

nSj;

Snnn

njtrn

nx

in:::;r3

in

y^^^i

ihk

ixa*:

k^

nny'
Prof.

on*,

D!iiKn Dimx '^K-rri Schechter has been kind

nn hnS
enough

n:finnnjtrn
call

dn

-inyS me>"i iS
to

p.
to

to

my

attention

the present
attention

passage as well as to several others.

the formula of the

He

has also drawn

my

announcement of the new moon

origin
to

in the Italian ritual,

which
"[3

perhaps

owes

its

old

disputes.
hr\\>r\
r:''*w"

It

reads as follows:

1"|TJ

D'Sn:

D^vTi'
is

^>r\^^

n\r^

^mpn
i:S

^jsjn

Tn::ti*

Dnn'.zon i:m2i
formula,

..oj'fnn") verbatim,
f.

intrnz
found

...t:nn
in

c'xi

D'i'^pi

The

almost
1767,

the

Avignon

ritual

(TCri ITD IE
reads:
'^II
'?p

Avignon

46 a).

In the Kaffa
i:ir3

ritual the
r\t22

announcement

NOy

'72

h\p7\

KT,2n ]jn-n
...'^Kltt'n

nrji

inn Nnin
is

xtj^np

yoti'o'?

ps^ni,-:
In the with a
1"1TJ

Ky-|2 ]inni

nm
oiw::.

^H^^^p

{Slddur, ed. Mezyrow, 1793)-

Corfu
rather

ritual

(MS.), the Passover

announced

on the

'jlTJin 02*2*

lengthy formula, which begins as follows:

]i-nnjD

TJ^mn
6.
f.

13

...OS'
' "

cipD n>n2 nSiy

pS

n^i'inn 12^):

Ssprn*,

p.

Sanh.

i,

2,

f.
/.

19

1.

Epstein,

REJ., XLI,

182 below;

Bornstein,

c, 64

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

in the

MARX
at the

65
an-

same chapter concerning the procedure

nouncement of the new moon' under the presidency of the

riT^^
to the
tJ'i^l

and especially the use of

this title point clearly

post-Talmudic academies of Palestine/

is

The same
and 5;
the
cf.

true of the

Targum on

Canticles'

(7,

also 8, 13),

where the importance of the head of

is

(Palestinian)
text,

Academy
in

painted in glowing colors.

The

as

found

Yemen MS.
I

belonging to the

Seminary Library/" which

"^

have collated with that of

Ebiathar,

p.

7,

1.

25

ff.,

quotes the passage as an old source.

'

Comp.

also

Tobiah

b.

EHezer,

nVJ np7 on

Exod.

12,

2.:

unfl K^ty
njtr.

ns'tr'n trxn 'jeS Sxitr'

It
is

pn

ran:; 13
is

in
in

n^n i"e^ kSk

the

miynn
MS.

true

that

the

conclusion

wanting

Florentine

(comp.
reads

Buber ad locum), whereas

a MvS. belonging to the

New York Seminary

Zunz,

GVr, 289 (comp. remark

our

0)

places

the composition of the Pirke

find

derabbi EHezer about the year 700.

fact

His reasons
the

further support in the

the

that

book

is

quoted

in

middle

of

ninth

century

in

Babylonia as an authority in halakic matters; comp. the responsum of Natronai

in the

Siddur R.

Avtraiii,

i.

32

a,

and
it

riTli^

mDn.
this

No. 93;

also

my

Untcrri'2,
also

suchungen,
I,

etc., 8 f.,

note 31, where

called

should be added that Weiss,

to

T'.fsSri

116,

note,

has

attention
/.

passage,

wdiich

escapied the

memory

of Bornstein,

c,

178.

The Ben Meir quotation

(

there
atten-

mentioned

is

accordingly not the oldest.

Schorr

^iSnn

\',

38)

calls

tion to the fact that the Pirke derabbi

EHezer are adduced

b.

in

the version of

the
ed.

Halakot

gedolot

used

by

Zidkiah

Abraham

(d'^'^'H

l^pSn

^^71"',

Buber, 376,

6).

The
is

attitude of the Pirke derabbi

EHezer

to the question of the calendar

designated
Palestine.

by Zunz as one of the

reasons
Geonica,

for
I,

placing

its

composition
to
p.

in

Comp.

also

C.inzberg,
ed.

208,

additions

93,

and

in addition also Kirkisani,

"

Harkavy, 295.

As

to

the late date of this

Targum, Landauer, Oricntalischc

of

Stiidicii,

505,

convincingly
'"

points

to

its

use

Arabic

words.
at the

31,

f.

8''

(one leaf

in the

middle and one

end are missing).

text

The
to-

MS., which dates from the sixteenth century, contains the Hebrew
gether

with

the

Targum

in

Babylonian

punctuation,

also

literal

Arabic

translation.

An

unpointed MS. of the year 1732 with an Arabic translation

with commentaries
a

of the

and
no

Targum and a iNLS. of Canticles, Ruth and Koheleth Targum in the common punctuation (by the hand of
variants.

Yemenite) offer
text

essential

A
i

ft)urth

Yemenite
9-8,
7.

]\IS.

ct)ntains

only the
of
the

and

Targum

of

chap.

1-2,

and

7,

An

Italian

MS.

fifteenth

66

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

:

the current editions, reads as follows

n-nn.3T Tn3-n=

....,

n>n^D3 K-in'DT k:ji3

Knnisa p-nn n^nsT

n!>,

(j.j;e;)

.j,b3

vin NnniN

^cjne

non

^a^n^i

n3ti>

nnxoh nKD^>

N3T i,n:T MB (ppD) ;ncn k^t eD k'h n^ov-^o iDVD to -rbo nnni, ^;^,D 1VX3 n^n< innco peon py^ri .Tn:i viK'n !.3nnp x.n^ kitv nnS i:"Dn xnai^i Km:i Kt^np
P'SJi

pyo

nnn' Kns3^

m
iSe

pen y-^n p^^^ .,,n <. 3, N^iJo ^3vn K3^n ne^to i;j^ ><;na n^nn^T ,b i>jr^,
^j,

(Nnl^v)

ev

msD

Kc^v nc^

rinn^ ^-nNl ^kib'>

(^:bb1,)

nu
pn^

sey n'

ts-asi

^^ri,

I^J'Wi

p.^t.

pinvB, ,nny ..ann

n'3^ K3

nn

p^,, p,^,,^^ ,
Oc-ni pjk^) ,6,n

P2^T K^n.D

m npmi
311

pnnn.-c

rvvT

nn Kmvc

yina
k:3t

k.Sb nn^ ^bt

i^'s^

mm,

rPDonai

phjo

Sa .jbo!)

^y p2B-na (Cant. 7, 3) offers an occasion for bringing the fixing of the calendar in connection with the synedrion, by which name the acade-

The

Scriptural phrase

D>21 nn

^niSy

nipn

^^t

mies were designated

stance.

in

i.osl-Talmudic times
calls those

as,

for in-

in Palestine. Interesting are the statements concerning the judicial activity of the Ab bet din" who Nvas knovvn as the Dayyana di-Baba" parclat which co,ais .he Ta,g, f Koheleth ,.,.. ,he ,e.x,; a, ,i,e beginning
an,I a.

Ben Meir repeatedly

cen.ry

Ru.h.
i.

Can.icles

and

the en,l

agrees on

the

defective,

whole with

the

editions.
,,>.:

Con,,..

Tanhuma, D'V.lp
is

ZTV
thns

niaiKn n pi r'n nr

Kintr xhti l^n<

pDl' s-n-i ,nr

inn,

,n,..,:;
e,l

Moses

Tacha.

y.
of

.h,s

readntg
liulicr

4./ ,
,',

to

be prefer,

to

that of the editions as well

the
'=

,o

ed.
11,

,hai

lirull,

Jal,rl,ucl,er,

35.
'

n.

Com,,, also Kppcnstein.

MGIIJ
.

LII
with
g,

l-,,.,-, na-Vn

...
IJ,-.
,

n.T
ecrs

K^n ni;
i,,

, i

conjunction
Ilarkav,-.

Kfia-nai

N::

addit,o

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

in

MARX

67

Babylonia.

As

to

the

sources of the revenue of the

academies, nowhere else do

tithes.

we

learn that they received

From

other sources

we

learn that the cost of mainte-

nance of the academies was derived principally from the

freewnll-offerings

of

the
is

pilgrims

to

Jerusalem.

The

most ancient example

in the

probably afforded by the reference

Chronicle of Ahimaaz," thus carrying us back some

seventy years before the time of Ben Meir.

to the

According

Chronicle just mentioned, a certain Ahimaaz con-

tributed, w^henever he

made

the pilgrimage to Jerusalem,

(three times in all), 100 D^nini to the maintenance of the

academy of
have

the holy city.

The phrase iniini

the

\'5Diy!'

can
as

reference
is

only

to

academy,

especially

Ahimaaz

afterwards entertained at table by the

nyi:^^ Ci'Si.

We may
the

conjecture that he took part in the procession about

of OHves" on xni NjyK^in
.

Mount

There

is

no reason

whatsoever to doubt the historical character of the incident.

No. 200;
latter

p.

149,

No. 315;

p.

156,

No.

329;

in
in

JQR.,
the

\'I.

223

(ia

the

two

places

'?K1C*l

^21 SnJSn
in
still

iH

fl'll);

responsum
Geonica,

mentioned
I,
is

below

(note

25);

and

earlier

times,

Ginzberg,

214.
/f('"',

Anotlier reference bearing on the judicial function of the Academies

I,

45 a below:

D'n VH
is

13

Dmti'sin

^"1

n'.nNi

Nni'DDT

':'n

hzy.

lb.,

iSd

mention

made

of a case brought before the

Academy: n^yiD ^2)^5

" Neubauer,
his son

Chronicles,

II,

113.

The
who

gifts

of

Paltiel

(ib.,

128)

and

Samuel
I.

(p.

130) have been pointed out by Poznanski, REJ.,

tt'XT is

XTAIH,

146,

n.

In the latter instance the nH'ti"

the.

not mentioned; on the

other hand
also
in
^*

D^KJD

are referred

to,

arc thus proved to have existed

the

Palestinian

academies of the gaonic period.

To

the

authorities

adduced by Poznanski, REJ., XL\'III,

his

153,

n.

2,

add the Arab writer Albiruni (about the year 1000) who in
Ancient
Nations
(translated

Chronology of
comp.
p.

by

Sachau,

London

1879,

270;

43')

makes mention of these processions.

68

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

In the second half of the ninth century,

when
it

the

Sura

Academy had been closed for some Academy is repeatedly" mentioned

side with that of

time, the Palestinian

instead of

side by

Pumbaditha.
just discussed are interesting for the rea-

The passages

son that they relate to the period elapsing between the time
of the heads of the academies mentioned at the conclusion

of Seder
that in

Olam
in

Ziita

and the time of Ben Meir.

They show

all

probability up to the time of the advent of the

Crusaders

1096 the Palestinian academies flourished un;'"

interruptedly

further proof,

it

may

be hoped, will be forth-

coming, when more finds become available.

In connection with
eral
this,
it

may

be proper to discuss sev-

further points bearing on the Palestinian Academies.

a matter of doubt with

It is still
is

me whether Mar
arrival
in

Zutra, as

universally maintained,

on

his

Palestine in

520", really occupied the position of nn^^"* ^^1. Eppenstein"

has recently pointed out with justice that the phrase ^^'^

nt*'^':'\

tmn:D is not the Hebrew equivalent of The plural apxi^ffx^pf^KiTaL in the well-known
^^

n^p"i2

cnn

niS^"'y'i.

decree of Justinian
Shaprut,

Comp. the reply of the King of

ed.
in

the
41 d,

Kliazars to Ilasdai ibn

ed.

towards the end, Pardes,

Const.,

f.

Warsaw,

166,

and Yetet

ben

AH
the

on Zech.

5,

Poznanski,
38,
n.
i;
f.

The Karaitic Literary Opponents of

also

Saadiah Caotij London 1909,

Jacob ben Ruben

in "itt'^J^n

"lED

on
f.

same
1.

passage

(ed.

Gozlov,

20 d)

and

Hadassi, T',2n

7T3tJ*t<^

46

a,

1-4.

The
158,

latter

two references, which long ago were pointed out

by Zunz, Ritus,

are to be added to those cited by Poznanski.

" From
impression
is

the

book

"iinTni

(L

loi--'),

which originated
of no
clear.

in
tt'X*!

Palestine, the
in Palestine;

obtained that the author

knew

nS't?'

the whole passage,

CjKTtt*^
I^TK^ti'

however,

is

far

from being
there.

Palestinian exilarch

nSl^ t^Kl)

is

mentioned

Is

that to be

understood as

a designation of the earlier Patriarchs?

^'

The

variant 522 in the ciironicle incorporated by Jerahmicl in his com/.

pilation text
in

(Neubauer,
cod.

c,

I,

178)

has no foundation whatsoever, the parallel

I'ipstein

published by

me
I.

in

ZfhB.,

\' ,

57

and Cod. De Rossi

1409 agreeing with the Seder Olam Zuta.

MGWJ., LII

(1908), 464. n.

STUDIKS IN GAONIC HISTORY

prohibiting the recitation of the
Scvrcpwo-ts

MARX

69

(no matter what

may

be meant by the latter term'') proves that at one and the

this title.

same time more than one man bore

Hence,

Mar
been

Zutra, at the time of his arrival in Palestine, became one

of

the

archipherekites,

while

another

may have

r]2^^^ tJ^xn.

Since, in later times, his descendants occupied

this position, as

we know beyond

a doubt in the case of R.

Phinehas,
the one for

it is

quite possible that a later glossator, perhaps

who

in

804 carried forward the Seder Olarn Znta

history,

two generations, conjecturally reconstructing

claimed the

same dignity for Mar Zutra himself.

He

thus amplified the original Aramaic report by the

gloss:
case,

Hebrew

|mn:D

^'^^

^t^'x;J1

b^^^^ nxi'

r]bv

this be the

as to

we must remain for the present in a state of ignorance when the Davidides of male descent assumed the headAcademies and how long they mainIt is a

ship of the Palestinian

tained themselves in this position.

matter of certainty
Briill's''

only in the case of R. Phinehas,'" according to

jecture,

con-

which has been universally accepted."

the beginning of the tenth century, the head of the

At

Palestinian
earlier

School was Ben Meir, a descendant of the

Patriarchs,

who
i,

traced

their

genealogy

to

Eppenstein,

/.

c, 465, n.

has collected the various opinions concernis

ing this term; the opinion of Graetz, however,

reproduced inexactly, "hagof

gadic

exposition"

being

substituted

in

the

place
in

"haggadic
1,

and halakic

Midrash".
^

Add also Vogelstein-Rieger, Juden One might conjecture that the title 1^1
"2"^

Rom,
/.

173.

in the case of

Phinehas whose
n.

predecessors are designated as

(comp. Zunz,

c,

144,

a)

has some-

thing to do with our question, but for the fact that his brothers are likewise
called
-^

^m.
Jahrbilclicr,

V-VI,

96.
find,

" In subsequent times we

of the

according
b.

to

the

Mcgillali

of

IChiathar,

anotlier Davidide of male descent, Daniel

Azariah, temporarily at the head

Academy.
ground

lie

may

possibly have been a descendant of

the
position
at

Mar Zutra and

supplanting
the

on

that

claimed

the

time

of

his

incumbent.

70

THK JEWISH QUARTKRLV RKVIKW

only
later

David

along

the

line

of

female

descent.
in

Somelead-

what

we

find

descendants of Aaron
light is
b.

this

ing position.

Some

shed on the century between

Ben Meir and Solomon

n2^^'> tJ'NI

Judah, the oldest hitherto

known
list

of Aaronitic descent, by a genealogical

in

Cod. Oxford 2443 to which Poznanski has recently'' drawn

attention.

That
as

part

of
:

it,

with

which
'^^2

we
pT

are

con-

cerned,

reads
'i^n

follows

iin

ri'^^H^

T\'2

2^ pn^
'^'2
c^'ni.

nmnK
mi?n
of

pi n^n nx
p]

1^^l^'K^

'i^n

nn^K>\T
])i<:

trxi

\^rM<

irm

n'^)i<:n
it

12:

2W
is

nn^'^^

Poznanski regards

as possible that

Abraham was

the son

Ben Meir.

That, however,

exceedingly improbable,

since the time

ca.
1

between Ben Meir (922) and Zadok (1084

109)

is

somewhat too long

it

for the four intervening

generations, and
at the

were strange

if

the genealogy ended just

it

famous ancestor.

Nevertheless,

is

to be

assumed

that, at all events,

If,

Abraham was
title

a descendant of
t^N'^

Ben Meir.

as

it

is

probable, the
tJ'X"!,

na^t^Tl

is

identical with

2\:>V^

P^<J nn"'K^^

we

are confronted with two

new heads
it

of the Palestinian Academy.

that a

Between the two,

is

likely
all

member
I

of another family

was
the

in office.

With
that

due

reserve.

would

advance

conjecture

notice found by liarkavy at the end of an old

Midrash IMS.
years
at
'i:

and

published

by
its

him

more

tlian

thirty

ago,'*

though naturally
time,

explanation was
connection
2pv'
:

impossible
'trip

that
'22

belongs

in

this

irani irnD
r\2'\i^'

n
:":

in^t^K^

'nni

naiacn

pj<:

tJ'Ni

insn

pidv

piry

bior^^ 'nci

^:^>^'^^

rnN

pnv^ 'nDi pi n^n.

The

" REJ.,

I.VII. 265-67.
134-

" Tj;r:n, xxi (1877).

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

title

MARX
of
identical with

71
Palestine,

npy
it

11N:i

r\2^^^ K'KI "

speaks

in

favor
is

and

is

highly probable that ^n^^Ni

one

of the

two mentioned

in the genealogical list

given above.

The younger

of the two, the one

who
is

is

there

named

a^n,

while in the Mcgillat Ebiathar'^ he

[i"D] ^X
j

expressly designated as

probably was in
b.

office in the

beginning of the career

of Solomon
^*

Judah, whose son Joseph apparently became

out
title

Babylonia
there.

is

of

the

question,
]",

since

we know
tt'NI
is

the
in

names of the
the Orient at

Geonim
the time
tinian

The

Ipyi

KJ!

fll^ti'^

borne

we

are considering only by the heads of the Babylonian and Pales-

Academies.
{REJ.,
LI,
Sti*

Poznanski
themselves as

55-58)

remarks that the Geonim never designate

tt'KI
I,
,

nS'J

nl^B'^

while they
148)

may have been

that
that

so styled

by others,

and

Ginzberg

{Geonica,

conjectures

was the

original title of the

Geonim of Pumbaditha
latter

after the cessation of the

( plSu = Sura Academy called themselves after the fashion

Pumbaditha), who only

of the

the

heads

of

the

npj;<

]1K:!

Dn'tt*'

tTK"!

This would explain

p.

interchange of superscriptions,
ib.,

as
p.

in

the

Responsa, ed. Harkavy,

88,

No. 198 (cited by Poznanski);

90,

No. 200; or in

an Arabic responsum,
n'^Ntt'^

which Dr.

I.

Friedlaender contemplates editing shortly, where we read:

The Academy

naturally

retained

its

ancient name,

and people continued

p.

to

speak of the T\h\^ h^"

in the superscription to
ri7lJ!

ni't^M
No. 419
say
in

"IJ^'i^.
fF.,

Nevertheless, in Harkavy,

215,

Hai.

calls

himself and his ancestors

nS'tf'

CK1
supas see
to

Sc

which,

to

the

least,

renders

Poznanski's

thesis

somewhat
is

doubtful.

The reading
evidence

Amram's Siddur, which Ginzberg

the

contests,

ported

by the

of

MSS.

as

well
23,

as

such

early

quotations
to
I

Mahzor X'itry, 46, D'i1B>N1 StT jniin II how the omission in a short summary of
which Tur
against
the

the

and DTl3 'tOip'S; I fail responsum in 7l3tJ*K

.33.

n"N
GV^,

132, ^and Manhig, 20

b,

might be added, could prove anything

in

authenticity of
178,

the

words

question.
npj;'
11
^^-^

Zunz,

remarks that the

the n'tt'f2n

title

r.2C'

CX'I

occurs

in the Kl'pj; '"IT

-" and

Dim^.

The
7\h2
.

Karaites, likewise, have

'w!'K1
-^5.

taken over this

title

(Znnz, Ritus. 158); similarly

in

occurs with them.

n.

Poznanski
of
in
is

is

mistaken
of

asserting the

dXn'P
in

>tt'JK

i)

on the basis
H-'*"^ n^'"*'
ed.
tt*K"1

the

Chronicles
Italy. to!

Aliimaas
tiie

prevalence
(luestion

of
a

tiic

title

Southern
referred
45="

In

passage
C\S"1

Palestinian

'"Kl

hSu Sc nS'^^
18.

occurs

in

Scfer Ilasidim,

Berlin,

P-

p.

2.

1.

72
his

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

successor.

His son Zadok became,

in

1084,

"'C"'^:^',

having up to that time been ^yn"i.

he was the son of his old age.
It

The

dates

show

that

was probably

his father
b.

who

occupied the position of T'3X under Solomon

find as early as 1030,

Judah,
years
it

whom we
is

hence about

fifty-five

before, at the head of the academy.

On

the other hand,

extremely improbable that he was

in

in ofiice

under Solo-

mon's predecessor, since

Palestine the"i"3N, as a rule,

It

appears to have become the successor of the Gaon.

fore seems that the older Josiah
in

there-

must have been meant

the

notice mentioned above.

list

We

should then obtain

the following

of heads of the Palestinian Academies

r'2

3K

Ben Meir

Abraham
JoscpJi

hab.

K oh en
I

I''

Josiah

b.

Abraham
Aaron

Aaron

Josiah
b.

Joseph ha-Kohen IT'

(ca.

Solomon

Judah

1030)

Josiah II
Elijah
b,

b.

Joseph ha-Kohen III

b.

Solomon Solomon
b. b.

Solomon (up
b.

to 1054)

Daniel
Elijah

Azariah'" (1054-62)

Elijah

b.

b.

Solomon (1062-84)
b.

Ebiathar

Elijah
Elijah, later

Ebiathar

Elijah (1084-96)

Solomon

Zadok
" The one mentioned
Epstein,
in

b.

Josiah IT".

the

notice
343,

referred

to

above.

According
in

to

MCWJ., XLVII
1)C

(1903).

the Ebiathar mentioned

the Sefer

Hasiditn should

inserted here.
b.

- Saadyana, 81; REJ., LI, 53; probably the grandfather of Solomon Judah, possibly a nephew of Joseph ha-Kohen I. ^^ Comp. above, note 22.

o Comn. Megillat Ebiathar, p. 2, 1. (1908), no, as well as the genealogical

18
list

and ZfhB., X, 145; mentioned above.

MGWJ., LII

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
is

73

The circumstance
in the hst

that Joseph (I.)

is

not mentioned

pubhshed by Poznahski''

easily explained, since

b.

he was not a direct ancestor of Mazliah

Elijah, as

all

the

heads of the academy enumerated

the

in the lists were.

For

same

reason^" neither Elijah's predecessor, his brother

his
is

Joseph (III.), nor

second son Solomon

is

mentioned.

To
to

be sure,

it

also possible that in the notice the

in the Megillat

Joseph (III.) mentioned

Bbiathar

is

alluded

and that Josiah was Elijah's predecessor

This supposition, however,
it

in his capacity
is

of -|"3X.

seems to me,

precluded by the fact that, judging from the analogy of

the other cases, Josiah should have become the successor

of

Solomon

if

as

the

son of Solomon's predecessor he

If he

had held the

office

of i"2i< under him.

office

had been dead

by that time, the

Isaac the
^^*^b^^

should have reverted to his brother

it

in

our note, of whom,

It

is

true,

we know
as prob-

nothing further.

may, therefore, be
is

laid

down

able that reference

(I).
If
this

made

to

an entirely different Joseph

conjecture be true,

we

find that

for several

generations the families of Davidic and Aaronitic descent

successively
role

occupied the leading

to

office

the pre-eminent

assigned

Zadok

in

the

report

of

Ebiathar and

the

warmth with which he

places himself on the side of

the Aaronides preclude the supposition that the Davidides

had been forcibly

s5>^^t

set aside.

In that case the position of

in existence

was not created by Solomon, but had been

long before.

Nor unknown
i
^^

is

the

son of the repeatedly mentioned Zadok

to us.

His name according

to the genealogical

REJ., LI,

53role,

Not because he played no important

as

Poznanski,

p.

54,

thinks.

74
list

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

alluded to above was Hillel.

In

155-6 he appears in
in a collec-

Alexandria (?) as signatory to two documents

tion described
nD3"i^K"t nDiriD

by Harkavy''^; similarly

in

1164

i^i

Fostat to a

published in facsimile by Merx/*

We

see

now

that D.

Kaufmann^' was wrong

p)l'i

in

declaring Merx's

reading T'3N
tion that an

^m^2 bbn impossible,

last,

on

the

supposi-

T^ would not sign

son of this Hiller"

was, as has been remarked by Poznahski, the author of the

Mcgillah Ziita; a nn-'So by him

2852''^;
I

is

preserved

in cod.

Oxford

he also appears as a witness in 12 18

in cod- 2876'.

may

be permitted to discuss at this juncture a date

of the Mcgillat BbiatJia/' which

verify
that

we

are in a position to
2,
1.

from another source.

We

read (p.

27 of the text)

David ben Daniel emigrated from Babylonia three years

before the death of the

23)
in the

Gaon

Elijah,

which

is

placed

{ib.,

1.

year 1395 Sel.= io84, and that two years after

(p. 3,
1.

his emigration

3), hence in

1394=
1082.

1083, he

came
'*

to Egypt.

On
in

the other hand,

we

gather from his

n^iriD

that he

was

Egypt
I

in

1393 Sel.

when he married
Megillah

a second time.
difficulty thus

propose as the simplest solution of the

presented that

we read

in Ebiathar's

^'

D^mj

PiCKD

^'^-

'-

*^^-

r*etersburg

1879

181.

183.

The names found

41.

there point rather to Fostat than to Alexandria.

^*

Documents de PaUographic Hchraique, Leyden

cod.

1894,

In

the docu-

ment
*'

Oxford

2878'",

where

we

find

him

as

signatory,

the

date

is

wanting.

Gcsammelte Schriftcn,
Another
of

I,

28.

son
cod.

seems

to

have
2878"*'

signatory

Oxford

in

been S^T 2X piTli "1^2 SSn "1 2 I^KfJ, 1161. A brother of Hillel, Moses,
'

signed cod. Oxford 2878-, in

together

112,7.

Josiah
as

b.

Moses, probably his son, occurs

in

with
p.

.\braham
108.
3.

b.

Ililkl,

signatory

"Jews'

College

Jubilee

\'olume",
^'

Sec above, note

VA.
Schcchtcr,

JQR.,

Xlll,

2-1

f.

Poznaiiski
is

{REJ.,
(

XIA

IH.

164,

n.

i)

goes astray in saying that the Kctubah

dated 1084

- 139S

Sel.).

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

in the place

MARX

75

^ii^

oi^b^.

Then David came

to Palestine in

1389

1078 and to Egypt in 1391

1080,

where after two

years he married a Karaite lady.

Thus disappears one of

Azariah.

the difficulties which induced Bacher"' to dispute Schechter's

conjecture"** that

David was a son of Daniel

b.

For, according to the correction proposed above, there in-

tervene only about sixteen years between the death of the

latter

(Elul 1373 Sel.

1062) and the emigration of his

son David from Babylonia at the age of twenty years. Poz-

nahski" rejected Bacher's grounds as unsatisfactory, and

subsequently"' adduced as a positive proof for Schechter's

supposition the fact that Daniel, the father of David,

is

designated in the Kctuhah as

r\'2,'^^^

^^'^.
^^<1i^"'

It
I'D

remains to be
pt<; K^ti^J.
all

added that he
Lastly
I

is

named

elsewhere''

may

be permitted to give expression with

letter

due reserve to a conjecture concerning the

Di:n
^K':j<

of the

to the Palestinian

Communities of the year 960".

In this

letter,

the

Jews of the Rhenish country among

other things inquire concerning the advent of the Messiah

and receive a sharp reply

in the negative.

Perhaps they
is

had before them a text of the Sefer Zcrubbabel such as

at present

wedged

in

between chap, xxxii,

ed.

4 and chap,

xl.,

2 of the

Pirkc Hckalof,
86, n. 6.
8i.

Wertheimer." There the advent

" JQR., XV,

***

Saadyana,

*'

Schechter's Saadyana, Frkf.

I.

a.

M.

1904,

10,

n.

3.

RE J., c, 166, " Saadyana, 81, n.

appears also
in

n.

I.

According to Worman, JQR., X\'III, 14. " 10. he 2. two other documents as head of the Academy. The name of
in a

David

is

found also

document, cod. Or. 5545 of the British Museum, dated

1089, the beginning of which has been reproduced by Margoliouth, JE., \'III,
309,
as

the

36th

specimen of writing.
liira'jtr

We

read

there:

Dl7'3

7jn D'")5?0
14.

nm
*^

liK'trj

liinw
this

...nnmn kipij; comp. jqr., xviii.

n.

n.

Comp. on

matter the exhaustive paper by Biichler in

RE J.,

XL,IV,

237

ff.

*^

Jerusalem 1890.

76

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

is

of the Messiah

announced for the year 890" after the

destruction of the

Temple (=1:958), which

is

two years beIt is

fore the date of the letter just mentioned.

in all other texts'"

true that

we

find 990; nevertheless, a subsequent

alteration of a

number

of this character

would be nothing
in

extraordinary.

Zunz** has even

assumed

our case an
of Zcrub-

older date than 990 as the original.

hcl,

The Book

according to Graetz,"" was composed in Italy and

may

therefore have been

unknown
least

in

Jerusalem.
periods,

On

the other

hand,

we

have,
that
it

at

for

later
in

unmistakable

evidence

was current

the

Rhenish provinces.

Eleazar of Worms"" quotes our apocalypse as Baraita di

Zcruhhahcl, and Jacob
the
first

b.

Shimshon",

who

flourished

in

quarter of the twelfth century and resided

at

for
first

time
of

Worms,

as

Scfcr Zcnibbabcl".
century,
piece

In
b.

the

half

the

fourteenth
this

Asher

Jacob
in

hacol-

Levi
lection

incorporated
niJIISTn

of

literature

his

lED.'"'

The compiler of codex 326 of

the

Paris

Library''*,

who

lived

in

the

Rhenish country
in

between 1160 and 1180, incorporated

his

compilation

*"'

Judah ha-I.evi

i)re(licts

the

fall

of

the

Mohammedan empire
ed.

for

the

same year (890) of the

fifth

millennium; comp. Divan,

55 ^ncl 56;

Brody,

II,

302.

1903,
"

Jellinek,
II b.

Cmon

D'n H,
603.
f-

Wertheimer,

D'emf2n ^pS,

Jerus.

Litcratiirgeschichte,

"
^
51

Ceschichte, \'P, 53

Comp. Ilarkavy, D'iS'' Ua D'tinil, No.

4,

7,

P-

'6.

np"in '^^

f'"

Kuth

II.

Concerning him see Epstein, REJ.,

XXXV,
M.

241-246.

" Reprint from Mahzor

is

\'itry, Frkfrt. a.

1897, 3 below.

The quotation

found only in one

MS.
Neubauer,

" Cod. Oxford

'

2797'.

AccordiiiK

to

MGIVJ.,

XXXVI
*Ti

(1887),

502
,

f.,

Jacob

b.

Abraham; comp. on
3-4.

the other hand Chwolson in

to

Sy }*i1p
as

VII (18967),
p.

In the appendix

the Catalogue of his Library

h.

(1903),
the

156,

No.

8.

Chwolson names Jacob

.\sher

ha-Levi

(ra.

1220)

compiler.

No

doubt, howcvar, exists as to the

home

of the compiler!

STUDIE:S in
(fol.

GAONIC history

MARX
I

77

109a) the following passage which

:

copied several
t^nn
D^D^"i
rpi'i

years ago

ntJ'N.

bi^^m

DHJD D nn ^V2n

Doy

"icn^ji

pfiDxriQ nioi^n ^d^ci

Dn5 p n>^
i.nD n^n:!

xin ^N^t^^in

in pmn
D-im^D
DHSJ'

pDi n^Dixn pn

pmn

nnvn D^ioiyi onh

D^tj'ie^ D^i'DiK

DHi in^^nriD

d^ in

ixnti'

Droyn m?2(n)
"

nv lino ^xiC'^S m^<t^':^ hd^^dh in^i D^n^ n"D nnm Dtj'sj moD n'Ppn ^jcb no^^tr nmt^n D^t^iy nn na D>-tDiy ny in p n^ti'Q nx dh!? nb:^) nnn Dn: n innn n'Ppn Dn!? .Dnrin om D^nn Dn!? '^'noi in p n^^n xin i'x^Dy p
n^n:;
"i^y^
*

n'Ppni

nn^bv nb)V) ddipo^

^xntj'^ i?^
'jtj^

i^Nntj'^

nrnt^'
Dni^ji

yoit'

:n:n

^xnt^'^S

in^^an n^ ^yi
n^D^ vnst^^
nt
Di^^Difc^i

imvn

n:)Poi

Dnn

D^nnn

n bv nv
n^tj'D
^tj^

nnn

xini

n>n nci

di^^d-in
n'):r\
b'2

ny dh^ji
prom
:nj

D^^^n^ bv D^^n^vn

i^n^

yt^n

pxtj^
"^^'i

nc^
iiDK^n
b\i^

n^^'X

nim

nii:)jn

px

tJ^-'tr

in
niij:

itot^

>tj^

un mcxij'

n^i'y

xni nbM^n
nji;^

^^n i<M

n^i

Di'wn ,n.^n3

^^*Ln

nnKnn!'

n''a

rP^ HDn^o nmt<"i

bv 'yi

di^^dik i:dd
rP^ nnxnt:' nn

ntJ'K

'^K

t<in nyti^

nnii<

d^hnq

^i^x

nb^n:

HDO Dna pDoi

^Ni:^'^

ny non^o

pt^nyi

pxn im Dnoy

cursory comparison with the different texts of the Sefer

that

Zcrnhhahcr proves
" Wertheimer,
Wilna
two
edition,
in
is

we

are dealing here with a version

D'tt'TliS

l2P^,

gh-i^a,

presents

reprint

of
f.

the
13

which

based on the editio prince f's; there follow on

fragme<nts

from
(Cat.
is

the
II,

Oenizah;

another
it

fragment,

according
that

to

cod.

Oxford
piece,

2642'
ib.,

37,

where

is

rightly

contended

the

second

30,

derived

from the

'"acil minCi), was published by him

1894. .Kliiuck's
text

previously in

flVwIlfS

T)!:,

H, Jcrus.

(C^llfin

'

-,

78
of
it.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The most convincing proof
"-ven
is

afforded

by the

name nn
whereas
as

which occurs only

in the present apocalypse,"

Menahem ben Amiel and Nehemiah ben

the Messiah are

Hushiel"
It is

names of

met with elsewhere.

true

that the version

respects
that
sible
I

made use of by from all other known

it

the compiler differs in

texts;
it it

many

is

for this reason

It is

thought

desirable to present

in full.
details.

impos-

on

this occasion to

go into further

If,

then, this
its

apocalypse, along with other mystic writings, had found

way from
Messiah

Italy to

Germany and

the Rhenish

jews were

acquainted with the prediction concerning the advent of the

in the

year 958,

we can

easily

understand

how

they

came

to address an inquiry to Palestine

and how they met

with a rebuff, the text occasioning the inquiry being un-

known

there, or

perhaps being regarded of no

value.'*

II.

Palttel-Jauhar

One

of the most interesting episodes in the history of

the family of

Ahimaaz

of Oria as told in his Chronicle

vizir of

is

that of Paltiel,

who became

Al-Muizz, the ruler

of North Africa, and as such attained great power, at the

same time retaining

his influence

on

his coreHgionists.

As

Arabic historians do not speak of any Jewish vizir of Alii,

54-57)

is

based
in

on

two Leipsic MSS.

the
Erkft.
Pirlcc
a.

Still

another text

is

found,

as

indicated

above.

Hckalot,

ed.
p.

Wertheimer.
24.

Horowitz.
i6.

KnpTlir KnEDin.
160'',

I.

M.

1889,
is

11,

No.

when

speaking of a third zersion of our book,

or

perhaps thinking of cod. Oxford

codex
in

Casanata

174-.
cf.

" Thence
1870.
"^

Zohar. III. i;.W',

Wunsche, Leiden des Messias, Leipsic

*
*

p.

112.
13. n.

Dalman. Der Icidcnde uvd dcr stcrhende Messias,

Porges, MCH'J.,

and

20,

n.

*;

XXXIV
p.

(1885), 75; also the Chronicles of Ahimaaz,

132-

" The Ebiathar

Mcgillah,

10,

1.

1-4,

proves that the attitude toward

at

mystic literature was not hostile in the

Academy

Jerusalem.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
takes

79

Muizz, Paltiel has been a puzzle to Jewish historians.

Kaufto be

mann
a

has treated of him repeatedly.'

He

him

Nagid of the Egyptian Jews.

concerning the two

De

Goeje' has identified

him with the

the
reports

vizir Jauhar, although a

number

of traits in
to

men appear

militate

a-gainst

such identification.
is

Gottheil,^ accordingly, asserts

that this identification

extremely doubtful and with some

hesitation

makes use of

the account concerning Paltiel in con-

structing a history of the office of the

Xagid\
first

Poznahski",

without further ado, claims Paltiel as the

Nagid, thus
Goeje.

apparently wholly rejecting the conjecture of

De

By
it

adducing an account which has hitherto been

left

unnoticed
I

and which

is

entirely independent of

Ahimaaz,

deem

possible to prove the identification of Paltiel

as probable in the highest degree.
is

and Jauhar
it

This account,
in

is

true,

partially

obscure

it

agrees,

however,

details

much

more exactly with the Arabic accounts concerning Jauhar

and
is.

moreover, free from the gross historical errors per-

petrated by Ahimaaz.

We

find
in

it

in the

Parma MS.
with

of the

Scfcr

Hasidirn,

545,

connection
to the '':ic3n

an

extract
is

from Donnolo's introduction

wherein

nar-

rated the conquest of Oria by the Saracens (925), the slaying of ten scholars of repute and the enslavement of the re-

maining ones, of

whom

Paltiel
:

was one.
D"l"'''1t<

The

text reads as follows

n:n!:;o

l^y^

nati'J ^'N^oi'Q

Die Chronik dcs Achiniaaz von Oria, 1896, 26

fif.,

and

ZDMG.,

L,I,

43O

ff.

* ^ *

ZDMC,
JE.,
lb.,
\',

LII, 75-80.
6i.

68.

REJ., XLVIII,
Ed.
Wistinetzki,

145.

Berlin

1891,

152.

g^

.^HF,

REVIEW JEWISH QUARTERLY

I,.-

-S^K

n:ni

""'i'^"

'=

"'^^

n, n>^:^ n..K

^^o^^-

n k

v^

n
^^^^^

,^on K=nn. :n.^vn^ ''/

^^^^^ ^^=="

'

,,

^^-'^ n^o^ nnx^ ..n^

::,x -^^^ ^y^^ '^ :r

'n

'"'^''^

'^"^::: :;

^^= --^ ^^-

' ^^^^^

""'now,
.,.

raltie,

was taUen

f,ni Oria in

I--'-^^'
captured at

sea.

with the^e pious ones

who had been

Cntruli-ewasanoM^anwhosa..^^^^^^^^^^^^
Pahiel,

"Woe

ayest become
>

^de, that ,t .s ,n be unto tbee, for sent nrto ex,le. great, that we are

tl

Read

n^:iCr2

fnosquef

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
to the top."

8l

dreamt a dream that a great tree was growing from earth

to heaven,

and behold thou wert chmbing

And when
cian,

the ship reached the harbor, Paltiel went

to the house of a certain wise

man

that

was a

skilled physi-

and Jacob was

his

name.

And

he was the King's

physician.

Now

this

Paltiel

was shrewd and mixed the

all

drugs and learned the uses of

medicines.

After
ill,

many
his

days, Jacob the wise one died, and the

King

fell

and
to

head troubled him.

And

he said unto his

men

send

unto Jacob, but they said unto him that he was dead.
he asked whether he had
Paltiel
left a

And
Then
unto

son or a disciple.
said,

came unto him, and he

"I will not take thy

Paltiel said

medicines, for thou art but a lad."

Then

him,

''I

will but anoint thy feet

and thou
"This

shalt perspire."
lieth."

And

they said unto the king,

man

Then

Paltiel

laughed aloud, and the King asked him, ''Wherefore

laughest thou at

me?

Is

it

not forbidden to laugh before

me ?"
his

Then he

said unto him, "This

feet.

eunuch here won-

dereth at the anointing of

Was
the

he not cut below and

beard

fell

out above?"

And

King was

cured, and

he exalted him greatly.

And
sons,

after

many
"Thou

days, the

King

died,

and he had two

and the eldest was an enemy of

Paltiel.

Then

Paltiel

said unto him,

king, for
pian,
all
is

wilt obtain the mastery

and become

the princes love thee, except a certain Ethioa friend of thy brother.
kill

who

Let us send after him

and take counsel to

his favor."

thy brother.
so.

And

he did

By this you will gain And after many days, Paltiel

killed,

arranged that the Ethiopian was

exalted.

and

Paltiel

became

Thereupon he asked from the King to build the Holy Temple, since this was covered with ashes from the days

82

thp: je:wish

quarterly review
it

of Titus the wicked.

if

But the King would permit

all

only

he could clear them

away by

the middle of the next

all

day.

And

Paltiel

went and gathered

the

young men

of Israel and he himself worked wnth them.

after they built
Paltiel
it

And

there-

up and prayed there many days.

And

made

his son ruler

over Alexandria, with the perthe

mission of the King.

And

name of

his son

was Jacob.
and

Now,
when
great

it

happened that they were burying a dead man, and

they were speaking his praises before the Mosque,

the Ishmaelites took note that they had

made

Jew

ruler over them, they wished to kill this Jacob,

and the
it.

King came and wished

years
later,

to pass the

plough over

Many

two great men of

Israel w'ere disputing

hit
it

one with another on the eve of Atonement, and one

the other, and the
is

King of

the Ishmaelites said, "Truly

Israelites to

no good fortune for the

its

pray

in this place",

and he ordered

destruction, until the

it

Spirit

from on

High

shall arise
first

and rebuild
place,

in all its glory."

In the
Paltiel
is

according to the above account,

brought as a slave from Southern Italy to Kairwan

enters
into

where

he

relations

with

the

Sultan
the

of

Kairwan,

who must have been Al-Mansur,

Not
a

father

of Al-Muizz.

word

is

said here of the latter's expeis

dition to Italy, of

which Ahimaaz reports and which

an

impossibility, considering that the expedition took place in

925,

whereas Al-Muizz was born only

in

929.

When

Paltiel first

meets Al-Mansur. a eunuch takes part

All this

in the con-

versation.
tive in war,

reminds us of Jauhar who, taken capItaly or Sicily

was carried away from Southern

and acquired as a slave by a eunuch who then transferred

him

to
I

Al-Mansur.
believe that

we have

a right to conjecture that the

physician Jacob mentioned in the Scfcr Hasidim and Al-

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
the latter,

83

Mansur's body-physician Isaac

person, the Arabic

Israeli are

one and the same

cognomen (kunya) of
It is

Abu

Ya%ub, having
sition
is

led to the error.

difficult

true that the suppo-

rendered

by the statement that the physi-

cian Jacob died in advance of the king, whereas Israeli, as

is

well

known, survived Al-Mansur.

however, be attached to such

Too much weight

details,

need

not,

considering

the legendary character of the account.

better motive than actually existed

By

this

means

was sought

to account

for the absence of the body-physician

and the presence of

the stranger.

very interesting parallel to the episode concerning

is

the medical activity of Paltiel

found

in

Arabic sources

Wiistenfeld^ reports that Al-Mansur, before his death, a

sleeping-potion
Israeli,

having

been

refused

him
no
a

by
other

Isaac

inquired
in

whether

there

was

phy-

sician

Kairwan.

Upon
Ibrahim

learning

that

young man
in

by
city,

the

name

of

had
be

just

arrived
;

the
the

he

ordered

him

to

summoned

and

young physician prepared was only required

ensued, but
it

medicine

which the caliph

to smell.

The

desired effect immediately

Israeli

led later to the death of the patient.

then defended the conduct of the stranger,

to

who was about

in

be attacked, on the ground that he was

no posi-

tion to

know

the condition of the patient as well as himself.

With

the exception of the result of the cure, the parallels bestriking.

tween the two accounts are

physician,
a stranger,
is

In both a young
in

summoned

obedience

to

the express desire of the caliph.

In both, he prepares a In the one account,

Israeli, in the

medicine to be used only externally.

the stranger
*

is

regarded as a disciple of
Goettingen

other

Geschichte

der Faiimiden-Chalifen,

1881,

96.

84
his
true,

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

defended
unclear

conduct
it

is

by

the

latter,

though,

it

is

remains

whether

the

body-physician

was previously acquainted with him or whether he protected

him simply on

the

ground of

justice.

It

may

be

conjectured that a legendary account concerning Ibrahim

has been
I

made

to apply to the

person of

Paltiel.

find

no support for the story conce^-ning the feuds

about the throne and the assassination of a brother of Al-

Muizz by

his

chief

supporter,

an Ethiopian.

The data
reference

concerning the rebuilding of the Temple

to

may have

an old synagogue, presumably

at

Alexandria^

Paltiel's interest in the rebuilding of the

Temple ap-

pears to show that, in agreement with the report of Ahimaaz,

he openly avowed himself a Jew. read further on that the

casually

On

the other hand,

we

Mohammedans became aware

that

only

of
in

the
the

fact

the

government
in

had
person

been
of

placed
Jacob,
Paltiel

hands

of

Jew

the

the

son of

Paltiel.

This would show that both

and

his reputed son

Jacob publicly professed themis

selves

Mohammedans.
which stands

Thus
in

removed

the

greatest

difficulty

the

way

of identifying Paltiel

with Jauhar; the supposition that Paltiel held the position

of

Nagid

also

falls

to

the ground.

Nagid undoubtedly
vizir'"-

signifies in this place

I

nothing short of

identify without hesitation Jacob, the "son" of Paltiel,

with the vizir Jacob

Ibn

Killis

to

whom, according

to

Noveiri", the administration of the country

The additional data concerning
Concerning
the

was ceded by
Who
is

this

synagogue are obscure.

the great king?

'"

meaning

of

the

same
SK-.DtT

title
'"I it

borne

by
in

Samuel
r|C?2n
,

comp. Harkavy's valuable treatise

St.

TUiH

DnSin'?

Petersburg
'^

1902,
/.

50;
77.

it

is

to

be regretted that

has remained a torso.

De

Gocje,

c,

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
The

85

Jauhar after the conquest of Egypt.

relations of the

fact that the

two

vizirs to

one another were by no means

friendly does not militate against this supposition.

assertion of

The

Ahimaaz
less

that the real son of Paltiel

was named

Samuel, no

than his remaining genealogical data, de-

serve absolute credence.

The
above
all

origin of the

account points to
connection

Italy.

This

is

favored

by the

with

the

excerpt

from Donnolo.

The

family-tree of R- Judah he-Hasid,

the compiler of the Scfcr Hasidim, equally points to Italy

hence

it

is

probable that his ancestors brought this legend

as well as other reminiscences with

them from

Italy.

Pre-

sumably a German hand

in

is

responsible

for placing Oria

Lombardy.

Just as our knowledge concerning the per-

sonrality of the

Kabbah st Abu Aaron

Judah

is

derived from the

Chronicles of
of

Ahimaaz and from

the writings of Eleazar

Ilasid,

Worms,

the disciple of R.

our information

concerning Paltiel goes back to the same two sources.

The

memory

of their former co-religionist,

of high honors, apparently was kept

who was the recipient fresh among the Italian

accordingly the Jewish

Jews for a long time, whereas

in
;

Africa he was regarded

from

the first as a

Mohammedan

authors there had no further interest in him.

When

the points derived

from the accounts mentioned

above are put together wath the parallels which

De Goeje

has found between the data of Ahimaaz concerning Paltiel

and the Arabic sources concerning Jauhar, the

the

identity of

two may be pronounced

as

probable in the highest

degree.

86

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

III.

The

Sefer Metibot

Among

the lost

works of the gaonic period, concerning

is

which the most diverse theories have been advanced,

be reckoned the

to

Book

of the Academies, which

or

is

cited as

nn^n^lSD and xna^nD IED

simply
'D.

more frequently

'd ^yn*
D:^',

and

Azulai records the book in his D''^n:n

11, s. v.

Rapoport', somewhat doubtfully, would ascribe

Perles^ to R.

it

to R.

Hai
it

Samuel

b-

Hofni.

Meklenburg' regarcks

as

a compilation of responsa and decisions by several older

Geonim.

Harkavy' who has treated of the book

at similar conclusions
;

in a

most

thorough manner arrived

that

he thinks
exegetical

notes

of

methodological,
the heads of the

halakic

and

character"

made by

Academies are gathered

together in this work. Ginzberg' considers the Sefer Metibot

as a compilation of gaonic responsa originating in

Kairwan.
this

An
in

examination of the numerous quotations from

the Iftu/

book

(about 55, of which only eight or nine had

identified)

previously

been
the

leads

to

results

at

variance

with

all

opinions
a

mentioned
consisting,

above.
like

The
and

Sefer
ge-

Metibot
dolot,

was
of

code

the

Halakot

excerpts
the

from

the

Talmud
single

adducing
in

occasionally

opinions

of

Geonim;
and
f3"3.

con-

Abbreviated

throughout
to

in

this

paper
R.

to

f3"D
in

Additamenta

the biography of

Hai

D^Dyn
p.

'1132,
100,

1831,
6.

92;

conip.

Steinschneider, Arabische Litcratur dcr Judcn,

No.

MGIVJ., IX,

181.
I,

Lxtcraturblatt des Orients,

col.

357-58.

He

is

followed by Benjacob,

DnBDn
'

I^IN

p.

389,

No. 2616.

D'^nnK*?
p.

DJ1
n.

D'JIJrKlS ^n-^.
22,

m.
71.

St.

Petersburg 1886,

28,

n.

73;

comp. also
*

16,

and
Sefer

p.

27,

n.

He

combines the

Metibot
ed.

with

the

n^'CTI 1BD
p.

mentioned
is,

in

the

Commentary on
^

Chronicles,

Kirchheim,

36;
/.

there
178,

howerver,
i.

nothing in
*

common between
I,

them.
1909,

Comp. Ginzberg,
180-81.

c,

n.

Ceonica,

New

York,

Ed.

Schocnblum, Lembcrg i860.

first

In
of

thi.s

paper
edition.

//.

with accompanying

page-number stands for the

part

this

STUDIE:S in
trast to the

GAONIC history
it

MARX

8/

code just mentioned",

makes ample use of

the Palestinian

Talmud.
with

All the quotations of which

civil

we

know

at present deal

and marriage laws

to

which

the author apparently confined himself.

The
of
as
to

large

majority

of

these

quotations

consists

simple extracts
is

from the Babylonian Talmud, which,

and

the case in the Hal. gcd., were selected with reference

practice

halakic

accordingly

are

frequently
It.,

in-

troduced by the formula

pD2

'12

Syai

comp.

c,

33

c,

42

h,

43^, 44^ (snTnon

the

X|TDS'N) and elsewhere.

Occa-

own decision, as It., 63c... Whenever he does not ni:: xno^n nnD ''n^ incorporate a Talmudic passage, we may accordingly infer
sionally

author expressly adds his

that his decision runs

counter thereto; comp.

It.,
j<^i

Sa

o^'ni

n^nn
also 37

xn^Si n^bi
c

ynt^'tti

...m^n>
y?Dt^ol

mi
It.,

^n^''

idx; so

'DV '^3

r]'b

xn^non

...sn ^n^\s n'?

d"2^.

More

interest attaches to a third passage,

13

f/,

where we read

2r\22 D^^pno.

The passage from

the Palestinian

Talmud,

The Halakot gedolot quote

minimal; comp.

the Palestinian

Talmud expressly only

in

once,

and

in proportion to the
is

bulk of the book the number of acknowledged remithe examples

1909,
in
full

niscences

Poznatiski,

Studicn zur
ZfliB.,

gaonaisclioi

Epochc,

I,

Warsaw

i9-.^5,

and

my

Additamenta,

XIII,

70.

" Inserted on
in
3

the basis of the

MS. on parchment from

the

the

14th century

the
b-^2 b

Sulzberger
of
the

Collection

of

Seminary,
identical

which
with
Cat.

contains

fol.

edition

and
is

is

probably

Rabbinowiz,

IX, 66.

The manuscript
homoioteleuton.
It

not

always correct; thus frequent errors occur

passages,
to
it

through

In
be

many
used
a

has

undergone
for

collation

and correction.

could
text.

great

advantage

the

purposes of
cor-

emending the printed

rections
text

As

specimen,
the

the following variants and

noted

by me

casually

on

margin of

my

copy of the

printed

may

be mentioned here:

88
It.,
IT, a,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

is

introduced by the formula

It.,

NJITDD SynS ^O^n"i%

which formula meets us also

the present passage

14

c,

21 a and 45 d.

From
was

we

learn that the Scfcr Mctibot

arranged according to the order of the Talmudic pericopes.

The

Palestinian

Talmud

is

quoted by the author also

a,

It.,

2 d, 42 b and in

Nahmani on Kid. 59
MS.

B. batra 11

a.

Edition

II*

^:im
nitt'

...mtyT ../

Di'ja^

nn no

'j^m
ifspo

...xitri

...fitrnj

21

"ifi

14b

pnn 'Op

'jittTi'NT m2Tttn2",

*7irn'KT

nS'sc nmtrnn
K-insf '.2'm

16
17 a

n'72 'tt'n 'Op

'r'tyn'KT
"

xmS; trn 'Dp

mr'jnn

mSn; mrSnn
"n
n"2 \vjr2v
V'T lVf3 K2KT
xni'?'.-!
n2f3

21 o

de'jw 'iS

'-iS

34
34

fc

neon nn;nn
':Bn

TiBon nn;ni
'-iz

p
V'T

'?K",f3t:*

'12

380
38
c

'10 K2KT

T'm
mSi
n""!

NDi'jn 'piDExSi
tr"i
"

p'pDc

39 d

So he

is

called throughout the entire book.

^ Miiller,

Responsen

der

span.

Lchrcr,

29,

n.

15,

has

conjecturalVy

emended
of R.
<^

the text in this

manner;
is

D'lTnn Klip,
Moses
b.

the scholar

X, 198, on the basis of accordingly proclaimed to have been a brother

in Litbl. des Orients,

Hanok!
parallel passages fol. 44 d

Comp. the

and

D'"l>tS*

HHO on mZlD;'

^Sf

in Alfasi ed.
'

Wilna.

sc.

of Alfasi.
is

Of
paper
of

the second part of the Ittur there

found in the same Collection a

fol.

MS.

of the i6th century, 47 leaves 4, corresponding to

edition.
his

20 b-34 d
of
the

the

printed

Tlie

copyist
a

notes

on

fol.

3 b

that

leaf

manuscript of which

was

transcript

had been

partially

destroyed

by

mice; on the other hand, he did not realize that in that copy two leaves had

been

interchanged,

fol.
1.

38

a,

1.

from below

38fc

end and

fol.

42

a,

1.

from below

42

b,

from below, the context thus being interrupted

in the

passages in question.
Cat.

The MS. was

in

acquired by Halberstam (cod. 482)

from

Rabbinowiz, IX, No. 67; some of the following variants and corrections
his

were noted down by him

copy of the Eemberg edition:

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
very limited."
nil r]'t2^^
^hjd psj

89
I

The number

of gaonic quotations
in (i
)

is

have met with such only

...iin:

Jt.,

24 a

p^

D"3i
p-iv.

^:3ni<i^>ppynti''m^orni j<n>Djn
to

b'^^'ch

fl^n

According

Epstein', the quotation from the

MS.
Edition

Halakot

20 b

ji^ii{in3

impS

nsDn

impSw

21 a

-pi!?

inz 21 10 nniai2i

22
'^-

pDe

mz'^m [xnx
ixnp ]ini

ni

]uz]
^'nh

ixop
'i'?

n^iirnm Nnnn-iimpiDS n',2Sm

[Mnn^nai]

..V't

nnr^'nm

'fi'^a^n'
^i<=
D"itt*r3

m3i32i
laxi]

n^r'jn^i

f):S'no nipBT

V':??

i2n?3n ^nn

23 d

p'jisn

miSnn

[^^xn]

n^-n'?
.12")

'nm
nriKtr 'i^n^i
no'?

N'^nas'i

V'T ['iKH]

*,ii3i

n2ia

mxDi;
D'ic
nc'.'DnS

'nS^a

Ji"n2

xp>nv [rS'En] nnSns

n^'^ixS '>ex

Dioy 21 S2X
Kr221X 21 101

n:^'

'aS

ptt'nj

ii^2"n [nn27] nSxc'2i

r2'2X

n3ic'n2 2pj?'

'-I

nyni] S"t
[r3"s

'"n X12D1
2'ir'nD'
"132-1

neS

ij2np trnpn 21m

nS.-

po p

[pnv'j

2-in

njtron
Fo.'.

noi m2m'n2
incorporated
in

dio;* 211

46

of

the
ntJ'Q
'

MS.
^^^

contains,

under the heading

the

'^"T

]f3nJ
1.

12

matter

Ittiir,

1Ji2lS mC'lIin 'S^2 II, 20 aZ;, up to

"i^p
^wJ'

20

II.

In the place of what follows we find here a

^^2 beginning
HaTItt*

with

n2pii'2'

nxnn

The

last

leaf

contains

'-)

::-in

m2'7n

V"J pn23t2n?2 -1112 12 I'KO. These few examples chosen

quotations,

at

random show, considering

the

important

how urgent
Kven
this

is

the need of a

new

edition of
is

tlie

Ittur on the basis of

for

manuscripts.

the keenest

ingenuity

insufficient

the

purposes of

emending

badly corrupt text.

like It.

" Passages
likely

55 t ^;^-.,;^f3^
to

Nn'7iN'w!*2

and

xr2M01
III),
p.
6.

n2rJ'n2 very
No.

have

no

reference
n'12'?n
h^;

our

book

at

all.

"

mSn;

IOKD

(reprint from

;-|.in

7.

90
Gcdolot
is

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

likewise derived

from the Scfcr Mctibot: (2)

ib.

niDx p^D nine "iniD

46, part 3, fol.

y^3"i

nj?

iriNi^ro

(also niDi-in idd, in porta

226

&, ed.

\'en.).

A third
is

quotation to which
important.

Rapoport long ago drew attention

much more

We

read

fol.

16 c:

Kp^ny (nn^DD) fc<na^no bv2^ ^nxvc pi

iDK'K^ D3 ^to3^ ^13^ i'yan N^^^<^t^' pp^n

mini po^ i^t^na^myt?'.

TiKV!:

Fol. 34 DJ

c,

this

passage

is

once more referred to":

p'^n nin^nn
^vni'.

pi

nitJ'^^iJ'n

Kjnn3n3
is

'i3

It is

regrettable
in

that the passage

very obscure and thus does not aid

It is

clarifying our problem.

uncertain whether an old

MS.
men-

of the
are

d"D

or an entirely different

work"
the

is

meant; nor
tJ^KI

we

in a position to
is,

determine

who

nn^tJ'^

tioned

whether the author's

father'' is

meant or whether
-^yl^

we
po^

are dealing with a quotation

St^

from a responsum.
Gaonic Responsa,

HT'J'^n

is

also
p.

found
273.

in the

ed.

Harkavy, No. 551,

refer to Pumbaditha,

Rapoport makes the phrase

to Sura. b

Harkavy

In

Nahmani's commentary'" on Abodah Zarah 21

nKVD
V't
^^t<n

we

read:

ni

nn^JlD

bv^

b2i<

conse-

quently Rapoport wanted to ascribe the

work
nxiin
in
,

to R. Hai.
II,

Against
has

this

supposition.
to

Bodek

in

143,

})ointed

the

reading

found

R.

Nissim's

" Rapoport
'*

failed to

notice

that

spin" ^"2 and

did not find
it

|C\T f2"2 arc identical.

the

It

is

certain

that

the author

in

MS.
that

of the
Wp'nj,*

>2"Z
r2"2

employed

by

him

elsewhere.

Meklenburg's

supposition

denotes the

supreme head of the academy cannot be accepted.

should be emended to read liiinKIit

" Perhaps iJinKI

i^-SI
1"

The expression

1i^-1
In

is

peculiar;
''i'yra,

is

nevertheless found also in the

ijJOfol.
a.

MS.

D'pn^

Leghorn

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX
the end, and

commentary on

Alfasi,

n2^ XVI towards

]"]}

Mek-

lenburg to the parallel passage on

towards the end;

Flarkavy has added another reference to Aaron ha-Kohen's

D"n

nimx
b"t

I,

54,
.fc<n

307.

In

all

three
V'T

passages

the

quotation reads:

IJ^m DC^ni ...nn:)

nn^DD
to
r2"2

bv2

mn

^nxVD

px:
in
^'r
//.,

(or
spite

un^).
of
'n

It

is

inconceivable

Harkavy

all

this

can

propose
bv^ibl

how amend
is

Nahmani
mentioned

^xn

[x^nntr]

nn^no

also

14

by the side of a joint responsum by R.

c

Sherira and R. Hai, 15

to the latter

by the side of R. Hai

in contrast
b.

Gaon

it

occurs in

Nahmani on
in

Gittin 63

Another equally corrupt passage

66
b,

Nahmani on
Hofni.

Gittin"

which Zunz^* was the n"D

[p]
to R.

first to

point out, has led to the

b.

attribution of the

Samuel
21
'D)

The phrase
is

nn^non

'02 ^JSn

^^?:,^^

pno

pi, however,
'".

prob-

ably to be

emended mTn?3n
the passage,
in

Harkavy'** pro-

poses the reading 'on 'D n^2, with an appeal to

PL}J

63 b

Nahmani on however, was known to him only

which has suffered corrupread there as a matter of

from the quotation

tion

^DK^'D T'

through misconception.
in

We
like

fact that,

the case of a conflict between

Rab and R.
R.

Hanina,

R.

Hai

Gaon'\

Alfasi
>"t

and

Hananel,
bi^)^^
i<b^

decided in favorof R. Hanina :^3n

^Dn

\)i<:

>JEn

3m
2n2

nn^DD ^ym
nD^n XJ^^n

212 bv^n n^bi^

'11

i^r2

nm^^

li^'npn

''ni:D

31

i'^l n^DXpl

V'c.

The whole passage

" In mU'tt*

tt'On,

Sulzbach

1762,

fol.

74b below.
/.

"
^*

Ges. Schriften, III, 133; comp. Perles,

c.

In the same manner,

II a:

we

shoul^l read with ITarkavy, n. 71, in

^h'S^.

Nahmani on

n"2
^'^

'3^nnnhl

msmnn
22.
is

Note 71; comp. note

^^

Thus

R.

Ihii

here at variance

witli

the

r3"D

comp. Ginzberg, 181,

n.

I.
--

The passage
more
fully.

is

also

found

//.

17

a,

where the words of

K.

Samuel are

given

92
is

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

regarded

by

R.
b.

Malachi
Hofni,

Kohen
thus

as

quotation

from R.

Samuel

who

would be quot-

ing the d''D; but Azulai has noted'' that

Nahmani himself
It

quoted here the

tt"D,

and not R.

S. b.

Hofni.

appears to

me hazardous

to conclude

on the basis of

this single pasrules"'.

;

sage that the ro"D contained methodological

general remarks occur occasionally in
all

Such

codes
'\

the present
is

remark recurs verbatim

similar character.

also in the
I

y^n ^CD

which
//.,

of a
h,

Lastly

would point out

Hofni
is

that

38

the opinion of R.

Samuel

b.

contrasted with that

it

of D"D.

On

the basis of the quotations extant

will there-

fore not do to prove the existence of relations between

d"d

and R. Hai or R. Samuel

b.

Hofni

nor by such argumen-

tation to fix the date of the author casually'" designated by

Nahmani

as a Gaoh.
is

Equally doubtful

the use

made by
is

Alfasi of the

o"D

as N'^nt^non
),
,

Yebamot logh assumes

17
a,

(^"T 3in

nvd ^12^

nU'TlD ^yn^
with the

especially as Alfasi

frequently at variance
h,

ci'^D

comp.

It.,

31a, 42

45

(/.

Of

course,

occasionally the
ion of both
cited
is

two agree,
(

as

e. g.,

It, 21 b,

where the opinis

rejected

\b

nnn

N^l ).

Frequently, theo^D
the one,

by the side of R. Hananel,

now

now

the other

being

named
In

first,

so that, despite Rapoport's attempts to the

^'

T^IT

]'y. Eegliorn 1793,

fol.

40

31;

quoted by Harkavy,
ad /ocum:72H

n.

y2t)<

Azulai retracts this statement, having found

in N"2B'*1

"lOKpi

nn2 pcE
place of

[r.

'jBinj

net:
it
is

]z bxiDtr

'-i

^n

mr

pDB

mrSn

Sya

^T^ nzSn
in

KiOn 'm

-1 hz-

probable that
is

the

DirSn ^nd

that the whole

we should read m^TlD corrupted from Nahmani cited

is

in the
in

immediately preceding passage.

No

importance
It.

to be attached to this

view of the combined testimony of the

not
IT.
/.

and Nahmani.
...Ki^'ifl

Harkavy should
7- on
p.

therefore
R.
S.
^* ^^

have

ascribed

the

sentence:

'11 -1

to

b.

Harkavy,
J"OD,

c.

ProIiiliitiiMi

III,

fol.

36
I\'.

cl,

cd. \'en.,

1547.
fol.

"

mstn

'D,

5^. <>"

r-^

t-^l-

Leghorn, 1745,

45

C/-46 a.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

contrar3% nothing can be concluded
the

MARX
in

93

from the order

J
a,

which
43
b,

names appear; comp.

d.

If.,

b,

\2

c,

16

b,

24

c,

45

In the last reference but one, where both agree, the

is

decision

rejected exactly as 33
all

a.

Though
of
that

positive

criteria

for

determination
I

the

date
shall

of

our

author
amiss

prove
in

futile,

take
date

it

we

not

go

placing

the

of

^"d towards the end of the gaonic A later date is, to menperiod, hence about the year 1000.
the composition of the
tion nothing else, precluded

by the

title.

The apparently
Talmud" renders
in

extensive use
it

made

of the

Palestinian

improbable that the author wrote his work

it

Babylonia,
in that

though

must be granted

that at that period

and even

country the Palestinian Talmud did not remain wholly unnoticed.'*

It

must

also be

remembered

that the
in

works of the
circles,

gaonic Academies had become

known
.

wide

which

was not the case with

book was written

the C)"D

This

latter consideration

likewise militates against

;

Kairwan

as the place

where the

for the literary productions of the latter

place were widely disseminated, and yet the very authors

that

maintained the closest relations with Kairwan and

were most intimately acquainted with the writings that

originated there,

know nothing

of our book.

Moreover,

almost

all

the quotations, with the exception of those in

Nahmani and
ondary
Parhi's

Isaac

b.

Abba Mare,

are derived from sec-

sources^".

Thus

the three citations in Estori ha-

niCI ninc^'" are derived

from the
it.

//////'.

viz. p.

i6t

" Ginzberg,
2*

/.

c, i8i, was the

studies

first

to notice

Comp.

tlie

of

Poznanski
70-71t<)mi).

mentioned

above,

::7-3-,

and

my

Additamenta

in

ZfliB., XIII,

^ Concerning
*"

the ^1Ztrn 'D

1897-99.

Ginzberg,

/.

c,

180,

n.

4.

Jerusalem

94

THIv

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

p.

= It;
to
to

i6b',p. 169 ''^If., 58 h;

322=//.,
i
;

Id.

Of

the

two

citations in

the^Dnnn
The one

'D^^-

one (VI,

fol.

40 J) goes back

Nahmani's nintn 'D^ and the

the Ittur.

other, as previously noted",

citation"

which we
R.

find in
b.

Aaron
is

ha-Kohen's D^>n
also

mniN
Adret,

''"

and

in

Nissim

Reuben,

found

in
b.

Nahmani, from
no

whom

the sole citation in

R.

Solomon
so

we may assume, was

further
citations

likewise de-

rived,

long as

are

forthcoming

in this as

well as in the other authors

in the

named.

There

re-

main then only the excerpts

I

Pardes.

deem

it

as most probable that

we
its

possess in the !D"d

kind, except the the
as

Palestinian code, the only one of Sheeltot. As Ginzberg" has

shown,
regarded

Babylonian
authorita-

Talmud
tive

was
in

in

those

days

even

Palestine.

With

the

Palestinian authorship,

on the other hand, the use made of the Palestinian Talmud and the slight popularity of the book go well. Of the authors acquainted with the c''d, Nahmani lived at a
period of his
Not
life in

later

Palestine; the Pardes'^ betrays on other

796. --Ilarkavy
is

=^

in

the Index,

p.

of the opinion
there.
It
b.

tliat

from '^ was derived from the

pass.ng
that
It

the quotation

ninV^Tl

cited

in

the

Ittur,

ni^pip nV20.

R.

Moses

very l.kdy
""

may be noted in Hanok is named;

represents an independent quotation of the Ittur.

nonn

iV.TJ;, Venice.
note 26.
p.

" See above

^*
^"

See above

90. 91.

See above
Is

p.

wanting
c.
4.

in

Schlesinger's Index,

"
=>

dmh niniN

II 6';2
3
.

/.

n.

Comp. Kpstcin. MGIVJ., XL\II (.^o,). 344 (the responsum treated of also to ^"^^ on n"l IN" an,l S^^q^ miSnO D'aipiS, fol. 22 c; comp. aLso Ma'aseh ha-Gcouiw, 1910, p. 37) and pjjn, VI, 69-73; and on the other hand Aptowitzer, REJ..
there

was known

E\'II, 249-51. the

the

we may compilation piv n^B' fol.

this

In

connection

likewise point to
.5
a,

Palestinian responsa in
b.

30

a,

69

/;.

83 a and 9.

Comp.
p.

also

Kobak's
n.
2.

pm-i,

\I,

124

ff.;

Cconica, II, 50

ff.;

MGIVJ.,

XX

(.871),

,24

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

occasions
its

MARX
;

95
the

familiarity with Palestinian sources

same
in-

may perhaps
vestigated

be said of the Ittur, and

it

remains to be

whether

expressions
niTti'M
"'K'Ni

in

this
I,

work,
33
a,

not

met and

with elsewhere, as
nn"'t5^''

ni3"it:'n,

52

d,

tJ'KI^'"

15 ^,

may

not perhaps point to Palestine.

Once we
originated
identify the

are convinced that the Sefcr Metibot really

there,

we may advance
the

step

further

and

work with

Compendium

of the Palestinian
b.

and Babylonian Talmud which the Karaite Jeshua

Judah

made

use of in Jerusalem about 1050.

Jeshua

states'": >n^K."i

This would be a very good description of the Sefer Metibot

which on the whole consisted of extracts from the two

Talmuds.
Jeshua

may have
is

taken the

title

"Book of
an
to

the

Academies",
tive
;

which

general
the

enough,

as

appellaits

he

designated
all

work

according

con-

tents.

At

events

it

appears to

me

as certain that the

nin^no 'd was an abstract of the Talmud''- after the manner

of
the

Halakot

Gedolot.

subsequently

found partial

substantiation of this supposition in the statement in

goliouth's Cat.
British

Mar-

Museum,
Jt-,

II,

128, that in

1462 an

Comp. i<n2^nf2
b,

ti'^lS

h,

42

c,

45

c,

54 d; Res(u>iu<;a
1-

pl^ njTtT,
'K"i

foi.

26

No. 23Krin'nD B'n D^^r2^,Geouica,

ed.

II, 239,

21

xni'Drs
HT
f.
;

Halakot gedolot,
ha-shanah
saw,
the

Hildesheimer,

p.

483 n2tr

B'NI CPITB

Alfasi,
^,

'ok; Rosh

17^

IV KD^'nO Cn <f2pf3 iSsty; mn'B" 'CXI nrntrnS TiN^O

Geonim;
the
in

Pardes, cd. Const.,

6i d,
%

44

ed.

War*1f3S

25, tins expression refers to

Babylonian

Responsa,
It.

ed.

Lyck,

No.

45*',
is

p.

19,

tT'l

Kri2'nO

refers to Jehudai Gann.

;

II,

2d, mention
latter

made

of

p*2*r31

JIH-O
to

(Tm-'jDT
the

but

knowledge of the
ih.,

the

author

probably

owed

the Joseph Ibn Plat adduced

18

c,

who

for a time had

to

been a member of
France.

Damascene Academy before he

returned
ff.

Southern

Comp.

Epstein,
"*

MGWJ., XIJV
'D
,

(1900),

289
St.

nVlJ/n
Hence
it

ed.

Markon,

Petersburg

1909,

149.

150;

comii.

my

review
*'

OLZ., XII, 414.

is

that

Isdac

b.

Abba Mare speaks

in

any^'

nKf3 "n ^'p'T2

No.

51.

of the n"!2>nD

hv^^ KHCi:.

96

THE jnwiSH QUARTERLY REVIEW

of the part
D^t^'J

unbound copy

of the so-called Sefer Meti-

hoC was

sold in Corfuis

PecuHar as

the

name
;

of the book,

it

oscillates

between

nu^DD 'Dand
burg's

j<nn^n^ 'D

both appellations appear to be used

it is

quite indiscriminately, and

impossible to follow Meklendistinction

proposal
or the

to

effect

according to the

Hebrew

Aramaic form of the name.

nin^no

Thus
fc<n2^n?D;

the
the

niDI ninG3 has

where the Ittnr reads

belonging to the

above mentioned
nary differ
edtion,

MSS.

Xew York
excerpts

Semi-

in this respect

more than
anD

a dozen times
its

from the
by the

and the Pardcs*' introduces

...ariD

formulae
to say

im

...nu^riDn

ini

...snTno.
title.

It is difficult

how
a
to

the

work received
by
of

its

Was
did

the author
desire
to

perhaps
])oint
title

Babylonian
the

birth
his

and

he

source

knowledge
holds
that

through
the

the

of

his

work

:"

Ginzberg"

gaonic

opinions in the
as i^nn^nr^n

work were introduced by some such formula this expression, however, is to be met mti^l
;

with nowhere

in the

known

citations; nor

is it

permissible to

derive the gaonic responsa thus introduced from our work,

for, e. g., ///..

38

b,

an opinion thus introduced

is

found

in

contrast to that of the

mn^no

'D.

In closing,

may

be permitted to put together such

etc.,

quotations found in Nahmani, Ittur\

with.
I

as

am

familiar

am

quite certain that in a cursory examination of

"^

Kd. Constantirople, 1802,

fol.

21

c-d,

ed.

Warsaw,
118.
is

297;

it

is

wanting

in

the

Index

in

Buber's

Introduction

to

Ha-Orali,
of Indices

The

circumstance

that our book has been ignored in a

number

sufficiently explained

by

its

peculiar

title.

Hence

it

is

extremely probable that (juotations

may

be

extant in a number of authors which have hitherto escaped the attention of

scholars.
**
*^
/.

c,

180.

Indirect

citations

have

not

been

included.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

the closely printed

MARX
my

9/
attention;

book some have escaped

nevertheless I believe that the material collected will suffice

to substantiate

my

theory concerning the character of the

book.

have read the second part up to the middle

only, and,

presumably because the Sefer Metibot contained

n'^1^2

only

]^pi]2)

'>jn,

found nothing there beyond two

D"'jnn

ci-

tations with reference to

ever,

DDID
the

fol.

27

b*\

It is,

howfor

unnecessary

to

copy

quotations,

which

the

most

part

are

well-known

Talmudic

passages.

Perhaps an investigation of the Talmudic text employed

by

the

author

might

go

long

way towards
;

defi-

nitely establishing the origin of the

book

but for an inves-

tigation of this sort

we

lack both material and preliminary

investigations.

The readings of

the d"D frequently differ

Alfasi,

from those of R. Hananel and

learned commentator, R.

and on 7 d" the

that the

Meir Jonah", remarks

passage

is

wanting

in

our edition of the Talmud.

The

passage, which I give in note 47, belongs to Gittin 22 a

above
find
it

the most ancient commentators, however, did not

there.

The nin^no ICD is quoted by: R. Isaac b. Abba Mare in -iit^y

II

I,

a,

y
c,

c,

yd, 8

a,

a\
*"

11 b, 12

c,

12 d, 13
in the

a,

13 d, 14 c (bis), 15
refer i-ed to:

15

(bis),
^^21

The passage reads

MS.

IDNI

I^K NDDTIO

n'nm mKTtr:m monNn

onn'O*? Kjnioi
:S-itr'

mpimm nnnpn

hz

liS

idki

h^

:bH'\v^
i:'?

tripo "n2 ^le^nipn nsin

i"y

rn'osn nx

imDK nn
*'

ht

iotn

tt'"n

-^nprz

ij'

mpj irKC Disn tnpo mp:

mtay
(i"

I,

Warsaw

1883, fo/. 266, n. k"S.

" The MS.

reads here:

ntt'

nn^oS
).

'f2'S

iH D'n mZ'DD

h'jzh

'i'm

the place of

h\i:in n^n.

98
16
b,

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

16
c, c,

17
31

a,
b,
G?,

21

a, b,
Z7,

21 h (bis), 21 d, 22

a,
c,

24
38

a,

24

c,

24

d,

27

b,

29

32

33

a, b,
;

33

c,
c/

34

c,

37

^
c,

39

b,

42 &
&,

(&w), 43
55
^,

b,

43

44

45

45
II,

(&i>), 51 a, 51

51 d, 52

57

a.

58

63

c,

64 a

27 & (&w)
ed.

Id. in DnysJ' nj^n

on Alfasi,

Wilna,

D^tJ^:

No.

3,

la

35"";

I^pnJ,

No.

2, 21, 33,

37", 51;

Nahmani
Id. in

in the

D^tJ'n^n

on

po:

63

b,

66 b;

pK^n^p

59a; Hinn Knn

11 a;

and

n,iT

muy
fol.

21 &;
the end ( 52)
;

nnrn IQD on

pD:i

IV towards

Pardes, ed. Constantinople,

21 c-d (three times)

R. Solomon
P. S.

b.

Adret

in the
this

D"'B'n^n

on

niDn^
I

109

&.

Since sending

paper to the press

have

re-

ceived several communications solving

ties
2,
I

some of

the difficul-

have touched upon above.

Prof.

Biichler

(Nov.

1909) was kind enough to look up the reading of NahGittin 66 ^ (above, note 17) in codex
b,

mani on
55, f
.

Halberstam

lOi

and found there

pNJ
or
possibly

^:Dn

[p] pN:i
;

h^yo^ pi piD pi
quotation
there-

i<''nn

'D3

^^yon

the

fore belongs to Ibn Hofni's Introduction to the

Talmud.
19) cod.
nriD

Nahmani on Baba Batra 11 a (see note Hebr. 75 in Munich reads simply: (read una)
In

pi

nn^non

i?y3;

the

word niDDinn

is

missing altogether, as Dr.

Ehrentreu was good enough to inform

me

(Oct. 25, 1909).

The word

is

evidently a dittograph.
the hs^^s

As
is

to

(see

note

29),
it,

Mr.

Albek,
sent

preparing
2,

new
the

edition

of

kindly

who me
oc-

(Nov.
"^0

1909)
166.

following
passages

quotations,
in

which

Jt.

Many more
to

may occur
list

the Ittur, just as

many

passages in the Ittur are repeated in that very book and recur also in Nahmani.
I

have paid no attention

repetitions in the

given above.

"
amount
the

In
to

Baba batra the notes peculiarly enough are not numbered; they
12.

In Baba mesia the

last

note

is

numbered

as 28, in Sanhedrin

first

as 45.

Four notes appear

to

be wanting in the edition.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

cur
in

MARX
f.

99

npnv

niD^n

(Cod.
:

Carmoly,

205 b),

and

should be added to the above

^!?3^ D^UK^

pna^

vm" .n^b 'rm

21 ^jm sna nu^n^ bV2 pnp"n W'on'n bv r^p^'^ ppDis px min^ 12 ^niok^ )b^i^ jno did^ nm nn ^3 in^^n-iD bv ppDis ^jnns ^yn

n psniK^

ijSid n\"ij i^ya xnt^^

npo

^31 "i3i

IV.
I.

Fragments of Hai Gaon's Writings

the three fragments which are pubHshed here, the
it

Of

first is

of considerable importance, as

gives us information
It

concerning a work by Hai not otherwise known.

to

belongs

the

Codex Steinschneider

29,

which

for

the

most

part contains liturgical fragments.

letter

The
is

conclusion of the

which we are about

however,
it

to discuss

found on leaves 19-20

originally,

formed the beginning of the fragletter

ment, the nine following leaves containing a

tat to

from Fosat

Sana'a of the year 1062 which

propose to publish

some future date

I

in the continuation of the present Studies.

shall then also describe the

MS. more

minutely; for the

present comp. the short notice by Steinschneider, ZfhB., VI,

158; he did not then recollect that he possessed the

MS.
.

himself in the codex designated by him as

D^orD
in

In

ZfhB., XIII, 72,

with
a

have published an extract

connection

review
I.

of

Poznanski's Studicn zur gaon'dischen

it is

Bpochc

give here the whole fragment, since

^

com-

paratively short.
It

was the

letter

accompanying a number of responsa

by R. Jacob
b.

in reply to inquiries

Nissim,

who
it, it is

is

desig-

nated as nann

not yet asni^X.

Apparently the writers were

strongly

Sherira and Hai together, for in the course of

emphasized that Hai alone was the author of a Methodology

of the
low.

Talmud

written for R. Jacob which would soon fol-

To

the inquiries of R. Jacob

we owe,

as

is

well

known,

lOO
the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

famous Epistle of Sherira as well as a few supplementary responsa. We learn here that he likewise prompted the
composition of an Introduction to the

Talmud which was

written in Arabic and calculated to serve as a guide even

for beginners.

Less clear
is

is

the beginning of the letter,

where mention

made

of the fact that something had been sent along with

ni^Jf?

a letter of R. Jacob to R- Jacob

b.
is

Joseph,

who

is

greatly eulogized by the writers, but

who

otherwise quite
that

unknown.
visited the

The

latter

was one of the foreign scholars

in the closing period of the

Academies

Gaonate,

returned to his native country and there evinced great zeal

on behalf of the Academy.

lected

The

writers seem to have se-

him

for

some purpose,

since he

was acquainted with

certain insti-

the condition of the

tutions
(ni:pn)
.

academy and had prompted

He may

perhaps have been appointed rep-

resentative of the academy' to

academy were
were

to be sent

and

whom contributions for the to whom likewise inquiries

If this be

to be addressed

which he was to send on.

the case, the beginning of the fragment

must have con-

tained an exhortation that

money

as well as R. Jacob's

answer should be sent by

letter

his agency.

This part of the

accordingly concludes with the words

letter of

myn

N^l

I^J'y

p.

According to a

R. Samuel

b.

Hofni' sent to
in

Kairwan, a similar position seems to have been held

Egypt by a
a plausible
* 2

certain Joseph b. Jacob

pii^x,

who, according to

conjecture by Poznanski", was a son of the

I,

Comp. Ginzberg, Geonica,

Saadyana,
s,
I,

2,

n.
f.,

Eel. G. Mai-goliouth, JQR.,

XIV, 308
to

comp. 621; Poznanski, Schcch-

ter's
3

n.
57,

Stiidicn.
to

where a reference
4.

Cat.

Oxford

II

2877^

"

^*;

2875"

ought

be added to note
letters;

considerable period seems to have elapsed beIlai

is

tween the two

in

the

first

l"ax, the second was written after

the death of Sherira.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

MARX

01

Jacob above mentioned.

interests of the then sole

While the father took care of the

academy

at

Pumbaditha, the son

(during his father's life-time) seems to have represented

both.
It is quite possible that the

beginning of our

letter

may

be extant in the Firkowitz collection of

MSS.

at St.

Petersburg.

)r\::):')
^d!'

irn:iK^D

inivr

-nii'K
)b

npy^ kj^ii

no
^my

ijnnn

tj'^x

inn*

r]2'^'b i^i^ bv
^^?1
'ID

nten

^^ ^d
i<b)

iib it

^iDv jnii

no p

lUD

^^
djoj^i

iJinn

D^o^n

'ln^<1^1

in^nni inoDn
2^^) nninn

^nio inxvn

inn

inn ^o^n

ni<

yiM

n^^^n

>D

ni^n:

n^^b^b

nr]b

nrnn>i

nxn
i!?

nnj<ti^

nrib

nwb
n""

nr\':^b

n-io^nn ^yi irS^y vidhi ni'xn ni:pnn

n:ni
*

vn inn nx

Tynn

myn

k!?"!

itj^y

npy^ nn 10 nn^ ^^i<

D^'tj^^ Dipon p dd!?i nnpvom m&<!?Qjn m5'i<t^n

ii^oi'o

D^m
nnnn

nmtj'n ijnns
ni d:

in n>n ax
"iioirin

^>t?n

iJn:^ ijian

(i ^) n:n
no^i?

|no

nm

oil
tj'^jio!'

iitj^n

Dny:^

pi^n

D^^^yoti'^

\wb2 an3

^onin
I'lpp
^D

i^^dni

nn mio
k^jid

Kin

ntj'K

vni^^i'm

vnoi^nm
D^n^x
nvici
lot^'n

nti'o

t^nyotj'n

nytj^ i'^o

nuroi noD in^n

i:njH
n^ni

r)T
i'y

nnx

ii

innn^
t^ini

iniN

D^n^it^
in

p^nx

^2

ni vbi< t<vr

Dyo3
xi^x

nnui

ini:i"'K^yi^i

inmnn

P^D^

nn

nmtj'!'

nxT

D35i>

pnnio nni xin ^na

pi'^n Dyi

nn

^n

nnn^

Dnoii^tj^i

D3>ni!5Ktj^o

i^bn^

noN

nm

bv onoor

nn

ytJ'^

ivb.

2.

R. Hai's

poem

for circumcisions

is

derived from

fol.
it

2 6 of the Genizah fragment

of the
b.

T-S Loan*, where

Azariah
(

follows an Arabic letter by

Ephraim

p ynn

jN^Vs) and Ezekiel ha-Kohen

*

nin^ K^:d nini'K b. Ali ha-

owe

debt of gratitude to Prof.

Schechter for his kindness in per-

mitting the publication of this fragment.

102

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

;

Kohen Dr.

Israel Friedlander intends to prepare the latter

for publication.

poem addressed to an otherwise totally unknown Hazzan Abraham b. Isaac b. n^pbo is derived from
3.

R. Hai's

MS.

in the possession of

Mr. Elkan N. Adler of which

use a transcript

made by Mr. I. Last. The acrostic of that the poem does not yield the name of the author, but concerning of the gentleman to whom it was addressed, whom the now missing conclusion of the poem may have
The MS.
:

contained further information.

tion a

contains in addi-

poem with
as

the acrostic bi<)J2^

as a

n:y Hjy n:yi ^\P

the

V^^
'n^^

n^y,

well
prn

third

with

undistinguished

acrostic

^)b jxi'ntr

beginning

with

n^D TlD

^XtJ^

nno

nn-'^D;

a verse
is

is

probably missing, and the author

b'zbvi

tl1^ \i<br]^

identical with the

DXn \idno

noted in

Steinschneider's Introduction to the Arabic Literature of

the Jews'

from another fragment

in the possession of

Mr.

Adler, and in JQR.,

XIX,

738,

by the

late

Mr. Ernest

Worman^
The
fact

significance of those

two poems,

irrespective of the
to the

that

we

learn a

new name belonging

gaonic

period, consists primarily in the circumstance that, with the

exception of the

poem on Ibn
the

'Ata of Kairwan published

by Magid

in

m^SVn and
No.

poem

published in Gconica

II,

JQR.,

XI,

315,

449.
I,

Poznanski,

Studicn,

49;

comp.

ib.

50.

The Bodleian Library has

II,

several liturgical compositions by this poet; see Cat.

Index,

s.

v.

Sahlan.

2738" acrostic
28751^" probably

Ss 1^X1 IkShC

and

12nm
that

q^Sx

DHISX 12
jsSnO
]in"l2
]in"l3

IxSnC' occur.

In

hSd

C'N"I

is
it

to

be supplied after

Poznanski

(letter

of Nov.
in
cf.

24,
is

1909)

thinks

possible,

lann
that

(3

nS2

CS*1

iSShD
nn"l2,

28752

also identical with the above

and

^-

Dm2

Schechter's

Saadyana,

8.

STUDIES IN GAONIC HISTORY

these

MARX

IO3

two are the only authentic specimens of Hai's poetry

Everything
is

which we possess.
to

else that has

been ascribed

him

in this
it

province

spurious.

In spite of our meager

knowledge,

may
come

be conjectured that Hai

was rather
undoubtedly
last

productive even as a poet; and

of the Genizah
to be

when

the liturgical pieces

shall

examined, we

recover

many another

piece
is

from the pen of the

found the
last

Gaon.
nin^bo
irij

In cod.

Oxford 2852'
2742''''

Hne of

his

with the subscription

nnii'.

r^bbi^

IDJ px: ^^KH

is

ijm

rwn'bc
^j^n

In Cod.

a piece'

ascribed to

"imi

which,

according to Zunz, Literatiirgeschichte,

186,

and

Synagogale Poesie, 41, actually belongs to Joseph ibn

Abitur, despite the fact that the concluding lines of the
acrostic yield
">fc^n.

The same

acrostic

is

contained in Cod.

Oxf.

2742"'"

and 2737^* beginning with nion 10 ID pN

,

n>D^n tJ^mo pnnJ

and
is

in the latter

MS. two

nin^^D

the be-

ginning of which

missing (E 5 and 6 are both alphabetic).

Texts 2 and 3 read as follows

TEXT
r\2m
b"\>\

r\b^^b irD^^D 'n

n: ^^NH i hp
^^n

p
^s

nn:!' loy

13-1

'r\

:Dninb T
nninn nisnim T
nin'So
by Joseph Ibn

DtJ'NiD

Catalogue, II,

col.

327.-11

is

noteworthy that

Abitur follow here upon those of Hai, just as the responsa of both men have

come down
*

to

us quite frequently in the same compilations.

in

DniT 'O DK, printed

I.

rnllOB'K Avignon,

fol.

33

i'/

Zunz, Synagogal*

Poesie.

c.

104

^^^ JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Dyv

V nnti

TEXT
ffc^n

iJjnsi' "ins

'n DtJ^

^y y'T

!"ia

ntJ^iUD nnctJ^ r\2^n:

noxn^ iH
ncai

neb

nc'i ^nvn ^y

nnnn: u^^nj

(To be continued)

POETIC FRAGMENTS FROM THE GENIZAH

By
Israki.

Davidson,

Jewish Theological Seminary of America.

It
is

more than seventy years

first

since

Franz Delitzsch

gave for the

time an historical account of the develop-

ment of

post-Biblical

Hebrew

poetry.

During the three

generations that have passed since the appearance of his

memorable work
(Leipzig, 1836),

''Zur Geschichte der jiidischen Poesie"

to the
list

many new names were added

of

ancient
to light,

Hebrew

poets and not a few important works brought

and the feeling was current that the time had already
ripe for a similar

become

work on a

larger scale.

But with

the discovery of the Genizah, the conviction has

come upon

us that until this

new mine

of Jewish lore

is

thoroughly ex-

plored every branch of Mediaeval Jewish literature

not excepted

poetry
or risk

will

have to wait for

its

history,

being premature.
self

The
his

discoverer of the Genizah has him-

shown us by

numerous publications what a vast

to find in
it

amount of new information we may expect

relating to the
literature.

most obscure periods

in

Jewish history and

mind,

With

this conviction firmly fixed in

we

cannot help but value even the smallest contribution coming from this ancient source, and
it is

in this spirit that the

following fragments are here presented.'

'

take this opportunity of thanking Prof.

Schechter for placing these

fragments at

my

disposal.

I06
I.

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

Quotations from ''Mahzor Yannai."
first

In his biography of KaHr, Rapoport was the

to

draw our

attention to the existence of an ancient Payyetan

by the name of Yannai

whom

he found mentioned in a re-

sponsum of Rabbi Gershom,

of Zedekiah ben

cited in the Shibbale Halleket

Abraham Anaw." In this passage Yannai is named before KaHr and is described as ''one of the early sages who composed Kerobot for every order of the
year"/

dozen years later/ while

still

engaged

in

his

polemic with Luzzatto about the time and place of Kalir,

Rapoport brought forth the additional information, given

him by Zunz,

that in a certain Hturgical MS.,' just preced-

ing the Kerobot of the ''Great Sabbath", a note was added,

perhaps by Ephraim of Bonn",

saying, that the

poem

""Jix

D^nnm
from

nt^s

was taken for

the composition of

Yannai the
refrained

teacher of Kalir, and that the people of

reciting
it

Lombardy

because of a legend which told that out of

jealousy Yannai brought about the death of his pupil.

to the

As
in

poem

itself,

Zunz pointed out

that

it

was written

vn"iD2.
Cf.

1829,

III.
ed.

::pSn

'Sac

Buber,

25:

D'ODnn
U'^SI
(

H'ntr

'xj*

n
a

'>'\r^

Hitrn

SdSb>
also

"IIDI

mo
by

h^h

nianp
Anaw,

D':iC'Sin.
niOJ,*>

This responsum

was

published

Landshuth

miiyn
he
it

102)

from
bought

MS.
the

D'JIXJJn ntyj,*

by

Zedekiah

which

says
to

was

by

Bodleian library in 1854, but no mention of

Catalogue.

is

be found in Ncubauer's

Prof. Marx found in the covers of an old book two MS. leaves, one of which contains the above responsum, but is no part of the cpSn ''?2C,
the

as

remaining passages show.

It

has

also

the

important variant

"1

Cil

noB h^
Perhaps
*
''

msnp
D*iD

ts'^ci

7^^1^

Sn:i osntr ujrott* Din'ii'rp instead

of d'Sj-ih h^h.

this leaf is a part of the D'ilXJin

,

nC^fS.

n?3n

VI
note

(1841),

25.
it

Rapoport does not say which, but perhaps

Litg., 28,
4.
is

is

codex Miinchen

69.

See

Zunz,
"

The same who

responsible

for

the

legend

about

R.

Amnon,

the

author of C]pin n:n31 {n"2, ibid).

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON
^^j>

IO7

rime and had the Alphabet and the name

in acrostic/

Later
nxi^Dn

it

was asserted by Luzzatto

which
is

that the

poem nn

TK

d^d:

found

in the

same part of the prayers

was Hkewise the composition of Yannai.^

Although Rapoport clung
nai
to his theory that both

Yan-

and Kalir lived

in Italy, yet his critical sense detected the

influence of Palestine in the

in the acrostic/

way Yannai

spelled his

name

But

it

is

the general opinion of scholars

now, that Yannai was a Palestinian and that he flourished

not later than the second half of the seventh century/**

This

latter assertion finds its

support in the fact brought

out by Plarkavy, that in two places Kirkisani says of Anan,

the founder of the Karaite sect, that he used the liturgical

compositions of Yannai
it

^Nr n:NTn )."

In this connection

may

also be said, that

Yannai was mentioned by Jehudi

ben Sheshet, a pupil of Dunash ben Labrat, as Dukes

pointed out."

Mention of Yannai
Litg.,
28.

is

also

found
DT33irN

in

Saadya's

n"3

ibid.;

This poem

is

found
in

in

^irijOD

inno,

Cremona 1561; Venice 1600; Vienna 1823 and Hurwitz, Amsterdam 1717.
*

'QBTI

1J?C ITD of Isaiah

that

'JN^'SnU'N lUriD
stanza

Leghorn
the
]'N
is

1856,

10.

His reason
'1US
in

is

the

pi'^jiQ

or the

completing

of

poem DTlOPII

'31N,

which
the

begins
refrain
else

with

words
'Xna.

rh'h

I'icS
this

p2T

fits

well
as
is

with

nn
could

riTSn

But
the

hardly

any

proof,

any
the

one

have

done

same.
8.

Rapoport,
A.

however,

of

same

opinion

(nUOn,

Wertheimer in nSc'n' ^3,3 (Jerusalem 1901), 18 &, 19 a published two poems of Yannai: nn'S K3 iTTCK D'^l'tSTl I'C for the seventh day of Passover from an Oxford MS. (see Neubauer, Cat,
1863,
23).

II,

2708
(see

r)

and DliriBi TX
in

I^H

fof the second

Sabbath before the ninth of

also

Ab

Brody

Jewish Encyc, XII,

586);
401

see

Graetz, Die
19.

Anfdnge

der neuhcbrdischen Poesie

3

{MGWJ., VIII,
Cf.

and IX,

57).

That
Cf.

is

i',

not

K3.

n"2, VI,

26.

'"

Harkavy, Studien und Mittheihtngen V,

first

106.

Brody,

/.

c,

puts

him

as

early as the
107-108.

half of the seventh

century.

"

Ibid..

" DDnp hm, Hannover

1853,

2.

See also
158.

S.

G.

Stern,

ni.T

msicn

fyW

]3K, 37, line

12,

and

cf.

Pinsker, p^h,

I08
p-iJKn
-IDD,"
is

the:

JEWISH QUARTDRIvY REVIEW

which
the

No. LI of Prof. Schechter's Saadyana, a fragment of an old work on the art of poetry,
in

and

writings of the

'Veil

known- Yannai"

(ciny^Ss ^sr)

are cited as examples of rimed prose.'* a doubt that there did exist at one time a collection of Yannai's liturgical

The fragment given below" proves beyond

(

compositions
that the

^xr

-iiTno )

and that
first

it

was so well known was

all

mere mention of the

lines

that

was

necessary for the scribe to give.

Our fragment

has three
^-\\:>r^2

such Hues:

>n
'\'\\>)2^

^21

pD^^i'

i^

dn;

mo ny

^jtk3

rs

and niD3n
tion

nmns
it

noiDt<.

It also

has a longer quota-

from the Mahzor,

designated as

Dm, which

is

comto

plete as far as

goes, but the concluding

words seem

indicate that

it

is

only a part of a larger composition.

What

the original character of our

MS. was

is

diffi-

cult to say, but the three pages that

have been preserved

jn^,

consist of five sections, each

section consisting of the

is

or melody, the
ticular lahn,

poem which
pDTD.

to be recited with that par-

and a

or refrain.

Of

the

first

section,

however, we have only the refrain, as the lahn was mentioned in the preceding page, now lost, and the poem itself
is

also not recorded.

itself shall

The second

section says that ''the

congregation
lahn
the
r\2'\'^>^

then say two verses again with the

the ^^n
^fi^

dik naxfi

pn lox and

|ors"."

But

name

of the

poem from which

these verses are to be

" Harkavy,
"
also

/.

c, 50.

Cf. Bacher's translation of this fragment in

occurs in a

JQR., XIV, 743; ,j<^, TM^'^n Genizah fragment published by Poznanski UQR.. XV, 77,

No. 12).
">

cursive style.

T-S. Loan, 165, 2 leaves paper, 13 x 10 cm. square writing approaching The last page is blank. There are several corrections
in the text

made by

the

scribe

himself,

but

these

are

not

reproduced

here

as

they

are of no importance.

"

Cf.

below

Fol.

I,

recto,

line

5-6.

GE:NIZAH poetic fragments

taken
is

DAVIDSON
Dm
If in

IO9

not stated.
section,

It

must have been mentioned before.

has also
the the

The
to

last

again,

addition
pieces

the

lahn,

the
proTD

poem and
poems,

refrain.

the

designated as
nings
of

are not merely refrains but the begin-

larger

then
for

we
the

may

say

that

our
thir-

fragment

has preserved

us

beginnings

of

teen liturgical pieces, four of which at least are those of

Yannai."

The whole iragment seems

It is

to deal with the life

and death of Moses.

therefore not unlikely that

we

have here a part of the liturgy for the day of the Rejoicing
of the Law.
(Fol.
I

recto)
.jd...

-im^D h^ \nh ^X3 pn^n

r\\>'\bh

i]

"in^D

ist;>

'ore
*

n^hv

Swsp^i

''h]m:iy2 nnit^n

ii^t^nn

mvi inn
pi

nnh^ ^h
\or\

irijs -^Sn^ nns^'yi nxrD

IDS |nSa nv^x pn^3 Nnrya "

inn
PipiSS
[in^lTJ

[ 2]

" They
2)

are as

follows:
-iQx
'oj?
3)

IH'D IDC^

n2sS

pn

'Sip2 nyoc' <Sk Sk

s)

4)

i2cn nn
<>

23S nx
7)

m
':2

S32

jVi-Sty

iS ox
'jtx2

6)
9)
12)

>ay2 np'

nan

nx

8)

vjj,"

n'^prM tx

mo2 nyn m

10)

nosn
13)

nr3
j2'^

")

nnins noiDx

moS

1X122 'Q2n'? 2X

D'nni pixn n\

" Read
^^

in'C.
requires the correction; on the use of this word see Zunz,

The rime
Deut. 34,
is

Synagogale Poesie, 429-430.

-"

7.

The

characteristic of this

Pizmon

as well as of those that

follow
cated

that

they conclude with a verse from the Bible.

The

scribe

indi-

the of

quotation
the

by putting two points

of
the

in

an oblique way over one or

then,
is

more

words

quotation.

Here,

an

early

form

of

quotation marks.
21
''-

rz

ilium ma.

mina-l-ulfati

=
to

"by the congregation".

here,

Sec Lane,
the
scribe

I,

80

f.

''^

There

is

nothing missing
write.

but

crossed out something

which he started

no

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

'

pne'n
"sr

no 'm 22b n m^
-iirnon
b^2)

in
po^t:'

[ 3I

^n

i^33

i^

dx

(Fol.

I,
'

verso)
^J3

u.
^01
*

n^a
^n:b

n in^-ins
^mtD^

[ 4]

^my
*

'

nyn
'

^di

'ots

ir3L**s

^n!:'n:i

^p^n bv

'ncnj iqd^

"nosn

'nJ2

jn!i

inx

sJ

toi

n"ir:Dn

-iipDD

nnins
jrx

''hdidx

yrD^Ej"!

nicnD

'

mob isna

i^ipr22 pynt^' oiX"i

2* ^^
28

\2''

D^nni

Jerem.
Joel
Ps.
3,

3,

6.

19. 15.
3.

116,
12,

" Num.
=*

Read

mO.
II,
8.

2 5"

Num.
Job
5,

28.

" This
32

is

perhaps

to

be

read

nOCn TlO

cf.

II

Kings
Li'/g.,

15,

16.

For a similar use of the root nOS see

Cf..

Ziinz,

148,

No.

7.

83

nSJD, ed. Friedman, 506, D''2Jn INT D'?33nn SK ShJI

DDn HCD;
n'tron.

also n:trn trn 21 b:

s*

Cf.

Isa.

66,

in ion ntroS i:n3 d'tisi nSiya ikis: n:'2 njrc i: 'S;i*1 DIH pKH and Deut. 32, i.
word
see Zunz, Synag,. Pocsie, 380.

35
38
3T

On
See

the use of this

6.
/.

Deut. 33,

Zunz,

c,

79;

Steinschneider,

Jewish Literature,

18

at

the

end.

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

III

(Fol. 2 recto)

T T

38 ^'

Ps. 26,

8.

'U'in =^ mature men, a term borrowed from agriculture just as TIIB.

Cf. natrn K^sn

*"
*^

156: rnn^sj mjnc'

13. 12,
1.

;S<x.

Deut. 33,
Cf.

Dan,

The meaning

is

perhaps that Michael the tutelary

[read

angel of Israel will oppose Samael the denunciator

Cf.

1D1D3] of

Israel.

Gen. R.,

c.

21.

A PAPAL BRIEF OF PIUS

By Max Radin, Newton High
School,

IV
City

New York

On
ritual

examining the parchment cover of a copy of a

at

(Tikkun) for the community of Casale, printed

Venice, 1626, and belonging to the Hbrary of the Jewish

Theological Seminary of America (cf.

the
it

Heb. Books

in the British

Van Straalen, Museum, 1894, p. 143,

little

Cat. of
col. 2),

was found

that the inner portion contained a

document

of the character of which there could be

doubt.

The

piece

of parchment

is

fragment of a larger

piece which

must have been about fourteen inches wide.

fit

Before cut to
cover,
left
it

the

book of which
in the

it

was made the

missing

had been folded

middle, so that of the

is

hand portion considerably more than half

less

and of the right hand somewhat

to
say,

than half.

That

is

we

shall

have to understand between every

line.
it is

line

nearly another full

Fortunately, however,

a public document and, there-

fore, largely formulaic in character.

In spite of the serious

out the sub-

gap to be

filled

in reading
It
is

it,

we can make

stance fairly well.

brief or breve^,

an

official

transcript of a papal

which the prothonotary Augustine of Cusa

in 1587- 1588.
is

made

at

Rome
text

The
In
I.

as follows

Nomine

5'awctissimae et Individuae Tnnitatis.

S.

Augustinus Cusanus Prothonotarius Aplicus,

D. N.

Papae necnon Curiae causarum Camerae aplicae

113

114
2.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

earn latarum ac Irarum aplicarum

extra

quarumcumq.

universalis et
3.

moerus exequutor

que

pns publicum Transumpti instum visuris lecturis

et audituris

salutem in

Domino

4,

ut de his quae de Romani uta

pontificis gratia processerunt

ac in nro Tribunali coram

5.

cum
et

ac registrata reperiuntur

expedit aut ab

ali-

quibus petitur veritati Testimoni

6.

1563,

^M^ustinus Cusanus Auditor

Judex prefatus tenu-

imus
7.

et

legimus

et

apud Acta
ex

sub

die

nona mensis Decembris

infrascripti nostri notarii

8.

in aliqua
sui parte

non cancellatum non vitiatum nee

suspectum sed omni prorsus

accepto quod
licet

9.

ad futuram Republica

rei

memoriam.

Dudum

certum hebreorum volumen

10.

manet

Christiana Inquisitoribus gnalibus de

dato nostro
II.

damnatum
et

et

sanctissimum nomen

Redemptorem
hebreorum

nostrum

eiusq.

honorem blasfemias
12.

ignominias continens
iurisdictionis

infra

limites

suae

consis-

tentibus ex parte nostra intimarent et

13.

aut

quibus
se

nomen Jesu

Salvatoris

nostri

quod hebraice

Jesui hanozri dicitur

14.

cum blasphemia
et qui

studiose

diligentissime corporalibus habere

ibili

exquirerentur

libros

hmoi penes

quoquo modo habere

reperti forent de

15.

etiam ultimi suppliciq. ac alias prout a

appostantes

fide christi
16.

inquirerent et

hmoi omni

diligentia

investigarent inquiriq. et investigari

17.

punirent, non permittentes de cetero

a quibusvis etiam apl

eosdem hebreos

A PAPAI, BRIEF OF PIUS

18.

IV

RADIN
aut

II

continerent
libet

nisi

de expresso nro mandato

quomodo

vexari aut molestari.

nostri

Cum

ignominiose

19.

Salvatovis

cum blasphemia

aut

nominabatur cassa deleta abolita seu abrasa

20.

fuerint

reperiantur

illi

penes quos tales

libri

reperti

tamquam habentes
21.

libros in quibus

Motu
proprio
eiusq.

dubitandi
et

materiam amputare volentes.

ex certa scientia nra per pns

sanc-

22.

contra

Christum

Redemptorem nrum
et

tissimum nomen
23.

honorem blasphemia

cassis deletis abolitis et abrasis ut nullatenus legi possint libros

eosdem

ita

expurgatos

et

et alias ubiq.

24.

et locis publicis

quam

privatis

domibus

locorum habere

et tenere

absque aliquarum poena-

rum
25.

nominaretur.
uerint

Ipsiq.

Hebrei

illos

tum

tenuerint et hab-

dummodo

intra dies quattuor,

et

menses

26.

cumque Judices
quavis

Commisarios quavis auctoritate

fungentes etiam Causarum Palatii Auditores in

debere ac
si

2y.

et

diffiniri

secus super his a

quoquam

quavis auctoritate scienter vel ignoranter

28.

ariis

quibuscumque.

Datum

Romae

apud

stum

Petrum sub Anulo

Decembris
29.

Piscatoris Die vigesima octava

aplicarum sumptum ad
in-

Quarum quidem Irarum

stantiam et requisitionem
30.

et

exemplari ac
redigi

in

banc publici Transumpti formani

et

mandavimus
si

fecimus volentes

et

medium

31.

adhibeatur eque ac

litterae ipsae originales in

exhibitae aut ostensae forent.

In

Quorum

Il6
32.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in talibus

quo
Sixti

utimur iussimus

et

fecimus appensione

muniri.
33.

Dat.

Romae

in

Aedibus nris sub

Ap

DD.

Papae Quinti Anno Tertio.

Pntibus ibidem

Scipione Grimaldo et

Marco Antonio Bruto

formulaic section found in
authorizing the issuance of
it

The exordium
most papal
transcripts,
is

recites the

bulls

and

briefs,

cum

expedit aut ab aliquibus petitur, ''when

is

deemed expedient or
Lines
1-5.

required by any person or per-

sons."

(Cf. the section

Cetcrum quia

difficile

foret in the brief of Pius IV, Feb. 27, 1562.)

The prothonotary, auditor and index

these
.

he boasts of

all

titles

finds in his office a decree

which he has him-

self held,

examined and

read,

and which contains no mark

6-9).

of

erasure or

cancellation

(lines

This refers to

the practice in the Papal registry, of

marking documents
etc., in

no longer valid with the words Canccllatum,

or in part.

whole

Then

follows (lines 9-28) a copy in full of the papal

letter or brief.

Of
clause

this decree, the

it

document before us
is

is

declared to

be a true copy, and

ordered, in accordance with the

Ceterum quia

difficile,

mentioned above, that the

it

same force and

to

effect be
It
is

granted to

as

would be granted

the

original.

then dated in the third year of

Sixtus

and witnessed by Scipio Grimaldi and Marcan-

tonio Bruto.

Who
(1.

the persons are at

whose instance and request

et

29,

sumptum ad

instantiam

requisitionem) this copy

was

issued, unfortunately does not appear.

But
which

it

is,

of course, the papal letter or brief

itself

chiefly attracts

our attention.

A PAP AI. BRIEF OF PIUS

In substance
it

IV

RADIN

II7

runs as follows

Although a certain book or certain books {cerium he-

breorum volumen,

1.

9;

lihri

huiusmodi,

1.

14) of the Jews

have been condemned as blasphemous by the Grand Inquisitor,

and though those who, upon search, are found

to the

to possess

them are subject

various
officials
is

same

penalties as for apostacy, the

to investigate

whose duty

and search for

such books

here re-emphasized, are not to permit general

as, if

and unauthorized molestation of the Jews, inasmuch

all

scandalous or blasphemous references to Jesus or to

it

Christianity shall have been obliterated,

is

expressly or-

dered that these books

may

be freely kept and used any-

where, either in public or private, provided, of course, that

the books have been submitted to inspection.

The

bill is

then dated December 28th, but the year

is

tantalizingly absent.

Who
cil?

is

the pope

who

issues

it

and what

relation has

this decree to the

many

similar utterances of pope

and coun-

Two

dates are given, one of the transcript,

1

viz.,

the

third year of Sixtus V, or

587-1 588, and one other

9,

men7),

tioned in the body of the document, Dec.

1563

(1.

which

falls

within the reign of Pius IV.

We
us.

shall,

however, look

in vain either in

special or

general collections of papal documents for the decree before

The

fullest of these, the

Magnum

Bullarium

Romanum,
in

put together

from the archives by Tomassetti

1867

under the auspices of Pius IX and published

tains an especially large

at Turin, con-

number of documents of both

this brief.

the
is

popes mentioned above, but not

it

Nor again
nor

to be

found

in Stern's

Urkundlichc

Bcitrligc,

in the

numerous discussions

either of the period or of the sub-

Il8

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ject.

We
and

may, therefore, assume that

it

is

new and

un-

published document of which

tion
effect.

we must determine
Talmud, fostered

the rela-

The
apostates,

agitation against the

chiefly

by

was already of long duration by

in its prohibition.

the beginning of

the sixteenth century, and culminated finally in the public

burning of the book and

24, 1564, a breve

But on March
In-

was issued confirming the Tridentine

dex.

Pius IV, for reasons, perhaps not the most creditable

(cf. Graetz,

IX, 3rd

ed.,

Breslau, 1891,

p.

368, note), perthat

title

mitted the printing of the

after expurgation.

Talmud without

and

This qualified tolerance had been rendered nugatory

by the severe repressive measures of Pius IV's successors.

In 1586, just as some twenty years before had been done

under Pius IV, a deputation waited on Sixtus

and

pleaded for permission to print and possess copies of the

Talmud.

Sixtus, in his decree of October 22, 1586, gave

the permission sought for with the usual stipulation of pre-

liminary censoring.
if the dates

mentioned

(cf. Graetz,

IX, 368, and 470,

789,) are con-

and Bullarhim Magnum,

sidered,
scribed,
it

7, p.

167,

and

8, p.

is

evident from the date of the decree here tran(1.

December 28

28), that
to.

it is

identical with neither

of the two just referred

Both position and phrasing

it

{sub anido Piscatoris, ibid.)

date,

make

impossible to refer the

else

December

28, in this
itself.
it

document, to anything

than

the Papal brief

As

it

stands,

would not be impossible

to connect

it

with the document of 1586.

For, although in the article

a, it

by Deutsch, Jezvish Encyclopedia, X, 127

that the bull

would seem

was wholly devoted

to the subject of censor-

A PAPAL BRIEF OF PIUS

ship,

IV

RADIN

II9

and Graetz, IX, 470, seems to confirm that statement,

bull
itself

the

as

it

appears in the Bullarium

Magnum

(supra) and, indeed, as Graetz himself states (IX, 468),

was

in reality a general

grant of privileges and refers to

the specific matter of printing only by implication/''

This

document,

if it

were shortly before the transcript

bull of 1586.
it

in time

would

in a

measure complete the

Two

things, however,

make

impossible to place
is

it

in

this period.

First, the true

copy here issued

expressly

stated to have been of a

document found recorded and

1.

registered in the office (apud acta infrascripti notarii,

7)

and not

in

any way cancelled or suspicious.

This does not

point to a recently issued decree.

Secondly, and most important of

all,

no restoration of

missing words between lines 6 and 7 can escape the inference that the document so registered bore the date
registration)

(of

December

9,

1563.
is

Since the Papal brief

dated December 28,

it

follows

that the omitted year cannot be later than 1562.

It is

obvious that

if,

in 1586, a bull or other decree

had

been issued permitting the printing of Hebrew books, no

one, in 1587,

would think of

falling

back upon a document

of 1562 or earlier.

The

statement, then, so frequently

made

that the bull of 1586 did that very thing, viz.: lifted the

prohibition of

the

Talmud and other Hebrew

books,

is

based upon a misapprehension of the effect of that decree.

* Graetz

found the

bull only in Coqueline's Collectio, IV, 4,

it,

No. 69.

The

above-mentioned Bullarium, however, contains

place.

in

its

regular chronological

The

term "bull" has been used for

this decree, in
it.

accordance with the

Strictly,

statements of the various writers

it

who have discussed

however,

is

no more a

bull

than

the

document here published.

Both are signed

sub anulo Piscatoris and are therefore briefs.

Bulls are sealed with the bulla.

The

distinction, to be sure,

had ceased

to

be of serious

moment

in the latter

half of the

sixteenth

century.

120

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

As before
stated, the decree

was of the most general

character and meant for the widest pubHcity.

portions,
i.

The

technica:

e.

exordium and conclusion, are

is

in Latin, the
that,
it

main body, however,

in Italian.

Not only

is in-

tended to abrogate (subject to the etiquette necessary to a

system

in

which

direct abrogation

is

impossible), the re-

strictions successively

imposed on the Jew? by Pius

consciously
restores,

and
the

those after him.

It

therefore,

conditions obtaining under Pius IV.

Naturally, Jews,

who
we

desired protection in their rights, would supply themselves

with copies of those documents of Pius IV, to which,

may

say, the bull of

October 22, 1586, had given a renewed

validity.

But the

bull of

February

27,

1562, mentioned above

(incorrectly dated

1555 and referred to Paul IV, Jczuish

also of general indulgence

Bncyc, X, 129), was

and makes
until

no mention of books or censorship.

Again,

it

was not

1563, after the brief here transcribed, that the deputation

of Italian Jews visited Pius IV, to obtain permission to

print the

Talmud.
is it

But

the

Talmud, after

all,

which

is

here permitted

The phrase "certum hebreorum volumen" occurs in line 9. It is easily possible that the actual word Talmud was found
in the

missing portions.

All this

is

in the earlier portion

of the decree.

Later on, when the expurgated books are

is

mentioned,

it

tales libri, libri

huiusmodi,
is

etc.

Again

in

the earlier portion, special attention

given to the

name

Jesui hanozri

(1.

13),

which

is

stated to be the

Hebrew

equivalent for the

to the

name

of Jesus.

This would also point

Talmud, or

to the Toledot

Yeshu.

If

we were

then to understand the decree before us

it

as stating that, while

had long been decided

to

forbid

A PAPAI, BRIEF OF PIUS

certum hebreorum volumen,
books,
if

IV

RADIN
we have an

121

viz.

the

Talmud, other Hebrew

intelli-

properly expurgated, were free,

gible version of a

document which, otherwise, would have

it

rendered the Tridentine Index and the bull embodying

unnecessary.

That non-Talm^udic books were, even after

the decree of 1559, allowed, though reluctantly,

(cf.

we know

Porges, JczvisJi Bnc, III, 648 a).

Just as at Cremona,

in the incident there recorded, so at

Rome

on appeal to a

well-disposed Pope like Pius IV, over-zealous inquisitors

may have been warned that the decree of the Talmud and not all Hebrew books.

1559 included only

point deserving attention, and fixing probably the

is

date of this brief at 1562,

that the opening

words "dudum

accepto" are an echo of the opening words of the bull of

February
etc.".

27,

1562, "Diidiim a felicis recordationis Paulo,

To

be sure, the cases might be reversed and the

Still

latter

document might be an echo of the former.

from

the vastly

more important character of the decree of Febless probable.

ruary 27, this hypothesis seems

PROFESSOR SMITH'S "JERUSALEM"

Jerusalem

The

Topography,
to

Economics and History from the

70.

Earliest

Times

A.

D.

With Maps and

Illustrations.
:

By George Adam Smith, D. D., LL. D. London Hodder & Stoughton, 1907-1908. Two Volumes (pp. xx, 498; xvi, 681 8).
;

Professor
handled
of Zion.
it

Smith

has

chosen

great
is

subject,
lit

and he has

brilliantly,

with a glow that

up from the glory

The

perennial and increasing interest of the theme appears

from the almost contemporaneous publication of three other books

on Jerusalem by Dr. Merrill, Colonel Conder, and Professor Paton.

There
for
all

is

no necessity of rivalry

in

this

field

it

is

large

enough

trained and conscientious workers.

Dr. Smith has had the

inspiration

of

plotting

out

an undertaking which has not been

give an interpretation of Jerusalem
her, both

before attempted.

He would
that
is

on the basis of

all

known about

from the debris

But the

of archaeology and the scattered references of literature.

accumulation of
been,
is

facts,

arduous and complete as that labor has

but the fundament of the work; the genius of the author

reveals itself in the revivification of Jerusalem, so that her people

walk her

streets for us,

we

see

what they saw, and we follow the

life,

clues of their

common, everyday
inner,

withal that the subject

is

not reduced to the sordid level of secularism, but always

the pulse

we

feel

of that

inscrutable

life

which has made her a

West.

spiritual mistress of the three religions of the

A
the

professor of zoology has recently insisted on the fact that

is

the poetic or artistic instinct

the nerve of

all

physical science;
for the reason
poetic,

same

is

true,

still

more imperative, of

history,
is

that the subject-matter of

human

history

itself

the life

of humanity.

And George Adam Smith

and creative
spirit

possesses the genius to

interpret this sentient

of

human

life,

even when
speak of

revealed

in the

broken fragments of ancient history.

We

123

124

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

because
it

this characteristic first,

is

the greatest.

Yet,

if

it

stood

alone, the result might be only a fair ideal construction, appealing

to the sense of the aesthetic but without response to the historical

demand
genius

for facts.

But the charm and proof of Professor Smith's

maintain and expound the poetic spell

lies

in his ability to

while he delves into the dust and bones of antiquity.

To

take the

text of his book, he ignores not one of the things seen,

which are

temporal, they are

for

him the

figures

of the true; but as the

it

Christian midrash concerning

Abraham
city

expresses

(Hebrews

ii),

he

always

"looks

for
is

the

which

hath

foundations,

whose

maker and builder

Jerusalem's history.

God", that ideal of priest and prophet, of

the

Jesus and of Akiba, which has been

constituent element in

There

is

perfect balance between the poetic and the analytic

features of the work.

As one admires

the former, he recognizes

that the author has not shunned a single objective task which has
lain in his

way.

For him interpretation does not mean the over-

ruling of facts but the accounting for them. of his subject

in
is

Hence

the division

based on secular

lines.

The work, which appears

two handsome and beautifully executed volumes, containing over eleven hundred pages, is divided into three books. Following a

noble Introduction on "The Essential City", which compounds the

realism and the idealism of the subject, the respective books treat

"The Topography Sites and Names"; "The Economics and Politics;" "The History," which latter comprises the whole second
volume.
ology,

The author thus engages

criticism,

all

the vexed problems of phil-

archaeology,

and

historical

reconstruction.
all

First
his dis-

should be noticed the reasonableness and gentleness of

cussions.

No

subject has been

in the

more

fruitful of

acrimony than the

Holy

City,

whether

contentions of hostile religions or preis

judiced archaeologists.

Dr. Smith

a devout Christian and a sturdy

Protestant, but he never abuses Jewish or ecclesiastical prejudices

and

traditions.

Where

he can speak on his

own

authority, he does
;

so lucidly and at length, but without expatiation

full in his

he

is

fair

and

treatment of opposite opinions.

skill,
its

And
in

he

is

equally modest

in

admitting his lack of special

lets fall

but

these cases the opinion

he

commends

itself

by

conviction and reasonableness.

PROFESSOR smith's "JERUSALEM

MONTGOMERY
all

I25

Two
much
is
;

large volumes on

confined subject might appear too

is

but though ample treatment

given to

problems, there

no waste of discussion and show of akribeia.

first

This quality ap-

pears particularly in the

It

book, which treats of the topography.

in the
il-

will be

an admirable guide to both layman and scholar

city's

mazes of the

geography, and

it

will

prove attractive and

luminating in a subject which in

itself is

dry and necessarily somehas not seen the contour

what incomprehensible

to a student

who

and walls of Jerusalem.

as well as the subject in

The chapters

are written with the reader

feels
it

mind; the writer

his duty to

make

the former visualize the latter.

He

has no

new opinions
to be

to ad-

vance on the topography.

of

In general he agrees with the consensus

it

modern

scholarship,

whose opinions,

is

remembered, he

has been a party in forming.

Zion, David's City, the Ophel, are

hill
;

the same, the southern projection of the eastern

he doubts

whether the southwestern

hill

was included

at all in the earlier city,

but holds that this must have been effected by Hezekiah's time, at
least for the protection of the pool of Siloam.

The

question of the

northern walls
graphical

is

fully treated.

series of admirable colored topo-

maps throughout

the volumes presents the various stages

of the city's growth through the centuries, as the author under-

stands the development.

The second book which treats of the economics of the city, presents a wider and more novel theme. The value of this section
is

not confined merely to the subject; every Palestinian city comes

its

under

scope,

and we have for the

first

time a treatment of "The

Ancient City" for the Biblical world, based upon the community for

which after
sphere.

all

we

possess

more materials than any other

in that

Even Babylonian archaeology has not brought us much

beyond the confines of temple and palace.

ticular

Then

there

is

the par-

problem of Jerusalem, which possessed none of the com-

mercial and agricultural resources of a metropolis; by nature only

an

'Ir

or akropolis,

"she

grew

into

a great
its

city

as

the

artificial

creation of royalty and religion.

that of the other cities of
Israel,

Hence

politics differed

from

except Samaria, of which we

lay theoretically in the
in the action

know almost

nothing;

its

direct

government

hands of the king or the highpriest.

But again,

and

126

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

life,

reaction of social

new element
its

arose.

Jerusalem grew into

its

a cosmopolitan city, with

mercenaries and traders,

city in the

pilgrims

and foreign

rulers.
is

It

became a

most intense sense of the

word, as London

to

England or Paris
on
its its

to France, with a clamor-

ous, aggressive citizenry, insistent

voice and action, by force

or obstinacy or purchase acquiring

ruler,

privileges

from the de facto

king or highpriest.

In a striking chapter on "The jMulti;

tude" Professor Smith admirably brings this point out

he shows,

what

is

often ignored,

how

the people of Jerusalem were by

no

means the complaisant subjects of court and temple, but often

successfully opposed the royal or priestly policy
;

more than once

to the spirit-

too the dominant faction

was successfully antagonistic

ual interests connected with the Temple.

Without doubt the people

part
in

of

Jerusalem
affairs,

exercised

constitutional

the

conduct of

Judah's

whatever position we may take upon the definition

of Sanhedrin and Great Synagogue.

The author

opposes,

it

may

be remarked, Biichler's theory of the existence of two distinct religious

to

and

civil

tribunals in Jerusalem.

It

would be

interesting

know what

position he

would take toward Judge Sulzberger's

Ha-Aretz.

interpretation of the

Am

But he

fully appreciates the

;

democratic character of the Jewish constitution

that

he will not admit

materially affected

the

constitution of

the

free

Greek

cities

that of Jerusalem,

which was essentially indigenous.

True and pro-

found

is

the comparison which he

courts.

draws

(II, p.

439) between the

it

Areopagus and the Temple

suggested
"holy
that

In this connection

may

be

comparative study of
class

what the Greeks

called

cities", to
;

which

Jerusalem belonged, would be most in-

structive

the cities so recognized by Hellenistic politics were mostly

soil.

on Semitic or kindred

The

third book, on the history of Jerusalem,

is

a shaft dropped

right through the centuries of Israel's history, at

least

its

very core.

At

from the time of Isaiah Jerusalem

is

is

the centre of Israel, and

is

her history

that of the race.

The second volume

accordingly

a limited history of the Jewish people,

and we would express the

the task of that de-

hope that Professor Smith

sideratum
in

will

now undertake

English Biblical literature, a history of Israel.

Withal,

despite this expansion of his subject, he keeps his purpose well in

PROFESSOR smith's ''JERUSALEM'"

view
;

MONTGOMERY
tells,

27

it

is

still

the story of Jerusalem he

as acted

and seen

by Jerusalemites, with ever the Holy City for the

setting.

Thg

abondance de richesse

in this
it

volume hinders from further analysis;

prolegomena of a larger work.

we

are content to take

as the

To

notice

now some

particular points,

we would

call attention

to the full

and often original discussions of the place-names

in

and

around Jerusalem.

For En-Rogel Smith

rejects the interpretation

"Fuller's Spring", very properly,

and connects the doubtful word

with the Syriac rogulo {rag old) "current," supposing that the ancient spring

which gave

its

name

to

what

is

now

irregularly called

a spring has disappeared through seismic action.

better verbal

connection would be with the cognate Syriac word rgel'thd, the

Arabic

rijlah,

which means both stream and wady, the former be-

ing a standing Peshitto translation of the

ticipal

Hebrew

nahal.

The

par-

form

in rogel

may

be compared to the Syriac noun-of-agent

rdgola (which also equals nahal) and to the participial form of the

Arabic wady.

En-Rogel
the

is

then "the spring (at the head) of the

wady",

i.

e.

Wady

en-Nar.

To

the

modern name for

this

spring, Bir

Ayyub, "Job's Well", might be

is

cited Kittel's suggestion

in
is
I

that the
I.

name
the
:

a reminiscence of Joab and the history

Kings
offered

For
p.

name
it

Sion

an

attractive

etymology

(I,

145)

is

the
to

same as
be

a frequent Arabic place-name for

citadel,

Sahyun,

derived

from sahweh "hmup,

ridge".

The
the

philological contraction into Sion

would agree with Lagarde's

It

preference for the Syriac Sehyon as original.

seems to us that
the simplest
is

Hebrew
which
at

siyyun, a cairn for marking the road,

etc., is

etymology.
in
is

An

elaborate discussion of the

name Jerusalem
just

given,
arri-

combatted Haupt's Sumerian etymology, without

val

positive' conclusion.
first

The explanation

published by
relieves the

Clay which makes the

difficulty.
I,

element the god

Ur now

As

for the post-Hebraic forms, Hierousalem, etc.

(see

p.

261 ff),
artificial

we

think that the

first

three syllables must have been

the

an

expansion to

introduce
5,

idea

of

lep^^.

On

the

subject of the sinnor,

Sam.
St.,

(p. 106),

Vincent's article on the

Gezer Tunnel (PEF. Qu.

the discussion.

1908, p. 218)

can

now

be added to

The

epigraphic evidence for the early date of the

is

Siloam inscription

(p. 102)

again seriously questioned by Stanley

128
A.

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

in the

Cook

Quarterly Statement for October.

As

for the ar-

chaeological

problems connected with "the conduit of the upper

field", II

pool towards the highway of the fuller's

7, 3,

Kings

i8, 17; Isa.

may

they be relieved by the, to be sure, drastic theory that

in

consequence of the similarity of episodes the geographical deIsaiah have been inserted into the passage in Kings?

tails in

This

theory would meet the strategic objection of General Wilson that

the parley with the Assyrians

could not have been held at the

eastern wall.

Professor Smith shows his

ability

as an interpreter in
(p.

many
and

apt translations; thus mishpat he renders "cultus"

387),

mo'ed as "diet"

(p. 390).

On
5,

the next page

his references to the

Hebrew
ings.

of

Ben

Sira, note

are not borne out by Smend's read-

As an
in

archaeological note for the introduction of the Iron

(p.

Age
is

Palestine

331)

may

be cited

Sam.

13,

19

ff.,

which

evidence for the scarcity of ironsmiths at that epoch

we may

suppose that these rare artisans were Philistine "tinkers"

the
Philistine

whom
land.

over-lords were able to

recall

from
26

Israel's

The

story of

David and Goliath would then be a reminiscence of

the borderland between the

despite
p. 329,

two Ages.

II

Sam.

14,

is

not proof,
silver".

that

"David stamped shekels, presumably of

silver

But that there was some form of recognized small

whether stamped or
not,

money,

from early

times, appears not only

from

the Biblical use of the plural of kesef but also

from the use of

zu-zu

in the

Amarna

tablets as the
is

denomination below the mana.

for the coin representing
its

Later, in the Aramaic, zuz

the

name

the shekel-weight of silver, and this appears to be practically

meaning
no.
4,

at

that early period.

(See Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy,

etc.

Bezold

is

correct in recognizing the zuz over against

Winckler and Knudtzon, who translate "shekel").

Dr. Smith takes an antagonistic position to the claim of a specific

Hittite factor in Jerusalem

(II, p.

14 ff).

But Winckler has

now been

able to show, in his report

on

his excavations at
in the
is

Boghaz-

koi, published

Dec,

1907, that Khiba,

which appears

name

of

the Jerusalemite governor in the Tell el-Amarna tablets,

deity
;

a Hittite

also the Hittite Kharri

Canaanite Horites.

As

for

may possibly be connected with the the name of Araunah, the possessor of

PROFESSOR smith's ''jERUSAI^Em"

the
it

MONTGOMERY

I29

Temple

site,

a recent discovery, about to be

announced, makes

reasonable to hold that his

name

is

Indo-European.
History of

it

may

be noted that

Budde

in his recent

To p. 95, Hebrew Literanote

i,

ture

would date the Yahwist

as early as Solomon's reign.

I,

few misprints have been observed:

;

p.

-102,
;

read
1.

// Kings

p.

108,

note

2, last line,' a

waw

for a

nun

H,

p. 97,

18,

read "first" for "second".

pass are thrice reversed
for "east"
;
:

By
I,

a queer lapse the points of the

1.

com-

p. 93,

26 and

p. 93,

1.

19,

read "west"

p.

130,

1.

3,

read "south-east" for "south-west".

it

Exif

tensive indices conclude each volume;

a

would be convenient

in

new

edition they might be united at the end of the second.

Philadelphia Divinity School

James A. Montgomery

JUDAISM AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY

The
lives
evil that

men

write, as well as the evil that

men

do, often

after

them.

Calumnies against the Jews seem

life
:

to

have a

peculiarly

charmed

in

classical

times Manetho, an Egyptian

historian of the third century B. C. E., represented that they

in

were

origin a pack of Egyptian lepers

country because of their foul disease.

who were expelled from his The story was refuted over

and over again

yet Tacitus writing in the second century

it

E.

solemnly repeats

with a

little

decoration.

In parts of the

New

Testament, again, the Pharisees are represented by their enemies as

a class of self-righteous hypocrites.
that the charges

Historical criticism has proved

controversialists
;

come from embittered

them

yet writer
truths,

after writer repeats

as though they

were certain

and

pays no account to their refutation and the fuller knowledge which

is

now available. The latest repetition of the story occurs in "The Conflict of Religions in the Roman Empire", by Mr. Glover, a classical lecturer
whose book has
It
;

of St. John's College, Cambridge,

siderable

attracted a con-

amount of

attention in England.
as they

is

one of the 'Life

it

and Time Histories'

have been called

is

but

differs

from

many
first

of the class in that the author

not a pure theologian, but

has a large knowledge of the Greek and

three centuries of the Christian era.

Roman
It

literature of the

does not claim to be

work

of erudite scholarship, but a popular representation of the

religous

conditions

in

which Christianity grew up, based on a

at a

series of lecture$

which were given

Theological College.

It

may

be considered then to
is

embody

the current conception of Judaism

it

which

disseminated

among

theological students, and

is
;

there-

fore worth while to dissect

its

statements in some detail

is

for the

involuntary anti-Judaism of scholars

liberate anti-Semitism of politicians.

as

dangerous as the de-

Mr. Glover has endeavored,

founder of the Christian

as he puts

it

in

his preface, "to see the

132

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

of his followers as they appeared

movement and some

will

among

their

contemporaries, to represent Christian and Pagan with equal good-

and equal honesty and

in

my
of

perspective to recapture something

life,

of the colour and

movement
it

using imagination to interpret

the data, and controlling

It is

by them."

perhaps accidental that Mr. Glover omits the Jews

intends
"to

among

those

he
;"

represent

with

equal

goodwill

and equal

honesty
there
is

but

it

cannot be accidental that

in his list of authorities

not a single book by a Jew, nor a single standard

the Jewish point of view.

work

written from

Paul

is

after

all

not the

only reliable authority for the Judaism of the period.

is

The Talmud
and the

doubtless

difficult
it

book for the Gentile

by

to

study,

elaborate works upon

German
his

scholars

may

not be attractive

Mr. Glover might, however, with

writings of two

less difficulty

have consulted the

members of

own

University, the Edition of

the Sayings of the Fathers by the late Master of St. John's College,

and Professor Schechter's

he done
so,

articles

upon Jewish Theology; and had

little

he must have regarded the Jews with a

more

truth and a better perspective.

As

it

is

we have

a rehash of the

old denunciations of Pharisaism and

tion of religion,
It is

its

mechanical soulless concepat the time.

which poses for an account of Judaism

grotesque that an author

surely a

little

who

has

made

a close

study of the Stoics, Plutarch, Justin, Celsus, Apuleius, in fact of

every pagan scribbler

to get a true setting

who has

survived from that epoch,

in

order

for early Christianity, should

first

know nothing
to

of contemporary Judaisni at

hand; and so long as theologians go to the

and theological historians are unable or unwilling

Rabbis themselves, and accept the Pauline epistles and Schiirer's

history equally as gospel truth, so long will they give an account

of the Jews which

is

not history but 'Tendenc-wrh'ing

religion,

Having given an illuminating survey of Roman

Glover
fourth chapter comes to the central

the

Stoic religious philosophy, and Plutarch's religious eclecticism, Mr.

in

his

figure

of his

book, Jesus of Nazareth, and treats him in the manner

i.

of

Renan

c.

he puts aside what

rest

is

miraculous in the Gospel narrative, accepts

its

the

as

true,

and heightens

effect

with some local color

special cavil,

and rhetorical writing.

it

With

this

we have no

though
in

may

be remarked that the rejection of the miraculous elements

JUDAISM AND EARLY CHRISTIAXITY

the
life

I'.ivXTWICII

33

of Jesus

makes

it

more unreasonable

to regard

him

as abso-

lutely unique

that the

among his contemporaries. great men of any age reflect in

it is,

All experience teaches us

their highest

development

the ideas of that age; and

to

therefore, unscientific of Mr. Glover

spirituality of Jesus are in con-

assume that the humanity and But what we are

trast with the attitude of the

Rabbis.
is

specially concerned with

his"

not Mr. Glover's

in

account of Jesus but

attitude to

contemporary Judaism, and

it

order to appreciate his outlook and method

a

is

necessary to quote

somewhat long passage.

period
the

He

is

dealing with the teaching of

Jesus upon man's relation to God.

at this

"Jews* and Greeks," he says,

"talked

of

righteousness

and

holiness

'holy'

is

one

of

great

words of the period

and

they

sought these

things in ritual and abstinence.

that

Modern Jews

resent the suggestion

the

thousand and one regulations as to ceremonial purity,

casuistries,

and the
the

as

many

or more, spun out of the law and

traditions,

ranked with the great commandments of neigh-

bourly love and the worship of the

are right, but
it

One God.

No

doubt they
type of

is

noticeable that in practice the

common

mind

is

more impressed with minutiae than with

will

principles.

The

Southern European to-day

to eat

do murder on

little

provocation, but

meat

in

Lent

is

sin.

But, without attributing such conspicit

uous sins as theft and adultery and murder to the Pharisees,

clear
that,
in

is

establishing their

own

righteousness, they laid ex-

cessive stress on the details of the law, on Sabbath-keeping (a constant topic with
ritual,

the

Christian Apologists), on tithes, and temple

on the washing of pots and plates

still

rigorously mainto constitute

it

tained by the
holiness.
all

modern Jews

and

all this

was supposed

Jesus with the clear incisive word of genius dismissed

as "acting".

The

Pharisee was essentially an actor

little

playing

to

himself the most contemptible

cries Jesus,

comedies of holiness.
the

Listen,

and he

tells

tlu-

tale of

man

fallen

among

thieves

and

left

for dead, and

how

priest

and Levite passed by on the

other side, fearing the pollution of a corpse, and

mercy, God's

own

work

how

they left

'I

will

have mercy and not

sacrifice'

was

one of his quotations from Hosea,

to

be done by one unclean

!

and damned
to look
at,

the Samaritan.
full

Whited sepulchres

he

cries,

pretty

but

of

what?

Of

death, corruption and foulness.

134

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

escape from the judgment of hell?' he asked them,
It
is

'How can you

clear,

and no one records what they answered or could answer.

however, that outside Palestine, the Jews
to a
in the great

world

were moving

more purely moral conception

less in the
is

of religion

their

environment made mere Pharisaism impossible, and Greek criticism

compelled them to think more or
mental.

terms of the fundanot very generously

The

debt of the

Jew

to the Gentile

acknowledged.
tribe

None

the

less,

the

dinstinctive

badge of
called t6

all

his

was

and

remained

what

the

Greeks

\po(po8e^s.

The Sabbath,
as they
tribe
still

circumcision, the blood and butter taboos remained,

remain

in

the most liberal of

"Liberal Judaisms"

marks with no
side
is

religious value, but maintained by patriotism.

this lived

And

by side with
attributed

and

lives that

hatred of the Gentile

but

which

to

Christian

persecution,

which Juvenal

saw and noted before the Christian had ceased to be persecuted by The extravagant nonsense found in Jewish speculation the Jew.
as to

how many
Jew

Gentile souls were equivalent in God's sight to

is

that of one

symptomatic.
it

To

this

day

it

is

confessedly the

weakness of Judaism that

offers

no impulse and knows no eninterests of the tribe

thusiasm for self-sacrificing

are not concerned."

love where the

In passing
despite
all

we may commiserate with

the Liberal
still

Jews who,

their efforts

and proclamations, are

accused of main-

taining the Sabbath and the blood and butter taboos, and that too

from motives of Jewish

motives of tribal loyalty.

patriotism, and of hating the Gentile

from

But more seriously the whole passage beIt is

trays no less ignorance than prejudice.

call

what Mr. Glover would

"symptomatic" that he treats the story of the Good Samaritan

an example of Pharisaic narrowness, though the Priest and
passed on the other side of the road would more prob-

as

Levite

who

ably have belonged to the Sadducee than the Pharisee sect, and

though
self

at least

one acute

critic

has argued that the Samaritan himfor an 'Israelite*.

was substituted

in a later gloss to the text

'Israelite'

(See Halevy,

RE J., IV, 249.) The

It
is

would point the contrast

live in the

better with the Priest

and Levite, and Samaritans did not

true that the

neighborhood of Jericho.

not recorded the answer of the Pharisees

the

New Testament has whom Jesus reproached

we may
be

Chronicler was careful about that

but

allowed

JUDAISM AND DARI^Y CHRISTIANITY

to

DENTWICH

35

answer for them that the Pharisees realized

as clearly as Jesus

that holiness depended

upon inward

purity,

(as a perusal of the

Ethics of the Fathers in the Jewish Prayer-book would show), that

was a Pharisee who enunciated before Jesus the golden rule, that it was not play-acting but a lofty theory of morals which
it

led

them

to lay stress

upon daily conduct and

to interweave religion
it,

with the

common
made

concerns of man, and that, as Josephus put

other peoples

religion a part of virtue, but the Jewish teachers

ordained virtue to be a part of religion.

II,

(Josephus

c.

Apionem

17.)

The most elementary knowledge

in the

of the teaching of the

most distinguished Jewish sage

convinced Mr. Glover that
it

time of Jesus would have

is

absurd to suppose that the Rabbis

ranked the prescripts about

tithes

and pot and pans

not in fact determined for hundreds of years after Jesus

level

which were on a
all

with the great moral principles.

Was it not Hillel who said that

maxim
:

the whole law

was summed up

in the

"Do

not unto others

the rest

what thou wouldst not that they should do

is

to thee:
is

commentary thereon", implying

that

humanity

the object of

the law?

duty of

And was it not Hillel again who said that it was the man "to love his fellow-creatures and bring them near to
was
in-

the Torah," representing the dominant ideal of Judaism which

to spread
tensifies

Jewish teaching over the world?

Mr. Glover rather

in

than mitigates the injustice of his account

a footnote
state-

to

the passage

we have

quoted.

"Of course every general

ment," he adds, "requires modification, but the predominantly tribal

character of Judaism implies contempt for the spiritual
Gentile Christian and Pagan.
If the
little

life

of the
is

knowledge of God was or

effort to

of value to
the least,
it

the.
is

Jew, he made

share

it."

To

say

unkind

to bring this

reproach against a people who,

as the
religion

when
verts,

Christianity

was established

of the

Roman
in

Empire, were forbidden under penalty of death to make any con-

and who, when the Church became the dominant power

at the stake in

Europe, were massacred, tortured, and burnt

sands for remaining loyal to their religion.

thou-

The

self-sacrificing love,

which the Jew so painfully

lacks,

meant for the Christian Church,

so far as history teaches, the love of sacrificing others

who would

not accept the exact dogmatic teaching which

it

held at any epoch.

But we protest

in the

name

of truth as well as of justice against

136

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

the charge that before they were repressed by the ruthless legislation

of Christendom, the Jews were tribal and exclusive, or remiss in

The New Testament itself is here evidence against Mr. Glover, when it speaks of these narrow self-centered Pharisees as scouring earth and sea to make a
preaching their faith

among

the

Gentiles.

proselyte, or

when

it

records that Apollos, an Alexandrian Jew, had

journeyed to Ephesus to preach the word of God to the pagans.

Apart from Philo and Josephus who speak over and over again of
the missionary activity and success of the

Jew

in all parts of the

world

but

who, Mr. Glover may

explicit,
if

say,

are partial historians

the

pagan authorities are as

spread of Judaism.

less exultant,
01^ this

about the rapid

Mr. Glover might,

point,

have consulted

his classical authors,

whom

he knows so well.

"The Jews," says

it

Strabo, "have penetrated into every state, so that

find a single place in the

is

difficult

to

world

in

which their

tribe has not

been

received and become dominant."

Horace refers
and

to Sabbath-observ-

ance as a
in

common

habit at

Rome, which was practised by

:

the

man

the

street

(unus multoruin)

Seneca,

fierce

anti-Semite

that he was, writing after Palestine

had been placed under a Roman

governor, says: "Nevertheless the practices of this accursed race

have so far prevailed that they have been received over the whole

world

the vanquished have imposed their laws upon the victors."

is

Indeed the most constant accusation against the Jew

that he will
it

not keep his religion to himself, but insists on propagating

his neighbors.

among

But what of the passage

hatred of the Gentile? time of Jesus,

in

which Juvenal notes the Jewish

Juvenal wrote one hundred years after the

of

when hundreds

thousands of Jews had been

massacred by the Gentiles

followed the
it

in the terrible

wars of extermination that

Is
felt

fall

of Jerusalem and the revolt against Trajan.

strange that

in the

year 100 or 120 C.

the

E.,
is
it

Jews should have

some hatred towards

should have with
its

Romans?

Or

disgraceful that they

life'

felt

some 'contempt

for the spiritual

of the pagan

untranslateable abominations that Juvenal has described?

Were
who

not the Christians also charged by pagan writers with 'odium

generis?'

humani

And

against the fancies of a particular Rabbi,

played with the equation of souls,

one hand, the saying of

may another Rabbi who

not

we

set,

on the

explained the verse

JUDAISM AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY

of Isaiah
in", to
:

HENTWICII

I37
enter

"Open ye

the gates that the righteous people

may

mean
is

that one of the Gentiles

who

fulfils

the laws of the

Torah

as

good as the High-priest himself:

to the

one

might add a

hundred explanations

same

effect

and,

on the other hand,

the savagery of one of Mr. Glover's Christian worthies, Tertullian,

quoted

in this book,
:

who shows

his love of the Gentiles in these

words

"You

are fond of spectacles.

Expect the greatest of

all

spectacles, the last

and eternal judgment of the universe.

How

shall

I admire, how laugh, how rejoice, how exult when I behold so many proud monarchs and fancied gods groaning in the lower abyss of darkness, so many magistrates who persecuted the name of the

Lord liquefying
Christians, so
their deluded

in

fierce

fires

that they once kindled against the

many

sage philosophers blushing in red hot flames with

scholars!"
senses,
in

{De Spectaculis
affections,

30).

"Hath
is
it

nor.

jew
is

hands,
tribal

organs,

passions"?

that

what
in

narrowness
?

him becomes righteous indignation

the

Christian

Judaism had the same aspiration as Christianity

religion,

to be a universal

and the Christians learnt from Jews to be missionaries, and

nothing more than a heretical Jewish
sect,

were

at first

professing

to carry out their mission in a special way.

Tertullian admits that

but, to

the early Church

grew up "under the shadow of the Jews",

apply Mr. Glover's words, the debt of the Christian to the

Jew

has not been very generously acknowledged.

in

It

has been repaid

it

blood

of

the Jew.

As

Christianity expanded,
its

departed more
as

and more

from the teachings of

its

founder as well

from
in-

Judaism, and
discriminate

progress pointed to the Rabbis the danger of

with
foreign
ideas.

conversion and compromise

In

those

mad

centuries,

when, together with the

Roman

Empire, the
in

whole ancient
melting-pot. of

civilization

was breaking up and dissolving

the

the

crude

superstitions and hybrid creeds,

Rabbis

were

at pains to
its

preserve the integrity and purity of Judaism by

outer defences.
It

strengthening
at this period.

was otherwise with

and taboos

the

Church
all

Mr. Glover claims that Jesus had once for

ritual
;

set

religion free

from the servitude of

yet between

the second and fifth centuries the

Church was establishing the worse

beliefs,
in

and harsher servitude of dogmas and

of years was to be, and which
still
is

which for hundreds

countries,

some

immeasur-

138

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ably

more oppressive upon the mind than ever the Pharisaic development of the law was upon the body or the spirit. The moment
Christianity

emerged out of the region of

it

spirit

and began
to devise

to es-

tablish itself as a world-religion,

was compelled

some

bond which would hold

the law of conduct
cessful, as
it

its

members together; and having

rejected

chose the law of belief.

When

it

became suc-

Renan admitted, the Church

the

deteriorated; and brought

ecclesiastical
it

into the

world a new and awful tyranny, combining the

with

bigotry

temporal

powers

of

the

Roman Empire;
to be,

estabhshed a merciless domination over conscience, and compelled

Judaism

to

become, what
;

it it

had never desired

an exclusive

national religion

and had

not been for the stedfastness of the

his religion altogether.

Jew,

it

would have stamped out

imagination,

Perhaps

the Christian world

the

would not be so hard on the Pharisees, even

if
it

Pharisees of

its

remembered

the

Church-

synods of history.

The
dens."

story

is

told of a girl who,

when asked

if

there were any

wild beasts in England, replied *'No, except in the Theological Gar-

Her language was

doubtless too strong, but

it

is

in

the

theological gardens that the pests of prejudice

tion live longest.

and misrepresenta-

Mr. Glover speaks of the different attitude of the

Christian world since the Renaissance to the evidences of Christianity

from miracle and prophecy

criticism

we may hope

that as the historical

of the nineteenth century enters into men's minds, the

attitude of the Christian

world may change to the evidences of

an'd soullessness of Pharisaic re-

Christianity
ligion,

from the narrowness

and that writers upon the time of Jesus may deign

to correct

Paul's controversial account of Judaism by at least a superficial

study of the Jewish records of the age.

London

Norman Bentvvich

PROFESSOR CLAY'S "AMURRU"

Amurru: The home
that the Religion
origin.

of the Northern Semites.

study showing

and Culture of Israel are not of Babylonian

T.

By Albert

Clay, Ph.

D.,

Professor of

Semitic
Phil-

Philology and Archaeology, University of Pennsylvania.

adelphia
:

The Sunday School Times

Co.,

1909.

217 pages.

It requires great courage to challenge established ideas.

For

more than
scholars

ten years

it

has become a

dogma with

a great

many
in-

or

to adopt the

term that Prof. Clay and others apply

to them, the

Pan-Babylonians

that

Babylonia had extensively

fluenced the culture and religion of Israel, and that the very foundations

upon which the Jewish and Christian

the Babylonian mythology.
is

religion rests are bor-

rowed from

The foremost champion of

of Berlin.

these current opinions

Prof.

Hugo Winckler

In opposing these views, the author's main contentions are that

not only are these opinions void and baseless, but that a great

many
valley

features

of

the

Sumero-Babylonian

culture

and

religion

hitherto considered as having been developed in the Tigris-Euphrates

had

their origin

and proper home

in the

Westland,

Amurru
In

the
the
the

home

of Israel.
^consists

The
first

book
part

of

two

parts
in

and

an

appendix.

the

author
of
the

outlines

introductory

remarks

point

of

view

Pan-Babylonians

and

controverts

the

foundations upon which their theories are based.

Then he

deals with the early stories in Genesis, of the Creation, Sabbath,

antediluvian Patriarchs and the Deluge, the principal material for

the support of the theory that Israel's literature
that of Babylonia.
are,
in
is

dependent upon

These

stories, including the

Babylonian versions,

his opinion,

west-Semitic.

He

proceeds to prove that the

139

140
original

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

home
of

Semitic

culture

is

the

Westland,

whence the

Semites emigrated to Babylonia.

In the second part the author contends that most of the deities of the Semitic Babylonians, which have been recognized as sun-gods,

had

their origin in the great solar deity of the

Western Semites,
in the

known
of the

as

Amar

or

Mar and
and

Ur, which was written

TIN'

script

West
of

-ICN or I^D,

or 11, also

known
in

as

EJ'OE^.

He

demonstrates that these divine names are actually found

in

proper

names

the

Old

Testament,

as

well

as

those

of

West

Semitic inscriptions.
In the appendix the author locates the city

Ur

of the Chaldees.

explains the

names of Jerusalem and Sargon King of Accad, and

discusses the reading of

NIN-IB and

of

Yahweh.
it

Within the narrow compass of a review

is

hardly possible to
All

give even the shortest outlines of the contents of this volume.

the suggestions of the author, though

some of them are

for the

present only of hypothetical value, are of importance for the history

of Israel.

This

book

will

not

appeal

to

Winckler and

his

followers.

They
If

are firm in their belief, and no proofs and arguments will dis-

turb their minds.

They

will

still

adhere to their cherished ideas.

is

one does not agree with them, he

looked upon as reactionary

and consequently of no account, and they do not trouble themselves

to argue with

men

of this kind.

But there are

still

a great

many

scholars without prejudice, and they will attach the right value
to
it.

Its

main points are as follows

religion

The

of

Israel

is

not to be regarded as being com-

posed of transformed Babylonian and Assyrian myths.

The

an-

thropomorphic character of the gods enables us to

practically

find parallels for

all

everything that took place

in

the lives of

Biblical

characters.

The foundations
concei)tion

of
the
of

Israel's

history
since

are
it

not

based

upon an
been

astral

of

universe,

has recently

proved

that

the

science

astronomy

was

developed

in

Babylonia between the fourth and second century B. C. and did

not take
is

its

rise in the early

period of Babylonian history.

There

no proof of such an

astral

conception in the Old Testament.

legislation

It

would be quite inconsistent with the

of Israel.

No

PROFESSOR clay's "aMURRU"

iota

HOSCHAND^R

I4I

of evidence has been produced to discredit the accounts of

the Old Testament concerning the origin of the Hebrews.

The
poses.

lack of archaeological remains in

Palestine

is

due to the

fact that Israel used perishable material for ordinary writing pur-

Besides,

it

apparently did not develop the plastic

art.

The

excavations do not show any Babjdonian influence in the Israelitish

or pre-Israelitish time.

The monuments
not older.

of Egypt furnish ample

is

proof that the civilization of Syria-Palestine

old as that of Egypt,
if

Semitic and

is

as

The elements

of culture that
first

migrated from Babylonia -to Egypt must have been

adopted

by the inhabitants of Syria and transmitted by them.

covery of two Babylonian epics
in

The

dis-

Tell-el-Amarna furnishes no

evidence for the influence of Babylonia upon Canaan.

They were
Canaan was

text-books for learning the language, as they were interpunctuated,

the

words being separated by marks made with

ink.

not at the time of the Exodus a domain of Babylonian culture

for, if
it

were,
a

we should expect

the chief deity of the Babylonians,

Marduk, who
of the

millennium prior to the Exodus had been the head

in

Babylonian pantheon, to figure prominently

proof
is

the

West.

No
in

forthcoming that the Babylonian system of laws

had been enforced upon the people of Canaan.

the

The

parallel laws

Mosaic Code and

in

the

Code of Hammurabi can be ex-

plained as coincidences which have arisen from similar conditions.

Even

common

origin for both cannot be proved.

The Sumerians no doubt

greatly influenced the Semitic culture

;

which was brought into the country

the

Semites, on the other

hand, had a great influence upon the Sumerians.

In
the

Babylonian
is

Creation-legend

upon

which the

Biblical

Creation story

said to be dependent, there are

two cosmologies

amalgamated.
"West,
in

One

represents a
the

Semitic
of

myth coming from the

is

which

Marduk.

(/od

light,
is

arrayed

against

Tiamat. the God of darkness; the other

Sumerian

tnyth, pre-

sumably from

li^ridu,

resulting

in
is

the

establishment of order by

Ea, as against the chaos which

personified by Apsu.
to

This amalof

gamation

took

place

some time prior

the

establishment

Ashurbanipal's library where this legend was found.

142
Sabbath
is

the:

JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

The Babylonian word
and
it

not of Babylonian origin.

shabbatmn

is

synonym of gamaru
fifteenth

"to be complete, to be full"

was the name of the

middle of the month.
intercalary
duties

day of the month and

to

doubtless
in

had reference, as has been suggested,

the

full

moon
in

the

The days

of the calendar of festivals for the

months,
the

second Elul and

Marheshvan,
the

which the
fourteenth,

of

King are prescribed for

people.

seventh,

twenty-first, twenty-eighth
rest

and nineteenth days, were not days of

prove that
in

for
in

the

Investigations

the

Assyrian
ex-

period,

the 8th and 7th centuries B. the

19th,

C, these

days, with

ception

of

do not show any marked abstention

from

business

transactions.

The

figures

that

have been produced to

is

show

that in the time of

in

Abraham

there
first

a noticeable abstention

on these days,

contrast to the

day of the month, do not

prove anything, as long as

besides the
first

we do

not

know whether

other days

day of the month were especially auspicious for Traces of resting on the Sabbath could have
led

business transactions.
their origin in

into

captivity.
is

West Semitic communities founded by people The root from which the word Sabbath is

de-

rived

almost

unknown

in

the

Assyrian-Babylonian
is

language,

while

its

usage

in the

Hebrew language

widely extended.

The names

of the antediluvian mythological kings handed

down

by Berosus are West Semitic and quite different from those of the
antediluvian patriarchs of Genesis.
scholars that the

Thus

the view held by

in part
is

many
it

names of the Hebrew

list,

at least, are

direct translations of the Babylonian

is

names

untenable.

And

unreasonable to assume that the Jewish priests learned

in their

ancient cult and in their ancestral history should have adopted as

their

own

antecedents

the antediluvian patriarchsthe mythological

If the

kings of a country that robbed them not only of their independence

but also deported them and held them in bondage.

Jews who

returned to Palestine had been so extensively influenced by the

Babylonian religion and history, we should suppose that the Jews

who remained
in

in the
It

land

would have been influenced even more

this

direction.

does not seem to have been the case.

in

The

Babylonian Talmud was written

of those that remained.

that land by the descendants

PROFESSOR CLAY

AMURRU

HOSCHANDER

I43

The
The

origin of the Babylonian Deluge legend goes back to a

is

West-Semitic narative which

parent also to the Biblical version.

original seat of the Semitic culture

was not Southern Arabia,

There
in-

though the Arabic represents the purest Semitic language.

was no important center of culture

fluence

in

Arabia.

The

earliest

upon Babylonia from Arabia was the time of the HamBut they
like the Cassite

murabi dynasty.

Kings did not seem to

have influenced the Babylonian culture.

migrated to Babylonia
B. C. entering
at the latest in the

The Semites must have

fourth or
fifth

millennium

from the North.

is

As
it

the Semitic Babylonian

more

closely related to the

Ara-

maic and Hebraic (or Amoraic) than to the Arabic and Abyssinian,
ought to
follow
at

that

the

Babylonian,
the

Hebraic and Aramaic

tongues
support

were
for

one

time
that

same

language.
of

There

is

no
the

the

view

the
a

language
dialect

Palestine
;

in

time of

Abraham was simply

at that

of Arabia

or that the
race.

Arameans

time were

still

a part of the
finds

Arab

The

inscriptions

and archaeological

of contemporaneous

peoples have corroborated the early history in the Old Testament

of the nations of antiquity.

covered.

The name
light

of

"Abram" has been

dis-

Concerning the origin of the worship of Yahweh, the

Old Testament furnishes the only

the

on the

subject, contrary to

modern views
descendants

that the
;

name and worship

follows

of

Yahweh came
the

from the Arameans

his

and as Abraham and

it

his ancestors, as well as

were Arameans,

that

name and

worship of

Yahweh were

familiar to the Arameans.

Among

the

figurative expressions under

which Yahweh

is

represented in the
to

Old Testament, there are those which point

His characteristics are

Aramaic

origin.

identical with those of the

is

Aramean God

Adad.

Naturally there

no more proof for saying, as has been

suggested, that the worship of

Adad than
It

that the worship of

to

Yahweh is derived from that of Adad came from that of Yahweh.

marks which
origin.

would be safer
in

say that these characteristic

point to their
to be

both deities have

The name

of

common Yahweh is
who

Aramaic

found on two old Babylonian

said to be

tablets in the oath formula.

One
is

is

from Kish,
tlic

in the

reign of Rim-Aiium,

ruled in the latter part of

third mil-

lennium B. C.

The second

dated

in the

reign of

Sumuabum

of

144
the

THE JEWISH OUARTEREY REVIEW

Hammurabi
Hence
if

dynasty.
it

These
quite

tablets contain

names of Western
the

Semites.

is

reasonable

to

expect

name

of

Yahweh,

the deity

was Aramean or West-Semitic.

deity
(

The West Semitic

irDN, 10,

IIS, 11

and

^D^)

after

having been transplanted to Babylonia by the Semites, appeared

under different written forms

in different localities, as

NER-URUWith
in

GAL
in

in

Cutha,

AMAR-UTUG

in Babj-lon.

These Sumerian forms

time were Semitized and became Nergal and Marduk.

later

streams of innnigration coming from the West, the name

the original

form continued

to be

brought into the country; but

coming
as well as

in,

when

the early

Sumerian forms of the Semitic names,

as the

religion,

had been Babylonized, they were treated

.

distinct

deities.

There are a great many proofs that these

place.

movements from the West actually took

of the

The

variant forms

West Semitic

solar deity are

Uru, Nergal, Marduk, NIN-IB,

Urush, Shamash, Adad, Nusku, Ishum, Sarpanitum, Bunene and

Malik.

Besides these solar deities, there are other gods as well

to be considered as an importation

from the West,

as

A^ur,

Ishtar,

Anu and Antum, Nabu,

The
the

Sin,

Dagan, Lahmu and Lahamu.

besides
the
in

Babylonian
offers

script,

argument
of

based
this

on

culture,

strong
script

evidence

support

thesis.

In the Babylonian

the

weaker consonants of radicals are

elided or contracted, or appear as vowels.

A
it

study of the script

of the Northern group of languages

makes

most

difficult to

un-

derstand,
radicals,

if

the Babylonian

is

the older language,

how

the

weak
the

which had disappeared, should have been restored, and

correctly

the

roots

introduced

in
it

the
is

alphabetic
difficult to
belii,

script

of

Western languages.
Bel,

For example,

understand

how

Uru and Tiamat

or the corresponding
i?y3,

urn and tamdu

In the

should be correctly introduced as

"lIN

and Dinn.

Old Testament, the

t)nly

form of the name of the land known as

the Old Testament
far

Amurru,
ending,
i.

refers to the inhabitants, and appears with the Gentilic

e.

Amori.

From

it

would seem that

and that the
period.

Amorite history reached

back

into

antiquity,

people had maintained their identity

down

to the

Hebrew

As

nation,

however, they had begun to disintegrate and were

losing prestige.

The domination

of the Hittitcs in the middle of

PROFESSOR CLAY
the

AMURRU

HOSCHANDER
The

I45
chief

second millennium doubtless brought this about.

of the Amorites was the mountainous

location

region north of
it

what we now recognize

as

as Palestine, covering the district,

seems,

far north as the

Orontes.

In the Tell-el-Amarna letters the

names of the

districts are practically all Semitic.

As geographical

names are frequently retained from one era

were Semites.

to another,
all

we

realize

that the inhabitants of the land prior to this age in

probability
is

The predominance
They betray
Hebraic.

of

Semitic personal names

evident in these letters.

of the writer
is

the fact that the native tongue

Although we know that Aryans or per-

haps Turanians also lived there, we

may conclude

that

most of

the people in that region not only spoke a Semitic language, but
in the early

period were Semites and that the land was at a very

Semitic culture.

early time an important center of

Bearing

in

mind
which

that the

solar
find

worship of the Babylonians

goes back to Amurru,

in that land in
it

we should

many

traces of the worship

as the Amorites
it

was indigenous.

Inasmuch

figure so prominently in the early period of Palestine,

is

reason-

able to expect to find in the

Old Testament traces of the worship

of that chief deity of this people

whose name

is

written

Amurru,
^1^.

Uru,

etc.,

as well as lis
in

in the

Aramaic of Babylonia.
liTlli^,

The name
"IIN

seems to be found

mx,
in the

(j^niN,

iT'lIN,

and

The

deity

is

also

found

Amarna
is

letters in the

name Milkuru.
perhaps to be

The same name,

ment dated
seen
in in

written Mil-ki-U-ri

found

in

an Assyrian docuis

the reign of Sargon.

This name

Uru(MAR-TU)-Ma-lik, dated in the first dynasty of Babylon. Identical with this name is 170"IX, found in a Phccnician inscription. 7SnN, a name applied to Jerusalem, may also
contain the element.
inscription, written

The name occurs

"il^^X

also in the

Aramaic Zakir
for the

El-Ur.

The

writing 11
If
11

name

of the deity,

we

find in

Punic inscriptions.

in
in

West Semitic
the

inscriptions represents Uru,

script, as initial
1

we should expect

1^

Hebrew

usually passes into

This writing seems to be

found

in

the

name

pyDIV

Alongside of

Ur we

find

Mar

in

Aramaic and Phoenician

the

inscriptions.

The mountain n^lD

and

name py^^lD may

also contain this element.

146
It is

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

a general opinion that
is

"Ur of

the Chaldees", the

home

of

Abraham,
upon the

identical with

Urumma

or Uru.

This opinion rests

fact that

Uru was

called Camarina, according to

Eupoancient

lemos; kamar in Arabic means "Moon", and

Uru was

in

days dedicated to the moon-deity; Terah, the Father of Abraham,

journeyed to Harran, another

city dedicated to the

moon-god.

But

Uru was the seat of Nannar worship and not of the moon-god, Sin. The identification of Nannar with Sin belongs to a late period. The geographical term Chaldea does not seem to include lower
Babylonia.
called

There was, however, a town

in the vicinity

of Sippar,

Amurru.

This region can properly be included

city of

in Chaldea. in the

This town, while apparently a

of the
first

some prominence

time

dynasty,

is

not mentioned in the subsequent periods.

large percentage of the residents of Sippar could have been carried

into exile by

some previous Elamite or Babylonian conqueror, know-

ing the account of Chedorlaomer's campaign,

Lot and the people of

how he carried away Sodom and Gomorrah. This city Amurru =

lost

Ur
its

is

in

Chaldea;

it

thrived at the time that the patriarch lived;

sight of;
is

location

was

later
its

Semitic people

Ind

name

was inhabited by a West the same as is written in the Old

it

Testament.

The author has

religion
all

doubtless attained his object in showing that the and culture of Israel are not of Babylonian origin. Not

of his arguments are entirely convincing.

so.

There

is

no need that

they should be
of Israel

The Pan-Babylonians who claim the property must show cause why and justify their claims. If they
would get the
benefit of the doubt

are not well founded, Israel

and

be left in the possession of his old inheritance.

The author has

shown

at least,

it

must be admitted, that

Israel can turn the tables

and claim for

Babylonia.
It

itself

what has been held to be the property of

seems, however, to the reviewer that the author overlooked

If there

one important point.

was a culture

in

Canaan independent

of that of the Sumero-Babylonians, there must have been a script. It could not have been the alphabetic writing of the later period.
the West to Babylonia would hardly have taken over the cumbersome syllabic writing of the

The Semites who emigrated from

PROFESSOR clay's "aMURRu"

Sumerians.
It

HOSCHAND^R
May we

I47

must have been a picture-writing, the archetype of

our alphabet.
with
it

No

traces of

it

are to be found.

identify

the Hittite picture-writing?

The

future will perhaps decide

this question.

The
the

writer does not see any reason

why
in

the author insists that

a late period prior to
It

two cosmologies were amalgamated

the establishment of Ashurbanipal's library.

could have been

done

in the

time of Abraham, before he

left

Babylonia, since at

that period

Marduk was
to

already the head of the Babylonian pan-

theon, or at least long before the Exodus.

Otherwise the author

is

would have

admit that the

biblical

Creation story
It

dependent

upon the legend of Ashurbanipal's

to

library.

would be improbable

assume that both

stories

amalgamated both cosmoloiges inde-

pendently.
If

Apsu was

West Semitic

deity, the

Sumerian myth would be

West Semitic

as well.
it

In the light of the author's arguments,

if

is

indeed doubtful
In
it-

the institution of the Sabbath could be traced to Babylonia.

it

self

would not matter

it

if

such proved to be the case.

There was
an old

never any doubt that

was not a Mosaic

institution, but

Hebrew day

of rest.

It

was observed, according

Sinai took place.

to the Bible, be-

fore the Revelation on

Mount

The author
beings.

of the

Pentateuch, in connecting this institution with the Creation, implied

that
it

ought to be a day of rest for

all

human
it,

We

may

presume that Abraham already observed

tains,

as the

Talmud mainThe comgradually

as well as his ancestors

who were

Babylonians,

mon

people of Babylonia engaged in business

its

may have

neglected
the same.
to lose a

observance altogether.
latter,

The modern
It

Jews are doing

Like the
day's

they were not willing or could not afford

work every week.

was only observed by the

do,

king and priests

was
time,

to

who had nothing else to uphold old institutions. And even

to rest

and whose duty

it

they, in the course of

were not inclined

one day in every week, especially as

it

the priests became business men, and so restricted

to the days

of the intercalary month.

into oblivion. a day of rest

Thus

the origin of the institution sank

The Sabbath could have been originally intended as for everybody. The seventh day was said to have

148

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

been chosen for this purpose, as the day was unfavorable to business, so the people

would not

lose

much by observing
still

it

and would

be

more

inclined to do so.
is

There are

traces in the

Talmud

that the Sabbath

astrologically an unfavorable day. The ancestors

Hebrews having been simple shepherds had no reason for neglecting its observance and they might have observed it more or
of the
less
is

at the

time of the Exodus.

Noteworthy

in

this

connection

the Midrashic legend, that

Pharaoh granted

to the Israelites

on

the application of

Moses

the seventh day as a day of rest.

Conthere

sidering

it

from

this point of view,

we could

explain
in the

why

was an abstention from business transactions

in

festival days

the time of

Hammurabi and

not in the 8th and 7th centuries

B. C.
If

the

antediluvian

patriarchs

and

Babylonian

mythological

kings are based upon a

common West
in their

Semitic inheritance,

we should

expect some resemblance

names.

The author could have

maintained that the Biblical or West Semitic names of the patriarchs were partially translated into Babylonian.

In the opinion of the writer, however, even

that the
stories

if

we could prove

of the Creation, antediluvian patriarchs and the

in

Deluge have their origin

port
the

Babylonia,

it

would by no means sup-

claim
its

that

the

Babylonian literature was absorbed by

raise the question

Israel as

own.

We
the

would

Babylonian discoveries told us that was not

every
it

What have the known before? To

:

reader

of

Bible

endowed with simple common-sense

stories

must have always been clear that the scene of these

laid

was

around Babylonia, whence Abraham came.

fact.

The

Bible

by no means disguises the

actually written by Moses,

Suppose, that the Torah was

it

and consider

as a literary

work from

many scholars before the discoveries of the cuneiform inscriptions, who did not believe in divine inspiration) Where did Moses get these stories from? The only reasonIt is improbable to assume that he invented them.
a point of view (there were a good
:

human

able

explanation must always have been that they were handed

the ancestors of the Hebrews.
Since, however, these an-

down by
cestors,

according to the Bible

(Joshua 24), were idolaters, they

could not have handed them

down

in

their present monotheistic

PROFESSOR CLAY
form.

AMURRU

HOSCHANDER
reach,

I49

The only conclusion they could

must have been, that

Moses

altered and stripped these stories of their original polytheism.

Naturally they
original
stories
at

would have expected

the

to

find

some day the

Suppose
the
Bible

home

of these pagan ancestors.

these

stories

would not have been discovered.

Why,

would have
of
fiction
!

lost its historical

value and been considered as a book

To what

terrible

abuse

might

the

biblical

author

have been exposed by our Assyriologists, decrying him as an impostor.

As
that
all

to the

Deluge

it

is

noteworthy that the Talmud believes

the people

who

perished in the Deluge were heaped up in

Babylonia and that

in Palestine there

was no Deluge
in

at

all,

that

is

to say, the incidents of the

Deluge as told
It

Genesis 7,11.12 did

not take place in Palestine.

other countries.

was covered by waters coming from

The name and worship

the

of

Yahweh might have been

familiar to

Arameans and perhaps

fact,

also to the ancestors of

Abraham.

As

matter of

however, Abraham and his descendants did not

this

worship God under

cendants of

name.

The

fact

that none of the des-

Abraham before the time of the Exodus bears compounded with Yahweh (with the exception perhaps
mother of Moses I^DV) nor do any of the
D''X^L*^J

name
the
in

of

enumerated

Num.

I,

5-16;

13,

4-16;

19-28,

speaks volumes for the truth of

the Biblical assertion that the

name

of

Yahweh was unknown

2).
in

to

them (Ex.
saying

6,

3).

Hence we understand what Pharaoh meant by

did

that

he

not

know

restored to the highest position

Yahweh (Ex. the name Yahweh

all

5,

Moses
days of

used
a

yore
of

(Gen.

4,

26).

ntJ^

was, in
of

probability,

national god

the

mountainous

region
"lK^i<

Syria-Palestine,
,

while

Yahweh
is

was
not

explained

HMS
in

HMK
given

the

God whose power

the

every-

where.

Naturally
or
the

period

when
up

Mosaic

religion

was
in

observed

nearly

altogether,
still

especially
retained,

North-Israel,
identified
is

name
the

Yahweh,
the

though
of of
the

was
that

with
reason

Shaddai,

god

mountains,

and
called

the

why

servants

Ben-Hadad
(I

the

God

of Israel "a god of the mountains"

Kings

20,

23).

The

prophet of Yahweh, however, repudiated indignantly this assertion

150
(ibid.
20,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

28).

He was most

likely

worshipped by the Arameans

and Babylonians as god, but not

as the

god par

excellence.

The author seems

of Shem.

to

have adopted unwittingly the Talmudic

in the possession of the

view that Canaan was originally

descendants

The Talmud, however,

asserts that in the time of

Ab-

raham

the country

was wrested from the Semites by a non-Semitic

population called Canaanites, and that was the reason

why God
ancestors.

promised

to

give

him

back

the

inheritance

of

his

The modern

researches concerning the Hittites give to the Talhistorical

mudic legend a
It

foundation.
in the

seems not improbable to the writer to assume that

time

of

Abraham

the Canaanites or Hittites were in the actual possession

of the greatest part of Palestine and perhaps Phoenicia as well.

In

the Amarna-period, however, the time of the Exodus, the Seniites

were again the possessors of these countries.

in the

They could have

to

meantime subjugated the

home.

Hittites

and driven them back

their original

The geographical name Canaan was

retained

by them as well as the other names of the non-Semitic

the Anglo-Saxons were called Britons.

tribes, just as

From

this point of

view

we would understand what

)^"IK3

the Bible

means by saying

TN

^jyjsni

(Gen. 12,6) "the real Canaanites were in the time of Abin the country,

raham

but no more in the time of Moses".

Sidon

could have been from the oldest times a stronghold of the Hittites,

and therefore the Bible

first-born

calls

Sidon

the

name does not matter

Palestine,

the

of

Canaan.

Several

cities

of

as Jerusalem,

Shechem, Gerar and others may always have been

of the Semites.
X'^\^'r\

in the possession

It

is

remarkable that the Talmud does not say

X'^^^ t^m^l l^in.

J^nD

^jyjDH

but

The Talmud seems

to

have known more of the ancient history of Palestine, than we are

inclined to give
it

credit for.
in writing the history

In fact

it

might almost seem a truism that

of antiquity the Jewish records should be given full credence.

this is far

Yet

from having been the

case.

It

is

not the least of the

merits of Professor Clay's book that he again points the

this

way

to

eminently sound method.

Dropsie College

Jacob Hoschander

y,

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

A
Thinkkr and Poet of the Thirteenth Century

By Henry

Mai^ter, Dropsie College

I

The
human

great

German

historian

Ranke observes somein all

where that the thirteenth century was the darkest

history.

In proof thereof he points to the general

in their foreign poHcies,

antagonism among nations

and

to

the low standard of their domestic institutions

social

and

ideals,

and

political.

It

was
III,

the age inaugurated by the

reign of
opinion,

Pope Innocent

the
the

Pope who,
ills

in

Graetz's

was responsible for

the tyranny of the

all

from which Euro-

pean nations suffered up to the time of the Lutheran Reformation

:

Roman

church over princes and

peoples; the enslavement and the degradation of the intellect; the persecution

of the devotees of free research; the

;

establishment of the Inquisition

funeral pyres for heretics
bility

the heaping up of the

who dared

question the infalli-

of the

Roman

church.

A
view

survey of

this

ominous century from the point of

serves

of

Jewish

experience,

only

to

corroborate

Ranke's startling indictment.

One

sure test of the progress

of a people and the stage of civilization they have attained

is

the treatment they accord to their dissenting minorities.

in the

The Jew
as a

Diaspora, always in the minority, thus serves

measure of the culture of the nations among

whom

he

151

152

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

That
this era of

has dwelt.'

"papal enlightenment" should

mark

the advent of the dark ages for the

Jew

is

therefore

sadly significant.

This all-powerful ecclesiastical monarch,

who

enslaved Europe with a host of

monks and

spies,

was

also the bitterest

enemy of

the

Jews and of Judaism,

all

inflict-

ing on them greater injury than

his predecessors.

In-

ventor of the Inquisition and of the stake, deviser of tortures, author of the crudest exceptional laws against the

Jews, the founder of the Dominicans and Franciscans, orders that brought untold

woe upon

Israel

in

this is his baleful

meaning for mediaeval Jewry (Graetz, Gcschichtc, VII,

32).
I

do not know whether Ranke had

the"

mind conditions
sweeping con-

among
the

Jews when he pronounced

not.

his

demnation or

At any

rate, the intellectual activity of

Jews

in the thirteenth

century

refutes for once at least

so jiidclt cs sich".

the old proverb ''PVic cs sich

cJiristelt,

foremost Jewish scholar, one

who
the

has never been charged

with apologetic tendencies in behalf of Judaism, gives the

following characterization of
the Jewish literature in
its

age:

"If

we

consider

entirety,

we

shall find here, as

elsewhere, that the thirteenth century

was

a critical period
its
it

of the

utmost

interest,

both on account of

original
led.

achievements and of the developments to which

The

storm and
tury,
is

stress, the conflict of ideas

less significant

in the thirteenth cen-

no

than that of the nineteenth cen-

tury."^

The
creative

thirteenth
It

century was not, indeed, an age of

originality.

cannot boast of thinkers and poets of the

power of Solomon Ibn Gabirol or Judah Halevi.

its

Jewish philosophy had attained

^ 2

culmination earlier in
p.

Berthold Auerbach. Lcbensgeschichte Sf^inoca's, Stuttgart 1871,

Steinschneider, JQR.,

xvii.

XVII,

354.

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PAEQUERA

Maimonides.

MAETER

53

On

the other hand, however, in this age, in-

tellectual activity

and

literary production in religious

and

secular fields extended over a wider and

more varied range

than ever before.

These features of the age are

of Jewish literature.
period

reflected in the history

The
as

learning of Gaonic times and the

following

is_

associated with
it

only

few prominent

names.
time,

The masses,
little

appears from the literature of that

were but

affected by the intellectual aspirations

of the great scholars.

the

In the thirteenth century, however,

all in

number of

scholars increased remarkably, above

the field of Talmudic research.

The
can

interest of the

masses

becomes widespread.

How

else

we

explain the universal

interest in the great controversy over the writings of ]\Iai-

monides and the study of philosophy, a controversy which

assumed such wide proportions, and entered so deeply

the life of thirteenth century

into

Jewry?

As
ation

center

for this

widespread learning of the age,

to Spain.
Its

Provence stood second only

geographical situ-

made

it

the meeting point for the scientific culture

developed under Arabic influence in Spain and the Talmudic

learning of the French Jews.

In Provence the last of the

compilers of the

Haggadah

lived.

There, since the time of

Ibn Tibbon, numerous translators were busied with Arabic

works, and there in the thirteenth century secular learning

continued to be cultivated with zeal and enthusiasm.
also appeared

There

many famous scholars, who united a comprehensive knowledge of the Talmud with broad general learning, and who exerted a lasting influence upon later ages. As the most famous we need mention only Moses Nahmanides, Solomon ben Adret, and Menahem IMeiri.

154

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

An

age in which intellectual interest

is

keen,

is

usually

characterized on the one hand by an abundance of works

on a great variety of themes, and on the other hand by

much

mediocrity on the part of their authors.

Moreover,

there are always

more men of

talent than of genius;

and

with education popularized, the half-educated are allured

to authorship.

The

result

is

literary over-production.

The

literary history of the thirteenth century

with

its

vast out-

put of books and the comparative paucity of great authors

is

another illustration of the

rule.
is

The general
upon
at

situation in the thirteenth century

dwelt
is

some

length, because the subject of this essay

one of those men

who

are clearly the products of the envi-

ronment and the

reflection of their time,

and not one of the

few who are pioneers and heralds of a

ben Joseph Palquera
is

later age.

Shem Tob
His

not eminent as the creator of a

new movement

or the embodiment of a

new

tendency.

work and thought, however,

of his time, and his

reflect better

than that of any

of his contemporaries, the scientific aspirations of the Jews

life

may

serve, therefore, to give us a

life

deeper insight into the stirring intellectual and spiritual

of the thirteenth century.

Considering the productivity of

as philosopher

and

poet,

it is

Shem Tob Palquera surprising how little is known

in all probability

of his private

life.

His birthplace was

one

of the provinces on the Franco-Iberian boundary.

childhood, his education, his family,
certainty.
little
is
is

Of his known with

Not even

the year of his birth

specifically re-

corded anywhere.

In a

work written

in 1264,

he speaks of

himself as nearing his fortieth year, and on this basis, 1225

is

assumed as the year of

his birth.

So meager are the

data concerning Palquera. that the origin and even the cor-

SHEM TOB
rect spelling

BE:n

JOSEPH PAI^QU^RA

MASTER
name

55

and pronunciation of

his family

are un-

certain/

Of
little

the circumstances of his later

life,

we know

but

more.
It

We
is

cannot say definitely

how

he supported

himself.

appears that he remained unmarried.

The year

of his death

even

less certain last

than that of his birth.

We

hear of him for the

time in 1290, as a participant in

the debate between the Maimonists and anti-Maimonists.

His Hfe thus coincided with the greater part of the

teenth century.

thir-

In the absence of more definite information on the

life

and death of Palquera, biography

unless

is

out of the ques-

tion,

we

are ready to accept the figments of our

imagination as

fact.

Under

the circumstances,

we can do no
spirit,

more than examine with care the works of Palquera which

time has spared, and infer from the letter to the

educe

from
and

their order

and contents, something of the motives

career.

ideals

which inspired the author's

Palquera was by nature a modest, retiring man, a

dreamer, leading the contemplative
life,

and looking out

HIsSb,

'

The name occurs

in

Hebrew

in various

forms,

e.

g.

*1i*xSc,

X*1'*p7D,

m*p73,

etc.

The

transliteration

into
s.

modern languages by recent

Palaquera, Phalchera, Pal-

authors varies accordingly: Falaquera, JE.,

quira, etc.

v.;

We
=:

adopt with Steinschneider (Al-Fa>-abt, 176) the pronunciation

Palquera

KTpSc

which occurs most frequently.

scholars,

The

derivation of the
his

name,

which

was shared by two other

namely Joel and

son

Nathan (comp. Steinschneider, Hebr. Vbers., 842) from Beaucaire

is

in France,

doubted by Steinschneider (Hebr.

1894, p.
1637-8), as
is
it

Bibl.,
to

XX,

17; comp.

Deutsche Litcratur-

settling,

seems

me, without ground, considering the

fact that

Moses of Salon
NT^pScT,
(Hebr.
see
also

referred to in manuscripts as
place

Moses

l^'pTm,
with

I'^pS'ST,
Beaucaire
412
ff.
;

which

Steinschneider
also

himself

identified

i'Jbers.,

87);

see

Hist.
to

litt.

dc

la

France,
of
p.

XXXI,
n.
2.

Venetianer's

Introduction
(of

his

edition

Palquera's
vii,

niSyon ICD

"Book

of the Degrees

Men)", Berlin

1894,

156

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

spectacles of the philosopher

Upon the world through the

and the
poet.

His was not the world of stern reaHty and

cold fact, but the world evolved

tive imagination,

from the

riches of a creasensitive soul.

and the deep feelings of a

there for a

What room was

in a

man

of his refined temperament

world ruled over by

St.

Louis and his dull and dismal

confreres

for

him, the Jew, despised, branded with the

yellow badge of degradation, harassed and persecuted?

One

of his poems reflects feelingly the circumstances amid which

he and his fellow Jews lived

Can

the

lorn
is

Jew be
his
lot

joyous,

when

Accursed

among
ocean's

men?
more
shore,

For, tho' to-day his wealth be

Than sand upon

the

To-morrow goes he

stripped and sore.

for

What

justice

can there be

Jew,

His foe being judge and jury, too?

Or how

should Israel raise his head.

in

Wallowing

blood and sore-bestead?

state,

God, redeem Thy people's

glorify

And

and vindicate
foes

Thy name, which

*

now

desecrate

!*

SSmxn

nin\"i nrss'sn
|'2

SSipo Dix ':n

tphnt

SSitri

any

-i'?.-!'

inrsS

hhfi

iHin^

nns

iy;2

SSiJO pn2?3 012 Kin

njm

SSinon

"ifac

nx cipn

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PAEQUERA

MAETER

57

From

the discomforts and sorrows of life in an unhis spirit sought solace in the less tangible

toward world,

but more happy and exalted realm of biblical and talmudic

study,

and

Greek

and

Arabic

speculation

"the

realm

wherein the wise and the learned are crowned, and dwell
ever delighting in the presence and glory of God.'"

From

this retreat

not even the ambition to attain to the

much-coveted scholar's fame, lured Palquera.

For him
to
is

knowledge and learning were not currency with which

purchase earthly goods, but ends
fame, he asks
;

in themselves.

What
this

what are the good things of

soul's satisfaction that

world

compared with the

search after truth
?^

comes from the

Animated by these

beliefs,

Palquera turned his back

to a

upon the world and devoted himself more and more

life

of contemplation and study.

it

From
filled

the few vague allu-

sions to his personal history,

that he never married,^

appears, as already noted,

and never

any public position.

He

does not seem to have taken up any fixed abode, but

like

wandered

most of

his coreligionists of the time, driven

from place
(Cp^D,
ed.

to place, leading a precarious existence.*

He

Hague,
I

i779.

P-

6fe).

The
to

metrical
I

version
to

of

this

and other

poems which

shall

have occasion

cite,

owe

the kindness of Rabbi

Harry W. Ettelson.
'

See

his

commentary on Maimonides' Guide,

n'tJ'K'n,

Hlinn Hlia
1902,
yl.;

142.

nOSn
Comp.

published by M.

David, Berlin

comp.

Stein-

schneider, Al-Farahi, 177.

^

rnSyon

TBD

60;

Steinschneider,

Deutsche

Literaturseitung,

I.

c.

,i:nr3

trpsS
''3?2

pN2
n22iD

i:i

y:i

n2V "i2cm
.-ispi

nSnm
nv
'^221
i*;

men xn*
t^h'^

cm

^';

-npc^i

Sn:

'2:1

pins [t]

158

IHE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

re-

seems to have known the bitterness of poverty, for he

turns to that theme

more than once

in his

poems.

Poverty and Death,

these

both,

Ah, are
But,
if

ills

intensified!

'twixt

them you must choose,

Death, the preferable, decide!"

He,

too,

found that riches and devotion to learning are

not often mated.

nature, he laments

With

a trace of bitterness alien to his

Behold how Fate impov'risheth the wise.

But gives the

witless fortune's every prize!

fire

Sooner with water

may

combine.
thine."

Than

that both wealth

and wisdom should be

The homage paid

to the vulgar rich inspired his

muse

to a striking bit of satire

Who to a

"No-account"

his deference

shows

Because of

stylish looks

and

costly clothes,

(tt'p2?3,

30).

Palquera speaks there not only of himself, but of men's fate

in general.
9

mo

2K31

won mSetr

pin'
T

nif3s
51).

IT'

nr
1852,

ik
,

(ib.,

gb,

and "Book of the Degrees,"

ed.

Comp. C>r3Dn 'ScO

p.

in

'l

nxil^

psn ]3Srmn,

Steinsdmeider,

Berlin

21,

No.

54: sS^

ispn

"

i'B>j;n

nf33n
2S
B*K

nf3

trnv

^ot

1CK<

[']"lDm

D'S'D3
D'01
dtl:^

1T2

DV

:]1DSn t\\Dnn

.itryi
(ib.,

nasn

8a).

SHE:m TOB ben JOSEPH PALQUERA

Is like to one,

MAI.TER

159

who would

a corpse admire

For being buried His scanty wants he

income,
it

in rich silk-attire."
satisfied in various

ways.

seems, he derived from his patrimony.

Some He may
his

also have practiced medicine.'^

For the physicians of

day he does not appear to have great esteem; witness the

bantering tone of this

poem
the Fool
off,
:

Quoth Fate unto

"A

doctor be.

Who,
Must

killing

folks

netteth

income large

So hast thou vantage

o'er Death's

Angel

He
!"'^

take the lives of people free of charge

also a writer of occasional poems,

He was
patrons.

and prob-

ably in the fashion of the time, received gifts from wealthy

This occupation, however, he early abjured as

nap
.

;v Dr2

lisoS

nop
63.

2n3n2 im
Litcraturzcitung,
suggestion,
I.

(ib.,

loa).

" Both
on
passages
sufficiently

are
in

conjectures of

Steinschneider,

c,

based
is

mS^Dn

50,

The

first

however,

not

borne out by the text referred

to;

see end of next note.

"

K3n

r\'^r\

S^d^S

pr

*iok

DiiDo npi DiK 'J2 rran

ni?3 '3n'?o
.

Sy |nn iS
3

cana c^iaxn pno' on

{ib.,

15

b,
is,

translated metrically into

German by

Steinschneider,

Manna,

83).

Palquera
it

however, not the author of

this epigram, and, therefore, introduces

to
its

with the words TIICOH

IQNI, by which he probably refers

1200),
2G,
it

author,
in

Joseph

Ibn
]',

Zebara
Paris
5.

(about
p.

in

whose
occurs;
is

D'J,'1C'"C *1CD

(published

^327

1866),

first
it

comp.

Steinschneider, ZfliB.,

VIII, 187, No.

Aside from

this,

not always safe to conclude from In mSyfSn, 63, Palquera

of
all

such epigrams as

to

the real opinion of the author.

recommends

the

practice

of

medicine as

the

"noblest

human

occu-

pations", from which passage Steinschneider inferred that he was a physician;

see the preceding note.

l6o
little

the;

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

and temperament."

suited to his taste

Eking out thus

an uncertain livelihood, he nevertheless did not complain of

his lot, forgetting hardship in his devotion to learning.

We

should be in error,

if

we

inferred

from Palquera's
absorption in

indifference to wealth

and power and

his

study and contemplation that he was one of the dreary

ascetics, so

numerous

at that time in the church,

with

whom

mortification of the flesh

was a

merit.

From

such phantastic

was saved by the teachings of Judaism, to which asceticism has on the whole been repugnant, and by
doctrines he
the Aristotelian ethics, which
all

warned

its

disciples to avoid

extremes.
in

The

Aristotelian ethics of the golden

less

mean

found

Palquera a disciple scarcely

;

devoted than his

it

master Maimonides

and he continued
it

to teach

with

all

the emphasis with which

had been expounded by the

Palquera's views were

greatest of the Jewish philosophers.''

" Comp.
^^

below, note 50.

Of

the

numerous
the

passages
following

in

which

he

gives

expression
i^S
"ICS

to

this

Aristotelian

doctrine

one may be quoted:

C'X

Ss

.T

(mSyrsn
10).

'd, 5;

comp.

ib.,

76

et

passim:
a

cp20

2a,

30,

17a,

186;
as

no3n
well

nCK1,
as

This

theory

has

become

creed

with

the

Jewish

with

some Arabic philosophers.

Gazzali, one of the

most orthodox representatives

>>fl1...ll

of Islam, even goes so far as to interpret the words

J^l -waJl uJL*1

(=:"lead us in the straight path") of the

stitutes

first

sura of the Koran, which conto

the Lord's

Prayer of the Mohammedans, as referring

the
n.

the middle

way
Hebr.

advocated
Vbers.,

by
344,

Stagirite
It
is

p"lV

<3TK?3

96;

comp.

Steinschneider,

604).

worth noticing that Palquera introduces

the passage quoted above by the interpretation of a talmudic passage

(Moed
end.

Katan

50)

which

he

took

from

Maimonides'
Jlisdai, the

"Eight

Chapters",

iv,

The same was done by Abraham Ibn

/.

Hebrew
from

translator of tazzali,

c,

who has
sources

replaced

all

the quotations of the Arabic original from

Moham-

medan

by

quotations

of

similar

content

Bible

and Talmud;

( I
[

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

/
I

MASTER
monk,

l6l

thus

far

removed from those of the

cloistered

to

whom

the body

was the work of the

devil,

and the pleasures

<ii

the senses, sinful.

His attitude toward sensual enjoy-

ments was that of the philosopher, who calmly weighs the

delights of earth,

and arrives
is

at the conviction that while

it

earthly happiness

indeed worth striving after,

cannot

be an end in

itself,

but only means for the refinement of

comp. his own words about

it

in his Introduction to the work,

first

p.

4.

Among
29).

Jewish philosophers Saadia was the

his
It

to

make

this

doctrine the basis of

b.

Ethics

(Al-Amandt, chapter X; comp.

Dukes, Salomom
I.

Gabirol,

was then accepted by Ibn Gabirol (Dukes,

i2ff.),

c,

10,

99,

116;

Rosin, Di*
iii.

Ethik des Maimonidcs,

3;
ix.
I,

and even by Bahya Ibn Pakuda, Duties,

14,

3,

7;
4,

comp.
he

Rosin,

although

on the whole

(see

particularly

Duties,

iv.

end)

shows a decided tendency toward

Kiisari,
ii.

asceticism.

Ac-

cording
is

to

Judah Halevi,

50,

the

doctrine

of

the

golden mean

the underlying idea of

too,

pleads

for

the

many middle way

it

precepts of the Torah.

in
all

human
the

actions

Abraham Ibn Daud, (Emunah Ramah, 98;

in
its

comp.
his

Rosin,

24),

but

was Maimonides, the great eystematizer, who

has
treated subject
in

"Eight
the

Chapters",
strict

iv,

various
central

aspects,

making
Jewish

observance
Rosin

of

the

middle

course
idea
(/.
c.
;

the

point

of
in

ethics;

comp.

25.

As every
and
his

true

must be indicated

the Bible and the

i.

Talmud we
39;
III,

find

Maimonides
faithful
in

comp. also Hil. Deot,

as

3-6;

Guide,

II,

54)

followers,

our Palquera
sec.
II,

and Joseph Kaspi (comp. Steinschneider,

vol.
ical

Ersch und Grubcr's Enc,

scriptural
also
in

31,

p.

64,

n.

37) endeavoring
light

to

interpret

verses and rabbin-

dicta
n.
4.

in

the

of

this

theory;
is

comp.

Schreiner,

RE J.,
2:

XXII,
|'7j,*D
ii.

69,

An
the

interesting

jjarallel

found

Tosefta
;

Ilagigah
p.

]HDh^
I,

]H2h

ntti:

xn>

xSi

j;vnx3
Kosin,

iSnS cix Sy
26,
n.
1.

comp.
the

Hagigah,
too,

near

beginning,

and

Among

Aral)S,

the

doctrine of the media via was

known already before

Kitdb
via'dm

the works of Aristotle

had
20;

reached

them;

comp.

Goldziher,

al-nafs,

Berlin

1907,

p.

Revue dc

I'liistoirc

dcs religions, XN'III, 197.

Lntwenthal,
discuss
1896),
i.

In Honein's Apophthegms

(C'EIDlS'En
sages

OD1i3

ed.
to

15,

one of the
says:
ib.,
ii.

tliirtecn

Greek
HfJ
;r2

who assembled
nnnifsn
ipr2

philosophic

tojiics

1l?Vn 1p
15,

21!i

cna
itrvn

p
"11

mwr:
-V'

noi C':'3;*n Sas;

comp.

No.
2'iE
,

23:
p.

cix

^^^ nnSvnn, and Guriand,

trr'

m^'San

27,

No. 179.

The above quotatimi

where an anini*
*0T
Sv-33
iri'
'^2
,

.|ucra's

ni7"Dn
declared

referring to

Ijlullin

586,

HE It! on

tlie

ground of

will

give
See,

the

reader a hint as to the

nature of some
17.

of these interpretation?.

however, the reference* given below, note

l62

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

body

the feelings and uplifting of the soul; that while the

is

not to be despised,

it

cannot be allowed to

rule,

but miist

be kept ever subservient to the mind."

This philosophy,

set

down

also in Browning's

Rabbi

Ben Ezra, was by no means novel even

In

in Palquera's day.

Talmud and Midrash

there are

many

hints of

it."

Maimonides had given a long philosophical exposition of the

Aristotelian golden mean, and Palquera followed the master here, as elsewhere in the paths of philosophy."
is,

There

however, in Palquera, in spite of his philosophy, an un-

deniable leaning towards asceticism, and in this respect, he

follows

more

closely

the author

of the

"Duties of the

Heart", although he nowhere quotes or mentions Bahya."

Indeed, Palquera did not strive to be original either in
ethics or metaphysics.

The commanding genius

of Maimoni-

des deterred from originality.

He had

settled all problems.

Palquera did not aspire to lead forth on new paths, but was
content to follow classic models.

He was

neither discoverer

nor pioneer.

He

set

himself to the humble task of inspiring

love for learning and zeal for study, for in his view the joy

^'"

>f3

Sdi ...Sekti
j'tr^K'

neun
<n
"final

nB?3 ns^sn

<:nnn n^^ynS paan

p
last

ij'ki

M^pn n^S^nn
(mS^fSn 'D words is the
,

nc^Bx

3nnn
goal" to

pSnn Sy
which
he

':eun pSnS ]nn'

refers
in

iniitr

51).

The

the

two

intellectual

perfection, the fourth and highest degree of

human

perfections described by Maimonides, Guide, III, 54.

[nJ'IVpn

fo""

the usual

njlinXH

nifsScn

is

The expression irS^rin one of the many coinages of

151); Rosin,

new

philosophic terms peculiar to Palquera; comp. Zunz, Ges. Schr., Ill, 277.
^^

Comp.

Cassel,

on Kusari,

II,

50 (2d ed.,
50.

p.

/.

c, 13, 26;

Dukes, Zur rabbinischcn Sprnchkunde,

^*

It

should be noted, however, that in spite of his veneration for Maihis

monides he quite often declares

of his master; comp.

independence

strictly

opposing the viewi

nilOn nilO,

99, Steinschneider, Al Farabi, 134, and the

i

passages referred to by Venetianer, XI, notes

"^^

and

2.

Comp. Venetianer, IX, note

5.

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

of knowledge was the acme of

MALTER
tells

163

human

happiness/"

With

whole-hearted simplicity and frankness, he

again that he
is

us again and

not setting forth original doctrines of his

is

own, but that he

merely bringing together the teachings

of the greatest philosophers and scholars,'' for the purpose

of stirring up the laggard and indifferent, and guiding aright

the industrious and the zealous.'"
to study

His constant admonitions

at times the reproofs

and speculation suggest

and

exhortations of the preacher.

life

of devotion to the
in

teachings for which he sought to others

is,

awaken enthusiasm

however, evidence of a harmony of practice

at

and preaching which has unfortunately become rare

times.

All of Palquera's aspirations are

tion to one idea,

summed up

in devo-

to

live a

holy

life,

to purify the will

and and

to perfect character, to surrender one's self to study

contemplation,, in order to arrive through this discipline at

the ultimate truths of metaphysics, and to attain thereby to

that stage of

human

perfection, in which, according to

me-

20

nr33n n^C'Xn, 9; comp. Steinschneider, AtFarabi, 177, and niirsn ."niO

132.
^^

no3n

n^c'xn

9:

D'EiDiS'cn

ti'si

nsn en mr^sna
jk

12 ^2

n^i

2m

Dtr

onnsn one nnsona

mSyan
,

D'nv2pt^ xS 'a!fv?2

nmirnn sS

cn's,-;2.
1 1
;

Similarly he expresses himself in his pjTI

3a;
Cat.
11;
65.

O^f, ed. Fiirth 1854, p.

t?p2r3,

C'EID^S'En ri1>T

(unpublished),

quoted by Steinschneider,
great
teacher,

Leyden,

Even

in

this

confession

his

Maimonides,

seems to have served him as a model, with whose words in the Introduction
to the

"Eight

Chaiiters" the above

passage shows striking resemblance:

j;ni

D^trnc xSt

?3!fyf3

D'nn2

onm

n:'K

iS

n^piea

*if2is

ics cnsnnc

noKC
"

'rso

nrsNn

v^tt""

c'*i:nnni

c:ir2ipn

2";

cEiDi':''Er!.

About

the last sentence see below, note 31.

qn-iSi nio'?:
nS::r3 \nir

mr2nnn ^v
navSyn

nr3n

m^nrnSi ThT;r\ njca cE^n

'I'ynS

ns

nnsnn

rh*;^T\

irk (mSyra, n).

164

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

diaeval belief, the

spirit,

human

spirit

became part of the divine

in the Infinite.

and the

finite

was merged

This mys-

tical

mediaeval doctrine was of great significance.

Meta-

physics, under the influence of this idea

was more than the

ecstatic

mere search for truth

with the Godhead.
physics.

it

was the means of

union

Ethics thus became secondary to meta-

Religious observances, for Palquera as for Mai-

monides, ceased to have an absolute value in and for themselves

:

they formed a discipline for the soul, calculated to

restrain the animal instincts

and passions,

in order that the

pure
its

spirit

or intellect in

man might

not be hampered in

striving after self-realization

and union with God.

We

can

now understand more

readily Palquera's passion for

study and speculation, and his zeal to spread knowledge and

to stimulate intellectual activity.

comprehension of the highest metaphysical truth

essential to a deeper
say, to salvation.

was absolutely
might well nigh

and purer

faith,

we
Mid-

Naturally Palquera was

confronted with the problem out of which had sprung the

entire philosophical dle

movement among

the

Jews

in the

Ages

namely, the reconciliation of Judaism with Greek

This

philosophy, a segment of the larger problem, the relation

of revealed religion to science and rational thought.

question was by no means a mere academic debate in Palquera's day.

party of zealots^' frowned upon the study

of Greek philosophy as incompatible with piety and destructive of

faith.

Palquera was convinced that the mediaeval

philosophy, current

among Jews,

Christians,

and Moham-

='

In his Introduction to

niion nilQ, beginning, Palquera

see
his

refers to

them

as

lifTliri

'QDnO
the

D3*1

Epistle

in

the

defense

of

Maimonides,
1838
(also

printed

at

end of

mK3p

nn3f3

of

Abba Mari, Pressburg

and the following notes.

in C''2?3'in ni21trn }*3ip,

1859, III, 23ff.),

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

medans, was
in

MALTER

165

no way

in conflict

with the doctrines of Ju-

daism; that the rehgion divinely revealed to Israel could not

contain anything contrary to the conclusions of clear thinking.

This proposition had been laid

as early as the tenth century,
it

down by one

of the

Geonim"
set

and Maimonides had

himself to the task of giving

philosophical demonstra-

tion.

The assumption
quences.

of the identity of the dicta of revela-

tion with the doctrines of philosophy

had important conse-

Palquera held

it

to be

an unavoidable religious

obligation to interpret Biblical texts in a

reconcile the conflicts between the Bible

way

that

would

and the philosoThis was what

phers, that

is,

between reason and

religion.

the

older Jewish philosophers,

and notably Maimonides,

had done.

The procedure

naturally involved rationalism,

and some of the

disciples of

Maimonides carried

their ra-

tionalism to the utmost.

They made

of the Bible a textin a

book of science and metaphysics, written

symbolic

style.

They
ter

held, for example, that

Abraham and

Sarah, of the

biblical story,

were

to be

understood as emblematic of matthat the twelve sons of Jacob

and

spirit.

They declared

stand for the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the

the

Urim and
procedure

Thummim
astrolabe.'"

on the breast-plate of the high-priest were

It

an

was

this

extreme

rationalistic

that had aroused the ire of conservatives

and

led

them

to

denounce the study of philosophy.

'^*

Namely

the

Gaon Samuel
XN'II.,

"dcii

Ilofni,

fatlier-in-law of Ilai
Ilalevi,

Gaon; comp.
67,

Steinschneider,

JQR.,

357.

Judah
T\^'::

Kusari,

I,

expresses

the same opinion: flDIO IK n1

T

nnTC

Mlinn K2nc SkS nS'Sn, "far be

Ilalevi,

Steinschneider
ception,

JQR.,

X\'1I.,

357.

Judali

Kusari,

I,

67,

expresses
jiid.

or

syllogistic

evidence";
108,
n.
2.

comp.

Bacher,

Die Bibelexegese der

Religionsphilosophen,
''^

For

more

particulars

see

Kaiifmann's
igf.

article

in

Zunz'

Jitbclschrift,

143

f.,

and Die Sinne, Leipzig 1884,

l66

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

While Palquera himself did not go
to extremes in his

rationalism, he
this conflict

shows some traces of the same tendency.

In

he came forward energetically to defend the

cause of the philosophers.^"

He

attributes the hostility to-

ward philosophy

to ignorance, and holds that the ban on

metaphysics could come only from the ignorant."

in his dialogue'^

Already

between a

pietist

and a philosopher, on the

which was written
in his

permissibility of philosophic study,

earlier years, he
is

at pains to

defend the study of philosophy

over to the side of the phi-

and

in the

end brings the

pietist

losopher and metaphysician, convincing him that the study

of philosophy
religion.

was not only permissible but

essential to true

To

explain the presumed

harmony

existing between the

teachings revealed in the Bible and the doctrines taught by

pagan philosophy, an ingenious theory had been developed.

In substance
it

was

as follows

The wisdom

of the Greeks

and of other nations had

original

their source

among

the Jews.

The

works were

lost in the Exile,

but through transla-

-'"'

See his Epistle referred to above,

iSx

n.

23.

" linmn n^o nifssnn

JEO hz^
^h

moSS

i^xtrn i:k

dk Tiax TiKa

^H::r\>

leon nro

]>hv o 2itrn'c

i?33

i^niina 13t:b' nofs lai onniD dk ik nS d

(read

n*ip

as

in

niS^'Qn

'D,

73,

line

21)

HKiH myt:n
iSxa d'Ssd
note).

HTi

nioDnn
'^do dhS
he

noD

"iBn -lann 'd

n^jnv vn onnox ijn' iSki

21;

mosnn

one

12trnC

(nODn

nirN1,

comp.

JQR.,

XVII,

367,

Similarly

expresses himself in niSjTttn, 48:

X'ntT n'E1DlS<C.T3 sS '"IDH 12Cn ICXD Sl

nm nymon
n^Sj;

Snx

non

mmo
nj;

nnntr nS'^^n i:n*iin niniD n'neion nrsann

m\"lTDm

(see above note 24);

comp. also

niSj,'f2n,

73:

'3 StTH tTE'Lin

...

nip*in

Dn'nncnf2n ntrnc^

ncnpn nniin
also

-["nra

nan

'cidi'?'E3

i^'^cn

Sotrn ivo

nvna nvKi. Comp.

nnion ni^D, beginning; c'BiDiS'En

Briill,

nij,n,

Crt^ Leydcn, 63.

-*

m3in mJK,

3d edition by Jellinek, Vienna 1875; comp.

Jahr-

biicher, II, 204;

Steinschneider, Hebr. BibU,

XV,

41;

XVI,

91.

SHEM TOB
tions, the ideas

BE:n

JOSEPH PALQUKRA

MACrKR

167
to

contained in them were transmitted

first

the Chaldeans and Persians, and subsequently to the Greeks

and Romans.

In

its

essential points, this notion

is

current

among

the Jews of Alexandria as early as the second cen-

tury B. C. (being found in Aristobule of Paneas, an author

quoted by Josephus and Eusebius).

posed, had studied under
others, he

Pythagoras,
or,

it

was sup-

King Solomon;

according to
Socrates

was the

disciple of the prophet Ezekiel.

derived his philosophy from Ahithophel and from Asaph the

Psalmist; Plato was the pupil of Jeremiah, and Aristotle
studied under

Simon

the Just.

This view, so flattering to

also by the

the pride of the Jews,

was entertained

Arabs

and the

Christians.'^

Naturally, the Jews were particularly interested in the

general acceptance of this view.

least humiliating

The theory afforded

scientific

the

apology for the absence of

works

in

Hebrew.

It

gave the Jews, devoted to

scientific pursuits,

the proud consciousness that even though they were study-

ing science in a foreign language, they were

their

still

cultivating

own

vineyard.

To

Palquera, thirsting for knowledge,

^ There
of which
to
is,

is

a considerable literature on this point, a detailed discussion

I

however, not within the scope of this essay.

refer the reader

Steinschneider's Jewish Literature, 275, n. 25, where, however, the state-

ment about
article
n.

Roger

Bacon's

opposition

to

this

view

(repeated
sect.
2,

also
31,

in
p.

the
72,

"Joseph
is

Caspi",

Ersch und Gruber's Enc,

(see

vol.

74)

erroneous

the

passages
p.

from
comp.
p.

Bacon's
also

works,

quoted

by

Guttmann, Monatfischrift,
epigraphische
3;

1896,

324);

Steinschneider,

Fscuii-

Litcratur, 47, 80; Hebr. C'bcrs.,

/.

xvi;

Munk, Guide,

I,

332, n.

Venetianer,
sff.,

c, xii; Zimmels,

Lqo Hebraeus,
Salomon Ibn
the

58; particularly

Kaufmann,
numerous

Die Sinne,

an<I

Studien
there

iibcr

Gabirol, 14.

To

the

sources mentioned

may

be added

anonymus author
1907,
p.

af the Kit&b
translation,

ma'am al-nofs, edit,ed by CCan nmn by Broyde,

,

Goldziher, Berlin

43;

Hebrew
6f.

Paris 1896,

p.

$7
,

(comp. Guttmann, Monatsschrift,

fourth

1897,

p.

241

tf)

and David Nieto,

]1 HttO

msi, No.
in
,

formation will be found also in

my

article

D'St31t2D'1K

the
19,

Some inHebrew Enc.

notes
3-5.

^Kntr' "IS1K, 216, with which comp. Jellinek on

mSIH nnjH

68

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

to accept
it,

and eager

whether

it

appeared

in a

Jewish or
less

in a

non-Jewish garb,

this doctrine

was naturally no
II,

welcome

than to Judah Halevi

(Guide,
of
1,

(Kusari,

66)

and Maimonides
as the "wisest

71).

The

Bible describes
all

Solomon

men" and

tells

how
It

the nations of the earth flocked to

hear his wisdom.

reports that he discoursed on the cedars

field,

of the Lebanon, the beasts of the

sea.

and the

fishes of the

By

the play of mediaeval fancy,

King Solomon was

and meta-

made professor of
physics,
exilic times,

natural

science,

theology,
lost

whose works, subsequently

were translated by
his

to

the

Jews

in

foreign students into

it is

their

own

languages.^**

Hence, Palquera argued,

a sacred

duty to restore the treasures of science, of which Judaism

had been despoiled, by the zealous study of the foreign

literature,

and the propagation thereof on

its

original

soil.

He

took this task upon himself with enthusiasm; he de-

nounced those who opposed the study of the wisdom of the

Gentiles, as ignorant

and

blind.

Losing

his philosophical
is

calm, he exclaims, "These fools

know
its

not that truth

is

to be

accepted from every man.

or position of
its

Its

touch-stone

not the rank

professor, but

intrinsic worth"."

mSyOn,
Obers.,
K'::>c'3

i2;nni?3n nniD,

7;

comp.

S.

Sachs,

nmnn,

14; Steinschneider,

Hebr.

743.

"
]^K ^2

Dn':>v2

mwQ

nvpi D'Sn cpi nasno *icx y^nn

Dn'j<j,'2

^rsj^o

Dnni

Dnmxi
Dva

D'S^a

nnm

onnani moisn ^n^n

nmo
nx-i

n^x-i *i2nf2n

DNi -inx
(sic)

IN 1300

nine nntr iSen

mx

Sao noxn SapS

aSn

non
2inD'
II,

^ xS loiNn hn u^nnS 'ini

J,nri1

;ni

.liariD' lotra

iDKtr
the
in

noo

im

n'Sya
quoted
is

nOt<n yn D^nn
by Jellinek,
/.

IOKC
c,

103
19).

-I00n ("Book
^'ery
3,

of

Degrees",
this

also

characteristic

connection

Palquera's remark in U^2^T^ mjiK,

where he makes the philosopher say

nj,*:JO

to the pietist:

DHC

f\t<

nOKn DnoiKMO

"ITC DlpO fy iioSS

in

2'm

mKr
75
=

Onmn jO

trannnpVC 100 DnE12; and another

the "B.

of

the

D.",

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

MALTER

169

He

acted accordingly, and explored the realm of Grseco-

Arabic philosophy.

His incursion

into this field

was well

rewarded

his pages bristle with citations of Plato, Aristotle,

and the

lesser lights

of mediaeval philosophy which with

scrupulous conscientiousness, rare in mediaeval writers, he

credits to the authors.''

In the ''Book of Degrees" alone,

more than a hundred

appear.

citations of
in

Greek and Arabic thinkers

His success

popularizing Greek and Arabic

a high place in the

thought

among

the

Jews merits for him

temple of mediaeval Jewish learning.'^

nrsixi

nnni'Q
,

nj^xi 0.12

niEnnco

mmxn

"72

nirDann 3

ononn

iSx i3'nn kSi

nj^n'

both of which show that the gospel of liberality and broad-mindedness

first

was not

discovered by the "prophets" of the twentieth century.

Comp.

also the quotation

from
62,,

his unpublished fl'SIDlS^En

DIVl
136,

i"

Stein Schneider's

Catal.
13.

Leyden,

Zunz,
of
the

Hehr.
sentence

Bibl.,

IX,
J?ini

and
J,'T

ni3in

niJlK,

The

meaning

n7j?3
it

nQXH
the

"Learn the

truth

and then consider him from

context,

whom

proceeds"
of
its

becomes clear from

doctrine
that

the
is

being

quoted
its

as

corroboration

truth
ex-

not to be judged by

propounders but by
not
clearly

intrinsic value.
this

The

pression
is

ynm

however,

does

convey

idea.

The sentence
les

attributed by Gazzali to the Caliph *Ali,

comp. Schmoelders, Essai sur

1842, p. 39.

ccoles pliilosopliiques dies Ics Arabes, Paris

In Gazzali's Ethics,

pTV

'JTSQ,

166,

the

same sentence
J^t^l

is

quoted anonymously in a somewhat

D'C'JKn
44.

amplified form:

VCTJK

nnSH
Bibl.,

J,n

nOSH

);'[V T

xS U2n

-1?3X.

Comp. Steinschneider, Hehr.

Maimonides, Introduction
to

XV,

Tl>e

same idea

is
?3?3

expressed by

the "Eight

Chapters":
'Sc^O
,

nOXC
]\in
]2,

noxn
'1

yr2tri

(see above, end of note 21); comp.

ed.

Q>QDn
21,
p.

in

min
in in

nxiX,

Steinschneider, Berlin 1852,

DJ?tl3,

p.

No. 69.

Joseph Kaspi

his

Testament

(in D3pT

Frankf.

a.

M.

1854,

53) has the

V.:2n '?X, C]D3

same sentence
^nd then by
'1D10
IPIp

mind when he

admonishes
refers
it

his son:

Qnain 101X Sx
name, that
is

clever witticism
8,

to himself taking the verse

to

Sxi

(Prov.

lo)

as

an allusion
not mind
2

his

to

say:

heed

my

moral

instruction and do

its

coming from Kaspi.

^m

"irac^

^msT S^nSsx ddiieo xinr

'r2i

noix dcs
Maimonides,

im
l).,

Ss 'n^nD
12;
s.

imX

e]lDlS'Em

nV2 mr:X CDIICO

Literatiirzcitiing,
I.

n'Xtr, B. of the

steinto

schneider,

Deutsche

c;

Introduction

"Eight
^^

Chapters".

Comp. Ciiidcmann, Das

jiid.

Uutcrrichtswescn. X'icnna 1873,

155

f.

170

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

What

a contrast between the hberal spirit of Palquera

his time
!

and the narrow attitude of the church of

While

he was advocating the study of the Hterature of the Gentiles,

the church vigorously forbade
lest
its

all

intercourse with the Jews,

adherents might learn from the Jews aught that

their faith;

would undermine
at

and an

ecclesiastical council
call

Beziers, in

1246,

forbade Christians to

in

Jewish

physicians.

Palquera's extraordinary

command

of

the

works of

Arabic authors, his extensive and thorough knowledge of

every branch of Jewish learning, sacred and profane, warrant his reputation as the most learned Jewish author of
his time.

Graetz {Gesch., VII, 216), by no means disposed

to overestimate his merits, as is evident

by his curt dismissal

'*a

of

him with

scarce a page, describes Palquera as

living

encyclopaedia of the sciences of his day, trustworthy on any

topic

on which information may be required".

Palquera was moreover blessed with
facility

of ex-

pression.

He was
command

eager to impart his encyclopaedic knowlof a clear style and forceful exposition

edge.

made

the results of his study widely accessible in Jewry.

spirit,

In a democratic

he sought to make his knowledge

popular, and rejected Arabic, the literary language of his

day,

for

Hebrew

the

tongue better understood by the

masses."

Seventeen works,"" some of small, others of larger

attest to his prolific literary career.

size,

Three of these have

nn^-ii

^'

inv nSSiD inSyin

same
in
n"l1?3n

n\-inc

ns
8).

p'TiSa
In

nanS njnn
HOSn

fmSyf^n,

11;

the

nmr:,

n^C'SI, 21, he also says:

"in

ay piySn DniX;
^^

comp.

Stcinsdmeider, Hcbr Vbers.,

also the fragments of a

S-

include in this
extracts

number

Hebrew work, which

under the

contained

from

Pseudo-Empedocles'

"Five

Substances",

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUKRA

unfortunately been
lost'^; five

MASTER

I7I

are accessible only in

manu-

title

nCOnn

O'blJyn

'D,

translated from the Arabic original which no longer

in

exists.

The fragments were published

Studien
(pp.

the

posthumous work of David

pp.
i7ff.,

Kaufmann,

uber

Salomon Ibn
moreover,

Gahirol,

Budapest

1899.

Kaufmann
of

59-63)

proves by the style of the Fragments the authorship

Palquera.

They

are,

quoted directly in the name of P. by

to

Johanan Alemanno, an author of the 15th century, who, according

(p.

Kaufm.

15),

was

in possession of the

whole book; comp. also Steinschneider, Hebr.

is

Vbers, 380, note 86.

in the defense of

To

the ly works

in all probability to be
to

added the Epistle

nn3;3 of Abba

Maimonides' Guide, appended

the

mx^p

Mari, Pressburg 1838, though the Epistle does not bear P's name (comp. JQR.,

XVII,

367, note),

and several
for

liturgical pieces

enumerated by Zunz,
P.
as

Litcratitr-

gescliicJite,

481,

which

Gabirol's

hymns served

model.

In

manuscript containing the Hebrew translation of Averroes' Compendium of

the

Metaphysics of Aristotle by Moses Ibn Tibbon

variants quoted from a
It is possible,

(1258)

mention

is

often

made and
Palquera.

Hebrew

translation of the

same work by
to the

however, that these quotations have reference

in

numerous
Guide and

extracts
in
his

from Averroes, found

other

Palquera's

Commentary on
Cbers.,
5,

the

works

(Steinschneider,
p.

Hebr.

note

316;

159, note 374),

Ben Jacob, Thesaurus,

282, No. 186, mentions also (follow(p. 305,

ing Ghirondi) a "Treatise on the 13 articles of Faith" and a ni3-ni2n 'D

No. 696), of which

(Benj.,
p.

did not find any trace elsewhere.

is,

The VJOnxS

nnOH
nf33n

'D

IIXp

533, No. 480)

perhaps, a confusion with Palquera's

ff.)
/.

r'tTXT

where
is

(p.

17

ff.,

comp. also tJ'psO, 21

Steinschneider,
p.

an ethical
356).
is

epistle ascribed to Aristotle

inserted

(comp.

c,

The mentioning

of a

work

0*"13kS

ri'?J/*in

(Benjacob,

628, No.

216)

based upon a misunderstanding

of the passage quoted there from the

identical with

CpSQ

(see the next note).

The work

is

niJS, Benjacob,
perhaps,

p. 10,
DJ,*

No. 194 (comp. below, note 37).

One more
as

work of
also the

P.

is,

on^yxn
to

D'apTil
Fiirst,

m31,
Bibl.

in Cod. Vat. 298;

Jitd.,

comp. Steinit,

schneider, Jezvish Literature,

T\D2^^ n'B'KI (Ij,

378.

Ill,

62,

ascribes

P's

father,

Joseph;

comp.

IJtcratnrhlatt

dcs

Orients, VI, 148.

'"^

They are
pp.

(i)

Commentary on

the I'ible mentioned

to

in

ni1?2n

miO
'0,

6,

comp.

144,

T45,

where he refers

his

Commentary on Proverbs.
title

(2)

An

exposition of haggadic passages of the Talmud, under the

in

tmn
p.

mentioned

nrnQH miO,

114-

(3)

]nDTn nSjO,

a historical account of the

,

sufferings of the Jewish nation mentioned in the

iyp2?3
last

2b\ comp. below

17;

and Steinschneider, Hebr.

quera enumerates
ever,
all

t'bcrs.,

5.

In

the

mentioned
C*p3f3.

passage

Pal-

the works he wrote prior to the

There

is,

howto

much doubt

as to the exact
tlie

number of books

his list contains,

qut)tf the

owing

the ambiguity of

titles.

For clearness' sake we must

beginning

of that passage verbatim: -y^n B'EjH n;!n:ni

'Sl^itr

.niNnsn njnam pSin

ni^'r;

Tiian

Dnf2Kr32

Dn^xS nSvim .mXEl

2SS N^^.

.\ccording to M. Straschun

172
script
;"

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

nine have been printed.
It

would be impossible

to

enter here

upon a lengthy discussion of the character and

Suffice
it

content of Palquera's writings.

chief concern
field

is

to say that his

in this

was with philosophy.

to a

Three works

were devoted

compendium of

the science and meta-

physics

known

in

his day.''

Here the physics and meta-

physics of Plato and Aristotle, as expounded by Aristotle's

(see

below,

note

53)

the

word
to

^'Sin

means

sick

(= Onin),
Poesic,

and
37,

the
i.

whole passage has reference

Dukes,
1842,
p.

the

work mentioned below, note

Religiosen
;'Sin

No.
a.

Zitr
142,

Kenntniss

der

Ncuhcbr.

Frankf.

M.

on the other hand, takes

nisSn

as a separate

work con-

taining a versification of the talmudic tractate Hullin.

Moses Ibn yabib of

Lisbon
author.

(15th

century)

reports to have seen

Literature,

it,

but forgot the

follows Dukes;

name

of the

Steinschneider, Jewish

170,

comp., how-

ever, his Bodl. Cat., col. 2538: "attamen de hoc dubitari protest."

Indeed,

it

is

more probable that the whole passage

real
title

refers to his "Diaetetics"

(note 37), the

of

which

he

amplified

for

the

sake

of

the

rhyme.

Introd.

to

nOSn
title

n'B'K'l,

VII,

not

realizing

this,

takes yh\r\

M. David, nisSn as part

very doubtful

of the real
value.

and proposes an emendation

in

P.'s text of a

"
and

(i)

trB3ni qijjn

njnan

r^ria)
in

niJK, "Treatise

(Verses) on the Proper

s.

Conduct of Body and Soul",

Steinschneider,
(see
Cat.
/.

several
col.

manuscripts; comp. Benjacob,

(2) -iDlfSn

v.,

Bodl,

2538.

mJS

"Treatise on

Ethics"

CpSO,

c), the introductory part of which was published by

1879,
5,

Steinschneider in Letterhode,

p.

79f.
31-

comp. also idem in Letterbode,

(3)
D'C^J^Jan

XII,

67,

n.

36; Hehr.

Vbers.,

n.

nioStT,
/.

likewise
c.

on

ethics;

see
,

Munk, Melanges

etc.,

495, overlooked by David,

(4)

niJK
the

n^Snn
(even

"Treatise of the Dream".

Steinschneider,

This

title

has misled the bibliographers

n.

Jewish

Literature,

371,

78)

to

believe
Its

that

book contains an
ever,
led
is

exposition

on

the
is

nature

of
a

dreams.

content,

how-

again ethics, and the

to

title

due
work,

to

dream
will

of

the author,
in

which

him
its

the

composition

of

the

as

be

shown

connection

with

publication,
this

which

is

being prepared by the writer for a subseciuent

number of
^'

Review.

(5)

D'DID^S'En

niV"

voluminous

work,

for
2.
lit-

the detailed charactetizalion of which see Steinschneider, Hebr. Cbers.,

(i)

nODn D'CSI,

recently published with a

German

introduction of

tle

value by M. David, Berlin 1902.

The

edition

is

rather uncritical, the editor,

in

most

cases,

having placed into the text the least correct readings.

into

The
Paris,

work has been translated

6691);

Latin by an anonymous author

495.

(MS.
edition,

comp.

Munk, Melanges,

Pages

7-/8

in

David's

con-

SHKM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUKRA

MALTER

I73

foremost commentator, Averroes, were presented anew

a systematic, yet popular, garb.

in

Palquera, as already noted,

was

at

one with Maimonides

and the other mediaeval

dominant Aris-

Jewish philosophers
totelian system.

in their devotion to the

As

evidence of the breadth of his interests,

Palquera has
chology,^^

left

us also a

compendium on mediaeval psyBody and

Soul".'"

and a work
is

entitled ''Diaetetic of

To

these

to be

added the above-mentioned defense of

its

philosophy against

opponents,*^

and "The Book of De-

grees", a systematic exposition of ethics in which he deals

with the various degrees of

human

perfection according to
It

men's moral and

intellectual qualities.

ranks, after the

at

works of Gabirol and Bahya, among the early attempts

a systematic presentation of ethics."

taining a brief presentation of the philosophy of Plato,

a
literal

were published with

German

translation and a minute description of the whole

work by

Steinschneider,

Al-Farabi,

176

ff.,

224

ff.

(unknown
1779,

to

David);
1867,

comp. also
1881
;

Hebr.

Obers.,

12.

(2)

trpSO,

Hague
I.

Aleppo

Josefoff

comp. Steinschneider, Hebr. Cbers.,

der Jiiden
itation
in

c.

Michael Sachs, Die religiose Poesie

345-6,

Spanien, Berlin
a

1845,

pp.

gave a masterly German im(3)

mj,*l

in

rhymed prose of

portion of this work, pp. 246, 250.

C'ETDlS'Sn, see above, note

^*

37,

No.

5.

B'Ejn "IBD,

Lemberg

1835,

and,

with

very

extensive

commentary

by Israel Hayyim Klein, Warsaw 1864; comi). the references given by David,
p.

ix,
*"
**

n.

16.

See See

above,
above,

note note

37, 28.

No.

i.

This work,

too,

was translated
4,

into

Latin

by

an anonymous author; comp. Munk, Melanges, 495, No.

note 38.
2

end; see above,

See above, note

(fil.);

3,

end.

Part of this work w*is translated into Latin

"Christliche

by

Buxtorf

see

Steinschneider,

Hebraisten"
75ff.

in

ZfliB.,

I-V, No.

125; comp. also Dukes,

Zur
(see

rabb.

Spruchkundc^
in
I,

The
but

publica-

tion of the mSj.'On also

to

1DD had been undertaken by Zunz

it

1818,

who intended
only
liie

translate

into

Latin

his

Ges Schr.,
]1337n
,

29),
19.
,

beginning was published in the periodical

of
in

IV,

6,

To

the class

ethical

works belongs also

prose,

his \\yT\

OX

(quoted in
verses.
his
It

Cp^D
was

2b),

written

rhymed
Saul
b.

interspersed

with
1557),

metrical

first

published
that

by

Simon

(Cremona

who

in

Introduction

asserts

174

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Two
The
first

Other of Palquera's works merit special attention. of these

is

his ''Fountain of Life"".

Through
for
its

this

work Palquera saved

to

Judaism the

credit

most

original contribution to philosophy.

The most

striking phi-

losophical system, which mediaeval

attributed throughout the Middle

Judaism produced, was

Ages and up

to

recent

times to an
tians

unknown Avicebron,
alike claimed

or Albenzubrun.
as their own.

Chris-

and Arabs

him

In 1846,

the great Jewish orientalist,

Solomon Munk,

startled the

scholarly world by the

announcement that the mysterious

Avicebron was no other than the famous Jewish poet Solomon Ibn Gabirol. This discovery was due ultimately to
Palquera.
Gabirol's system
It

was

felt to

be out of touch with

less notable

Judaism.

had aroused the antagonism of no

a thinker than

Abraham Ibn Daud, whose

hostility served

to suppress Gabirol's book.

Palquera, however, had recog-

nized the merit of Gabirol's philosophy and sought to win

for
it

wider recognition.

He
was
the

accordingly translated
it

it

from
title

Arabic into Hebrew, and epitomized

under the
to

"Fountain of Life".
identity of this

It

left

for

Munk

show

the

work with
of

famous mediaeval Pons works

Vitae,

attributed to Avicebron.

The

second

these

notable

of

Palquera

he

lost

the

original

manuscript
to

and

had

to

reproduce

its

contents
to

from

memory.
tent

He, moreover, claims

the

have added about two thirds

IX,
the
49.
late

the conis

of

book;
in

comp.
the

Her.

Bibl.,

The
in

original

manuscript

extant,

however,

collection

of

David Kaufmann, see

Max

Weisz, KataloR der hebr. Handschr.

und Biichcr
171.

der Bibl. dcs Prof. D.

p.
vii,

Kaufmann, Frankf.

a.

M.

1906,

p.

M. David,

counts this work

with a

among

those

lost.

D. Ottensosser published the

1854.

]'\i^n

n^

German

translation,

Fiirth

"

C^'n llpO 1BD ]D D'tSlpS,

in
his

and notes

edited by Munk with a French translation famous work Melanges etc., Paris i8s<>.

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

is

MASTER
"Guide
wide
of

75

his

commentary**
This

on

Maimonides'
Palquera's
the

the

Perplexed".
erudition.
cites

reveals

and
text,

deep
he

To

elucidate
parallel

Maimonidean
from
the

numerous
literature

passages

kindred
Later
repute

Arabic

of

which

he

was

master.

authors often drew upon his commentary and

for scholarship at the expense of Palquera.
to this

won

In an appendix

commentary he gives an

excellent criticism of Ibn

it

Tibbon's translation, comparing

pointing out
its

with the original, and

this chap-

defects.

Franz Delitzsch valued

ter so highly that he published

it

an annotated translation of

in

German."

Munk,

in his

French edition of Maimonides'

Guide, makes frequent use of Palquera's commentary.

In an age absorbed in religious discussion and biblical

study,
it is

to

be expected that Palquera should have written

Unfortunately, however, his work in
lost."

on

biblical exegesis.

this field has

been

The presumable cause

is

for this

fate of his Bible

commentary
to

not without interest.

the
rationalistic

We
and
it

have

had

occasion

note

tendency

in Bible exposition, manifest in Palquera's extant works,

his defense of philosophy against the attacks hurled at his day.

in

There

is

ground for suspecting that

Abrabanel's

this

commenof
the

tary

was suppressed.

denunciation

author as a

member

of the "damnable sect" of misinter-

preters of the Bible*^ served to deter pious readers

from

**

Under

the

title

Hlian nilO, Pressburg

dcs
Orients,
1840,
p.

1837.
i77ff.;

*'

Literaturblatt
Vbers.,
423.

comp.

Steinschneider,

Hebr
*"

See above, note 36, No.

i.

*^

Comp.
153.

Steinschneider,

Magazin

fur

die

Wissensch.

dcs

Judent.,

XVI,

Our assumption regarding

cxegetical

the causes that brought about the loss

of Palquera's
banel's

works
the

finds

strong support in
writings
,

the

fact

that

Abrain

denunciation of
hit

exegetical

of

Joseph

Kaspi,

whom,

the

same passage of

D'hSk

mSvCO

he

counts

together

with

Palquera

176
this

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

work, and thus to consign his commentary to obhvion. His radical and rationaHstic interpretation of haggadic passages in the

Talmud probably accounts

in the

which

befell another of his

works on talmudic Haggadah

wide sweep of

for a similar fate "

his activity a

Palquera embraced

branch of learning
namely, history.

little

appreciated by the Jews of his time,

He

wrote a chronicle of events of his

own

century, and probably also of earlier centuries."

Consider-

ing the paucity of historic documents, such a

work would
in-

be invaluable to the modern historian.

Contemporary

difference, however, allowed this chronicle to be lost.

sketch of Palquera would not be complete without

at least a passing reference to his

work
to the

as a poet.

From
in his

early youth, Palquera

later life,

was devoted

muse, and

he struggled almost pathetically against his poetic

inclinations.

He
in

confesses to the youthful folly of having

early years,

composed,

his

more than 20,000

lines

of
all

verse, only about a half of

which he wrote down.""

In

among

the

misinterpreters

of

the

Bible,

has

led

to

the

suppression

of

Kaspi's works in

the centuries that followed; comp.

sect.
2,

Steinschneider in Ersch

vnd Gruber's Enc,

vol.

31,
p.

p.

Gabirol 7Z\ comp. the instance of Ibn

and Ibn Daud mentioned above,

174.

"
**

See above, note

36,
36,

No.
No.

2.
3.

See above, note

""

vntr

nss can
in
this

nnDj nno snisi

written
for

12*1

n^nKSirs

nSjro'?
in

">'cn 'nsi
verse,

nnS") nriDnS.

work,
of

the
ib.,

most part
beginning),

rhymed
bids
his

when nearly
ing
farewell

forty
to

years

age

(see

he
in

touchin

his

muse.

He

regrets

the

hours wasted

youth

writing verse, hours which he might have spent

suit

more

profitably in the purto

of

knowledge and search for

science
alone:

truth.

He vows
nStrSi

solemnly

live

hence-

forth

for

2S2

3iB^i nSncfDH 1'ytr

]n3 n^n nvnSi

ni^cn

c"ijS 'trca
]v;

'max
"icd

rh 'nansT

mios my msyx

SaS -na "inKi nSio st:m

:

xtr^a

hvh iin-j

m^a

ins'i

mnns

SHE:m TOB ben JOSEPH PALQUERA

his extant works,

M ALTER

77

we

find various

poems and epigrams, some

of which
essay."

we have had

occasion to quote earHer in this

Akin

to his poetical skill

is

his facility for

rhymed

prose,
in

a literary device borrowed from the Arabs

and much

vogue among Jewish writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth

century.

His clever conceits and witty puns

easily

rank

among

the best of their kind.

poetic talents,

Whatever we may think of Palquera's

we cannot deny him

earnestness, there
is

literary skill of a high order.

With

associated in Palquera a

power of exfeeling, cap-

pression, adequate to the author's thought

able of clarifying the

and

most abstruse ideas of mediaeval phi-

nhvH

iB 'Syo "I'trn Mii2

"idd

ninno

'nn

'nnjjKi

(The word
parts
prose.)
(ri^'lJK),

<n*lJX

refers to the trp3f3

which he divides into two distinct

in

the

first

of which

is

written

rhyme,

the

second in plain

His

last

poem (on

p.

2Sb)

he introduces with

thjc

following words: hSkI

comp. M. Sachs,
waste of time
is

/.

c, 346.

To consider

the occupation with poetry a sinful

not a

rare

occurrence among mediaeval poets,

(see David, vi,
n.

and

their

assertions are not to be taken seriously

is

5).

Judah Halcvi

reported to have repented before his death, as did also Plato, his former

devotion to the art of poetry;

is

comp.
so-called

Cassel

on Kusari,
Uante;
49.

II,

73.

The same

said

of

Moses

Rieti,

the

Heljrew
1884,
p.

see

Steinschneider,

Letteratiira Italiana
'"^

dci

Giudei,

Rome

The following four epigrams (Cp2J2,

1.

2b,

\yb,

26b)

in

the

translation

of

Rabbi Ettelson may be added here:

Adapt thyself

to

time

and

circumstance.

So wilt thou be untroubled every way;

Amongst

the

wise
fool,

make

wise

thy

countenance,

And
Roar,

with the
if

the role of dullard play;

upon a

lion

thou shouldst chance,

But

if

an ass thou meetest, simply bray!

178
losophy.

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

There
is

a peculiar

charm and a strong personal

appeal in nearly everything that Palquera wrote/^ His works

breathe sincerity and enthusiasm.

The reader
;

feels

that

with Palquera, authorship

life's

is

not dilletanteism

it is

a sacred

mission dedicated to the service of truth and knowl-

edge.

In conclusion, a word on Palquera's influence on his

contemporaries and on later generations.

is

final verdict

not safe at the present stage of historical and bibliogra-

phical research.

However,

if

we

bear in mind

how many

works of notable authors of the thirteenth century have

2.

Seek

wisdom,

understand
to

the

times
all

and

seasons;

Acquire judgment

weigh well

reasons;
tho'

Pursue

this

quest,

tho'

you be old and

Your

path's beset with hosts of cares

3-

and treasons.

If

sin

thou

wouldst

avoid,

then

speak

but

once,

For the Creator gave thee just one mouth,

And

listen

twice,

thus

speech with silence,

season!

But gave thee two ears for that very reason!

4.

Reproof

will
if

not

amend

the

brazen,

no,
aright.

Not even
Canst

thou

pleadest,

day and night.

Ply not with rod the fool's back, for not so

thou
his

nature's

warping

set

The

rather

pound him on the head,

for

there
lair.

His "imp of the perverse" hath

fitting

The

third
II,

epigram
2,

is

the

rhymed adaptation of
it

sentence
tT'X

in

'*1D1f3

n^EIDl'^'BH,
isS "IV' 'n
"laiiC'
138.

No.
3

17,

where

is

ascribed to

Plato:

]1UnSN HNIl

Ninn

i<BO I'^Tx 2^n

]'^vh^

j:"ib '>h

losn

yiotrS

u^yooi

nmS

r:^'^r2

noSca VOCiiy n2 nns

Steinschneider,
metrically

C'iT ^r\^;

comp. Kaufmann, Die

epigram,

Siiine,

Manna,
into

84,

translated

this

among

others

of

Palquera,

German.
Untcrrichtswesen,
157,

"

Giidemann, Das
style

jiid.

strange to say, designates

to

Palquera's

as

"dry"

and

monotonous!
59,

Comp.
61.

the

contrary

Kauf-

mann, Stiidien

iiber

Salomon Ibn Gabirol,

SHEM TOB
been
is

BE;n J0SE:PH PAI.QUERA

MASTER

79

lost,

the preservation of so

many

of Palquera's writings

evidence of the high regard in which he was held by his

own and by
is

succeeding generations.
in eight or

That some of these

even ten manuscripts,

works should be preserved

proof of no slight popularity.

Citations
is

from Palquera's

works are frequent, although

the author."
^^

credit

not often given to

Mediaeval scholastics thought his works on

in

"The abundance of quotations (from Arabic sources Commentary on the Guide of Mairaonides) was sufficient to

Palquera's
to

give

those

who
Hebr.

plagiarized
Obers.,

him

the

appearance
of

of

great

learning"
of

(Steinschneider,

422).

Some

those

who made use

Palquera's

works

may
975-

be mentioned here in chronological order:

Moses de Leon (13th century);

see Steinschneider, Hebr.

Vbers,, 243, n.

Isaac Ibn LatiE (1280); see Steinschneider, Hebr. Ubers.,

p.

23, n.

150.

Joseph Kaspi, who lived not long after Palquera, based

his

commentaries
a.

on the Guide of Maimonides

(editerl

by Raphael Kirchheim, Frankf.

M.

1848) on Palquera's commentary on the same work, and copied whole chapters

from
works
and
sect.

it,

often mentioning also his source; see about the relation of Kaspi's

to those of

Palquera Kirchheim's Introduction to the work mentioned,

article,

Steinschneider's
2,

Joseph

Caspi,"

in

Ersch

und Gruber's Enc,

iiber

vol.

31,

p.

67.

Eehanan ben Abraham

Salomon Ibn
Gabirol,
13.

(14th

century);

see

Kaufmann, Studien
encyclopaedic

Gershon ben Solomon

(14th

century),

in

his

work

'^ytt'

D'fSCn, third edition by Heidenheim, Rodelheim 1801; comp.

Steinschneider,

Hebr.

Obers.,

9.

Judah Leon Mosconi (14th century), suggested by Steinschneider, Magazin f. d. W. d. Jud. Ill, 193. Samuel Zarza (1370), in his super-commentary on Abraham Ibn Ezra;
see
48,

M.
n.

Straschun
II.

in

]1B!f

m*lB

edited

by

S.

J.

Fiinn,

Wilna

1841,

I,

In his unpublished

BV
IX,

SSsO Zarza quotes Palquera

49.

directly;

see

Steinschneider,

Hebr.

Bibl.,

Solomon ben Menahem,

called
/.

Prat Maimon
c,

(1420), in his

commentary

on the Kusari; see Ventianer,

XV,

n.

4.

Joseph ben Shem-Tob (1455); see Steinschneider,

in

Ersch und Grubtr't

Enc,

sect.

2,

vol.

31, p. 88, n. 4.

Moses

Minz (15th Johanan Alemanno

p.
5,

century);
(ob.

see

M.
see

Straschun,
above,

/.

c35;

1500);

note

Steinschneider,

Hebr. Vbers.,

n.

36.

l80

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

philosophy worthy of translation into Latin,", and later

Hebrew
taries."

scholars have

deemed them deserving of commen-

Since the age of the printing press, some of his

editions.*^

works have passed through several

Even

for

modern

students, Palquera has not been devoid of interest;

witness several scholarly editions of some of his works.

Thus Palquera has received some of

the recognition merited

to

by his sincere and life-long devotion

truth.
*

the

pursuit of

More than
the days of
type,

six

hundred years have passed away since

Palquera, a scholar of the highest

Shem Tob
life

an enthusiastic champion of learning and enlighten-

ment.

His

and

activity are the

embodiment of the

phi-

losophic romanticism of the Jews in the Middle Ages.

In

him we

see a

man

of the most exalted sentiments,

spiritual perfection,

whose

striving after

moral and

and courageintel-

ous and self-sacrificing devotion to the fostering of

lectual life

among

his brethren, served to

break through the

barriers

which the dark age of

(ob.
1508")
p.

ecclesiastical bigotry sought

Isaac Abrabanel
Steinschneider, Hcbr.

quotes him frequently; see above, note 47;

7,

Cbcrs..

n.

47.

Abraham
Palquera's

bex

David
n"nf2.

Provencali,

who,

in

1555,

copied

in

Modena

n*ncn
see

and, in 1593, in Venice, the latter's Introduction to

nam

n^srx'l:

Zunz. in

Kerem Chcmcd, V,

157.

Saul ben Simon (1557), who edited the

pjS'n

ns

see above note 42.

Solomon Finzi (1600);

see Zunz, Hebr. BibL, IX.

{ob.

137.
/.

Joseph Solomon del Medico

1655); see Straschun,

c.

Elhanan Haehndel Kirchhahn

(see
pp.
9,

(1707), in his Judneo-German ITCJn

nnsc
1752,

Griinbaum,
12;

Jiidisch-deutsche

Chrestoniathic,

238
n.

flf),

Rodelheira

see Steinschneider. Hebr. Bibl.,

IX, 49,

7.

" See " See

'*

above,

notes 38,

41,

42.

above, note 39.

(3

So theB.p2J2

edd.),

p5nnx

(4

edd.),m2in niJJM

(3 edd-),Bc:n "ICC

{2 edd.).

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

to

MAETER

l8l

impose

on

Jewry.

The problems which occupied

The

Palquera are no longer our problems, and the solutions ad-

vanced by him cannot meet present requirements.

spirit,

however, which animated his career,

spirit

is

the spirit that

animates us to-day: the

searching for the permanent

amid the

transitory, for progress

and

light.

With

a feeling

of appreciation and reverence toward Palquera,

say with the poet

we may

"Wcr den

Bestcn seiner Zcit genug gcthan, dcr hat

gclcht fiir alle Ze'iicn."

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES*
By
Ever
Israel Friedi^aender,

Jewish Theological Seminary of America

since

young Abraham Geiger, stimulated by

prize offer of the University of Bonn, first undertook to

answer the question: "What did

Judaism?'"

Muhammed

adopt from

the

inquiry into the relation between Judaism

in

and Islam, by which a long and glorious period

tory
is

our his-

characterized, has occupied a prominent position in

research.

modern Jewish

The

subject

is,

indeed, one of

unique fascination.

For the

relation

between Judaism and

her younger daughter has been on the whole, despite numer-

ous misunderstandings and disagreements, one of mutual

helpfulness and co-operation and free from that jealousy

and

hostility,

marking and marring the contact of Judaism

with other religions and cultures, which only knows of

domination or subjection and makes the triumph of the one

depend on the downfall of the other.

The

relation

between

Judaism and Islam

student, because,

is

of such particular attraction to the

like

every other healthy relation, be

it is

it

between individuals or communities,

*

based on reciprocmaster
in

Dedicated

to

Professor

Ignaz

Goldziher,

the

the

field

ot

Jewish-Arabic studies, on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday, June 22, 1910.

[The

publication

of

this

article

has

been

delayed

owing

to

typographical

difficulties.
^

Editors.]
hat MuJiamiiicd aiis dcni

Was

Judcuiumc aufgenommen?
gekronte
Prcisschrift.

Bin von dcr

l?onn
1833.

K'dnigl.

Preussischcn
edition

Rliciniinivcrsitdt

The second

(Leipzig

1902)

is

an unaltered reprint of the

first,

strange anachronism after 75 years of uninterrupted research!

183

184
ity
is

the: je:wish

quarterly review

because

it

does not consist of mere giving or taking, but

:

permeated by the principle do

lit

des.

While

in its

forma-

tive period,

during the lifetime of

Muhammed

and, to a

much
after

larger extent than generally supposed, in the time

Muhammed,' Islam
it

freely

borrows from the parent

its

religion the elements

needs for

up-building and deits

velopment,

it

becomes, in turn, after

consolidation, the

giver, infusing

new

life into

time-worn Judaism and stimNeither the inves-

ulating

it

to

new

efforts

and ventures.

tigator of Islam,

who endeavors

to detect its

component

parts and primary forces, nor the student of

traces the influences emanating

Judaism who

from

it

and the elements

penetrating into

it,

can afford to disregard this correlation

which has

left so

profound an impress on the mental dereligion-

velopment of either
it

As

for Jewish scholarship,

can readily point to numerous, more or less systematic,

this direction,

endeavors in
of Geiger

beginning with the

time.

first

attempt

down

to

our

own

very considerable

portion of the stupendous activity of the late Steinschneider

was devoted

to this task,

and among the

living

it

is

first

and foremost Goldziher who brings

his unequalled

mastery

over the combined dominions of Islam and Judaism to bear

upon the study of

in the

their

mutual relations and,

is

like the

hoopoe

Muhammedan
field
is

legend,

able to penetrate into depths

which are hidden from the gaze of the ordinary student.

Yet the

immeasurable, and unlimited room

is

left

to those of the
limitations, yet

minorum gentium who, conscious

fascinating problems.

of their

have the earnest desire of adding their mite

In the

to the elucidation of these

following

the writer begs to submit his contribution tostudies,

wards these Jewish-Arabic

,

which we

all

have reason

Cf. Goldziher in Jewish Encyclopedia

VI

656, article "Islam".

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES
to

FRIEDLAENDER

185

hope

will receive

from the new Jewish Quarterly the

which was accorded to them by

same generous
its

hospitality

predecessor.

I.

Shiitic Elements in Jewish Sectarianism

has long since been recognized^ that the rise of
in a

It

Jewish sectarianism under the dominion of Islam was

large

measure the

reflection of a corresponding

phenomenon

in the

Muhammedan

world.

*'In

the second half of the

seventh century and in the whole of the eighth," says the

veteran investigator of Jewish sectarianism*,
the tremendous intellectual
''as

a result of

commotion produced throughout

Arabs and the

the Orient by the swift conquests of the

collision of victorious

Islam with the older religions and

cultures of the world, there arose a large

number of
('Iral:c),

re-

ligious sects, especially in Persia, Babylonia

and

Syria.

Judaism did not escape the general fermentation;

early schism
life

the

weak remnants of

the

Sadduccees and

Essenes

picked up new

and

flickered once

more before

their final extinction.

But new

sects also arose in Judaism,

the most important of which were the 'Isawites

after their founder

(called

ganites (followers

Abu 'Isa), the Yudganites and the Shadof Yudgan and Shadgan)." This corres-

pondence between Jewish and

indeed, not to be

Muhammedan

heterodoxy

is,

wondered

at.

Considering the close contact

latter,

between Judaism and Islam from the very birth of the

it

is

but natural that their reciprocal influence should not

be confined to their main currents, but extend as well to

their tributaries

and branches'tSlpS
p.

The
pp.

recognition of this in-

Already by Pinsker nV3^i2np

in

11, 13,

and even

earlier

by

Rappoport
*

Kerem Itemed
in Jczv. Enc.

V
I

(1841)
553*^,

204.

Harkavy

article

"Anan."

86

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ter-relation,

however, has remained an abstract generahty

in detail.

and has not been pursued

strides

In view of the great

which our knowledge of the inner development of

in

Islam has made

recent years, this task becomes

more

pressing and at the same time

more promising

in results.
tlie

A
in

careful study of the points of contact between

Jewish

heterodoxy of that period and the corresponding process

Islam will enable us to grasp in
its

full
is

significance

the

make-up of these Jewish

sects

which

otherwise in-

comprehensible.

It will illustrate

the saying: "zvie es sich

christelt, so jildelt es sich",

which so inimitably character-

izes

the

submissiveness of "emancipated" Jewry to the

its

fads and fancies of

Christian environment, from the

Muhammedan

point of view.
its

Of

course, in confronting

Jewish sectarianism with

Islamic predecessor one must

guard against exaggerations and not drive analogies to the

extreme.

The
of

influence of Islam over

Judaism has never

all

been of so disintegrating a nature as to suppress

elements

genuine

Judaism even

in

its

farthest

ramifications.

Karaism proper, except

for the general condition of religious

unrest characteristic of that age, scarcely shows any effect

of heterodox Islam.
'isawites,

And

even the more radical

sects, as the

Yudganites and the Hke, are largely swayed by

Yet, with
all

halakic interests which are purely Jewish.

these restrictions, the influence of

Muhammedan

heterodoxy

on Jewish sectarianism cannot be doubted and presents a

phenomenon which

is

of interest not only for the Jewish

scholar but also for the student of comparative religion.

In speaking of Jewish sectarianism, a

said about our sources of information.

word must be
latter are, in-

The

deed, scanty and often fragmentary.

Kirlj:isani

Our main

source

is

(wrote

in 937),

who

in tlie

introductory chapters

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

ERIKDLAENDER

187
sects.

of his Kitdb al-anwar gives a description of Jewish

Kirl5:isanrs material is

mainly drawn from

is

Dawud

b.

Mer-

wan

al-Muls:ammis

(IX. century)*', as

also the almost

identical

account of Hadassi

(XII. century) ^

Valuable

material bearing on these early and on

some

later

Jewish

movements

is

contained in the Arabic original of

Maimo-

nides' Iggeret

Teman
to

in the

paragraphs dealing with the

Pseudo-Messiahs which
been

in

the

Hebrew

translations have

reduced

few meager sentences'\

To

these

Jewish sources must be added the detailed account of

Shahrastani
sources,
is

(died
this

1153)*

in

case

who undoubtedly followed old perhaps Abu 'Isa al-WarraI<:, who

as
his

also

quoted

by

Biriini

authority

in

Jewish

Published

by Harkavy

with

Russian

introduction

Petersburg

1894

(reprinted

from the Memoirs of the Oriental Department of the Imperial

See also Bacher in JQR., VII,

Russian Archaeological Society volume VIII).

687
"
ff.

logian

may incidentally remark that the Ibn Hazm (died 1064) makes mention
171,

famous

Spanish-Arabic

theo-

of al-Mu^ammi?.

In

his Milal
kills

wa'n-Nihal III
children of

he protests against the view that God only

those

whom

he knows that they would become sinners, a view held by

men

^|,

If
(1.

the
1,

reading
introduction

^g|^\
p.

with

be

correct,

then the
to

conjecture of

Harkavy
498 note
to

260 and in the notes

Gratz-Rabinowitz III
kiuf)

i)

who

explains the

name

as

"jumper" (from

and applies

it

his
^
''^

repeated conversions, could not be accepted.

Eshkol ha-kofer Goslov 1836

I

fol.

4i<=.

refer to a manuscript, apparently a uniciDH, recently purchased from

to

Mr.
gical

Ephraim Deinard and presented

the Library of the Jewish

I

Theolo-

Seminary by Judge Mayer Sulzberger.

in
'

hope

to publish

this

important

MS.

the

near future.
I

Ed. Cureton

168

f.

collated

Cureton's text with four

MSS.

of the

British

Museum

(Add. 7205; 7251; 23349; 23350).

They

differ only in details.

88

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Scattered references by Biruni

matters".

(about looo)'",
other
data.

Hazm (d. 1064), Mal<rlzi (d. 1442), and Muhammedan writers" occasionally contain valuable
Ibn

The information
is

derived

from these sources, however,

is

not always reliable and

sometimes even contradicsurprising

to

tory",

an
of

observation

by

no means

the

student

Muhammedan
of
its
'

heterodoxy and no doubt ap-

plicable to every religious sect

which

is

only
will

known from
therefore

the

description

opponents.

It

be

necessary to proceed with caution and discretion and to

keep a steady eye on the general conditions and influences

which dominate these

sects.

Among

later

sectarian and,
in

w^hat

is

often identical,

Messianic movements

Judaism the heresies of Sabbathai

Zebi and Jacob Frank have been found to yield a

of striking illustrations.

number
sources

Occasionally similar movements

to.

of minor importance have been referred

The
will be

from which our material has been derived

in

named
pro-

due course.

As

far as

Muhammedan

heterodoxy

is

concerned,

pose to deal on this occasion with the sects of Shiism, because out of the numerous factions of Islam
heresy, with
its
it is

the Shiitic

peculiar mixture of doctrinal and political

elements, which has

more than any other profoundly

af-

fected the destinies of Islam and has succeeded in getting

Shahrastani quotes al-Warrak

141, 143

on

Shiitic doctrines,
to
p.

and
189,

p.

189,

192

on

]VIanich<-ean

and Mazdakaean heresies.

According

he was

originally a

^lagian.

"
270,

Cf.

Biruni's Chronology of Ancient Nations translated by Sachau pp.

278, 22
is

33;

and 279,

13,

where al-Warral^'s KHab aJ-Makalat "Book of

p.

Heresies"

quoted.

See also

431.

have not been able

to ascertain the

date of al-Warra^.

" Cf. Poznanski in JQR XVI " See later. Already Pinsker

770.
/.

c.

p.

top

refers to this circumstance.

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

FRIKDI^AENDER

89

a strong and permanent hold over large sections of the

Muhammedan community.
Before entering into the discussion of the relations be-

tween the

sects of

Judaism and those of Shiism,

it

will be

advisable to recapitulate briefly the character and develop-

ment of Shiism
world,

itself.

This

is

the

more necessary,

as

the latter, though figuring

among
as

the largest sects in the

the

number of

its

followers
it

being estimated at

10,000,000,

and counting,

does,

among

its

believers

the Persians, ''one of the most ancient, gifted, and original

peoples

in

the

world"/^

is

yet

known

but by
in

name
its

to

the educated

layman and not always grasped

true

character even by the student of the Orient.

Like every other doctrine which extends over various

periods and countries,

Shiism

is

a complicated historical
into a single formula.

phenomenon which cannot be squeezed

We
rise

shall limit ourselves in the following to the essential

features of Shiism, as far as they are apt to illustrate the

and many of the characteristics of Jewish sectarianism."

'^

Eclwarcl

G. Browne,

Literary History of Persia

p.

IX.

"
tise

list

of the most important works on Shiism will be found in

the Shiites according to Ibn I:Iazm,"

my

trea-

"The Heterodoxies of
2-5.

New Haven 1909

vols,

(reprinted

from the Journal of the American Oriental Society

I

xxviii

and xxix) II
with

have endeavored
of

to

compile in this book, in connection

available

Ibn

IJazm's

account

Shiism,

the

data

from the various

sources or, at least, to refer to such.

acter of the book I have thought
to
it

On
the

account of this bibliographical charto refer to

It
it

convenient
text.

in the following
briefly

substantiate

the

expositions

in

will

be

quoted

as

To the list given there must be added Browne's Persia (New York 1902) which in the first volume gives
Shiites.

Literary History of
a most graphic

and
in

instructive account of the inner life and particularly the religious

movements

Persia up to the year 1000.

will be

succinct and masterly presentation of Shiism

found

in Goldziher's

Resume on "the
III,
1.

Religion of Islam" in Die Kultur

der

Gegenwart.

Teil

Abt^eitung
p.

Die

oricntalischcn

Rcligioncn

Berlin and Leipzig 1906

119

fT.

190

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Shiism, in Arabic Shi'a\ signifying ''party, followers,

adherents",

is

an abbreviation for ''ShVat

'Alt," ''the party

of 'All", and originally designates those

'All,

who

believed that

the cousin, later the fosterling and son-in-law of the

earliest

Prophet and one of his

and sincerest converts, was

as the

the worthiest successor of

Muhammed
Abu

Commander

of the Faithful and had stronger claims to the leadership

of Islam than the

first

caliphs

Bekr, 'Omar, 'Othman

in his stead.

and Mu'awiya who were elected or accepted

By extending

their sympathies for 'Ali to his descendants,

the ahl al-hait, "the people (or

members) of the (Prophetic)

Family," this party confines the rights to the Caliphate

w^ilhin the 'Alidic family, the latter being, in their opinion,

worthier of this supreme post than any other, and consequently denies the claims of the
dynasties.

Omayyad and

'Abbaside

This view which bases the claims of 'Ali and

is

the 'Alides to the Caliphate on their worth or merit

the

mildest form of Shiism.

It is

the cardinal doctrine of the

still

Zaidiyya

a Arabia but

Shiitic
is

sect

which

prevails in Southern

also, slightly modified,

accepted by the or-

thodox community

at large, in

which the "Members of the

Family" have always been the object of reverence and affection.

In

sharp

contrast

to

the

Zaidiyya,

the

Imamiyya,

constituting the bulk of the Shiites of to-day, hold the belief

that the
is

Caliphate or, as they prefer to

call

it,

the

Imamate'",

not a matter of personal merit and therefore

election, but is in its

dependent on
"
^'

very nature hereditary.

Etymologically the same word as post-Biblical

nV'D.
stands in the front

The

title

Imam

originally applies to the

is

man who

of the praying congregation and

of the

used by the Shiites as signifying the head

Muhammedan community.

JKWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

FRIEDI^AENDER

191

They maintain

that the Prophet left a written will in

which

he appointed 'All his successor and that the Companions"

of the Prophet

who had
it

the election of his successor in

hand, out of jealousy and hostility to 'AH, set aside this

will

and made

disappear.

While the Zaidiyya, accordas an un-

ingly, look

upon the elimination of 'AH merely

fortunate mistake in judgment and therefore acquiesce in

the election of the
fait accompli, the
first

so eminently successful caliphs as a

repudiate'* the latter as

Imamiyya

wicked

usurpers and place them as well as the other Companions,

who,

in their opinion,

knowingly acted against the express

level of Kafirs or Infidels.

will of the Prophet,

on the

This attitude of the Imamiyya towards the Companions

also

determines

their

relation

to

the

oral

tradition

of

Islam, the

Sunna or

the HaditJi.

For the

latter

which was
its

gradually considered as binding as the

elasticity

Koran

and, with

and wider range of

interests as well as in its im-

mediate effect on practical

life,

was even superior

to the

Koran", had assumed the shape of oral sayings, uttered by

Muhammed

or ascribed to him,

and necessarily transmitted

through one of the Companions.

The

Shiites,

who

repudiate

the latter as infidels, were therefore in duty bound-tajxjiict

the
to

Sunna

as conceived by the

Orthodox or the Sunnites,

whom

tradition

was inseparable from the Companions,

by the necessity of parting

and were,

in consequence, faced

with the major and most vital portion of Muhamm^darLreligion.

From

this disastrous

consequence

for

oral tra-

*'

The Afhdb

or associates of

Muhammed who

are revered by the orthodox

Muhammedans and
^'

regarded by them as the only competent transmitters ot

the oral utterances of the Prophet.

Hence

the

Imamiyya and sometimes the

Shiites

in

general are nick137

ff.

named RawaEd or RaHda,

"repudiators, deserters."

Cf. Shiites II

"

Cf.

Goldziher, Muliammcdanischc Studien II 20.

192
dition
is

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

was
as indispensable for the

growth of Islam as

it

for that of any other religious

community

the Shiites

were saved by
Family".

their reverence for the

"Members

of the

Since their objection to the oral tradition of

Islam was not an objection to tradition as such but solely

to
its

bearers as represented by the Companions, they had

but to substitute the names of the 'Alides for those of the

Companions
phetic word.
it is

in order to secure the blessings of the

It
is

Pro-

flagrantly incorrect,

therefore,

when

so often maintained that the Shiites are opposed to oral

It is true,

tradition.

they reject the collections of traditions

regarded as authoritative by the Sunnites.

But they have

evolved such collections of their own, which are similar in

substance to the orthodox collections and differ from them

mainly

in the personnel of the bearers of tradition,

'AH and

his descendants serving as the transmitting link instead of

the Companions.

"This difference

in the authentication of

the religious sources has scarcely produced any material

changes in the evolution of religious usages.

Only

in

few

insignificant details does the religious practice of the

Shiites differ

from
it

that of the Sunnites.'""

This, as

were, poHtical and purely Islamic essence

of Shiism

was soon overgrown with two elements from

the outside, which were in part also accepted by orthodox

Islam but were over-emphasized and driven to their

consequences in Shiism.

last

We

refer to the conception of

prophecy and the Messianic

belief.

Goklziher
at

in

Orientalischc
in

Rcligionen

p.

122.^! have dwelt on

and erroneous

this
it

point

some length

order
is

to

show how
on

superficial

is

to conceive of Karaism, as

so often done, as a parallel to or even a conseinsist

quence of

Shiism.

If
in

one should
this

analogies,

then

the similarity
to

would rather consist

shake
off

that

Karaism, like Shiism, has not been able

oral

tradition altogether.

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIE:S

FRIEDLAENDER
Islam
is,

193
recently

The conception of prophecy

shown by
Goldziher'', the

in

as

was

outgrowth of Neo-platonic and

Gnostic speculations which in the centuries prior to Islam

had so profoundly influenced the religious thought of the

East/''
It pictures

prophecy, as a result of the theory of

Emanation,

in the

form of a "Luminous Substance",

in

first

implanted by
creative

God

Adam,

the immediate product of

his

His

activity,

and then passing among

worthiest

descendants from one to the other'^ thus forming a chain

of prophets
stance'*.

who

are the possessors of this Divine Subits

This conception had forced

way

into

orthodox
,

Islam.

But while according

its

to the latter this

'Xuminous

Substance" found
in

most perfect and ultimate embodiment/

both Koran and Tradition declarej,
last

Muhammed whom

with equal emphasis to be the

of the prophets'^ accord-

ing to the Shiites, this substance passed over from

Muthe

hammed
Imams.

to

'All

and from

'All

to

his

descendants,

The Imams, who were conceived

as a dynasty in

which son succeeds

father, are accordingly vested in Shiism

with Divine authority and, as the heirs of the Divine Substance, are raised above the level of

outgrowth of

this

gant doctrines, the

human limitations. The conception was, among other extravabelief in the infallibility of the Imams

and

in their

Mystic Knowledge, embracing the events of

^*

Neuplatonische tind gnostische Elemente

iin

Hadit

in

Zeitschrift

fiir

Assyriologie

XXII
later.

328

ff.

" See " This

later),
I

conception which

is

the cardinal tenet of most

Shiitic

sects

(see

also
47,

95.)

forms the basis of Judah llalevi's theory of the n7lJD(l{ook See Goldziher, Lc Amr ildlii {ha'inydn hd-eldhl) chcz Juda
ff.

Halevi
'*

in Revue des Etudes Juives h 32 More on this doctrine see later.

Cf. also Sliiitcs II 104.

^'

See Goldziher
f.

in

Orientalische Religioncn

p.

126, cf. also Shiites

47;

II

46

194
all

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Past and
all

Future,

little

short of Omniscience'^

The

Imams

are consistently regarded as the only legitimate, beall truth,

cause God-inspired, source of

secular, before

both religious and

which the

light of reason

and research fades

into insignificance."

This conception of the nature of the

Imams

is

dangerously near the point where the

step

Imams

become gods, a

which was actually taken by the more

radical sections of the Shi'a, the so-called Guldt or *'Exag-

gerators", while the bulk of the

Shiites

carefully guard
all

against this consequence which

is

subversive of

Islam and

Monotheism.

Of

still

greater significance for the development and

for the

particularly

external history of

Shiism was the

or,

second element, the belief in the Messiah

to use the

Muhammedan
ous personage

term, the Mahdi.^^

This belief

in a mysteri-

who is to appear in the fulness of to use the Muhammedan phraseology''^ is *'to fill with justice as it is now filled with injustice",
integral part of orthodox

time and,
the earth
is

not an

Islam.

The Koran makes no

^'^

See

Goldziher
15
f.,

1.

1.

p.

121.

On

the

omniscience of the

Imams
15

see

Shiites II
^'

54

f. f.,

Cf.

the characteristic utterances of Shiitic authorities Shiites II

54

f.

^*

Literally: the one zvho

is

rightly guided.

The

root

(^J^
expect

is

used with
the
active
title

great

frequency

in

the

Koran.

But one would

is

rather

form Hadl, "the one who guides rightly", which

of ManI, see Flugel,

actually found as a
is

Mani

p.

306.

IJusein, the son of 'All,

14.
I

designated as

Hadl Mahdl
passive form

in Tabarl,

Annates II 350,

am

inclined to believe that the

was chosen as an analogy

Syrian influence

to Mas'ih, the title applied

by Muhamwith

med the Mahdl

is

under

to
109),

Christ

who was

originally

identified

(see presently). (see

is

This would also apply to Manfiir "the one who

a
title

helped"

Shiites

II

by which also the Mahdi of the

dcr Deiitsch-Morgenldnd-

Samaritans

designated

(Goldziher
f).

in

Zeitschrift

ischen Gesellschaft L\'I 411

"

Cf. Shiites II 30

f.

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

ERIEDLAENDER
is

195

mention of the Mahdf" and even the Hadith

vocal on the subject/'

not unequiof the or-

The modern adherents

thodox Hanafiyya school as well as prominent theologians

of various schools and ages^^ reject this belief in the Mahdi.
Originally the Messianic expectations of Islam were associated with,

and limited

to,

Jesus,

who was
fill

believed, in con-

sonance with certain Christian teachings, to reappear or

"return" at the end of time and
the earth with justice.

In other words, Jesus was to be the Messiah or, as a later

utterance ascribed to

Muhammed
is

puts

it,

"there

is

no Mahdi
in

except

'Isa

the

son of Maryam."^*

This belief
in the

the

"return" of Christ, which

itself^^

perhaps alluded to
all

Koran

was

early adopted by

Muhammedans. However,
its

in the

beginning of Islam with

little

glorious activities and

triumphs there was

Messianic future.
strife
It

room

for the expectation of a

after the outbreak of civil

was only

and the

terrible

struggle within the

filled

Muhammedan
with injustice,

community, when the earth seemed to be

that the Messianic hopes turned
into living expectations.'*

from abstract speculations

filled

But the Arabs,

all

with national
inferiors,

pride and looking

down on

non-Arabs as their

preferred to associate the inauguration of the Messianic

age with one of their

own

blood and faith and so the belief

^^

Cf.

James Darmsteter, Le Mahdi Paris 1885

p.

15;

Snouck-IIurgronje,
I) in
p.
4.

Der Mahdi
^^

(reprinted from Rei'ue Coloniale Internationale vol.

ff.,

Cf.

Ibn Khaklun Prolegomena ed. Quatremere II 163

his

admir-

able presentation of the

'2
^^

Mahdi
1.

doctrine.
pp.
5

Snouck-Hurgronje
E.
g.,

1.

and

37.
cf.

the great thinker Ibn

Khaldun (died 1406),

that

note

4.
is

Ibn

yazm
inven-

(died

1064)

expresses

the

opinion
I

the

Mahdi doctrine

an

tion of the Persians, Shiites

^*

36.
p.

Snouck-Hurgronje
p.
8.

1.

1.

16.

" Ibidem
^^

Cf.

my

essay Die Messiasidec im Islam in

p.

Festschrift

cum

sicbcigsten

Geburtstage A. Berliner's

122.

196
in a national

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

Arabic Mahdi displaced the earlier expecta-

tion of Jesus

who was now reduced

to a forerunner

and

lieutenant of the Mahdi."

As

to the personality of the

Mahdi, who was but the

of a Caliph, orthodox
his descent,

embodiment of the

ideal qualities

Muhammedan

tradition placed

no limitations on

merely insisting on those

qualities.

The Mahdi was

to rise

from the midst of the Arabs,

in general.

later of the

Muhammedans
the ''Mem-

The

Shiites,

however,

who regarded

bers of the Family" as the receptacles of Divine truth and

grace, could not consistently accept a

Mahdi who was not

Adopting the old

a descendant of the sacred dynasty/*

Jewish-Christian idea of the ''concealment'"'' of the Messiah,

they identified the

Mahdi with

certain historical personages

who had
with

already appeared in

life

and who would, similarly

fill

to the "return" of Jesus, reappear or return to

justice.

the earth
all

This belief became the motive power in

revolutions.

Shiitic

movements and

Every "Member of

the Family" thus

became a candidate for the post of the

'Alide

Mahdi and

there

was scarcely an

whose reappearance

or "return" was not looked for by one sect or another.

of the innumerable Shiitic sects and factions which
3^

Out

owe

Darmsteter

1.

1.

p.

13,

Snouck-Hurgronje
expected a

1.

1.

p.

14.

In early Islam

even separate tribes and

families

Mahdi from

their

own
la

midst.

See on these national-Arabic Messiahs van Vloten, Recherches sur

tion

dominades
1.

arabe,

le

Cliiitisme

et

les

croyances messianiqties sous

ff.

le
1.
I.

Khalifat
p.

Omayades, Amsterdam
3*

1894, p. 60

and Snouck-Hurgronje

11

note

There

is

a tradition, forged of course, to the effect that "there will be

no Mahdi except from the members of

parallels

my

Family."
in

Among
Cairo

the

numerous
'AbdI

between Judaism and Shiism quoted

(died

the anthology of Ibn

Kabbihi
the

940)

from older sources

is

(al-'ikd

al-fand
say,

1293H

269)

following similarity

pointed

out:

"The Jews
(=r Shiites)

the kijig can only

be from the family of David.

The Kafida
Abi Talib."
it

say, the king can only

be from the family of 'Ali

^^

b.

Shiites

II

28.

More about

later.

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

ERIEDLAENDER

IQ/

their origin to this expectation, I will single out

two which

are the most important and at the same time the most
characteristic, being based

on arithmetic speculations.
12,

Sac-

red numbers, especially 7 and

in Shiitic heterodoxy,*"

play an important part

vari-

and they constantly recur under

find

ous forms.

Hence we

on the one hand the Sah'iyya,

the ''Seveners,""

who

accept as the

Mahdi

Isma'il b. Ja'far,

the seventh
Ismailites

Imam

after 'All, a sect

which under the name of

and Karmatians was of such tremendous conse-

quences in the history of Islam and eventually led to the

establishment of the Fatimide caliphate".

On
b.

the other

hand

we meet

the Ithna ashariyya, the "Twelvers,"" believing in

the twelfth

Imam,

a certain

Muhammed

al-Hasan (born

about 872)

who

disappeared as a child and

who

is

expected

to return as the

Mahdi

in the fulness of time".

This ex-

pectation forms the cardinal doctrine of the

practically represent the

Imamiyya who

whole of Shiism of the present

day".

The

further spread and development of Shiism

is

de-

termined by the early conquests of Islam and the gradual

shifting of the Islamic center into the
civilization.
It is

domain of Persian

generally believed and

was up

till

recently

*"

See

Shiites

Index
of

s.

v.
I

Sei'cn
310.

and

Itltna ashariyya.

Cf.

Browne,
as

A
the

Literary

History

Persia

On

these

numbers

as

well

on

number
*'^
*'^

19 see later.
1.
1.

Browne

p.

391

ff.

very elaborate account of this movement

les

will

be found in

ile

Goeje's
edition.

Mcmoirc sur
Leyden

Carmatlies da
23.

Bahrain

ct

les

Fatiiiiides.

Second

1886, p.

"
**

Cf. Shiites

Index

s.

h.
I

v.

Ibn IJazm (Shiites

48,

76,

cf.

II

53)

maintains that this Mahdi was

is

never born.
Ibn Hazm.

Houtsnia (in a private communication)

inclined to agree witli

"

In orthodox Islam, however, the

Mahdi gradually assumed

1.
1.

the function

of destroying the infidels,

Snouck-Hurgronje

p.

25.

198

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

is

asserted by scholars that Shiism

Persian in origin-

This

view can no more be upheld.

The

doctrines discussed above

investigation*^ has

come from

different sources,

and recent
earliest

shown

that the founders

and

exponents of Shiism

were not Persians.

Persians
Shiism.

But there can be no doubt that the

ripe

were

exceptionally

for

the

teachings

of

The
to

hereditary nature of the

Imamate appeared
election of a king

to the Persians as a matter of course.

The

seemed

them impossible and

utterly preposterous".

The

conception of the

Imams

as the heirs

and possessors of the

its

Divine "Luminous Substance" found

counterpart in the

Persian conception of royalty as the possessors of the "far-

riikhi-Kayam' ,
dan'', ''the

''the

Royal Splendor"", or the "farn yaz-

Divine Glory" conceived in the form of a subtle

belief in a
its

flame".

The

Mahdl who
and

is

to inaugurate the

Golden Age found

parallel in similar Persian concepin the

tions of a Saoshyant, a Savior,'"

more

definite ex-

pectation of the "return" of the mythical

Bahram Hama-

van(f\
^"^

Especially

Wellhausen,
1901
p.

Die
90
ff.,

religios-politischen

Oppositionsparteien
is

iin

alten Islam, ziher

in

Berlin

whose main
119.
I

thesis
also

accepted by Goldto

Oricntalischc
b.

Religionen

p.

may
und

refer

my

article
in

'Abdallah
Zeitschrift
*'

Saba, dcr Bcgriinder der Schi'a,

As>syriologie voll. xxiii
1. 1.

scin ji'idischcr

Ursprung

fiir

and xxiv.

Cf.

Browne
p,

130.

*'
*^
'
^^

Ibidem

128.
p.

Darmsteter, Le Mahdi

22.

Ibidem
Blochet,
ff.

p.

26.

Le Messianisnie dans
I

I'hctcrodoxie
I

Musuhiiauc,
that

Paris

1903

p.

126

In

support of Blochet's thesis

may mention
rider

Ibn ^azm,

Milal ua'n-Nihal

139 refers briefly to "the expectation on the part of the

of
B.

Persian
I

IVlagians
6:

Bahram Hamavand,
11.

the

of

the
to

cow;" similarly
bring back their

116

1.

"when

will

have appeared on the cow

kingdom".

Die Burgen

The Southern Arabian writer Nashwan (quoted by D. H. Miiller, und Schlosser Siidarabiens. Sitzungsbcrichte dcr philos.-hist.
Akademie der IVissenschaften zu Wien Bahram Gur, the Sasanian King.
1879, p. 407 note

Classe der Kciserl.

6) speaks instead of

JKWISH-ARABIC STUDIES
This
ideas

FRIEDLAENDER

99

dogmatic

affinity

between Persian and

Shiitic

was powerfully
Persians,

assisted by political circumstances.

The

who

with the rapidity of lightning had been

turned from lords into slaves, eagerly embraced Islam,

largely

because

the

new

religion

promised
In

its

converts

equality of treatment

and opportunity.

this,

however,

they were bitterly disappointed.

Instead of equality and

remuneration, they met from the Arabs and the Omayyads,

who
since

represented

them,

with

contempt and oppression''.

They were thus driven

the

into the
to

arms of the opposition and,

opposition

the

Omayyad

dynasty

centered

around the 'Alides who were regarded as the rightful

claimants to the Caliphate, the Persians joined the Shiat
'All, the ''party

of 'Ali",

i.

e.

became

Shiites".

This

political

character of the opposition could not but have, in turn, an

immediate
sians.

effect

on the religious development of the Per-

Islam was meant to be a universal religion.

But
it

having arisen in the seclusion of the Arabic peninsula,

could not disguise, and in the early period of the Arabic conquests
it

wilfully emphasized,

its

Arabic character.

The

hatred which the Persians bore towards the Arabs as their

conquerors and oppressors could not but affect their senti-

ments towards Islam as represented by the Arabs".

Bound
more
it all

up, as they were, with Islam which they could no

abandon"', they began to refashion

it

and

to foist

upon

the doctrines and traditions they had cherished heretofore.

Thus Shiism, being a

protest against orthodox Islam as repall

resented by the Arabs, became the receptacle of

the re-

" See especially Browne 1. who largely follows van Vloten. p. 232 " Although official Shiism was introduced into Persia much later. " Cf. Shiites, Introduction I 2. Ibn IJazm clearly saw and expressed
I.
flf.

this

relationship,

ibidem
in

35
is

flf.,

cf.

II

16

f.

" Apostasy

Islam

punishable by death.

200
ligious

THK JE:WISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

influences that

had been dominant

in

the

former

Persian Empire.

These influences were as varied

in character as they

were different

in origin.

For the old Persian Empire'" had

for centuries been the battle-ground of

numerous
still

conflict-

ing cultures.
its

The

ancient religion of Babylon

exerted

influence, surviving in various sects, such as the

daeans",
ligion

and transmitted through other channels.

Zoroaster had reigned

ManThe reall

of

supreme for

centuries.

Persia was the

secutions,
still

home of Manichseism which,

beyond the boundaries of
outlived
the

despite
its

per-

had numerous adherents and spread

power-

ful influence far

Persia"'.

The
be-

tenets
lievers

of

Mazdak

destruction

of

its

and continued as an important

spiritual factor".

The
had

neo- Platonic and Gnostic doctrines, which very early asserted

their influence

through the medium of the above

sects,

been, as

it

were, personally introduced in the middle of the

sixth century through the exiled philosophers of Byzantium.""

Among

these agencies

must

also be counted the ancient

paganism or the so-called Sabaeism of Harran, whose adherents were also largely represented in
'Iral::",

not to speak

of the great Jewish and Christian

centers

and perhaps

Hindoo
'*"

influences'".

All these variegated elements, often in

Irak (Babylonia).

Including of course,

We

know

that

this

province

had many Persian inhabitants, and was entirely under the influence of Persian
culture.

In Arabic times Persian was der

still

spoken in the markets of Kufa

Gcscllschaft
to

(Zeitschrift
Shiitic

deutsch-morgcnlandischcn

xxxviii,

392)
that,

and a

impostor of the same city had the audacity

to heaven,

maintain

when he
1.

ascended

he was addressed by God in Persian (Shiites II 90

in
1.

22).

" On Manda;an influences " See especially Browne

"^

Shiism
p.

cf.
ff.

Sliiitcs

II

8z

ff.,

84,

87.

1.

154

Ibidem

p.

166

ff.

Noldeke, Anfsiitzc

r.ur
I

persischen Geschichte
ff.

p.

114.

"^

Chwolson, Ssahier

482

On

the assum])tion of

Hindoo influence on Islam

see

P)rovvne

1.

1.

p.

300

f.

JE:WISH-ARABIC studies

FRIEDLAENDER

201

a modified or mutilated shape, found expression in a motley

multitude of
possible

Shiitic

sects

with a weird mixture of

all

doctrines

and practices which were

official religion

artificially

harmonized with the

interpretation.

by means of allegorical

These

sects are a characteristic feature of the history

of Islam in Persia from the Arabic conquest

times.

down

to

modern
these

We

have seen that the motive power in

all

sectarian

movements was

the Persian resentment against

Arabic rule and oppression.

Hence

these

movements were
political

never purely doctrinal but were at the same time

and, in accordance with the spirit of the age. Messianic

or

Mahdistic.

Thej_ were

revolutionary

in

character

and were directed against the government.

beginning
cide

The proper
said
to

of
the

these

movements may be
of
the

coin-

with

beginning
the

second

Muhammedan

century,

when

end of the

first

century of the do-

minion of the new religion had reawakened eschatological

expectations in
all

sections of Islam,

when

the fruits of the

Omayyad
all,

oppression had begun to ripen and when, above

the subterranean propaganda of the 'Alides, shortly be-

fore organized, had

ical life"'.

grown

to be a

powerful factor

in polit-

Most of

these early sects

make
capital

their appearance

in Kufa^"

which had once been the

Shiitic

under *Alf' and

was now the center of the

shifting of this

propaganda.

With
These

the

propaganda into the eastern provinces of

Persia, the Shiitic sects

move

also eastward.

sec-

tarian

movements become more and more numerous with

the

growing weakness of the Omayyad government.

The end

of

*'

Cf. Cf.

van Vloten
Sltiitcs

1.

1.

p.

44

ff.

Index

s.

v.

Ktifa.
religios-politischen

'

Cf.

Wellhauscn,

Die

Oppositionspartcien

p.

56.

202
the

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Omayyad

period presents an uninterrupted chain of such

uprisings and revolutions.

The
''the

scattered attempts are

now

organized by

Abu Mushm,

Master of the Propaganda",

is

into one great

movement which

centered in Khorasan and

finally leads to the

overthrow of the Omayyads.

started

The

revoin the

lutionary

movement had been

and conducted

name

of the 'Alides.

But by a dexterous move the 'Abbathe Family".

sides displaced the

"Members of

New

upris-

ings follow, led by the Persians Sinbad (757 C.

sls

E.)^ Ustad-

(766-768)^ Mu]:canna'( 777-780)", Babak (816-838)",

and others, and combining heterodox teachings with revolutionary,

ually,

and what

is

identical,

Messianic tendencies.

Grad-

however, these movements lose their

political revolu-

tionary character.

With

the 'Abbasides,

who were them-

selves half Persians'", the Persian element gradually gets

the upper hand.

The resentment

against the Arabs dies

is

away and

the sects henceforward, as far as Persia

con-

cerned, assume a purely doctrinal aspect.

These tremendous upheavals

in the eastern

dominions

of Islam form the background on which stands out the

corresponding movement in Judaism.

In the light of the

historical conditions, as briefly sketched above, the rise of

Jewish sectarianism under Islamic dominion assumes a

larger aspect and a deeper significance.

Time, place, and

character of this
setting.

movement

receive their proper historical

*"

See Blochet, Lc messiajiisne dans

1.

I'hetcrodoxie

Musuhnane

p.

44

f.

Browne
^^

1.

p.

313
1.
1.

f.

Browne,
Ibidem

p.

317.

"8

p.
1.

318
1.

flf.;

Shiitcs II
ff.

120

flf.

'
'"

Browne

p.

323

Their mothers were mostly of Persian blood.

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES
It
is

FRIEDEAENDER

2O3

certainly not accidental that the rise of Jewish

sectarianism under Islam belongs to the same period which

forms a turning point

in the history of

Islam and Shiism,

marked by

the struggle between the

to
it.

Omayyad government
representatives

and the forces opposed

The

earliest'^

of Jewish sectarianism were

Abu
his

'Isa of

Ispahan
the

his first

name

is

not

certain"

and
date of
''his

followers
'Isa's

'Isawiyya,
is

or Isfahaniyya".

The

Abu

appearance

dif-

ferently transmitted by Kirljcisani

and Shahrastani.

Acin the

cording to the former,

appearance took place

days of 'Abdalmelik, the son of Merwan,'"*

685-705.

who

reigned
relates

Shahrastani,

however,

circumstantially

that ''he lived in the time of

propaganda began
yads,

in the

Mansur (754-775), but his time of the last king of the Omayal-Himar (744-750)"" and
stands
entirely
apart.

Merwan

b.

Muhammed
of

" The movement

p.

Serene in

Syria

See later

211.
^2

According

to ICirkisani

(in several places)

I

and Hadassi
1.

his

Jewish name

was Obadiah.

Ibn yazm, Milal wa'n-Nihal

99

11

says: "it has reached

me
of
in
it

that his

name was Muhammad

b.

'Isa."

This combination of the names

of.

Jesus

and
xvi

Muhammed
770.
his

is

most probably an afterthought,

calls

Poznanski
"but

JQR.
is

Shahrastani

him Ishak
Aliihitn."

b.

Ya'kub and adds:

latter
is

said

that

name was 'Ufid

The

undoubtedly
is

D'hSn HilJ?
strange.
I

and identical with

Obadiah.

The form

of

the

name

very

am

inclined to think that the Jews of Ispahan or those

who are
used

responsible for
instead

Shahrastani's data refrained from pronouncing

mD' and

DinSx.
first^form
is

" The
^irkisani
'Isawiyya)

the most frequent and

is

used by
1 1

all

Arabic writers,
a

prefers

the

second

form,

cf.

p.

284,

(where

variant
fol.

reads
33*^.

and

in

the Manuscript of the British

Museum

Or. 2524

SimilarW Hadassi

D'31D'>n.

Ifahaniyya or, more

correctly,

Ibaaniyya

is

found In Makrizi, Khitat

Disputatio
p.

(ed. Cairo)

pro

rcligione

IV 372 1. 18 and in Su'udi (wrote i535)i Mohammcdanormvi contra Christ{a}ws Leiden 1890
left

189.
'*

I^irljisani 284, 6.
it?
I

This statement

is

out by Hadassi.

Did David

al-

Mul<:ammi have

"

Shahrastani

168.

204

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

then narrates/'
at

how he and
Teheran).

his

army were

killed

by Alansur
not

Rai

(near

Gratz",

who

did

know
earlier

Kirl:clsani,

follows Shahrastanl.

Harkavy'" unhesitatingly

accepts

Kirl::isani's

statement
'Isa the
It
is,

and bases

on the

appearance of

Abu

conjecture that he influenced

the rise of Karaism.

Kirl^isanl.

however, impossible to follow

conditions

The The
Iralj:

historical

decidedly
of
Shiitic

speak
sec-

against

it.

systematic

outbreaks

tarianism in
not,

and the other Persian provinces did

take place bethe

owing

to the causes indicated above,

fore the reign of

Hisham (724-743=105-125 Hijra),

son of 'Abdalmelik'".

And

even then the uprisings were

of small dimensions'"; they were quickly put

down by

the

Omayyad governors and they scarcely affected the to such a degree as to make it possible for a Jew
an army and
of
resist the

Caliphate
to gather

government.
frequent

Particularly the reign

'Abdalmelik,

despite

skirmishes

with

the

Kharijites in the East, which, however, were local,"

was
other

characterized by

strength

and

discipline.

On

the

hand, the date given by Shahrastani agrees most perfectly

with the historical circumstances.

Under

the last

Omay-

^"
''''

Prefacing

it

by tva-klla "and

it

is

said".

Geschichte V^ 404.
his

" In

introduction

to

j^ir^cisani

p.

277,

also

in

his

notes to

Gratz-

Rabinowitz III 502.

'"

Cf. the

movements of Khidash (on him and

p.

similar rebels see Wellhau-

sen,
tab,

Des arabische Reich

nearly

315

ff.),

Mugira, Bayan,

Abu Manur, Abu

all

'1-Khat-

and the numerous factions of the Khattabiyya (see on

all

these Shiites

Index),

contemporaneous,

in

the

first

half

of

the

second

Mu-

hammedan
a

century.

The

rebellion

of

Mukhtar (died 67

687)

nearly half
p.

century earlier
ff.)
*

(Wellhausen, Die religids-politischen Oppositionspartcien

74

was of a difTerent character.

See,
e.

Moreover,
This
is

it

did not affect Persia proper.

g.,

Shiites II 79

1.

36.

the impression one gets through-

out from the accounts on the sects of this period.

**

Cf.

August

Miiller,

Der Islam

iin

Morgen- und Abendland

389.

JE:WISH-ARABIC studies

FRIEDI^AENDER

205

yad had

Muhammed
till

b.

Merwan

the 'Alidic propaganda which

then been undermining the Empire, especially in

the East, broke out openly.

With

the

moment when Abu Merv

Muslim, the chief of the propagandist forces, unfurled

the black standard of the 'Abbasides in a village near

(June

9,

747), Persia became a seething caldron of anarchy

It

and revolution.
adventurers and

was, as Wellhausen" puts

df pluck," and
latter,

it,

''a

time of
often

men

Abu Muslim was

compelled to fight the

as he did the forces of the

Omayyad government. One of these adventurers was Bihafarid,*^ who rose in Nisabur preaching ancient Persian doctrines and was put to death by Abu Muslim. Another sectarian, who is of immediate interest to us, was 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya" who rebelled in Kufa against the last Omayyad,
combining
political claims

with extravagant doctrines.

He
and

was forced

to retreat into the East,

where he formed an

independent empire and even struck his

settled temporarily in Ispahan.

own

coins,

He was

put to death by
later

Abu Muslim
there were

in

129 ^

still

(=747 C. E). people who believed

But centuries
that 'Abdallah

was

coi^.ealed in the

mountains of Ispahan and would return

thence to

fill

the earth with justice.

Abu MusHm

himself

was not merely a

political agitator but also the representative,

at least the object, of certain

extravagant doctrines. There

be-

was a

sect

named

after

him the Muslimiyya" which

and expected

lieved in his Divine nature

his "return" as the

Messiah.

When Abu Muslim had

12,

been treacherously mur-

dered by Mansur (February

755), fresh revolts, headed

'^

Das arahischc Reich

1.
1.

p.
flf.

231.

" Browne
**

p.

308
fT.

Sliiitcs

II

44

Wellliausen,
s.

Das

arahisclie

Reich

p.

239

311.

See Shiites Index

v.

Abii Muslim.

206

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

out to Mukanna', and others," broke by Sinbad, Ustadsis, down were encountered and put avenge his death, and they empire caused chaotic condition of the by Mansur. In the the Abu Mushm, perhaps during by the resurrection of was qmte 'Abdallah b. Mu'awiya it

short-hved glory of
possible for a

temperament and Mesof a courageous was a strong gether in Ispahan, which sianic aspirations to probably able army". Abu 'isa was Jewish center," a Jewish the uncerof independence during to keep up an attitude

Jew

and 'Abbaside as-Safah (750-754) tain reign of the first the enermany other sectarians, by

was put down, with

eetic Mansur*'.

The
is

role of Persia as the

home
by

of Jewish sectarianism
historical

also

easily

accounted

for

conditions.

See
.-

caned y.H...na.

okle c,.y ,, by Jews. Th 'J^, .0 have been founded It was supposed VI es, .. s.^v. Ispahan. Je..is B.cyCope.ia

s..pra p.

.o.

On

Um

'fe Turk"

ef.

f
'.

o"-

'

j'^.,'^'

C,

Shahrastani
1

168.

" . , hnn. of Tews followed

\,

,,

,..)

. Jj' J L.chtenMaimonides Osscrct Tcman. Accorainu Aceor'ding to V by .0,000 Jews Sb== Abu 'Isa ws followe.1

iijl

daUonCV
Snp, .ini
,.dict

.0.

1.

U).

unneeessa.;. *..,... says

.S.
1

,y.

...

01,

^.n.
^^
_^^__

.. n,n
statement

-c
of

Peop-e

foi.wed

M.
.s..

.0 fha.

t-;;-;;^^;.
_^^^^_
hinr

wUh him and

the

he was encountered

battle
I^.r

and k

,. (MS.
that

British

M
not

the

sanre

h
^^

"in

the

begmn.ng

of

; J-J^'h.s career
many

t
army

amrnring his prophecy."

o Shahras.an,, .00 JpeaUs

"J

in persons followed (propaganda)

.

^_^^.^^^

.^

and

it

is

quite possible that

,ou,ed h>s

prophetic character.

.This

does

contradict

Ma.momdes

words
to

ZL^-,
^

^,H nny Ssyntr^

duotes
in

; , ^,^,,,, an earher date. speak of a -ent w could very well century of the Hijra ..,_ " of the Muhammedan dominion, i "beginning ,30 H. as is the T.^ahan -one of Ispahan. of the mention here that although.-because
,.ho
live^

L "" m.Sn ^ K.h Harkavy

support of

(introduction

IsirVisam
in

p.

7)
sixth

the

^^^^^
>"''>
is

^^^^^^
reluctant

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

ERIEDLAENDER
especially in

20/

The

sects of

Shiism

first rise in 'Iral^,

Kufa,

and gradually move to the eastern Persian provinces.

When

we examine

the long

list

of Jewish sectarians contained in

find, as

Kirl^isani's account/"

we

was long ago observed by

few exceptions,

Harkavy/^ that

their gentilicia, with very

point to inner Persia.

Isfahan!,

We
to

encounter such designations as

'Okbari

(twice),

Nahawendi, Za'farani,

Tiflisi,

Damagani, or Kumisi,
like

which may also be added names

Yudgan, Shadakan or Sharakan/' and Mushkan,"^ of

Abu
'Isa's

to

detach Maimcnides' words from

the
also

appearance, there are difficulties

12J,*2

in
is

way
used

of
in

this

identification,

inan

(the

Hebrew
opinion

expression

the

Arabic

original)

can

in

my

be

nothing
biblical

else

but

Ma

ward an-nahr, the Arabic name for Transoxania.

is

The

meaning of inan as Euphrates

the
translator

scarcely in accordance the

with
of

the style

of

of

this

letter.

Besides,
to

designation

Ispahan,

whose

position mu-st have been

is

known

Maimonides, as "beyond the Euphrates",

Maimonides'
further

rather

curious

geographical

definition.

statement

Sna D^^trmpl^O
who narrates
books,
that

iStt'lScniXn nn^ll contradicts ?:irkisani (284, 10; 311, 20)

his

"miracle of legitimation"
a
fact
to

consisted

in

his

producing

despite his being illiterate,

which

iJ^irkisani

often refers in

his (unpublished)

polemics against the 'Isawiyyai.

statement,

Gratz V^ 156 has misunderHadassi, and refers the

difficulty.

stood

the

latter
to

which he knew from

former miracle
impossible
that
laid

Abu

*lsa,

without even mentioning the

period,

that

stirring

"the

It is

not

East was then without a master

religids-politisclten

and he who

hands on, had the power" (Wellhausen, Die

p.

Oppositionsparteien

98)

saw
I

many more Jewish

Messiainic movements of

which we know nothing.

shall revert to this point later in these Studies.

^
'^

p.

284-285.
:tudes Jitives

Revue des

208.

'^

The Muhammedan theologian Bagdad!

(MS. Berlin No. 2800,
the
cf.

(died
f.)

1038)

in

his

Kitdb

al-

fark

Sliiites

26

mentions, alongside of the

(cf.

'Isawiyya,
their

Sharakaniyya

(six;),

supposedly
passage

note

3)

named

after

founder

Sharakan

(fol.

4";

this

was discussed and published

206
ff.).

by Schreiner in Revue des ttudes Juives

sage
spelt
(fol.
92''),

XXIX
by

In another pasthe

however,

not

mentioned

Schreiner,

same

sect

is

ijO

*^Li
is

Sliadakaniyya,
identical
p.
I

Schreiner {ibidem

p.

207)

rightly supposes
b.

that this
Piiisker's
''

sect

with the n'^KJlNty mentioned by Yefet

'AH

(in

Likkute

26.

Shahrastani

169.

The Arabic leaf in these names is The name of the sect and its supposed

the Persian gdf.

(see follow

208

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

orign"**.

undeniably Persian

The

Shiitic

movement

in

'Iral::

did not affect the Jewish population of that province.

lonian
spirit

Baby-

Jewry was too strongly imbued with the Talmudic

and too firmly ruled by the authority of the Exilarch
to submit to

and the Geonim

new-fangled doctrines of extravThis was different

in Persia.

agant non-Jewish sectarians.

The Jews
power of

of Persia were nominally under the jurisdiction

of the Geonim"^ but they certainly did not possess the same
resistance as their brethren in Babylonia.

They

were exceedingly ignorant/" more ignorant,

in fact, accord-

ing to a well-informed author/"" than any other Jews, and

especially the followers of

Abu

'Isa are described as "bar-

barian and ill-bred people, destitute of intellect and knowledge.'"*^

This lack of a strong Jewish influence made the

(cf.

ing note) founder varies in the manuscripts

supra note 8) between iX-i^*'

bs-^_^i ^W^J^^i (^^On-^Mj A^i^^J^y*,

**

Ol^***^,
last

4*J !>.-

^ and

Obs--*^.

have a strong suspicion that the

two names are not names of

persons, as assumed by the Arabic writers

who
is

derive such
a

names mechanically,
place in
in

but names of places.

(Yaljcut

At

least

Shddakan

mentioned as

Khuzistan

III 228)

and Mushkan as the name of

in

localities

the province of

Hamadan and one

^^

Paris (Yaljut
R.

IV

543).

According
II

to

Nathan ha-Babli (Neubauer, Mediaeval Jewish ChroQuarterly

nicles

78;

Jewish
in

Review XVII
the

753),

"the

jurisdiction

of

Khorasan had
used
to

olden times belonged to Pumbadita, whence the dayydnim

thither,

be

sent

and

all

tax

on her revenues used

to

go

to

Pumbadita."
'U^ba.
that

This was the cause of the quarrel between Kohen Zedek and
of
the
raise

The ignorance

Persian Jews
religious

may

be inferred

from the

fact

they were unable to

fact
is

magistrates

from

their

own

midst.

The same
p.

reporteil by K. Pethahiah of

Regensburg (Sibbub

ed. Griinhut

10).
""'

Cf. Kirkisani's (p. 285

1.

18)

remark

ab<nit the sect

founded by Meswi

al-

'Okbari: "tliere has never been seen

among them

a learned
p.

man

or a thinker."
dSj,*

Samuel ibn 'Abbas

(in

Bmck

habacha ed. Wiener

S3)

HSkS

"*^

Klirkisani

(IMS. British

Museum

Or. 2524

fol.

34''):

<^pS3 DHJ DJy D1|5B

JKWISH-ARABIC STUDIES
Persian Jews a ready victim to

I^RIEDI^AENDER

209

all

possible heresies which

were

set afloat

by ambitious sectarians and, because rooted

in ancient

Persian tradition, were eagerly grasped by the

Persian population'\

The
main the

character of Jewish sectarianism

:

is

sufficiently de-

termined by the above expositions

reflection of

it

is

exotic and in the

correctly Shiitic,

Muhammedan, more

heterodoxy, as manifested in Persia, and presenting a combination of doctrinal and political, or Messianic, tendencies.

In defending this proposition which apparently

plied in the

is

also im-

remarks of Harkavy quoted

in the

beginning

of our expositions,^^

we cannot

ignore an essentially different

theory, set forth by Gratz with his usual force and fascination.

According to Gratz, Jewish sectarianism owes

its

origin rather to the

Jews of Arabia, who had been exiled by

origin of this
[sectarian]

Muhammed.
the East

"The

movement,"
of

says Gratz,'"" ''which divided the Jewish

commonwealth

and West

into

two camps, dates from the

first

Gaonic century"\
the Jewish

The Babylonian Talmud

in Babylonia.
.

held sway over

the expansion

community

By

of the Islamic dominion.

.the
its

authority of the
original
felt in

Talmud
.

was extended

far

beyond

bounds

The

Babylonian-Persian'**^ communities

no wise hampered
their

by the Talmudical ordinances which were of

creation
'

own
so,

and had sprung up

(316,

in

their

midst...

Not

^irkisani
the
.

2)

expressly states that "the heresies were numerous

i.

among
Likkute
"

(Jewish)
is

inhabitants of Jibal,
of

e.

Mpdia."

Interesting in
b.

this

connection
p.

the

list

heresies
it

enumerated by Yefet

'Ali

in

Pinsker's

26.

More about

later,

p.

185.

" Geschichte "* Here the

is

151;

English

translation

III

118

f.

German

edition offers a
translation.

somewhat guarded sentence

which

left

out

in

the

English
edition

^^

The German

merely has:

the

Babylonian.

210

the:

JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

however, with the Arabian Jews

who had emigrated from

They were sons of
and
to the desocial

Arabia to Palestine, Syria, and Irak, the Benu Kainukaa,

the

Benu Nadhir and

the Chaibarites.

the desert,

men

of the sword, soldiers, and warriors, accus-

tomed from

their childhood to a free life

velopment of their strength; men who cultivated

intercourse
soldiers in

with their former Arabic

allies

and fellow-

whose midst they again

But between

settled after the con-

quest of Persia and Syria.

Judaism was indeed dear

to

them...
tised in
set

the

Judaism

which

they

prac-

Arabia and the Judaism taught by the Talmud and

colleges, there lay
it

up as a standard by the Babylonian

a deep gulf.

To conform

to

Talmudical precepts,

would

have been necessary for them to renounce their genial

familiarity with their former

comrades and

to give

up

their

drinking-bouts with the Arabs which, despite their interdiction by the Koran, the latter greatly loved.

In a word,
. .

they

felt

themselves

hampered by the Talmud

this aversion to

But

from whatever cause

Talmudical precepts

may have

arisen,

it

is

certain that

it

first

had

its

origin in

the Arabian-Jewish colony in Syria or Irak."

This construction of Gratz with

plications
is

all

its

numerous im-

wholly unacceptable.

To

begin with, the

is,

home

and the center of Jewish sectarianism

seen, not
'Iraljc

or Syria, but Persia.

we have just The movement of

as
in Syria,^"'

Serene which, according to our data, took place

more
i"3
^*''

correctly in Northern
Gratz
I
is

Syria,^**^

stands entirely isolated"'

\'3

401

f.

infer this

from the name of the founder. Serene

misprint)
is

ij^iK*

(the reading

vi*ic>

not

variant but a
in

neither

Hebrew nor Arabic nor

Litteratur
first

Persian.
p.

Briill

Jahrbiicher fur judische

Geschichte und

1889

119

rightly suggests that

'^^

i^ntj* was but a by-name, his

to

name being
we expect
a

XIIVD

X1VT

I'^

analogy

the

name

of other

sectarians

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES
and the data about

FRIEDLAENDER
'"'

211

it

are very scanty

and contain much

that appears very strange'"'.

gentilicium with the ending
derivation from Sirin in

The few hundred Arabian Jews

(quoted by BruU ibidem) suggests the

t.

Fiirst

Galilee.

Since, however, all the sources agree that

call

he rose in Syria (Gratz ibidem) and the Byzantian writers

Tic;

him simply

Iii'pog

would

rather

propose

to

pronounce

his

name Surydnl "the

Syrian"
jy

(,^,^^5,

..

,^^

(j\i

cf.

Revue des Etudes Juives

was Sha'm.

f^ XXXII

On
144.)

the transcription of sin through

The

original Arabic
to

name

for

Syria
Syria.

But

this

designation

was gradually limited

Southern

Evidence of the above use of the Arabic word

is

sideration

in the period under confound in a Gaonic responsum (Harkavy's Responseii p. 230)

iv^y Syty niolpo

]m pn
DmD

nyi

pnm
n*KniD

nSm

pc'on ]\i2 x^n

ptySn noci

nunc

no3

smo

Kinc
Kip:
(cf.

'<^^'\^

snDi

pirSi

''^NV'str*

xmo

pnp

ms
itr^y

in

Dipo

imx dc

'jj;

'axmo mix
The

]Kiipi

Saaa nn^fj

^n

Ginzberg, Geonica II
Sha'rnl,

174).

same differentiation between Sha'm

as a competent Palestinian friend

and

South Syria and Southern Syrian, and Suriyye and Surydnl (or
is,

^wri), North Syria and Northern Syrian,

informs me,

still

ordinarily used in the East at the present day.

Poznanski,

JQR. VIII 699 note i derives the name from Shirin near Karmesin in Persia). If this be correct which, on

r31lj>

*2*Ttr

the strength of the

available
thesis
^^^

material,

am
to

inclined

to

doubt

this

would only strengthen the

defended in the
It
is

text.

difficult

say whether
317,
6;

the

remnants of the 'Isawiyya which,

British

as

^Cirkisani

(284,
still

11,

also

MS.

Museum
in

Or. 2524

fol.

34*
writer

narrates,

were

to

be

found

Damascus

the

time of

this

had any connection with Serene and his movement.

a sectarian from the sect
*"*

J^irkisani also mentions

Ramla (285, of Meswi of Baalbek

13).

See Schreiner in REJ.

XXIX
in a
'"iVtS*

207.

On
in

see Gratz

450.

The only information about

Gaon Natronai
is

his tenets is contained

in

few words
P-

a responsum of the

the collection

Gratz
but,

V 401
as

p^^

24".

See

f.

This Natronai

not, as Gratz thinks,

Natronai

(about 719),

was pointed out by

p.

Briill,

Jahrbiicher fUr jiidische

I

Geschichte

und

Litteratur 1889
869).

119 and Ginzberg Geonica

plainly

50 note

i,

Natronai II (859-

The Gaon

refers

to

the

Karaites and

characterizes

them as

opponents of the Talmud.

of

Since he distinguishes them

from the followers

Serene,

it

is

not permissible to emphasize so

it

strongly the anti-Talmudic

is

character of the latter and to use

as a basis for further deductions, as

done by Gratz.
^'^

It

is

scarcely credil)le

that

the Jews of
to

Si>ain

should

have been

afall

fected

by an obscure sectarian in Syria

such an extent as to leave

212
of the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Banu
Keinul:caa

and Banu Nadir, who, when expelled

Southern Syria,"' could scarcely,
they were,'"' have prompted a

by Muhammed,
ignorant nomads
ligious

settled in
'that

new

re-

movement.

The bulk

of the Arabian Jews, consist-

ing of the Khaibarites, were settled in Kufa.""

But

their

presence in

'Iraljc,

except for their influence on

left

Muhammethe anti-

dan theologians,'"

no trace whatever.

Nor can

Talmudic character of the Arabian Jews be conceded so

easily.

We

know

but very

little

about the inner condition

of the Arabian Jews at the time of

Muhammed.

But

to

judge by

Vv^hat

Islam borrowed from them, they must have

been deeply influenced by Talmudic tradition."'

Moreover,

we have
in
it is

positive evidence that those

Jews who remained

Arabia submitted to the authority of the Geonim."'

above
all

But

a mistaken notion to seek the source of Jewish

or Eastern sectarianism in considerations of ease and convenience.

Antinomianism has never been a creative force

development of the East.
It
is

in the religious

true, the

their

property which

was confiscated by the government,

and that neither

it.

JhCirkisani
^08 i'

nor any other Jewish writer should

p.

know anything about

523.
cf.

Griitz V^.

99-100, Caetani, Annali dell 'Islam 1 p.

On

the ignorance of the Arabian

p.

Jews

Geiger,
of

Was
the
is

hat

Muhammed
in

aus

dem Jndentum aufgenommen

for
his

10.

The
Ibn

fact

nomadic and,

consequence, uncultured condition of the Jews in IJijaz

utilized

pointed out and

in

philosophy of history by
212,
1.

Khaldun (died 1406)

his

Prolegomena
" Gratz

II
1.

461.

108.

"^ Cf. Lidzbarski,

De
hat

prophcticis, quae dicuntur, legendis

arabicis, Leipzig

1893

P-

28

f.

^'^

Cf. Geiger,
in

Was
cf.

Muhammed
origin

aus dem Judentum aufgenommen

p.

f.

Different

character
Z.

and

was

Southern

Arabic

or

yimyaric Ju-

daism
schaft

in

Yemen,

Frankel in Manatsschrift
II

fiir

Geschichte und Wi-ssen-

des

Judentums

(1853)

451.

Talmudic, Judaism see the second part of

Zeitsclirift
^'*

On my

this

Southern,

probably
b.

nonin

article

on 'Abdallah

Saba

fiir

Assyriologie vol.

XXIV.
of Arabia and the Gaonate" in this volume.

See

my Note on "The Jews

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

FRIEDLAENDER

213

adoption of ''allegorical interpretation" has often led to

libertinism or, as the

Muhammedans

call

it,

the 'Hstihldl al-

miiharramdt/' "the permission of forbidden things.""*

It

But

was

a consequence, not a motive.

religion without defi-

nite

religious

obligations

has

few chances for becoming

is

popular in the East.

James Darmsteter"^

even of the

opinion that the rapid conversion of the Persians from

Zoroastrism to Islam was due to the fact that the former,

with
all its

burdensome

purification rites,

"was on the other

which

hand as

hostile as possible to that spirit of asceticism

the people always love to see in their religion."

Manichse-

ism and Mazdakism, which arose as a protest against Zoroastrism, are decidedly ascetic, and the
is

same

ascetic spirit
sects.

characteristic

of most

Muhammedan

heterodox

The same holds good in the case of Jewish sectarianism. The Karaitic schism was, as Weiss"" has convincingly shown,
not a protest against the restrictions of rabbinical tradition,
but,

on the contrary, against

ascetic
like.

its

alleviations.

Early Karaism
Abii
'Isa,

was strongly
Jews gave

and so were the

sects of

Yudgan, and the

birth

And

if it

be admitted that the Arabian

to

Jewish sectarianism, because, among

it

other grievances, they found

difficult

"to give

up

their

drinking-bouts with the Arabs," they would indeed have

made but a poor exchange for Abu 'Isa and Yiidgan, among other ascetic restrictions, forbade the drinking of
:

wine altogether."^

'^^

See Shiites Index

is

s.

v.

Precepts.

It

must be borne

in

mind, however,
sectarians in

tliat
all

libertinism
religions.
^^'
"^'^

favorite,

often unfounded charge

against

Le Mahdi p. 19 f., cf. also Browne Dor dor wc-dorshow I\* 65.

1.

1.

p.

"^ See later.

214

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The acceptance
of a later date for the appearance of

Abu

isa

and

his disciple

Judgan'" makes

it

highly improbaf-

able that the founder of

Karaism who rose very soon

terwards should have been influenced by them to any appreciable extent.

It
is

altogether difficult to assume that

man of the deep learning and the high social standing of Anan should have succumbed to the influence of these sectarians who were very ignorant"^ and occupied a very low
a
social position/'"

The

character of this type of Jewish secis

tarianism and the Karaitic schism

ferent.

indeed entirely dif-

Karaism

is

anti-

Talmudic.

It is

based on a definite

system of interpretation and presupposes a community of

scholars and a highly developed Talmudic culture.

The

heterodoxy of

Abu

'Isa

and others

like

him

is

not directed

against the Talmud.

'isa placed the

If

we

are to believe Kirljcisanl/"^ Abii

Rabbinical sages on almost the same level

with the prophets.''^ This heterodoxy affects likewise Biblical

and Talmudical ordinances and has, besides, a strong Messianic

character.

As

its

bearers

we have

to

picture to

ourselves a

community of simple-minded uneducated Jews,

Halakah, an easy prey to

removed from the center of Talmudic learning and unable

to grasp the
intricacies of the

Messianic adventurers and the influences of the non-Jewish

surroundings.

The

Karaitic secession therefore

It

is

an inner-

Jewish movement.
"*

owes the outside world nothing ex(\''

Yudgan

is

placed by Griitz

190, cf. 447)

at 800.

This

is

certainly

too late.

Yudgan who was Abu

supra
208.

'Isa's discii)le

must have succeeded his master

immediately.
'"'

vSee

p.

"" See later.

"^
p.

311, 25.
is

^" This

meant by Iladassi when he clumsily says

'33-

(p.

41*^)

i121

tajp'tt

nS1233 DH D'p'TnO 21 2
veneration
see
later.

On

the

conception underlying this excessive

JEWISH-ARABIC STUDIES

FRIEDLAENDER

215

cept the general spirit of the age which, as a result of the

mixture of cultures, was characterized by scepticism and

a marked tendency to schism.
type of

Jewish sectarianism of the

Abu
is is

*isa,

while retaining the main elements of

Judaism,

deeply influenced by the non- Jewish environ-

ment and

indebted to

it

for
to

many

of

its

characteristics.

We
and

will

now proceed

examine these characteristics

role

to illustrate

by some striking examples the

Jewish sectarianism.

of

Shiitic elements in

{To he continued)

THE INFLUENCE OF JEWISH LAW ON THE DEVELOPMENT OF JURISPRUDENCE IN THE CHRISTIAN ORIENT
By
V. Aptowitzer,
Israelitisch-theologische Lehranstalt,

Vienna

Jewish
fied

law, by which

we mean

the Mosaic code ampli-

and carried further

at the

hands of the Talmudic doc-

tors

and

to a less extent

by Karaitic scholars, has exerted

a powerful influence on the development of jurisprudence

in the Christian Orient.

Whether

in Babylonia,

Armenia,

Syria,

or Northern Africa, Christian judges pronounced

sentence on the basis of Mosaic-Talmudic statements of

law, Christian jurists delivered opinions according to Biblic-

al-Talmudic or Karaitic legal maxims, and Christian codifiers

incorporated Jewish law in their law-books.

The above paper
publications:
ziir

This

constitutes a

summary of

the contents of the writer's

following

Beitrdge

mosaischen

Rezeption

im Armenischen Rccht.
in

Sitzungs157.

berichte der kaiserlichen

Akademie der Wissenschaften

Rechts.
1907.

Wien, Band

Holder, Vienna 1907.

d.

Morgenl.,

Zur Geschichte des armenischen XXI. Holder, Vienna

kais.

Wiener

Zeitschr.

f.

d.

Kunde

Die syrischen^ Rechtsbilcher

berichte d.

unci das mosaisch-tahnudische Reclit. Sitzungs163.

Akademie, Band
comp,

Holder, Vienna 1909.

Rechtsbiicher

In

addition,

my

essays

"Die

der

ncstorianischcn

Patriarchcn und ihre Quellen," in: Anzeiger der Kais. Akad. in Wien, phU.histor.

Klasse,
Oct.

March
19 ID,
I

2,

1910; "Die Rechtsbilcher der syrischen Patriarchen,"

WZKM.,
As

-45.
is

the present paper

merely in the nature of a review,

incorporate

it

has been
the
ex-

considered

unnecessary

to

references

or

citations

for

amples adduced.

217

2l8
fact

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

comes home
to us

on a perusal of the Christian

far as
it

legal

literature of those countries as

cessible

has become ac-

through publication.

To

be sure, the influence of

these legal codes

Jewish law does not manifest

itself in all

with the same directness and with the same lasting impact.

Relatively

speaking,

the

influence

of Jewish law

is

minimal
to

in the so-called

Syro-Roman Code which appears

have been influenced to a greater extent by the

Ham-

murabi Code^
tain

Nevertheless, even that code seems to conis

more

of Jewish elements than

commonly recognized Thus a goodly num-

only the fact does not appear to stand out as clearly and
unequivocally as in the other codes.
ber of the
of that

many obscure and code may go back

hitherto unexplained decisions

to

Mosaic-Talmudic maxims

of law which, however, appear to have undergone modification, as

may

be

shown by

the following example.

Syro-Roman Code,
wives, one without
^e^viy

L. 36:

"When

man

has two

and she bears him children, and

another married legally, and she likewise bears him children,

whether they

all

inherit

equally?

The

man may
strange

cause

them

to inherit equally,

by designating them, the children

as

of the wife without

(p^p'^ri^

strangers,

heirs,

and, though he call them not his children, nevertheless by

indicating his intention that they should inherit together

with his children".

Bruns and Mitteis are

at a loss

to

explain on the basis of

Roman
to

law

this curious

decision

'

D,

H. Miiller was the

Code.

first

establish

the

Semitic

element in

the

Syro-Roman

Comp.

his

Gcsetcc

Hammurabis,

275-281;;

Das

syrisch-

romische Rechtsbuch tind Hammurabi, Vienna 1905.

Miiller's

arguments have

been accepted in toto by Josef Kohler, and supplemented with reference to

Talmudic law by myself.

Comp.

my

review

in this

Quarterly, 1907, 605-611,

and Die syrischen Rcchtsbiicher, passim.

Ji:WISH

AND CHRISTIAN LAW

APTOWITZKR

2ig

that the illegitimate children

may

inherit only as strangers

and not

as children.

It is

likewise diametrically opposed

to the laws of

children

Hammurabi according to which illegitimate may inherit only when they have been legally
D. H. Miiller,
it

adopted as children.
iously endeavored to

is

true, has ingen-

remove

this discrepancy, but his ex-

planation

is

not altogether satisfactory, especially for the

reason that
a case

we meet with

this

peculiar principle also in

to

which has nothing whatsoever

do with illegitimate

children.

In the Old Armenian Code of Mechitar Gosh

:

we
him
is

read

''The daughter's son, however, does not inherit

and receives no portion, unless the testator have appointed

heir during his life-time in writing, for a man's seed

indeed his daughter, but not his daughter's son.

step-child.

The

same holds good of the

the power,

man, however, has

when he

so desires, to appoint such as heirs

I

during his life-time, to wit, as strangers".

have no doubt

whatsoever that the peculiar aspect of

this decision is

due
it

solely to its phraseology; so far as its contents go,

is

identical

with the

following paragraph of

the

Mishna

"Whoso

distributes his property orally (in a dying condi-

tion), assigning to the

one heir more, to the other

less,

or placing them on an equal footing with the first-born,

his

words are

valid.

But when these assignments are made

in the

form of

inheritance, he has said nothing (his

words

are not valid)".

In a briefer and terser form the Tosefta:

says, 'N.

''When any one

N.

shall be

nothing; (when he says,) 'Bestozv

my heir', he has my property as a

is

said
gift

upon N.

N.', his

words are

valid".

That

to say, one

may

transfer his property to such as have no legal claim in the

form of

gifts,

but not as inheritance.

This differentiation
in the

between a

gift

and a legacy corresponds

Syro-Roman

220

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in the

Code and
children

Old Armenian Code

to the difference be-

tween strangers upon

whom

gifts

may

be bestowed and

who

inherit.
itself
felt in

The Mosaic-Talmudic law makes

ticularly

a paris

emphatic manner and with an import which

unique
it

in the history of jurisprudence in

Armenian

lazv as
:

has come

down

to us in the three

Armenian codes

the

Old Armenian Code of the Bishop Mechitar Gosh of the

twelfth century, the Middle

Armenian Code of Sempad of

the thirteenth century, and the Polish-Armenian Code.

it is

Here

not a question of single legal decisions and single legal

in

maxims

which the influence of Jewish law becomes ap-

parent; Mechitar Gosh on whose code the two other Ar-

menian codes are constructed has

directly

taken over a

large portion of the laws in Exodus, Leviticus,

Numbers

and Deuteronomy, and that

in

the order and to a large

extent also in the language of the original.

And where
it

the language of the original has not been preserved

is

due to the circumstance that a considerably large portion

of the Mosaic material in the code of Mechitar Gosh appears not in
its

original Biblical form, but in the modified

form
tation.

resulting

from the Talmudic

tradition

and interpre-

The

fact that

Mosaic law has been taken over into

F. Bischoff in his

Armenian law has been pointed out by

fundamental work on Armenian law.
degree
after
it

To

still

larger

has been recognized by

J.

J.

Kohler.

Kohler and

him

Karst, the editor, translator, and commentator

of the Armenian code of laws, have also recognized and

emphasized that Talmudic-Rabbinic influence makes

particularly felt in the

itself

Old Armenian Code of Mechitar

But
it

Gosh of

the twelfth century.

has been reserved for

JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN LAW

APTOWITZER

221

D. H. Miiller and myself to prove the singular magnitude

and potency of the Talmudic-Rabbinic influence on the Code

of Mechitar.

further result of

my own

investigations has

been the knowledge that the more recent redaction of the

Mechitar code, the code of Sempad and the Polish- Armenian

code, even

where they are

at variance

with Gosh, have been

markedly influenced by Talmudic law.

Miiller's

work has been reviewed by me

in

volume

XIX

of this QuARTERivY (pp. 611-614).

On

the present

occasion I

may

be permitted to single out from

my

investi-

gations a few examples

I.

Gosh's Dastanagirk, II 48:

'Xaw
on
the
fire

concerning incendiaries.

When
:

a house
is

is

set

through a voluntary act and the incendiary

is

caught,

following case

to be

distinguished

When human
is

beings perish in the

fire, let

painful punishment be inflicted

upon

his hand, although according to

law he

guilty of

death, in order that thereby the

way

to eventual repentance

may

be left open to him."

Now,
The
latter

the Mosaic law

knows

neither of arson com-

mitted on dwellings nor of death caused by incendiarism.

case,

however,

is

met with

in

Talmudic law,

though not quite

in Mechitar's sense,
is

and there indeed the

penalty for such a crime

this legal

death.

Gosh, however, knows

is

matter as Mosaic, for such

the meaning which

he always associates with the term "law".

Thus

for

Gosh

Talmudic law was Mosaic law.

is

The explanation
Mosaic law not

for that
directly

the fact that

Gosh derived

his

from the Pentateuch, but from compendia of the Pentateuch which, in the case of
binic
sions.

many

laws, contained the rabdeci-

interpretation

and even independent talmudic

222

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

2.

Gosh's Dastanagirk, II 9:
pertaining to drunkards and to injuries done by
for an injury committed in a state of drunkenis

Law
them.
ness,

As

no mitigation of the penalty

to be

allowed ac-

cording to our ecclesiastical law.

On

which Karst remarks: "The

legal principle

goes back to Can. 7 of Saint Sahak

That the same

ran counter
to the

Armenian customary law which apparently same extent as the Graeco-Roman law allowed a plea
to

for mitigation of the penalty on the

bility,

ground of irresponsi-

follows with certainty from the emphatic

it

manner

in

which

becomes necessary

in the

paragraph

in question to

secure the acceptance of this legal maxim, which can only

be explained on the supposition that this

current one".

maxim was
to

not the

The maxim
the

of Saint

Sahak referred

above which

runs counter both to the Armenian customary law and

Grseco-Roman law agrees

it

in

every respect with Talmudic

law whence
3.

has therefore been derived.

:

Dat., II 23 (Karst, p. 199)

'Xaw

concerning them
that smiteth

that smite their father or their mother.

He

his father or his mother, shall be surely put to death

(Exod.

21, 15).

So according

to law".

In a more recent version (488 749, Sin.) this chapter

reads as follows

"Concerning the reviling of one's father or mother.

In the case of reviling, the law confers upon the father
the authority to bring his son before the judge:
fess his guilt
if

he conlet

and relapse

not, he shall be

rebuked and

go free

otherwise he shall be punished according to law,

it

for according to the ancient law

was customary

to

hang

him

that reviled his father or his mother".

JKWISH AND CHRISTIAN I,AW

APTOWlTzER

223

In the case of reviling one's parents the 'law" has

nothing to say about taking the son before the judge.

point
is

This

derived from the law concerning the rebellious son

(Deut. 21, 18-21).

There, however, according to the tenor

of the text, the elders (judges) step in only

when

the reit

buke (chastening) has remained

ineffective,

and then

is

for the purpose of pronouncing sentence of death.

The
which

judges have nothing to do with the chastening

is

itself

the business of the parents.

Thus

also

is

the passage
p.

in question

reproduced

in Dat., II

70 (Karst,

199).

It is also

strange that here the judges are spoken of and

not, as in the Bible

and

in Dat. (II
is

23 and 70), the elders.

the statement
lazv
it
:

But particularly remarkable

cording
to

"for ac-

the ancient (scil. the Mosaic)

was

cus-

tomary

to

hang him

that reviled his father or his mother".

:

In the Bible
the

we read merely
is

"shall be surely put to death"

manner of death

not indicated.
its

Now,
that

all

this

receives

explanation from the fact

we have

before us in this variation of the original code

one of the most interesting cases of borrowing from Talmudical

literature.

That we are

to

understand by the expression "and

in the case of the rebellious

though they chasten him"

not,

son

as

is

warranted by the context, parental reprimand,

but judicial punishment by stripes, the

Talmud

infers

by

analogy from Deut. 22,

of
his

18,

where we read of the slanderer

wife:

"and chastise him", by which expression

stripes
is

punishment by
hedrin 71 a)
in the

meant.

And
is

in the

Mishna (San-

we

read of the rebellious son:

"He

is

warned

presence of three

men and

given the punishment

If he then sin

of stripes {in the presence of three men).

again,

he

is

taken

before a court of law consisting of

224

1'H^

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Hence, the
later version of Dat.,

twenty-three members".
II 23, has

appHed not the

Biblical, but the

Talmudic law

concerning the rebellious son to that pertaining to the reviler.

Now,

the crime of reviling one's parents

is

punished

according to the

Talmud by

strangling.

This point was

it

taken over by our version, except that

replaced the

penalty of strangling peculiar to Talmudic penology by a

similar penalty with
miliar, hanging.

which Armenian law was more

fa-

In

its

purely formal aspect

we

find

it

strange that in

this later version of

Dat., II 23, the law concerning re-

viling one's parents

is

brought into connection with a para-

graph concerning the case "when children commit unlawful acts against third persons".

In Dat. and the Code of

Sempad we

find nothing of the sort,

whereas

in

our version

we

read immediately after the paragraph dealing with the

:

reviling of one's parents as follows

'*On the other hand, as

for unlawful acts committed by children against third persons, in this case the

law does not confer authority upon

the father to indict his sons before the judge".

An

explanation of the reason

is

why

these

two para-

graphs are connected

that in the

readily afforded by the circumstance

find beside the regulation

Mishna we

mentioned

above concerning the rebellious son the following para-

graph

'When

he steals from strangers and consumes what

he has stolen in a locality belonging to strangers, {ichen

he steals) from strangers and consumes in a locality belonging to his father, he
is

not dealt with after the manis

ner of a rebellious son; (that

steals
to a

the case) only li'hen he

in a locality belonging

from

his father
.

and consumes

stranger"

JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN LAW

APTOWITZER

225

Since our version took over the one regulation of the

Mishna,

it

took over at the same time also the other reguit

lation, giving

the

form of a general

principle that parents

in the case of un-

have no right of indicting their children

lawful acts committed by them against third persons.

To
of
the

a similar degree the influence of Jewish law

is

manifested in the Syriac codes of three Catholic patriarchs

Eastern
All

Nestorian
these

Church,

edited

by

Eduard
to
Is-

Sachau.
lamic

three

patriarchs

belong
in

times
oldest

and
of

lived

and

held

office

Babylonia.
in
office

The

them,

Henanisho

Xenias,

was

as patriarch

from 686

to 701 in Seleucia

on the

Tigris, in

Arabic Elmada'in.

The two
first

later patriarchs,

Timothy and

Jesubarnun, lived in the

quarter of the ninth century.

caliphs.

Their

official seat

was Bagdad, the residence of the

in the capacity of judge.

Henanisho appears
municates directions
in

He comsupreme

answer to questions submitted to

in his function as

him by subordinate judges, and

judge he reverses judgments passed by magistrates subject to his control.

We have 25

documents, judgments, com-

ing from him.

On

the other hand, his

two successors were

real codifiers of law.

Timothy wrote a code consisting of

99 paragraphs which in the main deal with the law of marriage and inheritance. The code of Jesubarnun contains treats

130 paragraphs of which more than one-half (71)

of the law of marriage

(32 paragraphs)

and the

law of inheritance

(39 paragraphs).

The remaining 59

paragraphs contain regulations concerning ecclesiastic law,

ecclesiastic

and monastic discipline (24 paragraphs), the

law of slaves (7 paragraphs), and other questions of law. Not a word is said by the patriarchs concerning their
sources.

We

naturally

first

think

of Islamic

influence.

226

the:

jdwish quarterly review

But

in

the legislation of our patriarchs there is not the

slightest trace of Islamic law.

For

that

we have
little

the tesas

timony of so thorough a student of

E. Sachau.
Likewise, there
is

Mohammedan law

extremely

of Gra?co-

Roman

law to be found

in the

codes of laws by the Nes-

torian patriarchs.

On

the other hand,

my

investigations

have resulted

in

proving that the Jewish law was the com-

mon

source for Henanisho, Timothy, and Jesubarnum.

I

may

be permitted to single out just one point, the

law of inheritance.

The

latter

agrees

in

the

codes of

Timothy and Jesubarnun wholly with the Jewish system

of
inheritance,
is

with this

difference

that

in

two points

Timothy

at variance

with Talmudic law and adheres to

the Sadduceo-Karaitic opinions, whereas the system of inheritance propounded by Jesubarnun absolutely coincides

with the Talmudic order of succession:

Ta]

JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN LAW

10.

APTOWlTzER
10.

227

the father's
brothers

10

the father's
brothers

the father's
brothers

II.

descendants
the

of

II.

descendants
the

of

11.

descendants
the

of

father's
father's
sis12.

father's
father's
sis12.

father's

brothers
12.

brothers
the

brothers
[the father's sisters]

the

ters
13.

ters

descendants

of

13

descendants

of

13.

[descendants

of

the father's sisters

14.

the father's sisters

14.

the father's sisters]

14.

the mother's kin

the mother's kin

the mother's kin

excluded
I

excluded
in a position to

have been

sum up

the result of

my

investigation of the codes of the three

Nestorian patri-

archs in the following statement:

The

legal decisions of the catholicos

Mar

Henanisho,

the patriarch of the East, agree in the greatest

number of
two have
and
all

instances entirely with the

that.

Talmudic law and only with

The

differences that subsist between the

in

their

analogies

Sadduceo-Karaitic

traditions

in

opinions of Talmudic authorities not accepted.

it

At

events

is

with Jezvish legal principles and maxims alone that

the judicial opinions of the patriarchs agree to so remarkable an extent;

if

we

leave

them out of account, many of

these opinions
planation.
If

would remain quite obscure and beyond ex-

we

did not

know

that these judicial opinions

emanate

from a Syrian catholicos we might be tempted

to look

upon

them

as a code of responsa by a Talmudist with Karaitic

leanings
ditha.

from the gaonic academies of Sora and Pumbeit

Since, however,

is

a Syrian patriarch that shows

so thorough a
tradition, the

knowledge of Talmudic law and Talmudic

the as-

phenomenon can be explained only by

22S

THf:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

sumption that the patriarch did not merely casually associate with Jewish scholars, but rather had Jewish scholars as teachers and constant mentors.

The "Canons and Laws of the pious man of God Monsignor Timothy the Catholicos" agree in the greatest number of cases with the Talmudic law and in
part can be
are to

explained only from that source.

a large extent so remarkable that
plain

The agreements
it

is

impossible to exit

them as sheer casual coincidences; nor would

to

sufficient

be say that they point merely to an influence

exerted by Talmudic law.

We

are constrained to assume

this instance direct

borrowing.

Several even of the dis-

crepancies between the decisions of the catholicos and Talmudic law, indeed, can only be explained by legal
principles

Talmudic literature and in though these ideas have not been raised to the dignity of legal norms. The influence of Talmudic law or,
in the
it

which have come down

only,

to

speak more generally, of Talmudic literature shows with still greater potency in the code of the
catholicos

itself

Timo-

thy than in the legal decisions of the patriarch Henanisho.

Hence,

if

any one

Jewish scholars as

must have been Timothy teachers and mentors.

it

that

had

The
shows

influence

of Jewish law and Jewish literature

though not with the same potency as in the works of Henanisho and Timothy, still potently enough that it can be demonstrated that even a man of the type of Jesubarnun who if anything was unfriendly to the Jews could not emancipate himself from the influence of his Jewish environment. I have endeavored to show that, so far as Armenia is

itself

also in the code of Jesubarnun,

moments favoring the Mosaic-Talmudic legal norms and principles

concerned, one of the

infiltration

of

into the legal

JEWISH AND CHRISTIAN LAW

practice of the
lations

APTOWlTzER

229
re-

Armenians was the intercourse and the

between the Jewish and Armenian population.

is

This

moment
lonia.

of

still

greater import with reference to Baby-

In Babylonia, intercourse between Jews and Chris-

tians

was much

closer

and the
still

relation of the

two
in

strata of

population to each other

more intimate than

Armenia.

We

learn

from Timothy and Jesubarnun

that in

many

a district of Babylonia circumcision, and that "after the

Jewish fashion", was customary among the Christian population.

Instances of friendship between Jews and Christians

are attested by Jesubarnun.

Several of Jesubarnun's decisions go to show that Jews

and Christians were

riages,

in the habit of contracting intermar-

and that zuithout the removal of the "impedimentum

as in Armenia, there

disparitatis cultiis."

further point

is that,

was want-

ing a uniformed national system of laws.

POETIC FRAGMENTS FROM THE GENIZAH

By
Israei.

Davidson,

Jewish Theological Seminary of America

II.

From a Divan of a North African Poet

likewise

This fragment,

from the T-S. Collection

m., with

(Loan No.
30
28.
lines to

58),

consists

of the two outer leaves of a

c.

parchment quire making four pages of 23 x 16

each page, excepting the
is

first,

which has only

The writing

square in character, with a slight ten-

dency towards the cursive.

in several places,

The manuscript
p.

is

defective
is

and between

2 and 3 there

a gap,

perhaps of several leaves, which accounts for the frag-

mentary
the

state of

some of the poems.

in

In the manuscript,

poems are not written

verse form, nor are they

diacritical

punctuated.
signs

Only here and there occur some

in

and these are indicated

the

my
is

notes.

With
love

exception of
the
fifth,

the

first

poem, which

is

quatrain,

which

too

fragmentary, and

the third and eighth which give us no clue to the people

to

whom

they were addressed, the remaining four poems

seem

to possess genuine historical interest in addition to

their literary value.

is

Thus, from the second poem, which

'Ata,

addressed to

Abraham Ibn

we gather

fresh infor-

mation about

this

important personage of Kairwan.

in his day, first

That became

Ibn 'Ata played an important role

known

to us

through a poem of Hai Gaon, discovered by

231

232

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in the

Harkavy and published

firah",

Hebrew
col.

periodical

"Haze-

XXVI (May
(

10,

1899),

484^-485^, by David

Magid

U"iyD

'Jisv).

In this poem,

which must have

letter,

formed the introductory part of a longer

the

Gaon

speaks of Ibn 'Ata in terms of the highest esteem, and,

the scribe
describes

who
him

copied
as the

it

in 1120, as the editor

informs us,

Nagid of Kairwan.

Lately, again,

Professor Goldziher and Dr.

the view
that
this

Poznanski have expressed

Ibn 'Ata, the correspondent of Hai

Gaon,

is

identical with the physician

b.

Abu

Islial^

Mar

R.

Abraham

Mar

R. 'Ata mentioned with great respect in

treatise

an anonymous Arabic

on the Attributes of God.

Professor Goldziher finds in verses 7 (not 6) and 18 of

Hai's
a

poem convincing proof

is

that Hai's correspondent

p.

was

physician

{Harkavy-Pestschrift,
it
is,

100).

While the

identity

not improbable,

nevertheless, strange that

our North African poet, in sounding the praises of Ibn

*Ata,

makes no mention whatever of

I

his

medical

skill.

Furthermore,

venture to say, that these verses (7 and

18) give us no clue to the profession of Ibn 'Ata.

fact
its
it

The
make

is

that the editor of the

us, as
I

poem has

failed to

import clear to
is

he also overlooked the fact that

consider
it,

written in meter.

therefore, advisable
it

to reproduce here the

poem
is

of Hai, especially since

was

printed in a daily and

therefore not easily accessible.

Of

number of passages must remain obscure on account of the state of the manuscript and more so becourse, a

cause the original

is

inaccessible to

me and

have to rely

on the printed text which may perhaps contain printer's

errors in addition.

The meaning and purpose

become
clearer

of the poem,

however,
tions I

will, I trust,

from the few correc-

have been able to make.

GENIZAH

POLITIC

FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

233

''
:

T T

^ix''

Jj'^i^s

va"'3 r^i^b )J2)'^b

:

t:

T T
I

:v

*nn

jj'^xa 5))iy^

^'^^^^ n-^n^

,nxri65^pi ^'HNitJ'i

n^xnpi

nij^D

tot!?

?ipc>i? ^21^ '''^in

n^pn^

D2vy^

mnD

2b

^^nn^ Nsnp

'

modified form of the Tawil.

jr^itjon

reads nXlinS.

becoming.
r,

Cf.

L,ev.

20,

18.

"

Obad.

6.

^ ^

Hofal of nxi. Cf. Jastrow, Dictionary, s. 8 Cf Cf. Gen. 49, 7. jje^t ^g, 49. " =: concerning thee. Ed. reads rhsh.
Ed. reads nS.
Cf. Cf.

v. PIK*!.

Ed. reads HKinS.

12,

Cf.

Num.

i.

" " " "

20

"
^*

Cf.

Ps.

65,

8.

Job

31.

33.

Cf. Job 4, 2.

apV' IOC "ip

on
"
i

Gen. 27,
Cf.
Isa.

36.
51,
9.

Ed. reads *l^pSl.

Cf. Job 28,
Cf. Ps.
147,
II.
5.

Ed. reads

naC.
Ps.
109.
16.

3-

Ed. reads nnVjrS.

22

"

Prov. 24,

n33

234

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

:-r

-^

VT-:|-

T T-:|T

-:

?]npni Ti'b'yo

ni^na '^num
'^rini
T

nKipKi
T T
.

'btJ'o

xb'x

TV

2^^3nx V

"iS nmon nSh ^ancj inm

13

|T

t:

t t t

"t:

|T

T T T

^I

"=

^^
' =

" Ed. Ed.

reads

DIkS against the meter.

'S.

reads

" This phrase depends upon C " The meaning is not clear.
is

'01.

The

editor's

emendation

HXtrm

]M<

not clearer and

is

against the meter.

" "
"

Judg.
=z
I

5,

II.

"I'Syi.
fail

Ed. reads

m.
this phrase.

to

understand
T]S

" Read

perhaps:

nSnoa wSn

jn't^i

*in1

i.

e.

"even though you

have forgotten

me
5.

still

waited for thee".

"
*

Cf.

Cant.
"IB'C"

7;

"
cf.
cf.

=
6,

HnD
12,
8.
.

tTBTl lS3.

"

= =

lSD

Job
Ps.

12.

ntrirj?

iSkd;

=sight, synonym for

Modifies

'3'y

Cf.

Eccl.

12,

niX"in

T3C*m

"

"^TDK

i.

e.

your former kindness.

TIJ?,

Apulia.

See Rapoport, ]Sd

179,

and

his

reference

to

the

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

235

*^2b Dhi
.

iEj>i^3
..
.

nnb ^
.,

^pj I.
.

nnsi T
t
:

17

V T

.:

T T

T T v:

V V

*^ni<!?nDi TT
:

nnio T
:

ims nmr\ v:|v

:

h^)

..

T|":

T--:|T

'

*^|hmDn .....
I

NtJ'ni ...
y

ponyi .^_. |_
>
.

n^:ij 20
T
:

|T

Examining the poem

dent that verse 7
is

carefully,

it

must become

evi-

only an echo of the Psalmist and has

If the latter

no reference

to physical healing.

had been

intended by the Gaon, he would have used the expression

niD
^bii
D''DD"i.

The expression
in

:in

^b^

n'\2D)

rather con-

veys the idea that Ibn *Ata saved one from the gallows

(comp. nbs^^ Dn''DK

Midrash.
^^

verse 6).

Similarly, there

is

no

Ed. reads <nS'B2 Tincn nS'O.

is

In the ed. this word

Ed. reads

in the

preceding verse and reads nsa^

*o

n^isS.
is

" The meaning

".
*^ **

not clear.

Ed. reads ih.

Like

miB7
13,
1,

this

verb also depends on

]2

nXJn

in

verse

i6.

Ed. reads

nnnOQ.
12.

*"

Dan.
Mai.

"
*''

13;
7.

ed.
**

reads

nSnm
6,

nE"l?3.

Dan.
Cf.

2,

Ezra

i6.

"

Ed. reads

]nmDD.
s.

Jastrow,

v.

]nSD;
.

ed. reads

KiSdi.
its

Poznanski

]Kn'p

C*:,

47)

reads

KiSdI
the

or

SI'SdI

and derives
in

meaning from

nt'/'/dpior
b.

chair.

Though
a

first

occurs also
278),
it

a letter of Hai to Judah

Joseph
requires

(Ginzberg,

Geonica,

II,

is

excluded by the

meter which
is

here

word of three

syllables.

The second reading

possible,

but

the

meaning

of "chair" gives no sense to the passage.

236

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

reference whatever to medicine in verse 18.

The purpose

of the letter seems to be beyond

all

doubt that of en-

gaging the sympathies of Ibn 'Ata in the interest of the

Babylonian schools.

Like the

letter of
letter

Sherira (Schechter,

Saadyana,

118

ff.)

and the

of
ff.)

Hai

to

Judah

b.

Joseph (Ginzberg, Geonica,

II,

2yy

this letter to

Ibn

*Ata must have been a plea for the support of the old
center of Jewish learning.

Verse 16 seems to hint

at the

opponents of the school, and in the following two verses

the

Gaon implores Ibn 'Ata

in

to deal justly with those

who

have placed their hope

him.

That Ibn 'Ata

is

lent his

support to the Babylonian Academies

the phrase
applies to

also indicated in

pm

n^

pmo, which our North African poet

1.

him

(see below No. 2,

33).

If the

emendation

in verse 15 is justified, then

in

Ibn 'Ata resided at one time

Apulia which

is

one more proof of the relationship be-

tween Italy and Kairwan as well as Babylonia (See Schechter,

Letter of Chushicl, JQR., XI, 645

Kaufmann, GGA.,

1886, 74-75; Poznanski, U':\^

D^rjy, 64).

Our North Afinteresting point.

rican poet furnishes us with one

more

In lines 35 and 50 Ibn *Ata

is

spoken of as the son of

Nathan.

It

seems therefore possible that our Abraham ben

is

Nathan Ibn 'Ata

identical with

Abraham

b.

Nathan men-

tioned in the letter of Hushiel together with Judah

Resh

Kallah and Joseph

1.

b.

Berachiah {JQR., XI, 645, and 650,

71;

Poznanski,

jsiTp

^m^, No. 6 and 7).

Finally,

from the superscription of our poem, we

Ibn 'Ata had a brother-in-law by the

also learn that

name of
further
is

Isma'il Ibn

Nabat,
present.

regarding

whom

nothing

known
*Ata,
'ns

at

In the second
find that

poem (No. 4) addressed to Ibn our poet calls him friend and master (

we
Ntiy

GKNIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

23/

no3
poet,

nriK

"itJ'X

(1.

13),

which

indicates, perhaps, that the

not only was under his influence, but also in his

in

vicinity;

other words, a native of Kairwan.

( 2p]}^

If

the

emendation
correct, then

):2 )

in verse

6 of the same poem be

we have

here perhaps a reference to Joseph

ben Jacob Aluf of Cairo

of

who

is

also

mentioned

in a letter

Samuel

b.
,

U^^^^

wy:V

Hofni (see JQR., XIV, 309; Poznanski, 57, No. 10).

From

the sixth poem, again,

we

gather

new
b.

data about

another prominent

man

of Kairwan.

Judah

Joseph, well-

known through his correspondence with Hai^^ now been known only in relation to Talmudic
(Poznanski, JQR., XVII,
poet
taries
(1.

has until
questions

169).

But,

according to our

27-34)

he seems also to have written commenin

upon several books of the Bible

Interesting also

which he took issue

with the Karaites.

is

to see

how

both Hai

and the North African poet bestow unusual praise on him

and especially emphasize
>

his generosity.
277; Poznanski,

See Ginzberg, Geonica,

,

II, 69.

^Xn^p

'tT^K

28,

No.

22,

and
the

In this connection it may be stated that Prof. D'ilB^ D<3'3y 9. 56, Chajes (Rivista Isr., VI, 177-178) has already calJed attention to the fact that

No.

poem

of

Hai addressed

to

Judah
(i.

b.
e.

Joseph

{Geonica,

II,

278-279)
in

is

written in a modified form of

Hazag

four times
^ in the

one

line

followed by three times

^ and
XYI,
23-28.

next line and so on).

While
of

this article

was going through the

press, he has also published a

number

of corrections in ZfhB.,

Here

wish to add a few corrections

my own:
L. 2 read

H-npi

nn;i:

djii

niiB^ii

n\

cf.

line

noi:nn2

wu mnn'

nmpi.
"
3

read

niHO'
T
:

1120 ^31,
Ps.
89,

cf.

HC'm*
T

"inn* Isa.

5,

19-

"
" " "

4 for
8 read
9 read
II

n-iSi T
:

cf.

40.

ni^^f^ HSn.
HISDoS
T T
:

ni?3'

?31.

read

nmnpi.
iSjj")

" 12 read nntrm [ni23 kSi]

nrns nityx

cf.

job. 23,

n.

238

THE JEWISH OUARTERI.Y REVIEW

The
third

man

to be extolled in verse

by our poet

is

David Ibn Bibas, a

liturgical poet himself, of

is

whose writan old

ings only one specimen

known

to be preserved in

Karaitic Prayer

Book

(Pinsker,

nvJiDTp

^toipb,

138).

From

the fragmentary state of our

to

poem (No.

7)

it is

impossible

form any

definite opinion in regard to

Ibn Bibas, but

(1.

since our poet calls

it

him "a son of perfect fear"

9),

is

safe to assume that he

was not a Karaite though

(ibid.,

Pinsker considered him as such

note 6).

The

identity of the author of these eight

poems can-

not be ascertained at present.

But

since

some of them

were addressed to men of Kairwan, who flourished about

the end of the tenth century and the beginning of the
eleventh,
his

and

since the poet seems to speak of Ibn 'Ata as

it

friend and master, a native of

is

safe to assume that he

if

was

at least

North Africa,

not of Kairwan, and

an older contemporary of Samuel Hanagid and Solomon

Ibn Gabirol.

s^nnc) ^xpi

.1

(A Ghazal)

mill n^nxi n^3si T :t't:t-t:

T
:

nn:ijS pidn jni nsiiixi

t:-.-:

t-'--;
v
:

t:

-:

-:|-

-:

" The meter

is

a modified

form of the Hazag.

310.

Cf.

Brody,

Studien su

den Dichtungen Jehuda ha-Levi's,

" "

Ps.

45,

14.
3.
7.

Cf. Ps.

GE:NIZAH poetic fragments

DAVIDSON

239

54

tt:TT
;

:t:

tt|:
t
|t
:

-t:

V -:

t:

t:-:
J

T-:

:-:

: :

t:

*M^JTX bipn yD5^i Ki^n

t: T
'

i?xi -

,nj!iDN
t
v:

)Dnb ')m VI
rj''^

|0T

bit.

toS

D'b^nn

11D0

^^Sii^)i) rni-i'-iD

'^'k^dd

10

.:

t t

'

227, i. e. the infinitive is used here in the sense of the present indicative. The whole clause is therefore declarative and not con*1D1T
...

M "

This meter

is

called the Tawil, cf. Brody, ibid., 26.

ditional.
**

On

the

use

of |n30

see

Zunz,

Synagogale Poesie,

105.

MS.

reads

" Gen.
o

27,

36.

"
'2 '2

=
7.

iS

DnSTn.

"

Cf.

Hosea

9,

14.

T'.

The two words

relate to lO;* HC'V''

I,

MS.

reads VJIUC'DS.

" "

=
=:

lS3

]J?,

cf.
it.

Mai.
Cf.

12
6,

DD10K2.
11.

To destroy
inaj^S.^cf.
38,
is

Isa.

Fiiipowski,

nnao rr^nno,

134,

j.

v.w;,

No.

4.

" Gen.

9.

Fate

is

devouring for the mere pleasure of destroying,

its

while the poet

allowed to suffer hunger in

it

presence.

Furthermore

fate

begrudges the poet even that which

cannot devour.

Cf.
I

Job
to

35,

16.

MS.

reads n^iDI.

fail

find the correct

5,

meaning of

this phrase.

"

Cf.

Cant.

14.

"

Deut. 32, 32.

"
'*

Insteal of

D*pO because of the meter.

II.

Prov. 25,

MS.

reads

ViSH

Sj,'

"I2n?3.

240

REVIEW THE JEWISH QUARTERLY

15

^o-^mn

yn:

^^tnxrp vhSr^] ^?^v b^ntj^

nab nni vn>-n i^dd

^2.v3y iD3 v:yi

,sti

nn

bst5>

^5

'pJ

vn" "*niDi
TT

i-l15^b

to

^>y^

on

n^&5^

V33 -by ^'^ ^^^Q 1'h

''^^:

^^^^-^^^'':

iDK" "ly

Di^'.^y.

^"1??^
'r2^

;vr3pr?3 invn

in:

oy T3

Instead of

Snyn

because of the meter.

modifying the verb

7.

in
16.

line

41.

Cf
I;

Sam.

12 D'3'V HD^
is

oy '3ian.
to

.
For

Abu IsbaU
use of
the n
24.

known even
Gen.
:3.
.-

those

.ho

abode. are far from h.s

this

of.

MS
"
5".

reads
32-

v:=C.n=.
5-

"
TT

Cf.

Deut.

16

1un2.
tryD see Zunz,

Is*-

For the use of

P..

407-

T.

TAbu
Tob "6

isha.
cf.

is

his people's edifice. the corner stone of

In contrast

to

this
T9
..

expression
9.

D^^Un ^D0
*

P
D.
.

Ps.

xi8.

22.

Pesabim 830.

ct

9,

^6.

MS.

reads

U ma,

therefore point to the read-

ing of
3.

D'Ul.

cf^Num.

12.

3.

"

Cf.

mi^n

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

24I

Dnin
TT

i<b)

^S"i2dd

nvixn px

-)k>

rnn ^by Djy ik^x ,^Mnj -: -:

'

T T

'

T T

m
:

,n^na

35

'

- T

't:

T T

._

T t:

nm^ --:
;

,D32b n^B^b sn tt:-"-:

t

^''iD^

ntj' ^^y pi^Din^ dh

T T

: :

,D^i^^<
V

Sub T
:

40

84

zz Neither the

stormy sea nor the raining skies pour forth so abundantly

does his
gifts.

as this generous
5 *

man
I.

Cf. Josh. 6,
I
fail

to

understand
23,

this

clause.

"

Cf.

Num.

18 TEJ^ ^33.

w MS.
*^

reads nSSino
49, 26.

...mno.

Isa.

^
i 2

-ItTKS.

Cf. Exod. 14, 2.

peculiar.

ntny Xin. The use of Some grammarians cite

usage
(Benseeb,
clauses

the

infinitive

in

place

of the participle

is

]Hi2

TWtH DX1
1879,

Ex.
300).

7,

27 as an example
this

of
all
(1.

this

y"Sn
(1.

Wilna

Upon

infinitive

the 42-44)

preceding

15-40) depend.

modify the implied subject of

briefly
etc. this

this verb.

The following two The sequence of

clauses
ideas in
is

the

poem,

put,

is

this:
is

"To

the

prince

Abu Ishak whose fame

delights to praise him".

world-wide

poem
2.

written

by one who

Cf.
I

Isa.

57,

am

unable

to

interpret

this

word.

242

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

n^lti'

nli^y

D^1t^'Il

D'oy

if^^n'. "^^^

45
1

^^[vjiy]D^
'|a^

|nnsb_wni

ay

ny

verso

niD) y^p na^ njiy i^k's "jjni

VJin^yi "PPT pc'iy '*^Tn n;^^!

i<b

i^K3 /"ITS ni.n pxi 'hi3:i3

vji^^bi

Vina

'"^lnJ ijn ,n"aa

50

ps

"JQ by
"-by

?im DP]
T T-:

[if^]^?.

i^'i'T

'P''

.v:q T

-:

nronx Tri-nn n^i vb^tis t

:

101

107

innK'

nyn .Tnsb^

T\p}n

nna

n^^ri^

MS.
Cf.

reads

whi
irman
n'3.
8,
"^'

Sota lob; Jellinek,

33,

44-

"
09

Cf. Ezek.

32

Cf. Job.

4.

MS.
Cf.

reads

"^^3
1.

above

35-

"1

The meter
is

is

another form of the Ilazag.

7.

Cf. Brody, ibid., 32b.

The

poem
102

modelled after Prov.

^\r^Hh 'nnetr

Cf,
105

'nn: ic'x
^"'

Gen.
7,

30,

18.

^"^

Ps.

44,

26.

KM

See note 102.

105,
2.

Cf.

Prov.

21.

"' Cf. Ps.

"* See note 102.

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

nnin^ T T
:

DAVIDSON
j r^bv '"fn
T

243
n::^,,
t
:

n^p n'6v'

5?^?

"^

nno T T

-isj's
V -:

[?an

tiS
:

^3

pnm ynn T
'

nsi :

lO
:

TT-:

-t:
:

tt':-t
V T -:
:

-:

T T

nn^tj'on ia-n^ T T
._

^nx

nisih
:

bsn t

ki^
t
:

15

njiXnt^ YV2

]'2)

r[:'2

v^^'
118

myi
.
vj

pnv!? nnDi
vj

^
i>y

)ip' in-ixsni ''^in^nn

T
: :

irnn

[^]355

ninx -.

^Don -:

Si'^2

Don ny n:Q
nynn

-ink'

^^^

piji) ^^h ni<p

n^y

^'""ik'n

'^Mn^ptJ' ix irji

tj'NS

unp
^'^''^n^

?iin

^nixn i^yam
,^^

n^3J

)mi

n:) "ay x^b'j

k'dj

th^

hDD

" Job. 39, u.

"1 Ps. 22, 21.
^^-

"Cf. Ezek. 26,

4.

Quarrel.

Cf.
2,

Targum Prov.
12.
I,

17,

i.

"3 Cf.

Esther

*" Cf. Ex. 30,

35.

The meaning

of lines 11 and 12
is

is: oil

Do
...i

not allow

your soul

to be torn

by disputes while she

salt.

perfumed with
D'PipilQ

of myrrli

and

has her incense seasoned with

MS.

reads

110

nnnii?D

innopoi.
"5 Cf. Prov.
"^ Cf. Prov.
^*'

4,
5,

15. 10.

" Cf. Jerem.

8,

5.

This and the following poems are written in the same meter as the

first

poem. " MS. reads

^-^

inS'iin.
34,
4-

^-^

Cf.

above note 102.

10,
17.

Cf.

II

Chron.
phrase

'" Cf. Isa.

the

^^'

This

modifies
is

subject

of

T13T3,

whereas

the

following

phrase

IDy

Kt?3

the object of the

same verb.

244

THli

JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

nils

nr nn5? js

iiina

n-'nn f^pv ^^y

naix

^ps

tt

...

^^^[^]-iD3

nnx T

"iK'N
V
:

^HN

s*i:y
.

niNO

'ry -iiNJ^rp "i^pni

ny-^D3^ns...[y]noi
T
:

15

yns^

niyij

....
:iJD

innn

riK^xi

iniyj n^D nyi

2 Recto

my
my^r
.
,

...
^di

nynj p^ni

r^^'p:
.

nbb)nD
. .

n.

lj':

yrn nn noni

niyc'i

mny

^33

pn n nmbn n^y^i
miiT
'1

sb ic'n
.
.

iinn
.6

plDv

p
V

mc^

2n3i

v:|v

n-iDy n^K> iD2 lit^'px ^^b

TT
: :
:

T t:

'

V V

'nntj'

Dyo'' itj'x ib'b

nSh

"* Cf. above No.

2,

1.

17.

^-^

Cf.

Prov.

14,

15.

""

MS.

reads

...
lOJ?
2,

Si

f\DV

If this textual

emendation be

right,

the

man

referred to as

K'B'a
1.

was a certain Joseph ben Jacob.

"**

"T Cf. above No.

^29

35-

Cf.

Gen. 49,

26.
is

am

like

Jacob

in

mourning one who

like

unto

Joseph

in

beauty.

MS.

reads

iSnsa

" Cf.

Dn:i

VicS

nS

Isa.

45,

i.

"^ Cf. Dan.

2,

47.

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

T |
:

DAVIDSON

245

T T

t:

v -;

TT

rin^pb ikb ny^n:

:

nno
^3

itJ'K

]>nprii

DJnn

"isj'x

T :~

|y^^

12D^ nin ^v^)

-

ion
:

^^^bs")

-:|-

T T

T T

t:

t.

T T

nijyi ^*ir:
-:

-;

^^^^t'^i

^^^n^n

n^3

"^mop T T
:

iriDp DK1
:

Ti"iN
:

-t

iND
:

miDtt^ nin^-^s^
T
:

nosn T T
:

-inn
:

146]

nn3T

^an

rsn DixEr n^s]

"2 cf. isa. 32,

**

I.

"3 =: Sy.

Cf.

DnS inx npSn Sk

Sam.

4,

21.

MS.

reads

"'

non

'SK

nny ...iS. = Benefactor^

Cf.

IDID nN above No.

is

4,

1.

5.

Similarly
to

IT n^riO DK

g^nfjrojtiy.

The meaning then

that

whoever came

see

him found him generous.

"^ Copyist's errors. "T

-non. See Ibn Jana^i,

D'triK'n

IBD,
b.

J.

r.

T, and Nehem.

2,

8.

The

poet enumerates four qualities of Judah

kindness,

Joseph, viz, a perfect heart,

modesty,

and wisdom, amd then mentions the Biblical personages

for one or the other of these qualities.

who were known

justified in reading

We

are therefore

in
II,

sSd

instead of
3.

in

|'i2.

"8 Cf. "0

"^
:zr

Kings
i.

4 and 15,

"'

^m^ni.
ibid., s.
v.

133,

e.

Solomon. See Ibn Janab, See Tal. Bab. Megillah

yi.

Moses.

13a.

"2 Cf. Ber. Rab. 78

" So in >

Dni2K

HT

...ni22tr

pni^.

MS.

=
)h

niVp.
HKI...

"* Cf. Gen. 21, 20. "

C^Kl

MS.

reads

MS.

reads

mnnn.

'" Read perhaps CJl or

246

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

i^ipi
,n^"!'i

Nii^jpn ^*^N-ipo '^bvi [bajD^

n^^n na[n;

-ik'n]

NniJI

^na

Tn2 ^n

n^^[o]

i^hd pnv

N1DD

non
...

K>33

p nn^
...xDni...
...s-i

..."inn^

...

SDi n^jy
.

vx

-iEi>x

...

^k^sj

_
T T
|:

n
V
:

-)tr

|-

V -:

Dn:Qn niNisi
nr

^'yi*'

nn

verso

no!?B>
T

nnob' ion TiT'n^

T
: :

DVB nDb*^

T^^bv)

T T

T T

nniDJ nnsiK'D
:

...3

nmb
nonp
HDinn
'ly

n^e^Nin

nna ons di3

oro
[c^^n^]
-^2

[nnn ei]DD idd nppiro V V T t:

:

't

n!inD5i>

ny[i]T

j<S

n^^ns
^^:ini

,nj{^i:i

no^nnn nx-i-\Tp

n^nn oy

nob^s

rsi

vn^i it3^:

Mn

!in3 ^^n 10

IV) "i^Dxn ^^y

3ny^ ariD^

.8

T T

"inoK bp ny iD3 y
.

''"Tinisiiji ...
y

-nx nirnS ^mxn -:|T-:|-

ni-ici

DniDK nipnpD

i^Sipb

d:i_i

"' rr Karaites. Dr. Alexander

In corroboration of
called

my

rendering

KIpQ 'Sys

as Karaites

Marx

my

attention to the postscript of

Benjamin Naha-

wendi's |'r3'33 DKK'n where this term occurs as follows:

HT C^S

nnn3 123

Nipo 'Sya Da ijnnc

"

can

ibd.

MS.

reads

iniOlSl.

GENIZAH POETIC FRAGMENTS

DAVIDSON

247

Dnytj' ['ihv n:iD n^Dvb ~

|T

Dn3K> ^nao!? Tiipni

^b

nntDi
t: :

D^Du t:

^n^nini :
|

:-

tt
|

Tinyis ib'pn T
: : :

itj^x
v -;

nnx t -

i<i?n

-:

pnoJi yni^i

D3n-^3i

10

nnXI D^a3i33 ^^3^3D V T T

: : : I

Tinnx ninn^n

tiitj'oni

[Djnnn _.
.

itJ'-i

..

Di
.
.

^iD-i ^

dni
.

iS)DD3 Dy
T
:
:

MN ynci .:

15

t:

b ^x-l^

^b-"

[nnlinQ T
:

^iSisj>-b^

[is]3 T
T
:

>3i
:

... C'^K \:3 T.^;?i

T T

[Dni]v\n

...n: ^3-13

nrn

..."ayi

T^y M^
D
3 ^3JX1

^0 PN3 npn^

bi^^^

...

pp^n^Di

S0V3

....n

....

NOTE
In the poetic fragment published in the preceding
this

number of

Quarterly,
I3n"l

p.

109-111, I failed to notice that the piece desigIJJ'j:^

nated as

contains the acrostic

t])rDr]
is

n3r

|Tn f]DV

(,DpC^O

^'n"'

,D^D3^ ,122^
nioyO)
stands for

/HinD

,^jpi f^b"^ /"lyj .y-i] ,^0^:11 /^n-iD

,pD
by-

which

undoubtedly the name of the author, followed

in abbreviation.

some euphemistic phrase

I

What

this abbreviation

am

unable to say.

Perhaps some reader

will be able

to suggest a solution.

THE JEWS OF ARABIA AND THE GAONATE

It
is

generally assumed that the Jews of Arabia were

totally expelled

from that country

in the

beginning of Islam
to-

the

Banu

Kainul^a' and the

Banu Nadir, numbering

(Gratz,

gether about 1300, by

Muhammed
in

V^

99.

100)

and the bulk of Arabian Jews

ing
settlements

Khaibar and the neighbor-

by 'Omar

(ruled 634-644).
translation
III,

"So

great,

says

Gratz

(V^ 108; EngHsh

84),

was

the fanaticism of the second caliph 'Omar, a

man

of a wild

and energetic nature, that he broke the treaty made by Mu-

hammed

with the Jews of Khaibar and Wadi'1-Kura.

He

drove them from their lands, as he did also the Christians

of Najran, in order that the holy ground of Arabia might

not be desecrated by Jews and Christians.

the landed property of the
riors

'Omar assigned
warthe

Jews

to the

Muhammedan

and a

strip of land

near the town of

Kufa on

Euphrates was

with

a certain measure of justice

given

them

in return

(about 640)."*
has given

This

is

also the opinion of

Hirschfeld
the

who

much

attention to the history of

II,

Jews
:

in Arabia.

He

says {JB.,

43&, article "Ara-

bia")

" 'Omar, however, drove

left for

them out of the country

This

and they

Syria" (cf. also JB., VII, 481a).

verdict has often been repeated

and has even passed for "a

Itinerary

matter of history"
^

(cf.

Marcus N. Adler, The

fifth

Also the fourth

just

edition

of the

volume of
revised

Griitz'

History which
leavea

has
the

appeared

and

has

been

carefully

by

Eppenstein

above statement untouched.

249

250

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Despite this consensus

of Benjamin of Tudela, 46, note 4).

of opinion, the supposition that the Jews were wholly driven

out from Arabia

is

unfounded.

The expulsion

of the Jews

by 'Omar

is

ascribed by the

Muhammedan
left the

historians (so by

Ibn Hisham, ed. Wiistenfeld, 779, and others) to the fact

that

'Omar who

at first

had

Jews unmolested

re-

ceived the information that

his deathbed
:

Muhammed

had declared on
on the

"No two

religions shall exist together

Muhammed was accepted as genuine by many Muhammedan theologians (see Goldziher, RBJ., XXIX, 75, note 3 comp. Gottheil, ''DhimArabian peninsula".
This utterance of
;

mis and Moslems

Studies in
2).
It

in

Egypt", in

Old Testament and Semitic

II,

Memory

of William Rainey Harper,

353, note

was, however, pointed out by Caetani in his

dell'

monu-

mental work Annali

Islam, II

i,

507, that this tradi-

tion rather reflects the intolerant spirit of the second or

third

Muhammedan

century and

is

refuted by the fact that

still

the famous church of San'a in

in the time of the

Yemen was

tolerated

second 'Abbasid caliph Mansur (754-775)

is still

and that Wadi '1-Kura

spoken of as a Jewish

settleibid-,

ment under 'Abdalmalik (685-705; comp. Caetani,

II,

50,

note 7).

But whatever the genuineness of the

the unequivocal testimony of the early

tradition,

we have

Arabic historian

Wa^di

(died 823 C. E.)

that not

all

Jews were expelled from Arabia. He declares expressly (Wellhausen, Muhammed in Medina, Berlin 1882, 292;
for other quotations see Caetani,
/.

c,

II,

50)

"

'Omar

expelled the Jews from Khaibar and Fadak, hut allowed

them

to

remain in Wadi
still

'l-ICura

and Taima, because Wadi

Khaibar was

'1-Kura

belonged to Sha'm (Syria), while (the Arabian

it."

province) Hijaz began to the south of

four days' journey from Medina.

Wadi

'1-Kura lay nearby

JEWS O^ ARABIA AND GAONATE;

to the east of Khaibar.

FRIEDLAENDER
lay

25

Fadak and Taima

more north

(see the splendid

map

of Jewish settlements in Caetani's

work, II
lay

I,

opposite p. 376).

The

fact that

Fadak, which
officially

more north than Wadi '1-Kura and must

have

belonged to Syria, was one of the places from which the

Jews were expelled shows that 'Omar's action was not

prompted by the apocryphal utterance of the dying Prophet.

However
that

this

may

be,

it is

a most fortunate coincidence

the

two places

Wadi'1-Kura

and Taima

in

which
remain,

the Jews, according to Wal^idi,

were allowed

to

should figure as Jewish settlements in later Jewish sources.

In an old index of Gaonic responsa published by Ginzberg

(Geonica,
V'T

II;

54

ff.)

occurs the following entry:

Ji"i^X

nx ^^xm pNJ

K-inj^

iniS

''\pbi<

nxi

'22

ni^xs^

dind^k.

Unfortunately of
the
first

this "sixth
is

bundle" only the reference to

it

responsum

preserved, but

no doubt contained
is

numerous such "questions".

similar entry

found

in

the Gaonic responsa published by Harkavy, p. 94:

^'vr n3^K^\n k^x"i xt-ij:^ 'jnx ^jd^d
b"T 3t<1.

i^s

np^x n^i

ja

i^NC^t^

m^NS^M

The two

entries

most probably refer

to the

same

collection, for the first

is

responsum, of which only the question

preserved,

is

identical in

Harkavy's and Ginzberg's

text.

It is characteristic that this

responsum deals with agriculture,

and

it

is

perhaps not accidental that the Talmudic passage

(Baba Bathra 82a) on which the question hinges discusses

the applicability of the Mishnaic law to palm-trees.

For the
en-

Jews of these Arabian settlements were,

gaged
palms.
in

as

we know,

agriculture and especially in the cultivation of

Harkavy's text has also preserved the answers of

inheritance.

two more responsa dealing with the law of

Taima

as a Jewish settlement
(ed.

is

mentioned by Benja1907,

min of Tudela

M. N. Adler, London

Hebrew

252
text, p.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

46
f.).

It is

described by Benjamin as the capital

of a large country in which the Jews lead an independent

life.

The land

is

governed by two brothers

Salmon
in

and

Hanan

princes
to

of Davidic descent
exilarch

"who
kinsman

dispatch

questions

the

their

many

Bagdad."
Benjamin's

Whatever exaggerations there may attach

account of the Arabian Jews which
hearsay
(cf.
is

to

obviously founded on

Adler, ibid.

p. 48, n,

2), the

main and most

important
peninsula
sion

fact

the

existence

of

Jews on the Arabian

many

centuries after their supposed total expul-

from

that country

cannot

be doubted.

It is

characlife
its

teristic of the central position

of the Gaonate in Jewish

it

that even in

its last

representatives

was

able to exert
in free
It

influence over the distant half-mythical

Jews
life.

Arabia
at
re-

and shape
the

their professional

and

civil

shows

same time

that

the Arabian Jews,

however far

moved from

the center of Jewish learning, recognized the

authority of the

Talmud and were

not in any

way
is

guilty

of those anti-Talmudic sentiments which Gratz

to ascribe to their forefathers.^

prone

THE JEWS OF ARABIA AND THE RECHABITES

In connection with the foregoing remarks a word

may
Ben-

be said about the designation of Arabian Jews as Rechabites,

the descendants of Jonadab ben

Rechab (Jerem. 35).

jamin of Tudela,
quoted
in the

in

his

account of the Jews of Taima,

preceding notice, describes them, according

^^2
1.

to the text of the current editions, as

[D'xnpjn]
4.

Dmn''n

NC^n

T':)K

nD"i

(see ed. Griinhut, p. 64,

and variants,

See above,

p. 209

ff.

ARABIAN JEWS AND RECHABITES

comp. also
in
p.

ERIEDI^AENDER

253

125

f.).

R. Obadiah of Bertinoro
(in

who

speaks

his

first

letter

from Jerusalem

1488)

of Jewish

tribes in

Arabia adds, without any reference to R. Benjaquite independently of him:

**It is

min and obviously

bauer,

said

that they are the descendants of the Rechabites"

(NeuIn

"Where are the Ten Tribes f" modern times S. L. Rappoport made
Bikkure ha-Ittim, 1824, 50

in

JQR.,

I,

196).

this identification the

basis of ingenious conjectures in a lengthy article in the

if.

Neubauer
of
refers

{ibid.,

24),
in

who
its

knew
fication

the

above
readings

quoted
(see

passage
later),
fact.

Benjamin
to
this

different

identi-

as

well-known

''The

Jews of Haibar

(:=Khaibar)
the

even pretended to be the descendants of

Rechabites."
translation

The
of

learned
Gratz,

Rabinowitz
117,
in

in

his

Hebrew

III,

speaking
IDX^
"itrx

of the Jews of Khaibar, adds

^''^?1'!|}

DniHM

Dn^

without the authority of the original (Gratz, V*,

105).

For other applications of the same name compare

Adler,

The

Itinerary of

Benjamin of Tudela

p.

47 and 49.

Adler

{ibid.,

49)

is

of the opinion that "the whole miscon-

ception" has arisen from the faulty text of one

MS. and

of

all

the printed editions

2D"i

which

in the

above quoted pasoffered by other

is

sage read

instead of the correct

"13^3

MSS.
NDTi

According to Adler, the passage

^^:k
"ira
D''Knpjn

to
text,

be
p.

read

Dnin\T

(Hebrew

46;

comp. the variants note 20 and Neubauer

ibid.,

191, n. 2).

But apart from the

least
"I3''3

linguistic
is

difficulty

one
:

expects at

^^2

Khaibar

described by Benjamin sepait

rately in a later passage

at

(ed. Adler, p. 48)

is

placed
dis-

a considerable distance

from Taima and sharply

the

tinguished

from
R.

it.

Moreover,

use

of

the

same

designation by

Obadiah (and other Hebrew

writers,

254
see
later)

I'HE

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

identification

shows that the

is

of the Arabian

Jews with the Rechabites

tion."

more than a mere "misconcepshould like to offer a different

sight

In the following

explanation which at
will

first

may seem complex

but

appear natural to those

notions
entertained

who

are acquainted with the

fanciful

with regard to the distant

Jewish communities during the Middle Ages.

It is

known

that the

Jews of Arabia,

like

every other

Jewish community with a semblance of independence, were

associated with the Lost

Ten Tribes (Neubauer

et

in

the

above quoted
tells

article, p.

24

passim).
p.

Benjamin of Tudela

us distinctly (ed. Adler,

48) that the Jews of Khai-

bar were held to belong to the two and a half tribes that

were led captive by Shalmaneser.

Now

it is

a fact, recog-

nized by Epstein in his dissertation on Eldad ha-Dani but

not sufficiently taken into account by other writers, that

the wild speculations about the

Ten Tribes were

largely

influenced by the no less wild speculations about Alexander

the Great, as preserved in the innumerable versions of the

Greek Alexander romance, of the so-called Greek PseudoCallisthenes (ed. Carl Miiller, Paris 1846).'

The mythical
chapter 30;

Sambation

finds

its

parallel,

if

not

its

prototype, in the
II,

"sand river" of Pseudo-Callisthenes (Book

comp, also Epstein Eldad ha-Dani, 13

sophists

f.).

The Gymnoand
their wise

or the "naked philosophers"

whom Alexander visits

5 ff.) are identified

and admires for

their ideal conduct of life

answers (Pseudo-Callisthenes II 35; III

in

a
'

Muhammedan
I

legend*,

which no doubt
its

reflects

have dealt with Pseudo-Callisthenes and

in

relation to the

Talmudic

and other oriental versions

quell

my

article

"Alexanders Zug nach dem Lebensfiir

und
Quoted

die

Chadhirlegende"

in

the Archiv

Religionswis^nschaft,

volume XIII.
*

by

t^azwini (died

1283) in his Cosmography, ed. 327

f.

Wiistenfeld,

II, 18;

comp. Fracnkel,

ZDMG., XLV,

ARABIAN JEWS AND RECHABITES

Jewish original (comp. Epstein,

FRIEDLAENDKR
15
ff.)/

255

ibid,,

with the

Bene Moshe

(Banu Musa) who are placed behind the

mythical *'sand river" (wddi ar-raml) and are credited with

all

possible virtues.

Abraham Yagel

(sixteenth century)

shows the same influence of the Alexander romance when

he designates as the boundaries of the
the Sambation

Ten

Tribes, besides

and the Sand-sea (which he thus separates),

also "the mountains of the

Sun and

the

Moon which
/.

Alex-

ander the Great tried to pass" (Neubauer,

c, 412).

Now
is

the climax in Alexander's travels and adventures

his

march

to the Islands of the Blessed which, ultimately,

prove
can-

inaccessible to

him (Pseudo-Callisthenes

II,

40).

We

not enter here into the fanciful speculations about the inhabitants of these islands which occupy a prominent place
in the history of the

Alexander legend.
Josippon,
ch.
x,

We

will

merely
these

mention the

fact

that

describes

mythical islands which are surrounded by the mountains of

Darkness and cannot be reached even by the

conqueror as
^\i;n

irresistible

ini<

nn^

nmn

n^DatJ^n

nvpi nan

p^i^v

DipD

nn; they are

called

D^ni?x

nniy

pS

and

their inhab-

itants

are declared to be

nny Dmax ynn

citizens

DmSs

^cmp.

In other words, the Rechabites and the other tribes with

them are believed

to be the

of that inaccessible

Utopia which fancy accepted as the dwelling-place of the

Bene, Moshe and the other

tion

lost tribes.

That the connec-

oi the

Rechabites with the Blessed Islands of the

is

Alexander romance

not a mere

whim on

the part of

'

^azwini quotes the legend

Ilijra).

in

the

name
to

of the famous Jewish convert

is

Ka'b al-Ahbar (died 32

this

But Epstein

wrong

iji

laying stress on
is

circumstance.
literary

For the reference

It
is,

Ka'b's

autliority
this

very often

mere

fiction.

however, possible that

(cf.

legend of the Bene

Moshe was known

to

Muhammed
p.

Geiger,

Was

hat

Muliammcd aus

detn

Judentum aufgenommen,

168).

256
Jbsippon
to be
is

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

shown by
in the

the fact that the

same conception

is

found

Slavonian Alexander legend (see Wes-

selovsky, Iz istoriyi

romana

powiesti,

I,

280

ff.).

The

close relation of the Rechabites,

who by

their ascetic

way

of

life

and staunch adherence

to their ancestral

customs

were very well

qualified for this role, to the

is

Bene Moshe

and the other Lost Tribes

Yagel (Neubauer,
/.

also

assumed by Abraham

c, 413)

who

refers

among
in

other things
letters in

to a passage, obviously spurious, in

Maimonides'

which the Rechabites are mentioned

the Sambation and the
I

connection with

Ten

Tribes.

may mention in conclusion that the Messianic impostor Abu *isa of Ispahan (see about him this volume, p. 203), who considered himself a precursor of the Messiah and thus was expected to gather the Ten Tribes, is supposed, according to Shahrastani (ed. Cureton,
I,

168)

*'to

have gone to the Banu

to preach to
is

Musa who

are behind the "sand"'

them the word of God".

connection with the

The "sand" (rami)

Band Musa and

the mythical "sand river"

in

{Wddi ar-raml) mentioned

is

by Kazwinl

nothing else but the Sambation. Gratz (V, 406) translates rami by "Wilste " and identifies it with ''d\e grosse
Salzzvilste, zvelchc sich nordlich

von Isfahan crstreckt"

( !).

The statement of Shahrastani which

rived from

the latter probably de-

some Jewish authority

is

nothing but the reflexion

it

of the Messianic speculations of that period and

is

re-

markable that Gratz should have taken

MS.
British

it

so seriously {ibid.,

"

zvara'

ar-raml.

Museum Add.
impossible.
is

7251
It
is

reads
either

wara'

an-nahr

ar-raml.

This

is

grammatically

ward'

uahr

ar-raml

"behind the river of sand", or an-nahr

to

merely a variant of ar-raml.

in

"Behind the river" could refer

parlance, indicate Transoxania.

the Sambation but might also,

Arabic

The
this

latter would explain Maimonides' state-

ment

in his Iggeret

Teman.

See

volume

p.

206, n. 89.

BONFIRKS ON PURIM

FRIE:DLA1:nDE:r

257

and
41c)
nD"i

p.

160).
derives

Curiously enough Hadassi (Bshkol ha-Kofer,.

Abu
^Jn

'Isa's

interdiction

of wine and meat

this reference
to.

nnjv

bv

i^NJn
is

iood.

But

the Rechabites which

not found in Kirl^isani

may

as welli

be the individual conjecture of Hadassi.

BONFIRES ON PURIM
The custom
of burning

Haman

in effigy

was recently
II, i f .,

discussed at some length by Ginzberg, Geonica,

and

Davidson, Parody in Jewish Literature, 21, note 33.

To

the data collected by these scholars I should like to add

two references from Arabic sources which prove the

ence of this custom
in different periods.

exist-

among

the

Jews of Asia and Africa

Al-Blruni of

Khwarism

(died 1048
ed.

C.

E.)

in
p.

his

Chronology of Ancient Nations (text

p.

Sachau,

280; Sachau's translation,

274), in speaking
is

of the fourteenth of Adar, says: "There

the death of

great joy over

is

Haman on

that day.

This feast

also called

the Feast of Mcgilld, and further

Hamdn-Sur^ For on
The same they

that

day they make figures which they beat and then burn,
imitating the burning of

Haman.

practise

on the

fifteenth."

The famous Egyptian

work on

writer Ma^rTzi
Cairo, devotes a

(died 1442 C. E.) who, in his

whole chapter

to "the

Calendar and the Festivals of the

in

Jews" makes the following remark

the

his

discussion of

Purim

feast (Khitat,

new

edition, Cairo 1326 H., IV,

364, line 6

from bottom)

j^
note

^_^1 I-Xa (3 A-aA| j

j^ ^"^UJ
'"^

Schreiner,
'f*\A

REJ..

XII,

266,

2,

rightly
in

emends

j^ (J*\^

Haman-Siiz, which designates

Persian

"Ilaman-burning."

258

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

sjj\^

"many

a time some of them would

make

at this

day a figure of Haiman the Vizier

they

call

him Haman

is

and when they had made a figure of him, they would play
about with
burned."
it

and then throw

it

into the fire until

it

The

discrimination between the pronunciation

is

Haman and Haiman

probably due to the fact that in

the Koran, owing to a misunderstanding on the part of

Muhammed, Haman figures as an adviser of Pharao (comp. Geiger, Was hat Muhammed aus dem Judentiim aufgenommen p. 156). The Muhammedans, it seemes, were for this reason obliged to modify the name of the Vizier of
Ahasuerus, in order to distinguish him from his namesake
the Koran.
in

The wording of
was

Mal^rizi's

remark apparently

implies that this custom

practice

in his

time no longer in general

among

the Jews of Egypt.

The above chapter

lated

of Mal^rizi was published and trans-

by

De Sacy
I,

in his

Chrestomathy.

In his explanatory

notes (vol.

p.

319) the celebrated Orientalist refers to

Basnage's Histoire des Juifs, book

VHI,

chapter

6,

in

which the

latter

speaks of this custom as practised by the

Jews

in the fourth century.

erect a gibbet

The Jews were accustomed to and hang on it a figure of Haman. In fact,

together with the figure.

they are supposed to have gone so far as to change the

gibbet into a cross and to burn
it

Theodosius
tion

II.

prohibited
it

this

anti-Christian

demonstrapersecu-

putting on

a heavy punishment.
this

Many

tions are said to

have resulted from

Jewish practice.

On

the anti-Christian

character of this custom compare

also the additional note in Ginzberg's, Gconica, p. 419.

Jewish Theological Seminary

"^

Israel FriEdlaender

^^

of America

THE GROUPING OF THE CODICES GREEK JOSHUA

A PRELIMINARY NOTICE

IN

THE

While engaged
in

in a study of the transliterations occurring

the

Greek
is

Old
all

Testament

(the

material

consisting of

1200 words
I

collected and almost ready for publication),

deemed

it

advisable to include geographical terms (like "Ashe-

doth", "Gai",

"Emek", "Negeb",

etc.)
is

and names of places for

which a perspicuous etymology

these cases
translation

available (comp. "Bethaven",

"Bethel", Beth-hammarcaboth", etc.), especially as in

alternates

some

of

with transliteration.

This
of

additional material being particularly abundant in the

Book

Joshua,

my

attention

was caught by the frequently recurring

collocation of certain sigla in the apparatus of Holmes-Parsons.

In one instance where an entire verse had to be investigated,

the

grouping was unmistakable.

With the key found,

covering
in
all

set

about working up chapters 15 and 19 which are replete with

place-names, but
half of the book.
also

other

passages,

one

My

key proved to work; of course, as

the

my

range of observation widened, slight rearrangements in detail

ensued
I

which,

however,

left

general

grouping
in

intact.

am aware
I

that Hollenberg

was once engaged

;

a similar
article in

occupation (for Joshua and Judges)

the ZAW.,
In

his

one short

(1881), 97-105, deals with the matter only casually.

to

addition

Holmes-Parsons,
edition.

my

apparatus
Lagarde's

includes

Swete's

manual

Field's

Hexapla,
of the

Lucian

and Syrohexaplaris, Ciasca's edition

Sahidic fragments,

Dillmann's edition of the Ethiopic version, Eusebius' Onomasti-

con in the editions of Lagarde and Klostermann, and, thanks

to the liberality of the Dropsie College, the Leiden publication of the

Codex Sarravianus-Colbertinus

(G)

and

Tischendorf's

259

26o

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Sacra.

Monumenta

My

results,

while

at

present

naturally

only tentative (especially with regard to the sub-groups), go to

reveal the following six groups:
(1)

The
a
it

Complutensian

Group

(c)

=
favor

108.

Compl.
sil-

19

requires

renewed
deviates

examination;

to

judge
of

from
b.

ence,

often

from

in

The
own.

Complutensian
In the

occasionally
part
of the

exhibits

readings
is

of

its

middle

book there
19.108.

a remarkable agree-

ment between Lucian (=

instance), even
if

Compl.) and Hexapla (G for

the points of difference which are Qonstant

(comp. the Greek for "south") are had in mind.

(According to
the

Hautsch, Der Lukiantext des Okatateuch,

(Antiochene) recension
is

1910,

Lucianic

related to group

h, specifically to 54.75.

Thus

19.108.

Compl. represent a recension whose

In

affinity is de-

cidedly with the Hexaplar text.

some

cases, indeed, readings

of the Syrohex. are found exclusively in 19.108. Compl.)

Accord-

ingly

include under c as a sub-group FG. 58 Syrohex. Euseb.

(2)

The Aldine Group

(a)

15.

64;

18.

128;

Aid.

The
ofl

latter is

an eclectic text and occasionally deviates in favor

source.
(o)

121 or
(3>

some other

The Oxford (Grabian) Group

Of these, some

A. 29. 121

(.82)

N.

56. 71 (.59).

(esp. 82) often go

29.

with

b.

Accord-

ing to Parsons, 72 agrees with

probably belongs here;

but a more detailed examination

(4)

is requisite.

The Hesychian
44. 106;

(?)

(see Swete, Introduction, 482)

74. 76. 84. 106.

Group

(h)

54. 75. 118;

134.

44

and 106 go

together principally in orthography;

practically only

two sub-

groups result:
(5)

54.

75.

118 over against the remainder.

(n)
--=

The Catenae Group

16.

30.

52.

53.

57.

77.

85.

131. 144. 209. 236. 237. Cat-Nic.

Of these,

53. 85.

144 constitute

a sub-group;
rest,

30 and 209 also occasionally separate from the

but do not always go together.

(6)

The

Sixtine

Group

(b)

B.

55.

63.

120.

Sahidic.

Ethiopic.
55.

Cyr-Alex.;

readings also in Euseb.

The

relation of

63 to the correctors of

B and the Ethiopian

(f/t)

remains

to be investigated; codices eg of the latter version exhibit read-

CODICKS IN
Ings taken from the

THE GREEK JOSHUA

MARGOLIS
the

26
of

Hebrew (probably through

to

medium

a non-Greek translation).

When we come
"manipuli")
into

arrange these six groups

(Lagarde's

(Lagarde's
the

larger divisions

"legiones"),

test of Hexaplaric additions or omissions proves of less value

than the criterion of transliteration.

in the

For

it is all

the difference
be'

world whether the Hexaplaric (the term should

sails)

taken
divi-

cum grano
literation

diaskeue

was applied

to a text of the

one

sion or of the other.

Thus, from the point of view of transthere practically result two main

and

its

close approach in consonants and vowels to

text,

the

received

Hebrew

divisions

which group themselves respectively about the Vatican

designate
the
latter

(B) and Alexandrine (A): the one consisting of the groups bnh,

the

other

of

oac.

division

as

the
(E).
text

Palestino-Syrian

(P),

and the former as the Egyptian

itself

The Alexandrine codex reveals

as

the

Palestino-Syrian

minus the Hexaplaric additions.

codex represents the purest
are concerned, but
is

In the division E, the Vatican

text, so far as

Hexaplaric additions
its

exceedingly corrupt in
corrections
(of

proper names.

In other words, Hexaplaric

a tacit character;

from Theodotion? the same source used by Lucian?) which are

embodied
been kept

in the

Alexandrine and

its satellites

have on the whole

Vatican
additions.

out of

the groups related

to

the

(bnh),

though some of them indulge in Hexaplaric

More-

over, the Hexaplaric additions found in the Egyptian codices

sometimes
chus?).

differ

from those

in

P (from Aquila and Symma-

Hexaplaric additions, on the other hand, are confined

in the groups oa to individual codices or sub-groups.

critical edition of the

Greek text

of the

Book

of

Joshua

thus becomes a matter of realization within sight.

For with

a knowledge of the grouping as above outlined, the process of

collation
is

reduced to utmost simplicity.

(for

In each case, one

will

representative
purposes.

each group or sub-group)

serve our

New
found

material not
to
fall

made use
with
the

of in

Holmes-Parsons
recognized
or,

may
a

be

in

groups

as the case

may

be, serve to reveal

new

groups, though hardly

new main

division.

The

text should be printed in two columns

262

THE JEWISH OUARTERI.Y REVIEW

it

corresponding to the two forms which

assumed

in Palestine

and Syria on the one hand and

in

Egypt on the other.

For

the Palestino-Syrian text the Alexandrine should form the basis;

it

should be freely emended from the groups belonging to the

division.

For the Egyptian division which alone leads the

way

to the original Septuagint the Vatican should be

it

made

the

foundation; but

again must undergo judicious correction on

the basis of

its

satellites.

Errors which at

first

sight appear

hopeless lend themselves to correction

are consulted.

when
in

the cognate groups

that,

And

it

must be borne
peculiar groups

mind

whereas

stands related to

its

only,

B dominates

the

entire range of codices.

to the Masoretic Text.

For P

is

but E corrected and adjusted

Moreover, with the eclecticism of some

readings

of

our codices, Egyptian

appear sporadically in

texts.

Below each column there should be a double set of notes: one embodying Hexaplaric matter, and the other the critical
grounds for the reading adopted in the
text.
it

When

this

work

shall

have been done,

will

be found that,

barring omissions and additions, the emended Vatican codex,

even in the proper names, does not deviate very considerably from the consonants of the received Hebrew text, while in
point of pronunciation (treatment of the laryngals, vocalization)
it

represents a tradition antedating the masoretic.

In this, of

course, lies the supreme importance of the Egyptian text for determining the pronunciation of Hebrew in pre-Christian times.

The
is

tripartite

reference

to

Septuagintal

transliterations

in the current

commentaries and lexica

obtained
as
is

(to B, A,
it

and Lucian)
the

certainly

convenient,

is

from

handy

volumes of Swete and Lagarde, but

unscientific

and should

make way
E.
I

for a bipartite: to post-Christian P,

and pre-Christian

intend to follow up the present preliminary notice with

a detailed presentation of
pect to complete shortly.

my

entire investigation

which

ex-

Naturally the determination of the

sub-groups and of
as

much

else besides will

become more accurate

the complete

induction becomes

ready for tabulation.

CODICES IN the; greek JOSHUA

part of

MARGOUS

263

my

future

work

will
all

be devoted to an edition of the

group h on the basis of

tuting
it

the nine or ten manuscripts consti-

(Cod. Suppl. Gr. 609 of the National Library at Paris

to be included)

may have

photographs of which have been made

accessible to

me by

the authorities of the Dropsie College; with

I

the aid of photographs similarly obtained,

55 which

expect to edit codex

of the Ethiopic Ver-

shows marked relation

to

MSS. fh
of

sion, as well as the

Hexaplar recension.

Ultimately

expect
in the
final,

to print a critical edition of the

Book

Joshua in Greek

manner indicated above.

an attempt at least
it

If

such an edition can never be

may be made.

By

the time

am

ready for
as far

the larger Cambridge Septuagint

may have advanced

as Joshua;

from the accurate collations incorporated therein

much

help will naturally be forthcoming.

Dropsie College

Max

L.

Margolis

MARGOLIS' "MANUAL OF TALMUDIC

ARAMAIC"
A
Manual of the Aramaic Language of the Babylonian Talmud: Grammar, Chrestomathy, and Glossaries. By Max L. MarMunich Gous, Ph. D., Professor in the Dropsie College.

H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung (New York: G. E.

Stechert

&

Co.),
:

1910.

xvi

+ 994-184*

pages.

[Title

of

German

edition

Lehrbuch der aram'dischen Sprache des baby-

lonischen Talmuds.l

Jewish
Talmud.

science

of

the nineteenth century produced but one

short guide to the

grammar

of the

Aramaic idiom of

the Babylonian

In the year 1865 Samuel David Luzzatto published an elein connection with a

mentary grammar of that idiom

Biblical

grammar of
This

Aramaic
English
the

the book
(1876),

appeared subsequently in a German

(1880)
translation.

(1873),

and Hebrew

work of
the

famous auhor, one of the most noted pathfinders of

science of Judaism,

modern

was of too small a compass

to

satisfy the

demands for an accurate presentation of

the language

of the Babylonian Talmud.

Several monographs (as Rosenberg's

Das aramdische Verbum im Babylonischen Talmud, 1888, and Liebermann's Das Pronomen und das Adverbiuntf 1895) offered The merit, however, of valuable contributions for that purpose.
producing the
the Babylonian
the
first

systematic

grammar

of the

Aramaic idiom of

Talmud on

a comprehensive scale

was reserved

for

mighty

st^sp

forward which Jewish studies in America took

toward the end of the nineteenth century.

Caspar Levias published
serially in

From
of

1897 to

1900,

the volumes of the

American

Journal of Semitic Languages his

Grammar

the

Babylonian
i(X)o).

Talmud;

the

work

also appeared in

book-form (Cincinnati

work had some years previously been conceived by another American scholar. As far back as 1894, ^s we
plan for a similar

265

266
learn

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

from the Preface
to

the

work

constituting the subject of

the present review,

to Dr. Margolis

a suggestion

for the plan in question

came

who was
textual

the author of
criticism

two valuable publications

the

dealing
fessor

with

the

of

Talmud,
Berlin.

from ProWhile the

it

H. L. Strack, of the University of

work was delayed by

a series of external circumstances,

it

never-

theless did not rest entirely;

resulted at last in the publication

of the ''Manual of the Aramaic Language of the Babylonian Tal-

mud" which appeared

by Professor Strack.
In
its

at

the beginning of the present year and

forms the third part of the Clavis Linguarum Semiticarum edited

external appearance, the

the style of Strack's

new Manual follows closely Hebrew Grammar with the ninth edition of
mentioned opens.
(pp.

which the
into

series just

Margolis'

work

is

divided
(pp.

two parts: a Grammar

1-97)

and a Chrestomathy
(pp.

i*-83*)

to which are attached

first

two Glossaries
singular value
is

84*- 184*).

What
that
it

gives to the
offers,

part

its

the circumstance

over and above an Introduction, a Phonology, and

is

a Morphology, also a Syntax, which a

thus the

first

attempt at
of

systematic

presentation

of

the

syntactical

peculiarities

the

language of the Babylonian Talmud, neither Luzzatto nor Levias

having treated of

this

part of the

grammar.

In the four subin

divisions of his syntactical

work

(pp. 62-97),

connection with

which Noldeke's Syriac and Mandaic Grammars served as a model

(p. viii),

Margolis has deviated from the principle of conciseness

almost carried to excess which marks the other portions of the

Grammar
The
trifle

the rules are illustrated by a wealth of well selected

examples which are accompanied by excellent renditions.

conciseness
just

referred to in the paragraphs

dealing

with Phonology and Morphology renders the use of the book h

difficult.

Nevertheless,

the

certainty

and

clearness
in

with
rules

which the phenomena of the language are comprehended

and paradigms readily
in the assist in

surmounting the

difficulty inherent

extraordinary brevity of expression.

The reader

feels that

he

is

everywhere treading upon the safe ground of manuscript

tradition

and of a rich collection of material resulting from an

In addition to the one

independent study of the Talnuulic texts.

MARGOLIS' ARAMAIC
only complete manuscript of the

GRAMMAR

BACHE:r

267
the author

Talmud (Munich),

has also

made

use of several other manuscripts of the

Talmud

for the purpose of ascertaining the correct orthography and gram-

matical forms.

In this connection one of manuscript sources

is

surprised to find missing

from the

list

(p.

xv) the large fragment

of the tractate Keritot, the oldest extant manuscript portion of

the Babylonian

Talmud

(it

dates

from the year 1123), which has

S.

been

made

accessible

through publication by

Schechter and

S- Singer (Talmudic Fragments, 1896) and which contains

noteworthy peculiarities
(1897). 145-151)-

(see

the

writer's

review

in

JQR.,

many IX

Both

in the formulation

and grouping of the rules and

in the

construction of the paradigms the author has been successful in

realizing the greatest

measure of completeness within the smallest

connection

possible

compass

in

with

the

presentation

of

that

which

is

most

essential in the material.

In particular, the paraallotted to the

digms which occupy more than half of the space

Morphology, deserve to be singled
out.

They do not

consist in

the customary enumeration of the inflectional forms of one and

the

same verbal root (or of one and the same noun)

among
;

which are thus included forms nowhere to be met with

author has
rather

the

chosen to incorporate in the rubrics of his

paradigms solely such forms of the most varied origin as actually

occur.

Each

single

form which
;

figures in his

paradigms actually
its

occurs in the sources

acter

thus the paradigm loses

as

artificial

char-

and serves

in

itself

a direct introduction to the living

linguistic material deposited in the texts of the

Babylonian Talmud.
division
to

The paradigms
Chrestomathy
in

are

supplemented
with

by the

first

of

the

which,

constant

references
in

the

para-

graphs of the Grammar, each form appearing

is

the paradigms

illustrated by a large

group of diverse examples derived from

the texts,

A
the

further

scientific

merit attaches to the manner in which

function
as

author

conceived

his

grammarian

in

that,

within the Aramaic texts of the Babylonian Talmud, he sedulously

distinguishes those portions which exhibit remnants of an earlier

form of the language

(see

p.

f.)

from those

in

which the

268

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

vernacular of Babylonian Jewry manifests
itself.

common Aramaic
by a prefixed
material
is
t,

Archaic (or non-Babylonian) forms are marked in the

Grammar

while in the Chrestomathy the earlier linguistic

(designated by the letter

placed in separate sections

is

A).

Interesting
is

the observation that in the

Munich manuscript

"there

a tendency towards reducing the earlier language to the

level of the later

and common speech"

(p. 3).

Two
golis'

circumstances are prejudicial to the usefulness of Marso eminently suited for the scientific study of the

Grammar

Aramaic language of the Babylonian Talmud:

are attached even to rarer forms.

the grammatical forms are given without vowel points, and throughout no references

The

first

defect

is

remedied by
in the

the fact that, in the Glossary, almost

all

forms occurring

Grammar and Chrestomathy

verification difficult,

are

vocalized.

The

other

renders

which circumstance, however, amounts to no

is

serious

defect

considering the author's trustworthiness which

readily recognized.

Nevertheless

it

would be desirable

to

know,

for an example,

whence the form t^^^DD^ for the

is

plural feminine
in

of the participle Itpa'al

the paradigm
( 372,
is p.

derived; the form

in the

is

adduced both
(p.

(p.

45)

and

Chrestomathy

18*).

Levias

102) has I^DnD^D only, but his reference to "Besah 20a"

clearly a slip of the pen.

is

In particular, the absence of refer-

ences
the

a matter of

regret in connection with the sentences of

It

first

division of the Chrestomathy.

would have constituted

a great advantage even for the beginner to be afforded the opportunity

of locating each of those pithy sentences and other ele-

ments taken out of a larger context, and thus better understanding

them.

The usefulness
in this

of the present

Manual

in

introducing the

student immediately to an

understanding of the Talmudic texts

would
taches

way have been enhanced.

author
in this

However, no blame
In
his

at-

to

the

respect.

manuscript

"the

sources of each
in

form, phrase, or sentence, were indicated.

the

But
it

order

to

reduce
to

bulk

and

cost

of

the

volume,

was

deemed advisable
p. viii).

drop them

in all but a

few cases" (Preface,

It is to

be hoped that in a subsequent edition these refer-

ences will be fully restored.

MARGOLIS' ARAMAIC

GRAMMAR

BACKER
The

269

The
It

first

division of the Chrestomathy has been adverted to-

follows the

Grammar

closely

and contains single grammatical

sentences have

forms and sentences containing such forms.

been chosen
vi^ith

great circumspection and are well suited for the

spirit

purpose of acquainting the student with the language and

of the Talmud.

In a greater measure

still

this

is

true of

the

second division which contains "connected texts" of a considerably diverse

size,

6 and 43 pieces

all told.

The

six pieces occupy-

ing the
37*).

first

place are specimens of the ''older language" (p. 34*-

The second and much of varied contents (Numbers

p.

longer group consists of anecdotes

1-29, p. 37*-46*),

legends (Numbers

30-32,

46*-5o*),

narratives
33-39, p.

from the

life

of the

Tannaim or
Taanit
of the

Amoraim (Numbers
of the
Saints",
40,
i.

50*-58*), texts

from the "Chapter

the
tractate
fall

e.

the
p.

third

chapter
;

of

(Number
stories

ten pieces,

58*-65*)

the story of the

Jewish state from Gittin 55&-57a (Number

41, p. 65*-69*),
42,
p.

wonder;

from Baba batra 730-74^ (Number

70*-74*)

lastly

of halakic texts (Berakot 2a-3a, Pesahim 1026-1040,

2a-3a, Gittin 360-370).

Rosh ha-shanah

With reference

to these texts, the author

has adopted the praiseworthy method of selecting as a basis the

form of the
of the

text of a certain manuscript source, for the

also of the editio

most part
princeps
vari-

Munich codex, but frequently

1

(Bomberg
ants
in

520-1 523),

and of registering the most important

Occasionally this process has

the

footnotes.

served to

render the text obscure, as

may

be seen from some of the re

marks

as to details

which follow below.

The
I

single

pieces are
quite

introduced by parallel

German and English headings which

confess

successfully serve to indicate the contents.

to

my

inability

understand the heading of

Number
book
is

22 (p. 43*).

The

largest space in the

given over to the Glossary

wherein the sum

parts of the
It
is

total of the linguistic material

is

found

in the

two

Manual

treated lexically in a most exact manner,

an

excellent

Glossary,

arranged

according

to

roots

the

derivatives appear also separately accompanied by cross-references

to the place

where they properly belong.

The accurate

definition

of each single

form under each root and the adequate rendering

of the meaning both in

German and Knglish

are carried out con-

^70
sistently

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

and make the Glossary
in

the

fullest

measure minister

texts. The Hebrew words and phrases occurring within the Aramaic texts are recorded in a special Glossary (p. i8o*-i84*). In the Chrestomathy itself, these Hebrew

to

an understanding of the

elements are marked as such by a very practical device.

have

come across some omissions

in the

Glossary which, however,

we

have reason to believe, constitute but sporadic exceptions. Thus there is wanting in the Glossary the word nOHD on account of
(p.

63*,
bl:^]

1.

4).

In
1.

the
9,

Hebrew Glossary
as well as

there

is

missing

nSJ
1.

[^Dn

of

p. 42*,

niD

")Vn cemetery of p. 44*,

3.

Before proceeding to a discussion of certain single passages

in

the

work
(for
p.
3.

of Margolis,

it

may
21,

be proper to correct misprints

p.

which are
]r\n)

relatively

very few.
i.

Thus,
r.

89,

1.

from below,

r.

Ad
with
iy

nnj30; p- u, As for the

N^mx
B^

(for t<^n-iN).
in the place of

spelling with

it

might be observed that

specifically

such Aramaic words are written

as occur also in Biblical Aramaic, in consequence

jy

whereof

the spelling with

P.
4.

became current.
as a

The use of N
10.

vowel

letter

occurs

much more
a

frequently in the older witnesses of the text than in the editions.

P.
12,
1.

Lrn^Sn

does not belong here;

it

is

Hebrew

word..
P.
14,

note

5.

Margolis assumes for NOriD the pronunciation

first

^prlp

without an intervening vowel between the

D^ntJ';

two consop.

nants (after the analogy of

I

so also in the Glossary,

145*).

fail

to perceive the cogency of this view, unless the justification

in

be

found

the
is

"traditional"

pronunciation

(the

corresponding
;

Hebrew word
surely

likewise
is

pronounced traditionally "statu")

authoritative
in

but

the

latter

not

matters

grammatical

Hebrew inp and linO may

P. 18,
1.

serve as analogies for

all

DHD.

10.

It is

not at

beyond doubt that the independent

possessive pronoun
tive

nn

originates in the combination of the relp-

first pronounced by Luzzatto and reiterated by Noldeke (Manddische Grammatik, p. 332) who, however, failed to mention Luzzatto, has been rightly ob-

pronoun with n\

This theory,

(p. 74)

jected
it

to

by Dal man

(Gramm. des

jiid.-pal.

Aramdisch,

p.

87)

is

ignored altogether by Levias ( 128).

MARGOUS ARAMAIC GRAMMAR

P.
20.

BACKER
nominal
t<"

2/1
stems

In

the

table

of

triconsonantal

two
sive

columns are given over to "med.

{<".
I

sive

and

"ult.

]}

do not consider

it

permissible to place y and

X on an equal
serve as
are

footing in the classification of roots.

The forms which

fc<3yiD,

an occasion therefor (as SJID from

sporadic phonetic phenomena.
P. 32.

Sp^S from

syp'^D)

In the

list

of cardinal numbers, the masculine numerals

are given as feminine, and the feminine as masculine.

the author has in

Of

course,

mind

the morphological fact; accordingly, in the

Syntax

(p. 73),

the functional construction of masculine numerals

is

with feminine objects and conversely

a practical

correctly stated.

But

in

Manual

the

function should have been mentioned at

the very start on the occasion of the enumeration of the numerals

so
is

as

to

preclude any

misconception.

Noldke,

whom

Margolis
(p. S6'i

in the habit of

following both in his Syriac

(p.

Grammar

and

in

his

Mandaic Grammar

187),

makes the

syntactical

function the basis of his table of cardinals, and not the grammatical

form.

In this instance the author has apparently followed Strack's

in

example

the

Hebrew Grammar

but

then he ought to have

made the heading to read after the fashion of Strack: "Masculine Forms joined to Feminine Objects", and conversely.
P. 75.

In the clause ^DJ33 nOSriD the preposition 3 does not

signify "into the thieves" but "together with thieves". P. y6,

is
1.

17.

The courteous address by means German

a

of ")D ("lord")

reproduced in the translation by the corresponding English manedition: "Ihnen",

ner of address ("to you, you"; in the

"Sie").
is

It

is

jarring to the ear

when

modern mode of speech

thus obtruded upon the ancients.

P.
76,
is
1.

.17:

"with
is

the

epexegetical

infin."

But

^in^^

which

alluded to

no

infinitive,

but imperfect 3 pers. sing,

masc. with the relative conjunction.

P. 78,
1.

12.

The admonition

of

Raba
in the

to

his disciples
p.

from
26*,

Berakot 356 appears here as well as

1.

Chrestomathy,

18,

with the reading "-KOp

p. 90,
1. 1.

pnn

nH

(after the

Munich MS),
is

whereas on
P. 93,

19,

the reading
in

^KOp linnn wS
is

given.

8.

The form
it

which the sentence

the story

given differs

from

that

which

has

in

concerning Abba

Hilkiah

2^2
(Taanit 23^)

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

which
is

printed in full on
p.

p.

62* of the Chresto-

mathy;

in a third
1.

form on

94,

1.

f.

from below.
p.
']'/,
1.

P. 95,

8.

The

sentence adduced appears in full on

16;

the renderings vary (at least in the

P. 97.
entirely".

German

edition).

"Sometimes the conditional

particle is dispensed with

"STO.

The

first

of the two examples, Qiyn NOyDI 31JJ ^Zlll

is

(Berakot 5&), however,

no conditional clause
first

at all;

two im-

peratives are merely joined, of which the

a conditional clause
;

takes the place of

but there

is

no occasion for the employment

of a conditional particle.
P. 5*, note
I
:

"Bar N.
'1

Jishak bar Joh. N."

Dele "Joh."

pnr}; KHDJ
P. 6*.

pHV**

was not the son of R. Johanan.

2)0'

The proverb from Erubin

p. 21*, last line.
12.

appears here in a different

version from below

P.
7*,
1.

The proverb concerning poverty which

9Z?)

is*

beT

coming
which
the

to the
is

Jews (Hagigah

opens here with the word nsj

designated as Hebrew.

As

a matter of fact, however,

first

word must have been

^^^"'

originally ii{^K\

which became cor-

rupted into

or

nxv

So

in the Palestinian sources

(cf.

where the
l^

proverb
282).

is

ascribed to Akiba

my Agada

der

Tannaiten,

The reading ns:, for HK^ of the Talmud editions, is presumably found in the Munich MS., but is nevertheless nothing
Aramaic adjective replaced by the more current Hebrew.
1.

but the

P. 25*,

II.

In the sentence

'K^

HTli^lJI
(il^N"']

^K"*

NIH (from Baba

batra 11 la) the feminine form K^x^

the second

should be placed for

(I,

^S^

In this form

it

is

quoted by I<evy

311a) ac-

cording to the reading of the 'Aruk.

P. 27*,
1.

8 from below.

In the sentence
"'t^^

^^J^ N"inv

V"l^ ^Ki

N^

(from Megillah 146) read

for

''S3.

Here likewise the Munich

in the place of y3

MS. simply
P. 34*.

replaces the

Aramaic adjective by the Hebrew.

2,

At the end of Number

it

read nj,

as the editions rightly have

Shabbat 63^. yj of the Munich MS.

represents a modification which
(III, 353^), the

(not registered by Rabbinowicz)

is

not justified.

According to Levy

whole clause

nh

13
P.

"13D
38*.

is

Hebrew.
5
is

Under Number

given

(from Shabbat 26a) the

anecdote concerning the cruel mother-in-law.

The

latter savs to

MARGOUS ARAMAIC GRAMMAR

her
daughter-in-law,
(p.

BACKER
true
J<

273

NJItJ^X ^^nxi 'b'f

which, according to the

Glossary
the

178),

means. "Go and light the lamp".

yields

But then
of
the

preposition

no

sense.
^^<^n'^?"l

The same

is

clause which follows:

^<:"IE^'^{

K^TK. Either the

before

i^il^

should be removed (as in the editions), or the verb should

in

be
lift

taken

different

sense

(perhaps

Itpe'el,

in

the

sense:

oneself upy.
P.
zjo*.

Number

14,

from Shabbat
of
the

151 &,

should have conof

cluded with the interpretation

D?"iy2 ITintJ^ &<in
)

school

Ishmael

^J^J

which follows

in the texts the quotation

from

Deut
P.

15,

10
1.

(77^3); without
2

that,

the piece yields no sense.

^^7]^
insert the

40*

from below.
is

X3^DJ^J<T

which
1.

found

in the

SDV Munich MS.

After

word

P. 61*,

4 from below.

After ^"chv the word Xniini

is

missing

which

is

indispensable for the sense.

P. 64*,
p"*^"!^*!

In the clause (from Taanit 250)

\>''\nr\\ \'C)\ih

"lONK^

'D

fOin^

nN^

the Hiphil

would have
sense.

to be taken in the
is

sense of the Kal in order to

make

Such
is

apparently not the

intent of the author; at least the Glossary

silent
(

concerning

it.

Hence we ought

to replace the reading of

= MS.

of the Uni(

versity Library at

Gottingen)
first

with that of the editions

pl^l^l

both times; in the

place, p^Ti
is

would be more correct).

in

The
both

reading with the Hiphil

places p'^bn^K^.

found also

which has

in

In that case the original will have read for both

verbs plH^K^.
P.
{<6^*D1"1D

152*.

The query with regard

be well left out; the

to

the

Persian origin of

may

same holds good of the query

at

spnDn

(p. 177*).

The above
I

corrections

may

testify to the attention with

It
is

which
offers

have gone through the excellent Manual of Margolis.

within a narrow compass a wealth of information and

preemi-

nently qualified to advance the philological study of the

Talmud

and to serve as an introduction thereto.

Budapest

W. Bacher

274

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The Editors have been kind enough

going review in proof,
Professor Bacher
I

to let

me

see the fore-

and with their permission and that of

append the following remarks:

Pes. 113b

The form j<^3nDD occurs

Bomb.
I

In the clauses ^{nE^'N 'bniO ^h'h NJItJ'X "N^n^XI N^^TN

supply

an object and translate: "Go and

light

(a fire) at the lamp", "She

went and

lit

(a fire)

at the lamp".

The

verbal forms are clearly

AfeL
J^jnS^'n

Rashi paraphrases correctly: p^7"in.

Xnii n-'^n':
Npl,

Comp.

Pes.
"'bnrD

103^
,

M
(on

where
KJ-IEJ^T

n^i^n^J
j<lij

is

an error for

comp.

RSHbM

MS.

Munich

^^nO Xp.

Rabbinowicz

Shahhat) has entirely failed to understand the verbal forms in M.

In the clause
p^^n^l ]*Oin^

lOK^

\>''h^r\'\

jD^'i) "iDXtJ*

^D

take

the Hifil forms in the sense of an "inner causative".

in the Glossary
is

My

silence

due to the fact that

considered the force of

the Hifil just referred to amply treated in the current text-books

of

Hebrew grammar.

The reading

of

seems to

me

to

be

correct.

Max

L.

MargoIvIS

FRIEDLAENDER'S "ARABIC WRITINGS OF MIAMONIDES."

Selections

from

the Arabic Writings of Maimonides.

Edited with
Leiden:

introduction
E.
J.

and
iqoQ-

notes
PP-

by

Israel

Friedlaender.
8.
J.

Brill,

xxiii

130,

No. XII of the

Semitic Study Series edited by Richard

H. Gottheil and

Morris Jastrow,
It

Jr.

was a happy thought on the part of

of the famous
as

the

editors of the

Semitic Study Series to have Judeo-Arabic represented,

the person

and

in

Moses ben "^aimon.

great Arabists have

It

is

the

more

useful

and necessary

the

neglected this

department of Arabic
Arabic
is

literature,
is

under the pretence that Jewish

is

not good Arabic,

not classical,
of
the

under the influence,

grammatically and

stylistically,

Hebrew.

And

this,

too,

seems to have been said without a thorough study of the Jewish

Arabic writers, and a comparison of the
of the same class (see Steinschneider,

Mohammedan
Lit., Introd., p.

writings

Arab

xxxi

t.).

Prof. Friedlaender, wisely chosen to prepare this volume as being

among
the

the best Arabists in this country and one

who

has

made

language and style of Maimonides his special work for a

years, argues in the introduction to the

number of
that

volume under
no basis

review as well as in two other works bearing on the same subject,

the

opinion

current

regarding Judeo-Arabic
peculiarities of the

has

in fact; that

most of the

Jewish-Arabic dialect

can be paralleled in the

scientific writings

of Arabs of pure blood,

Ibn Abi Usaibi'a, for example, and that more similarities will be

found as the so-called Middle Arabic becomes better known, and

its

grammatical structure
the

is

more

carefully studied.
the

He
or

admits

that

Jewish

writers

approach

popular

"vulgar"

Arabic more closely than do the

Mohammedan
interest,

Arabs.

But he
influence,

does not charge this circumstance to Jewish or

Hebrew

and rather

finds therein an

added

which should make the

275

276

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Study of the Jewish Arabic writers even more valuable for following the natural development of the language than the writings of the pure Arabs. The latter were kept by religious, hence externally superimposed, motives to the usage hallowed by the Koran. This was an artificial check on the spontaneous

development of

the^ language,

which

widened

gradually

the

gulf

between

the

written
in

and the spoken language.

The

separation

was greatest

books dealing with religious subjects. It was less as the writings were more remote from the subject of religion. Hence, m Ibn Abi Usaibi'a, who writes a history
of physicians,
direction

we

find devia-

tions

from the

classical

Arabic

in

the

of

the

vulgar

dialect.

The Jews had no

religious scruples to prevent

them from

following their bent, and hence the form which the Arabic takes with them is a result of "natural development. Hebrew influence is out of the question, as it is not likely that a language used for writing and for learned purposes only should influence
the habit

of

daily

speech

in

all

relations
in

of

life.

The
are

few

Hebrew

words and phrases found

against
the

the Jewish
for

writers

argue nothing

verv few. and few technical terms for which there is' no precise equivalent in Arabic. They do not in any way tend to modify
represent

statement

just

made,

they

the

grammar
In
1902

of the language.
Prof.

Friedlaender published a work entitled "Der

Sprachgehrauch des Maimonides, ein lexikalischer und grammatischer Beitrag zur Kenntnis des Mittelarabischen, I,
have there an examination of Maimonides' vocabulary, which serves as a supplement to existing Arabic lexicons. He there' promises to treat in Part II of the Grammar of Maimonides. We
waiting for that part to appear, for upon the details given there will depend, in a great measure, the judgment of Arabists regarding Dr. Friedlaender's views of the Judeo-Arabic dialect. In the meantime, we have, in the introduction to the little volume
still

Teil".

We

Lexikalischer

are

under review,

in

twenty-two brief paragraphs, a

matical and syntactical peculiarities of to the text which follows and to the

list of the gramMaimonides with references standard grammars of Caspari-

Mullcr and Wright, and the writings of Fleischer. Xddcke, and Spitta. Thus, almost all the peculiarities of Maimonides appear

friEdlae:nde:r's

maimonides

HusiK

277

in the

grammars mentioned, which are based upon the writings of Mohammedans. The occasional vowel signs and other diacritical points in the

text are judiciously distributed with a view to the needs of the

beginner and the one

who

is

not accustomed to read Arabic in

foot-notes and references to

Hebrew

characters.

The grammatical

Wright and Caspari-Miiller are

of Arabic,

also very valuable for the student

may be tempted to content himself with the first part of Socin.. The notes are intended to give assistance which is beyond the Grammar and the lexicon, and they are esin general

who

pecially full in the explanation of Rabbinical citations, with a

view

here especially to the needs of the non-Jewish reader.

of misprints are corrected in the notes.
a rapid reading of the text are
16,
8, p. 2,
;

number
in

A
13,

few others noticed

1.

5,

piriDDI, instead of

HnDni;
of
ins.

hD^t^T
;

instead

of

HD^XI

26,

DNS^^i^K

instead

DXci^sbx

27, 7,

nni

instead of

nni

30, 6,

nXDpDDN^Nl
;

of nXDpDDsi^XI (so Freytag and

Wahrmund)

30,

15,

^xyS^K

probably instead of bj?SD^6<

Tin, instead of TlH
instead oi
(29,2)
;

56,
,

I, pS'D''1,

instead of
;

pi^'^D^I; 59, 8,

64, 4, nDj^i
ib-

instead of nb1

69, i,

DI^DD^b

U'ib^M
I

^b^n instead of nb'H. ^XVDJN^Nl

technical

^NVnK^K
rendered,
sepa-

are,

think,

terms,

and

are

best

"continuity and discreteness,"

ration".

rather than "connection and

(c.

Aristotle in the

Categories

6)

divides the category

((hupio/nevov

of quantity

(=

nooov

=S--

fllDD) into "discrete"

(ffwe;i:tf

A^JLU
[see

p^nnD)

and
I

"continuous"
n.

= ^yAU =
In

plinO

Munk, Guide,
^<Mfc>-

234,
)

i]).

Mathematical solid or body

latter.

(acj/ia =:=

^^

U^i

belongs to the

our text Maiis

monides speaks of God's incorporeality, that he

and has not the accidents of body.
nor
not
is

not a body,

Hence he has

neither

JV-an

JLai)l

continuity or discreteness.
solid,
is

Though body here does

it,

mean mathematical
the

still

it

suggests
of

since

the term

same and

all

body
'-V

possessed

quantity.

Aristotle's
30,

phrase of

God

is

not

<p//ofifi'(>r

(sic) Kivnrv (98,

on

f.)

but

278
KLvtl (Of kiiufievov

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Metaph. A.
to
p.
7,

p.
is

1072^

3.

The
in

commentator of

Aristotle

referred
is

57,

called

English Philoponus.

Philopone (119)
I
all,

the French spelling.

should say a word about the selections.

first
is

of which the

There are from Maimonides' introduction

treatise

five

in

to

the

eleventh
tary

chapter
the

of

the

Sanhedrin
is

in

his

CommenSefer
ha-

on

Mishna.
serves

The
as

second

from
to

the the

Miswot, which
as

an

introduction

Code,
last

known
are

Mishneh
from

Torah,
his

or

Yad ha-Hazakah.

The

three

taken

famous philosophical work, the Guide of the Perplexed. The first of these three is from the introduction; the second, from the seventy-first chapter of the first part on the rise
of the kalam in Jewish literature; the third
is

the twelfth chapter

technical por-

of the third part, on the problem of evil

tions

The more

of the "Guide" were not

drawn upon,

as they

would not

illustrate specially the

language of Maimonides, and besides are not

adapted to the needs and interests of the general student of Arabic

literature.
It

would, however, add to the interest and completeness of

if

the

series

the

editors

would include

in their list philosophical

texts,

with
is

view especially to the philosophical terminolog>%

which

not adequately treated in the existing lexicons.

Gratz College

Isaac Husik

PEREFERKOWITSCH'S EDITION OF BERAKOT :ni3"13 n3DD :D''J16rK"l D^DIQll T ^nn3 bv '^22 liobn. Talmud
"'B

Babylonicum ad codices manuscriptos editionesque veterrimas

correctum
et

completum

edidit N.

Pereferkowitsch,

S. Peters-

burg

1909.

+ 136

pp., 8.

critical edition

of the Babylonian

Talmud

is

an old desider-

atum of Jewish
begin this task.

science, but the time has not yet

come even

to

One must

first

be clear about the method of

procedure and solve a number of preliminary questions.

collection of variants will not

mere

do

in this case.

As

a popular book
suffered
to

which

was very much

studied,

the

Talmud
same

naturally

numerous additions and changes, which are extremely

identify, as they

difficult

were written

in the

style as the original

the discussions lend themselves especially to additions, considering

that the

work

itself

plainly

shows development and allows ue to

recognize different layers, as Friedmann has proved by some instructive examples (iDiv ^3

Dnnn^

xiH ^Dv

DK niD^nn nnix^y"i2i,
in

Vienna, 1885).

One may doubt whether

there ever was a uniform

text current in the

its

two Babylonian academies which took part

redaction.

We
it

know

that shortly after the

Talmud had been

As
early an

written

down by

the Saboraim, additions by the

(Briill, Jahrbiicher, II,

Gaon Jehudai were

incorporated into

121-123).

author as Saadia has doubts about the authenticity of the

text (Oeuvres, IX, 168, No. 119)
(ib.,

Talmud

and speaks of different readings

bl2tJ'X

167,

No. no, where a reference to

niD'l^. 24
[ed.

HI. 3 and Saadia's

is

commentary on
in a

Wertheimer],

to be added,

and
later

few passages of the commentary just mentioned).

their

The
that
is

Geonim very frequently inform reading of the Talmud on which

from that current
in

correspondents
is

their

the question

based

different
e.

the

Babylonian

academies

(comp.

g.

Harkavy's Responsa, No. 272).

We
279

see that even as early as the

28o

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Talmud must have been used In the time of the last Gaon Hai much Babylonia itself about the text in many
(Briill, Jahrbiicher,

tenth century different texts of the

in

different countries.

uncertainty
passages.

existed
in

in

Hai

one case discusses four different readings, where

fifth

our editions have a

IV, 70).

He

speaks

of those who, often wrongly, fix the text

78,

(^fc<D"lII

in ed. Cassel

No.

nD13

in ed,

Harkavy, No. 272), of old readings which he conI.e.)

sulted (ed. Cassel,

in

and which differed

in

language though not

contents

(ed.

Harkavy, No. 334), and of a different version

which he
272),

calls

21 ^21 iHD} (ed. Harkavy, No. 334, and probably

(

and which, according to Schorr

p^nn, XIII,

85),

con-

stituted a

more elaborate form of the

discussions.

Hai

also in(ed.

forms us of different readings dating back

Harkavy, 229).
It

to older schools

will therefore be necessary first to reconstruct

the different types of the text used in different countries just as

is

the case with the

Septuagint and other books which have a

similarly complicated textual history, before even an attempt can

be

made

to establish the text.

A
Gaonic

thorough examination of
literature,

the

Talmud

quotations

in

the

with constant attention to the academies to which

belong, will probably yield rich results in
the
differences

the respective

Geonim

giving

some idea of

between

Suran and Pum-

bedithan texts, and by means of such results

may even
in

help to

determine the authorship of Responsa

in

doubtful cases.
their

We

also

have rich material

for

the

Kairwan

schools,

questions

addressed to the Geonim, and especially in the commentaries of

its

chief representatives, R.

Hananel and R. Nissim.

it

As
its

for the text of the Spanish school, one could follow

in

development for over four centuries, from the halakic comAlfasi

pendium of

and the code of

I'bn

Ghiat

down

to

the

haggadic collection of Jacob ibn IJabib and the anonymous

nittbnn
ides,

nilUK

The codes and commentaries of

authorities like

Nahmant21p^^

Ibn Adret, R.

Jom Tob
the

b.

Abraham, and R. Nissim bar Ruben,

"IIKOH

and collections
^I^SOn,
present
as

like

Isaak Aboab's

ni130

and the

well

as

Pugio Fidei and numberless others,

to

will

abundant

material

the

investigator.

Here we even
lately

have

full texts at

our disposal, as Seeligman has pointed out

PEREFERKOWITSCh's BERAKOT
(ZfhB., XII,
18-19).

MARX

28

In addition to the fragments of the Faro

edition of 1494 which Seeligman discovered, the so-called Salonica

edition (ZfhB., XII, 14) actually,

it

seems, printed at Fez (ZfhB.,

XVI, 80)
in

in 1521,
(

and the Spanish MS. of p^in, a copy of

DISIH HK'yD
D^K^X"!,

niD3^

which Chwolson

^KltJ'^n

Warsaw
in
(ib.,

1897, 22)

saw
1482,

London, and declares to have been printed

in

Guadalaxara
28,

and some fragments

be utilized
authority,
to

Chwolson's Library

note)

should
a great

for this purpose.

As Spanish

texts enjoyed

even

the

Provencal and French

scholars

often

refer
(

them and
often

testify that certain readings are

e.

found

in

them

riDIJ

mSD
ings).

g.

in R.

Abraham
to

b.

David's and R. Zerahiah ha-

Levi's writings; R. Tarn in Northern France refers to such readIt

would be interesting

examine the relations of these

Spanish texts to those of the Geonim, as we

know

that their texts

401. 770).

were

directly received

from Babylonia (JQR., XVIII,

are

Much
which
at

greater

difficulties

presented

by
is

the

Italian

and

Franco-German
the

type.

For the former the Aruk

utilizes

our main source,

same time
is

Gaonic,

Kairwan, and German

commentaries, and
tion.

therefore to be used with great discrimina-

The

later

Italian scholars are strongly influenced Italian

by other
as

countries.

Yet

readings

may have

a special interest,

the Italians possibly obtained their text of the

Talmud with

their

explanations from Palestine as

have suggested elsewhere (ZfhB.,

text again a rather large

XIII, 74).

In the

Franco-German

number
labor

of conjectural corrections have been introduced by Rashi, R, Tarn,

R. Samuel
b.

Meir, and their schools, and

it

will require

much
for

to determine as far as possible

original

what

is

a conjecture and what are

readings.

On
MS.

the
is

other

hand,

our
it

material
is

this

Franco-German version
the only complete
95,

especially rich, as

represented by

of the Talmud, the famous

;

Codex Munich
Mayence

and perhaps also the text of the editions

the old

commentary, Rashi, and the work of the Tosafot, the numerous

codes by the Franco-German authors and perhaps the Yalkut, the
fatherland of which will only be finally settled by an investigation
into the

texts

of the

ample material for control.

probability

Talmud and Midrashim it used, will give The Provencal authorities will in all
>

prove to have utilized interpolated texts showing the

282

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

German MSS.
last

iiiHuence of Spanish as well as

that

The Yemen
years,

texts

have come to

light

during the

few

add another

type of the text in the large quotations occurring in the Midrash

Ha-Gadol and other compilations, and some Talmudic MSS. of

Columbia College.
ences
in

They show,

for

instance,

remarkable
is

differ-

orthography.
texts,

Another new problem

added by the

Genizah

which mostly come from the East, the evidence

of the indirect tradition there being very scarce.

They can only

be applied with advantage after the different leaves of single

that are distributetd

and put together.

MSS. among several libraries have been identified Then they will probably prove most important
editor

on account of their age.

The problem confronting any

thus, as

of

critical
is

edition

is

we have

seen, very intricate, the task

a gigantic one,

and could only be accomplished by collaboration on the part of

many prominent

scholars.

It

will

have to be preceded by many

:

researches such as Margolis's dissertation

Commentarius
would be

Isaacidis

quatenus ad textum Talmudis investigandum adhiberi possit, tractatu

Erubhin ostenditur (New York 1891).

ginning to reconstruct
for which
in
cf.
e.

It

good be-

g.

the Spanish version of those treatises

texts like

we have complete
a.

pD^l^y

(ed. Salonica 1521

Frankfurt

M.), pEJn^p

(ed. Salonica in the British

p.

Museum;
niDD^

Van
p.

Straalen,

Supplement, 234 and corrections

p^in (the old

vii),

(see above), and

I.e.,

MS. Hamburg
all

169; cf. Seeligman,

19), with a full apparatus of

the variations offered by

compendia, commentaries, and codes of Spanish authors.

To
present,

give a larger and safer basis to the textual criticism at

it

would be the best and most

feasible

way

to publish

correct transcript, not a photographic reproduction, of the

Munich

MS. with

the variants of the

first

Romberg

edition

and the editions

by the Soncinos (ZfhB., VI II, 143-144).

Eventually the variants

it

from Codex Oxford 366 might be added, which,

sents

seems, reprepart

an

eastern
(see

type
Ill

and contains
(1900), 135).

considerable

of

the

Talmud
the

OLZ.,

Such a publication should

are not covered by

begin with those parts of the

vast
collection
at

Talmud which
reliable

of variants of the late Rabbinowicz and for

present

which we have

no

material

whatsoever for

PERE:FERKOWITSCH's BERAKOT
textual criticism.

MARX

283

This could serve in a way as a basis for further

researches, and collations of the other codices could gradually be

added thereto.
edition.
It is

But, of course, this could not be called a critical

evident that, as long as a separation of the material

critical edition

according to the above types has not been made, a

is

impossible,

and any attempt

to establish one

would be

at present

delusive.

One can
praise,
is

free the current text

from the worst mistakes

and unfortunately
of the treatise

with the aid of Rabbinowicz' work, which, though deserving the

highest

not

very
tried

clearly
this

arranged
his

incomplete,

Friedmann

in

edition

Makkot, published by the seventh Congress of

considerable success, but the
title

Orientalists, with
is

"Kritische Edition"

misleading.

The above remarks have been suggested by the appearance of new text of the treatise ni3H by Mr. Pereferkowitsch, which
a
different
editorial
principle,

follows

and

can
is

much

less

be

approved than that of Friedmann.

not follow any certain authority.

His text

eclectic

and does
one text

He

arbitrarily follows

or another in the same line without sufficient reason, and so gives

a

new

text

which never existed and has no sound

basis.

An

analysis of a
I

few
2,
1.

lines will
19-30,

prove the justice of this contention.

in

choose

p.

the part contained

is

the

first

Genizah
f.

fragment

(= G)

of which a facsimile

given.

L. 20

G, P,
,

(=

Paris

MS.) and

O (=

Oxford MS.) read n^:jn

for

Ki^jn

variant which ought to have been mentioned; 22 and 24 the

niDX

of ed. and

G
in

is

changed into inyT Kpi^D with

(=

Munich MS.)

and P
is

1.

23 after nin^

pan
in
1.

ed.

GP

rightly repeat

HJD yOC' which

missing
it

M, while

25 after "iniXD
L. 23
all
1.

even

M
;

repeats

it.

Yet
ixb

is

omitted in the new edition.

njD yDCMxb kSk, the

is

omitted in
it

but extant in

other
25
in

MSS.
the

as

it

is

left

here,

ought' to have remained

1.

in

same

formula,
is

though there
(as a gloss)
text,

MP omit it; 26-27 the in M after that of our

one
place
p^31t3
p^JDID
^D1

reading of
editions
is

P which
is

found
in the

introduced

and

in

DV 1)V2^ IdSh
is

replaced

by
is

P^31t3

DV ^1y3D
as

of the

Aruk; the reading of

supported
1.

GM
by

given

variant

and

for

K^JON Xp which
)

the
is

parallelism, n"*^

N'l''nD (read "S

all

of

is

supplied;
is
is

29

K^Jnl
I.

only found in G,
the reading of

other

tcxt.s

read *irOKl. which

correct;

31-32

MPO

and other old authorities

passed over in

284
silence.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

All these points are only minutiae, but they
is

show

that

the

whole method of procedure

based on a wrong principle.

One ought
edition
if

not to change the text which serves as a basis for an

the

new reading
also

is

not positively better.

In case both

are

equal,

one should abstain from unnecessary changes.

is

Lack
1.

of consistency

shown on the following

does
not

page,
1.

where
4.

"'^

14

ought to have been given as variation

like

According to
(cf.

Solomon

Duran,

it

belong
is

to

the

text

Brull,
I

JahrbUcher, IV, 74), but there

room

for doubt in this case.

do not intend to go into any further

the text at different places

details.

An

examination of

shows the same

result.

The

editor, in

the introduction, points to the school editions of classical authors

as his models.

He

forgets that an editio

is in
is

minor

is

only possible
authors.

where an
If

editio

major

existence as with

all classical

Friedmann's edition
is

not "critical in the full sense of the

word," his

much

less

so.

Neither can

agree with his comS<3"in^EJ>X"13.

is

parison of Lowe's edition of the Mishna and Theodor's

reprint of a single
in

MS. without
special

variations and corrections

as
If

only justified

few

cases

with the Vatican and

Alexandrine text of the Septuagint.

the

Parma MS.

of the
first

according to the
necessary,

know of Mishna, he ought to have corrected his MS. edition of the Palestinian Talmud where
did not
collation of
this

Lowe

and a
it is,

full

text

ought to have been

added.

As

he only gave material for an edition, but his book

does not deserve to be called an editioa

hand, follows the

Theodor, on the other

is

MS. which
is

in his

judgment

the best extant,

and only puts other readings into

edly better.

his text

where they are undoubt-

There

room

for discussion only in detailed cases;

his principle will be recognized

by everybody as correct.
to the

Except for the principal objection

manner

in

which he

establishes his text, Pereferkowitsch's edition deserves full praise.

His arrangement of the

tion of brackets,

text,

references to the sources, introducfacilitate

and modern typographical conveniences,

the

reading

and

make

the

text

more

accessible

to

the

inex-

perienced reader.
those in

One only

misses short explanatory notes like

will

Friedmann's edition, without which the text

often

he unintelligible to those for

especially

whom

it

is

intended.

The

variations,

where they consist of more than a

single word, ought

PEREFKRKOWITSCH's BERAKOT

MARx

285

to have been put in foot-notes, as they interrupt

and disturb the

context.

The

editor

had for about a third of his text 27 different

It

Genizah fragments, six pages of which he gives in facsimile.

would have been advisable

to publish important variations

found

there in an appendix, especially those incorporated into his text.

If in the future sections of his edition

Mr. Pereferkowitsch

will

give a
plies

more uniform

text

and

state his authorities will

where he sup-

other readings, his

work

be very welcome and prove

plan as has been

useful until the time arrives

when some such

attempted.

indicated above can be carried out, after which alone a definite

edition of the

Talmud can be
.

Jewish Theological Seminary

of America.
^
.

Ai,ExANDER

Marx

BENTWICH'S PHILO
Philo-Judaeus of Alexandria.
'

phia:
pp. 7

By Norman Bentwich. PhiladelThe Jewish Pubucation Society of America, 1910.

273.
in

Mr. Bentwich has given us

the

volume under review an

His

eminently readable and up-to-date monograph on a great writer

who
ID^n
all

has suffered undeserved neglect on the part of Jews.

is

not the only case in which the Rabbinic application of the biblical

X?

D''1Jn

nipn^l has resulted

in

ironic

situations

not at

creditable to Jewish sense of

humor
still

or of

fitness.

To
biblical

illustrate

from examples

evident at the present day,

grammar,

biblical interpretation,

and

biblical criticism

have

been taken so well in hand by Christian scholars that Jews have

assumed the
been a

role of interested onlookers.

Only recently has there

stir in

the Jewish camp, expressing the sentiment that

we

must once more make the Bible our own.

Now
are the

there are signs that the Talmud, too, will soon cease to
Schiirer and Strack

be a terra incognita to our Christian friends.

pioneers,

and Margolis's Grammar

(he

is

Jew)

will

make
to

it

easier for the

younger Christian Semitists and theologians

Shall

follow in StraCk's footsteps.

of the

we

attribute the
circles

growing

neglect

Talmud

in

certain

Jewish

to

the circum-

stance just pointed out?

In ancient times the Septuagint translation the

was abandoned by
it,

Jews because the Christian Church adopted

and the

cari-

cature of Aquila
befallen
Philo,

was substituted
who,
with
all

in

its

place.

The same

fate has

his

extravagance,

unreality,

and and

absolute want of
enthusiastic Jew.
to the Palestinian

the historical

sense,

was

at

heart a loyal

His

treatises

and

his

sermons are not inferior

if

and Babylonian Midrash, and

they had been

studied by the Jews of the succeeding centuries, would have kept

287

288
alive a

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

broader culture

among
the

the

Jews of the early Middle Ages,

emanating

and would have prepared them for a more general and more
intelligent

reception

of

spirit

from the Judao-

Spanish writers.
Philo's language,
it

is

true,

was against him,

and especially

since the bulk

in

of the Jews
the
it

who

lived in Palestine,

Babylon, in

following centuries, did not

know Greek.

At the same time

would seem
were

that the very circumstance that the

in

writings

New Testament Greek made that speech a lingua non grata

among
It

the Jews.

seems, according to some, that Jews had a hand in transthe

lating

Scriptures into

Syriac

(Peshitta)

in

Mesopotamia

in

the second century.

In the succeeding centuries, especially in the fifth and sixth

and following,

i.

e.

in

Talmudic times, and

in

Mesopotamia, the

Talmudic

land,

the
in

Nestorian and

Monophysite Christians were

scientific

extremely active
in

conducting theological and

material
wholly,
the

schools
for the

which the
part,

scientific

theological

most

was derived from Greek sources.

in

There was an imfifth

portant school of translators in Edessa, in the fourth and

centuries,

which

Greek works of

theology,

philosophy,

and

science were rendered into Syriac by Christian scholars.

Similar

schools were established soon after in

Njsibis

and Gandisapora.
any
difficulty,

The Jews

living in those lands could thus without

had they been so disposed, have had access to *the Greek language and its literature. But there seems to be no evidence in the
Rabbinic writings that there were any relations of an intellectual
character

between

the

Babylonian Jews and the

Mesopotamian

schools of the Syrian Christians.

Pbilo,
it

seems
in

clear,

was not known

Revue des Etudes

to

the

Talmudists.
1895,

Poznanski's article

the

Juives,

calling

attention to a possible trace of Philo in a Karaitic

fragment or

two of the ninth or tenth century

not quite conclusive.
chief
claim,
in

is

extremely interesting, though

The one passage upon which he bases his which reference is made to the "Mukaddamat
the ten

(Introductions) of the Alexandrian" and his answers given to the

question,

why God gave

commandments

in the desert

and

BENTWICH^S PHILO

HUSIK
is

289

not in an inhabited land, has a remarkable resemblance to an extant

passage in Philo.

At the same time

and
it

it

sufficiently divergent in

the classification of the answer

it

in the

example

to one part of

to

make

it

doubtful whether
in

was taken

directly

from Philo.
the
first

was make an attempt after sixteen centuries of neglect to Philo among the Jews, and ironically enough he had course to a Latin translation made by Christians.
the sixteenth century

Azariah dei Rossi

to

rehabilitate
to

have

re-

In other words,

it

was Christians during

that long interval

who

kept him for us in the original, and

who

translated him.

The

early Christian church had a great fondness

for him, and cited

him next

to

Plato to prove that even in pre-Christian times an

intimation of the Trinity

was vouchsafed

to certain wise

men.

passage was selected in his treatise

De Abrahamo
in the Bible,

in which,

comand

menting on the various names of God

in

he distinguishes
o
'i2v,

particular three,
.

which he renders

in

Greek,

Qe6g

KvpLoq
first

These correspond to nin

the

C^^'^{<),

DM^X, and

^Jli?.

The

is

Father of

all,

he says, standing in the middle, and

his

guarded on both sides by

two

eldest

and nearest Powers, the

Creative and the Regal, so that he gives the mind the appearance

sometimes of one, sometimes of three.

i^'

(Aopv<popovfievo^

ovv

fifao^

eKurepag ruv Svvdfieuv napix^t ry opariKy dcavoia

Tpitjv (pavraaiav^.

Tore /nev

evog

rare

6s

Dei Rossi's praiseworthy endeavor was, however, abortive, and

Philo had to wait for the nineteenth century to receive the treat-

ment he deserves

at the

hands of Jewish scholars.

As

a philosopher

and theologian he had been adequately studied and expounded by

historians of Greek philosophy, as well as by those

who were

tracing

the antecedents and origins of Christian theological dogma.

The Jewish
to
his

writers, therefore,

for the most part endeavored

particular the relations of

establish his position

as a Jew, in

exposition

of

the

Bible

to

the

Palestinian

Haggadah and

Halakah.

Bentwich summarizes for the non-specialist

Philo's

in pleasant fashion
in
its

environment,

life,

character,

and teaching

various

phases and relations.

290

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

He
vindicates his hero's Jewishness against
is

all if

aspersions, in

which laudable attempt he

purely to Philo's intention.
the defense to Philo's
close to the

quite

successful

regard

is

had

The matter is debatable if we extend method and actual achievement. He sailed

on the one hand,
in in his

wind

in

his allegorizations,

personifications on the other.

as
it

The one was

justification
in

danger of leading,

actually did in Christianity, to antinomianism, the other to

pluralism.

There was some

a critical period

for

repudiation of his method on the part of the Synagogue.

Interesting
ethical
is

the author's discovery of a progress in Philo's

doctrine

from

his

earlier
is

to

his

more mature

writings.
ascetic,
in

In the former,
the
latter

we

are told, he

an uncompromising

an

advocate of the middle way, and sensible of the

life.

importance of social

The author

lays

stress

on Philo's missionary aim.

all

Moses

he holds out as the greatest of

men, and the most perfect that

ever lived; the law of Moses as the only enduring law, stamped

with the seal of nature, and alone capable of bringing about the

Kingdom

of

Heaven on
fills

earth.

Bentwich's book

a long-felt want, and forms a valuable

fit

addition to the Society's publications and a

companion

to the

volumes on Maimonides and Rashi

of which
it

in the series of

Jewish Worthies,

forms a

part.

Gratz College

Isaac Husik

Pal

THE ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS TALMUD AND MIDRASH

By Jacob
Z.

IN

Laute:rbach, Huntsville, Ala.

in the

In the Talmud and

Midrashim

interpretations

of scriptural passages are occasionally quoted in the of two classes of

mcit^i,

name
"'^^"in

unknown

ancient teachers, called

"Dorshc Reshumot," and

respectively.

nmon
hear

^c^^in

"Dorshe
else

Hamurot,"
about them.
earliest

We

never

anything

But they must have been among the very

Jewish interpreters of the Scriptures, for their

interpretations

and sayings are mentioned

in

sources

so

remote as the older halakic Midrashim, such as Sifre and

Mekilta, and Tannaites of the
first

and the second generascriptural passages

tions are said to have explained

in

some

their

style

and according

to their exegetical
to

method.'

But who the old exegetes were,

what school or schools

they belonged, what their tendency was, what method they

applied in interpreting the Scripture, and

why

they were

Many
as

sayings of R. Jolianan
shall
see,

b.

Zakkai are described as being IDPI ]'D3,

which,

we

means, in the style and the method of the Dorshe

Hamiirot.
scriptural

Similarly,

Joshua
,

b.

Pananiah and
as

Eleazar
see,

IJisma

declare
it

a
to
to

passage to be UVlf^
T

which,
of
is

we

shall

means

that

is

be interpreted
Lekal?

in

the

method
i8,
3,
it

the

Dorshe
b.

Reshumot.
IJananiah
Deut.
of
the

According

Job on
of
b.

Deut.

Joshua
in

who
165,
is

quotes

the

saying

the
Ilai,
r.

Dorshe liamurot, and

i,

which,

Sifre

quoted

by

Judah
in

R.

Akiba

quotes
p.

the
321.

saying

Dorshe Reshumot

Kohelet

x.

see also below,

291

292

the; je^wish quartkrIvY

review

designated as "Dorshe Reshumot" and "Dorshe Hamurot" of all this nothing is said in the talmudic-midrashic
literature.

The

old commentators of the

Talmud,

like Rashi, the

Aruk, and the Tosafot, tried

appellatives ''Reshiimof

to explain the

meaning of the

and ''Hamurot" ; following their advanced various lead, some modern Jewish scholars have the explanatheories about these ancient exegetes. But all and "Hations hitherto given of the words "Reshumot"

murotr and

upon them by modern Jewish A correct and true scholars are far from satisfactory. can opinion about them, their method, and their tendency,
the theories based

study, be obtained only by means of careful and critical poswhich should examine thoroughly the following three
sible sources

of information:

(i)

The

historic data, the

such are to reports about these ancient teachers, provided be found in ancient Jewish literature.
(2)

The meaning
niD^C'-i

words of the names applied to them, especially of the and nmon forming part of these names, for it
safely

may be

names Dorshe Reshumot and Dorshe Hamurot were chosen to designate definitely and accurately two classes of the tendency or the method of each of the
assumed
that the

exegetes respectively.

(3)

The

sayings and interpretations

from these of these teachers that have been preserved, for to abstract sayings taken in the aggregate we should be able

method they applied in interpreting the Scriptures, the and purpose they aimed at through their interpretations, word and its their peculiar views about the scriptural
the

meaning.

Regarding the

first

of these three sources, namely,

historical reports,

none

is

to be found in the

Talmud or
is

any of the Midrashim.

As

stated above, nothing

said

about the two classes of exegetes in the talmudic-midrashic

ANCIENT JEWISH
literature.

AI,I,EGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

293

They seem
are

to be ignored persistently by the

teachers of the traditional law, except inasmuch as

their

some of
ix.

sayings

mentioned.

Mishnah

Sotah

9-15

mentions

many

classes of

prominent men

in ancient

Jewry

as pious men,

men

of faith,

men

of good, practical, social

work;

also schools of diligent students, interpreters, poets,

scholars,

and the time

is

given

till

when each
might
fitly

school or

group of men lived and worked, together with the name of

the last of each school or class."
find

We

expect to

among them our two

classes

of interpreters of the

Scriptures, with the data that are reported about the others.

But they are ignored here

as elsewhere.

We

find often that

when

the Rabbis of the

it

Talmud mention an
its

ancient

name

they couple with

a question about
it

meaning, and then

correctness.
called

proceed to explain
they ask

with more or

less

Or
by
it.'

why
the

this

man
of

or that group of

men was

such and such a name, and they try to give a reason for

But

in

case

the

Dorshc Reshumot and Dorshe

Hamurot, they merely mention one or the other of these

categories in quoting a saying of theirs, but they never ask
The passage
Mishnah reads thus:

in

the

m>^1

tr 1Tj;V

""DV

n?3Ca

.n^inpc'n

iSu2

>ktj?

notro

d'Sb'O

'Sk'id

iS'jn

tko

'i

nrstro

...n:Q

Thus,
is

for the

instance,

in

Sotah
the

47&,

the

question

is

asked n"lS^3B^ ND
explanation
is

"what
given;

meaning
^'&b,

of

name
'C3K
ix.

mSlDCK," and an
is

ibid.,

the

name n3?2K
p.

explained
it

to

mean
to

"true

believers "faithful

in

God," and in

Sotah
of

13

(246)

is

explained

mean
asks
Jose,

and devoted

students

the

law."
to

Mishnah
last

Sotah
the

ix.

15

why

the

name
is

"IjCatonta"

was
it.

given

the

of

yasidim,
is

and a reason

given for

In

I^iddushin 30a a

reason
33/^ a

given
is

why
given

the ancient teachers were called '"Soferim."

In Shabbat

reason

why Judah and many

b.

Ilai

was designated as "the chief speaker,"

explanations
of

nnsiOn
in

CKT,

other

similar

names are found

the

Talmud.

294

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

'K^nn

nnion

"xd

or

nioitJ'"i

'Lrin

^,

''What

or

who
nor

were the Dorshe Reshumot or the Dorshe

Hamurotf ;
DDtJ*

do they attempt to explain the meaning of the names, and

why

certain teachers
"1
,niDltJ'"i

were

called

by them,

KipJ

noi?!

nnion
names.
It

'l,

as they do in connection with other

would seem

that by the end of the second century

felt

or thereabouts the rabbis

a certain resentment towards

these ancient exegetes, their method, and their tendency,

and they quoted

their utterances

their sayings only reluctantly.

Although

were preserved, and

their

method was well

known, and occasionally even followed by the rabbis of the

first

half

of the third century,* they purposely avoided

let

giving any account of them, and sought rather to

fall into oblivion.

them

But

if

the

first

source of information, direct historical

reports, fails us, the other

two means of ascertaining the

character of these ancient exegetes and

still

who

they were are

available.
called,

We

know

at least the

names by which they

theirs

were

and happily sayings of

have been pre-

served to us.

These two sources of information are so

intimately connected with each other that they are practically

one and the same.

For, as

was

said above, their

names
were

must have been applied

to these teachers, because they

characteristic of their peculiar

method and

their tendency,

both of which should be deducible by an examination of

the sayings preserved to us.

Obviously, any theory con-

Simon
is

the son

of

R.
as

Judah
*1f2n

gives an
that
it
is,

interpretation
in

to

Exod.

21,

which

characterized

]'Q3,

the

method of the Dorshe

brother

I^amurot
who,
he
in

(^[iddushin

226).
gives

Perhaps
an

was
to

his

Gamaliel
passage

III,

Sotah
as

150,

interpretation
to

scriptural

which

describes
rr33.

being

according

the

method

of

the

Dorshe I^amurot,

ion

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI.EGORISTS

ceived about the ''Dorshe

I.AUTERBACH

295

Reshumot" and "Dorshe Hafrom

their sayings. In

murot" must have the support of the testimony derived

from

their

names and

that derived

other words, a theory to be helpful, must explain satisfactorily

the etymological

meaning of the names, and show that

it

they express a special tendency or a special method, and

must furthermore prove that every

handed down to us
in the

single

interpretation

name

of the Dorshe

Reshumot

and Dorshe Hamurot actually shows the tendency or the

method supposed from the evidence given by the names

themselves to have been characteristic of them.

No
scholars'

such theory has been offered by any one of the

who have

written

about our ancient exegetes.

None advanced by
and

the mediaeval and the

modern Jewish
words

writers offers a correct etymological definition of the

niDltJ'"!

nmon

And

again, the

method which, accordis

ing to one or other of these various theories,

to

supposed

have been characteristic of these ancient exegetes, can

in a

be shown at most only

few of

their sayings,

and

in

none with convincing clearness.

The theory advanced

satisfy all the
it is

in the present article

seems to

demands enumerated above.

all

In any event,

supported by
Observations

the evidence that can be derived

from

"

about

the the
j.

Dorshe Reshumot and Dorshe Hamurot have

Aruk,

been

made

by
II,

Rashi,
52,

and the Tosafot;

Weiss
in

by

Hamburger, Real-

Encyclopddie,

v.

"Allegoric,"

his

Dor
530,

Dor
and
flf;

ice-

Dorshow,

I,

202,

and

Middot
s.

Soferim
v.

on

Mekilta,

Sjb,
I,

610;

Kohut

in

Aruch Completum,
109
ff;

IDH;

Briill,

Jahrbuch,
ff;

181

Joseph

Perles, REJ.,

Isidore Weil, ibid., Ill, 276

I,

Bacher, Die excgetische

s.
X'.

Terminologie der Jiidischen Traditionslitcratur,

1.

62,

"lOPl,
v.

and 183

ff.,

V.

DIB'T

Zunz, GV., 336;

Eisenstein,

Ozar

Israel,

s.

ni01C**1

'CIH.

But none of these scholars considered and examined

all

the sayings of the

Dorshe Reshumot that have been

d.

preserved.

All

those

found

in

Mekilta
to

R.

Simeon

and

in

Midrash

Hagadol

were

altogether

unknown

^em.

296
the three

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

available

sources of information.
the

It

offers

characteristic

method peculiar to our anonymous clearly that this interpreters of the Scriptures, and shows their saymethod has been used in each and every one of

mark of

ings.

It gives a satisfactory

explanation of the etymological

form meaning of the words Reshumot and Hamurot, which were chosen aptly their names, and shows that these names
exegetes, since they to characterize the peculiarity of these adequately the method applied by them in inter-

convey

preting the Scripture.

The

present theory
these

is,

besides, con-

firmed

by what

is

known about
from

ancient

Jewish

interpreters of the Scripture

reliable sources outside

of the

Talmud and

the Midrashim.

Furthermore,

it

demon-

strates that the teachers of the traditional

law had

sufficient

cause for the resentment they

felt

towards these exegetes

Thus,
finally, will

and for objecting

to their tendency.

be

of explained the persistent silence observed by the rabbis

the

Talmud about

these ancient interpreters of the Scripture,

their interpretations

and why only a few' of

have been

preserved in the talmudic-midrashic literature.

The

hypothesis advanced by Rashi' and accepted by

the majority of

modern
have

scholars, that the

Dorshc Reshumot
passages,

Altogether

we
the

fourteen

interpretations

of

scriptural

in

the

name
to

of
the

Dorshe

Reshumot,

and

four

sayings

of

the

Dorshe

liamurot;
being in
list

must be added seven latter method of the Dorshe Ifamurot non the
sayings

interpretations designated as

]D3

See the complete

that

of

these

quoted

below.
of
the
their

It

is

certain,

however,

there

must

have

been

many more
the
in

interpretations

and
to

sayings.

certain

reasons

rabbis the

of

Talmud did not

their

care

preserve

For them

or mention them
'

name
s.

of

originators.

Rashi, Berakot 24a,

v.

mnitt"! 'B^in,
instead

remarks

;:'D1:J

nmon'l

Kin,"We
the

read Dorshe

Bamurot
beide

same."

Bacher,

Tcrminologie,

Dorshe Reshumot, but both are Rashi, and remarks, on p. follows

of

62:

"Jedenfalls

bezeichnen
altcn

Ausdriicke

Hamurot]

dieselben

Schriftausleger,"

[Dorshe Reshumot and Dorshe and, on page 183, he mentions

ANCIENT JEWISH AI,I,EGORISTS-^I.AUTERBACH

and Dorshe Hamurot were two names given
the
to

297

one and
as

same

class of teachers or exegetes,

must be rejected
calling

absolutely false.
class of teachers

There

is

no valid reason for

one

by two different names.

If the

two were

one,

how came

they to be designated by two different

names, seeing that these names were to characterize peculiar

methods or
the

special tendencies?

It is

evident that each of

two names must designate a

special class* of exegetes

it

whose peculiar method or tendency

characterizes.

It

was merely the ignorance of the character and the tendency

of the two classes of interpreters of the Scripture that

made
old

it

possible to identify

them with each

to

other.

The
them

commentators of the Talmud, unable

peculiarities of the

distinguish

between the

two

classes, believed

the

niOICI

'B*in,

"die

audi
s.

nmon
v.,

'ClH genannt
identify the

werden.".

Zunz,

GV., 336, and Kohut, Aruch,

also

Dorshe Reshumot and

nor
Weil,
in

Dorshe ffamurot with each

articles,

/.

other,

and

neither

Perles

their

c, distinguish between the two classes.

first,

The
of

so

far

as

am

aware,

to

distinguish

between the Dorshe

as

Reshumot
classes
II,

and

Dorshe

Ifamurot

and

to

recognize

them

two

distinct

exegetes was Hamburger.

He
'tTin,

remarks in his Real-Encyclopadie,

Schiftforschern

52;

"Es
der

werden

zwei

Klassen

von

genannt:

die

Forscher
lichen

Andetiiungen,

mOICI
,

und

die

Forscher des
sicherlich

buchstdb-

Textes,

miTOn

CIH

von denen Erstere

Allegoristen

waren."

Weiss

also distinguished
definition.

between the two; he gives of each one of

them

different

The

Dorshe

Reshumot
D^tynnn

he

describes
I,

as

allegorists,

nimtm C"in
ptr

IXnpi

nWT SCQ

1*nn

Dor,

202; and

D'K^v
mty-l

TD"n n^i'Soi

h^^ ima
UC'en

D^piDsn itrmtr D'ODnn

vn on moityi
Mekilta,
53.

'trin

nSo p:y

n^D, Middot Soferim on

'tTin

The

Dorshe ^amurot, on the other hand, he describes as those who seek

a reason for the law,

to give

nmon
n;i33

iNipj HiinS Dyu

n3m "Tn3 D'tTinn

the

{Dor.,

I.

c),
rule,

or

those

interpreters

whose
S;'

method

was

"measure

for

measure"
Soferim,
later on.

mO
We
milOn

mO im
discuss

KIH

nm?3n
of

'C"ni

CmO

(Middot

83).

shall

these definitions

Hamburger and Weiss

allegorists, but

Both of them consider only the moitJ^T 'CIH as

the

we

shall

see

that

'CTH

were also

allegorists,

though of another kind

and of a different school.

298

THE JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

This mistaken identification of two distinct

to be but one.

classes of exegetes

had the

fatal

consequence that the later

often substitute

teachers and copyists of the

Talmud would

one name for the other, and the

result of interchanging the

two names
readings in

is

confusion and lack of uniformity in the

the various editions and manuscripts of the

works with which we are concerned.

the
in

A
is

saying ascribed to
sure to be quoted

Dorshe Reshumot

in a

given

work

another edition, or in a manuscript of the same work,

in the
It

name

of the Dorshe

Hamurot; or
that the

vice versa.
classes of exegetes

must be admitted
one respect
like

two

were

in

each other.

Their

common

char-

acteristic

was

that they both interpreted the Scriptures in

literal

an allegorical sense, not according to the plain and

meaning of the words.

allegorists, they

Nevertheless, though both were

distinct

were absolutely

from each other

in the

in origin, motive,

and tendency, as well as

method

each applied

in

the interpretation of scriptural passages.

Thus

it

was

just that each class should be called

it

by a special

name, to distinguish

from the
to

other.

We

shall

now proceed

show
two

the different methods,

classes of allegoristic
shall treat

tendencies, and origins of the

interpreters of the Scripture.
rately,

We

them sepa-

and we begin with the Dorshe Reshumot.

definition of

The
difficult

Dorshe Reshumot, given by Rashi"

/.

and accepted by Bacher,

c.,

184, as "interpreters of those

in the

passages in the Scriptures which are unclear

n*nn2
D'^^iS^n

Berakot 24a,

DmnDi
of
is

nnc'p
the

,nioitri

'cin,
abstruse

"the

Dorshe Reshumot are the

interpreters
It

knots

and

passages contained in the Law."

noteworthy that in Sanhedrin 1046,

merely as
D"'piDE

Rashi describes the

preters

nimB>*1
passages."

'C>")n

'CIH

"inter-

of

verses

or

Bacher characterizes the

mDlB1

'CIH
cnthal-

as "die Ausleger dcr undeutlichcn, den

Gcdanken nur

iti

AndcutHugen

tenden

Bibelworte."

ANCIENT JEWISH AI^LEGORISTS

meaning, and
lutely
fail to

LAUTERBACH
is

299
abso-

express a thought expHcitly/'

wrong.

All the scriptural passages on which inter-

pretations of the

Dorshe Reshumot have been preserved

are very clear and distinct in the meaning of their words,

and the thought, expressed by the

words,
to
is

literal

meaning of

their

far

more

clear

and

explicit than the

one ascribed

them by the interpretations of the Dorshe Reshumot.^''

Besides,
the

word

nioit^i

cannot mean "obscure" or

niCJ'l
,

"difficult" passages.

The
ed.

singular term

occurring

in

Mekilta,

Amalek

i,

Weiss, 6ia, with which Bacher

mJDI&J'"!
,

seeks to support this definition of

has not, as he
"unin-

assumes, the same meaning as

telligible."

DiriD, ''abstruse" or

Although

Yall^ut,

in

quoting this passage of

Dl^n, this

the Mekilta, offers the reading

DIJID instead of
Dlt^'i

does not prove that

DIDD and

are identical in their

DiriD

meanings.
Yall^cut,

By

substituting the
it,

word

for

Dicn, the

or some copyist of

attempted to explain the word This

n)l^^

the exact
DiriD,

meaning of which he did not know.

substitute,

was suggested
is

to

him by

the

following
DIJiD

word

^"TiDni,

which
/.

often used as a contrast to

(comp. Bacher,
K^'TiDDl

c, 137).
this

He

took

e^^iiddi

Did
in

to be like

DlJiD.

But

was a misunderstanding of the mean-

ing of the

word Did.

The word Did

the

Mekilta
niDiL'n

passage

is

merely the singular form of the term

used in the name niDid ^^y\l. But the phrase: n]r\ ^"s^)^:} Did does not mean, as Bacher takes it, "this scriptural

" Bacher
borne
their

himself
all

felt

that

this

definition

of

Dorshe Reshumot

is

not

out

by

their

interpretaitions,

but

he thinks that at least some of

interpretations are of such a nature as to justify Rashi's and his

own

theory.

After giving his characterization of the Dorshe Reshumot, he adds:

"Wozu
stimmt"
justifies

wenigstens ein
(I.

Teil

dcr unter ihrcm

shall

Namen

erlictlteuen

Ausspriiche

c,

184).

But we
for
all

see

that

not even one of their sayings

his

definition,

the passages interpreted by them are, without

exception,

very explicit in their meaning.

300
passage
is

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

obscure, and not distinct."
It

will

be proved

further on, where this passage of the Mekilta will be cited

together with

its
:

parallel,

that the phrase

Dir^'l

nrn
is

i<'\pr2r]

merely means

This verse of the Bible can, or

U)^"),

to,

be

considered as a
in the

that

is,

it

can, or

is to,

be interpreted

manner or according

to the

method of the Dorshe

therefore in no

Rcshumot.

The

singular

form

D"iC>")

way

helps us to define the

meaning of the plural form

n'iD''iCJ'i-

We
DE^l

have to go back to the etymological meaning of the verb

in

order to get the correct meaning of both nouns

Dlt^n

and

nitDl^n-

The verb
*'to

DtJ^"i

in

Hebrew and Aramaic means

and the noun

"to mark,"

make

a sign," "to signify," or ''to designate,"

and hence
means,

also to represent symbolically,"

Dltrn

therefore,

a visible ''mark," *'sign," or "symbol," which

indicate

serves

to

something

or

represents

an idea or

communicates some information.

Such a sign or symbol

it

does not completely describe the subject of which

sign, or

is

which

it

is
it.

to symbolize,

it

merely reminds one

of
to

it

or suggests

Any word
in
is

used in a figurative sense,

is

convey some idea or express some thought,

such

sign or symbol.
literal
it

The word
if
is

itself

has

its

simple

and

meaning, yet
it

there

some resemblance between

it

and that which

to symbolize,

can be used as a
as
if

sign or a symbol for the latter.

word can be used

a sign for a certain idea, quality, or action, or state,

only one feature or one aspect of the idea, quality, action,

" This development

in

of the

meaning of the verb DC"1 can be traced

also

Syriac,

where the verb

Dty*l

means
in
tlie

delineate,

designate

and then

also

signify,

represent symbolically,

as

phrase,

mCin

Ki'CT KnsS, NTtSC

said

of

the olive branch "it should represent to us the sign of peace," and

NOnSa
(see J.

pD'CI, said of a guiltless life, "it is indicated by unleavened bread" Payne Smith, A Compendious Syriac Dictionary, s. v.).

ANCIENT JEWISH ALEEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH
it,

3OI
for

or state, can be compared with, or represented by,

this

one feature or

this

one aspect, suggested by the word,

idea, etc.

will bring to
also,

mind the whole

For

this reason,

the

first

word

of a sentence can be used as a sign

to

represent the entire sentence, as one letter of a

word
first

may

be used as a sign for the whole word, since the

letter or the first

word

will bring to

mind what followed,

the whole

word or

the whole sentence.

The name
see in the

DorsJie Reshumot, accordingly, designates a

certain class of exegetes,

whose peculiar method was

to

words of the Scripture signs or symbols and

and

parabolical expressions, which should be taken in a figurative

sense, not in their plain

literal

meaning.

This

method was

also

termed

bl^^, ''allegoristic interpretation,"

to interpret the

words

in a metaphorical sense."
literal

They

did

not deny that the words have a

meaning

as well,

and that
distinct.

this

Hteral

meaning

is

very simple,

clear,

and

But they thought that a merely

Scripture does not do
its

literal

interpreto

tation

of the

full

justice

the

scriptural word, does not exhaust

meaning.

For some

passages of the Scripture absolutely demand, and others

justify,
or,

at

least,

allow

an allegorical interpretation,

according to which they have a metaphorical sense, and

express higher ideas than those conveyed by their simple

meaning.
Scripture,
ization

Briefly, they

were

allegoristic interpreters of the

'C^nn
is

and the name

them.
It

niOlK>"i

a true characterthe

of

expresses

adequately

method
R.

" See
HagelilL.
as

Rule

26

of

the

Thirty-two

Rules

of

R.

Eliezer

b.

Jose

The three
according

interpretations given
to

by R. Ishmael, and characterized

being

the

method
ed.

of

Mashal

ScO

]*D3

(Mekilta,
to

ed.

Weiss,

88&,

and

Sifre

Deut.,

Friedmann,

117^)

are according
in

the

method of the Dorshe Reshumot.

meaning, but
in

They take the words not

pp.

their

literal

a figurative sense (see below

328-29).

302

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

applied by them, namely, to interpret, i^ii, the words as

niDlt^^i ,"

as

signs,
else

figures,

and symbols
is

to

remind us of
literal
is

something
meaning.

than what
literal

expressed by their

The

sense of a

word

or a passage
its

designated as

1y|rDL^'^

or

lyofij'os,

"according to

literal

meaning."

We

find, accordingly, that in

most places where

the interpretations of the

Dorshe Reshumot are mentioned,

there are also mentioned other explanations, "according to the plain, literal sense",
allegorical interpretations.
lyintJ'a,

in

contrast

with

their

As

the literal meaning of the

words was considered

between the
literal

their true

sense nOK, the contrast

sense,

characterized as nD^<, and the

allegoristic or figurative sense, characterized as h^'O, or Ditrit

is

expressed in a more drastic form in the phrases noN DS

h^iz DXi
DiEJ^i

nOK no^
riDK

b^^ no^ (Sanhedrin 92), or"

r^i^h
r.

ncs DS
81, 2),

no^

DN1 DltJ^^Cp.
the

Yebamot 13a and Genes,

name
these
as

" The word mmiT"!

the

in

niOlB'l 'tt'in

is

not the object of ty^T

and does not designate a peculiar

Scriptures
of

class

of passages or particular
It

words of
peculiar

interpreted the

by

exegetes.

designates

the

method

taking

words

symbols,

by

which

they

interpreted

the

Scriptures.

Similarly in the phrases:

D^3"I?2D
<t2l5?'f2T

'UIBl

>h^:i

^CIT and

'UIV'OI

nan
10a),

Cm
the

(Shebuot 27h), and

Cm
they

(Yebamot
D'DIOD

4a

Berakot

words
but

'tDlBT

'SS^,

'MSn,

are not the object of

CIl,

characterize

the

method;
in

do not designate the passages that are

interpreted, but

how,

what way, they are interpreted.

between the term
the
Dltyi
,

"
or
the
to to

It

was

this

contrast

meaning, "figurative"
"literarlly

"allegorical

sense,"

and

term

nf3K,

meaning

true," that
to

people of

Simonia had in their mind when they asked Levi

in

explain

them the passage

them
to

Daniel

10,

21,

flDK
(p.
I,
/.

21133
c).

mdn
MOK

which seemed
of this

be a contradiction in terms

The explanation
T'TJ

passage, which Levi afterwards gave to Judah corrects

in

n'^TiJ IPIk'?

omp

D1C1,

the
10,

opinion
21

of

the

questioners,

and assumes that the term

it

DTCT

Daniel

has not the same meaning which

has in

the

technical

term

DICI, "allegorical sense."

,

For

it

is

characteristic of a sign or mark,

liable
is

min
in

that

it

is

often

made

for

temporary use only,

In this sense
or
it

to

be changed,

corrected,

or rubbed off altogether.

to

used in the passage

Daniel,

designate
not

something marked
to

written

down,

which
although

is

yet

doubtful

and

meant

be

final

and

permanent.

And

even

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI^EGORISTS

both of which phrases

LAUTERBACH
say
it

303

mean

"If you take the scriptural

passage in a true,
allegorical

literal sense,

how can you

it

is

its

sense?

And

if

you take

in

its
it

allegorical

sense,
literal

how

can you at the same time describe

pp. 328-29).

as

its

true,

meaning?" (see below,

This theory about the Dorshc Rcshumot

ported by the information

is

thus supsource,

we can

derive

from one

from the etymological meaning of the words composing

the

name given
their

to them.

We

have now to

test the validity

of this theory by consulting the other source of information,

sayings and interpretations.

list

We

shall

quote,

in

the

following, a complete

of

all

the sayings
in

and

interpretations of the

Dorshc Reshumot, and

all

examining
is

them we

shall find that in

the

method applied

the

one mentioned above, and designated by the word Reshumot,

namely, the method of explaining the words
phorical
sense,
in

a meta-

treating

them

as

signs

and symbols for

interpreta-

certain ideas.
tions of the

We

shall find that

some of the
also

Dorshc Rcshumot are

found

in the writ-

ings of Philo, which only confirms the theory that, like the
latter,

the

Dorshc Rcshumot were

allegoristic interpreters

of the Scriptures.
will

The

parallels in the writings of Philo

help us sometimes to a better understanding of the

sayings of the Dorshc Rcshumot.

in

For these sayings and

HOK, which means somebe

this sense

DTC"!
ar.d

forms a contrast
yet
tlie

to

the term

thing
ferring
fore

"true

lasting,"
to

difficulty

can

explained
"ITJ

away by
,

re-

each

term

different

conditions,

namely,

^H
the

DHip DICI
the

"Beit

the

sentence has been

is

finally

given and

approved,"
with

punishment
of

recommends

only

DICI,
in

"marked down,"
is

possibility
"ITJ

being

changed or blotted out,

case the sentence

not approved;

IPIKt
it is

nOK
n?3M,

]n

but

"after

the

sentence has been approved and confirmed,"

positive,

written

down

as a

permanent, and lasting document, not subject to

course,
in

change or correction.
in

Of

the sense which

the

word

D1C*1

has
DltT"!,

the phrase T'TJ

,

inK^ nOK T'TJ

D^p

mC"!,

it

has nothing to do with

maiCI

used in the

name mOICI 'C*in.

304

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Dorshe Reshumot have not always
and complete form.

interpretations of the

been preserved

in their original

Some

of them were condensed or shortened, and of some of them

only one part has been preserved in the talmudic-midrashic

literature, while the other part, left out or

purposely ignored

by the talmudic teachers,

is

to be

found

in Philo's

works.
alle-

As

their

method was developed gradually by the

orgin and
successive stages,

goristic interpreters, I shall quote their sayings in

an order

that will indicate

it

its

its

how

was

originally applied only to special class of scriptural

passages, absolutely

demanding an

allegorical interpretation,
its

how

it

was

later

on extended more and more beyond

original limits,

till it

came

to be applied, rather excessively,

to passages that could hardly bear

tation.

an allegorical interpre-

The

oldest

and most
is

original saying preserved of the

in

Dorshe Reshumot

probably the following one

Sifre,

Deut., 49, ed. Friedmann, Ssa, referring to the passage in

Deut.

II,

22:
all

''To walk in

His ways and

to cleave

unto Him."
niDiEri ^t^'in

ni^n

DDb

nb)vn

n\n"i idxcj^ 'o "i^dhej'

iJivn

Dnoix

v3-n2 piiD) n"3pn

nx

i^so

nns 12

'Tinot:^.

Reshumot

say, "If

thou desirest to recognize

The Dorshe Him who by

interin

His word created the world, learn to understand and

pret correctly
this

what the Scripture says about Him, for

canst recognize the

way thou

Holy One, blessed be He,

and cleave unto, and follow. His ways."

From

this saying

we can

learn the origin of the

it

method

of the Dorshe Reshumot, and what

to interpret

was

that caused

them
22

words as symbols.

The passage

in Deut. 11,
''to

was

difficult to

understand, as the phrase

literally, for, as

cleave unto
it:

Him"

could not be taken

Sifre expresses

ANCIE:nT JEWISH ALI,e:GORISTS

LAUTERBACH
01

305
is
it

p2inb) Dnron n)bvb onx^

)b

i^'ss

-i5<\n

"How

possible for a

unto Him?".

human being to go up to God and As an answer to this question, the

is

cleave

saying

of the allegoristic interpreters

nize

quoted

In order to recog-

God one must

learn to interpret the scriptural expresis,

sions about
as figurative

Him
and

correctly/" that

take them as

niDltJ^l

allegorical expressions.

In doing

so,

he

learns to

know God and

realizes that the expression "to

''to

cleave unto

Him"

has but the meaning

imitate

Him"

and "follow His ways."

The

original motive of the

all

Dorshe

Reshumot was
preted

to explain

away

attributes inconsistent

with their idea of a spiritual God.

all

They, therefore,
in the

inter-

anthropomorphic expressions
literal

Scriptures

not according to their

sense.

meaning, but in a metaphorical

is

One

of Philo's rules of allegorical interpretation

"to give up the literal

it

meaning of a

scriptural passage, if

says or implies something about

God

which, according

to our pure conception of

Him,

is

not becoming."^*'
that

We

should

not

think,

however,

the

Dorshe

Reshumot were
allegorists.

influenced by Philo or other Alexandrian

Palestinian teachers, and they deinterpretation

They were

veloped their method of allegorical

inde-

pendent of external influences.

Their allegorical interpre-

tation of anthropomorphic expressions about

God was

the

" The term HlJin is 3inDn nun, what the

indicate

used here in
Scripture

its

original meaning,

in

the sense of
it

really
/,

means
30

to

say,
33.

what

wants to

and

teach,
to

comp.
learn

Bacher,
the
right

c,

and

"To

learn"

nun
it

means,
so

therefore,

method of interpreting the Scripture,

scriptural word,

as to be able to get the full

to
tell

meaning of the

and what

wants
1^

us.

Comp. Carl Siegfried, Philo von Alexandrien

Jena,
rule
is

als

Auslcger des Alten

to

Testaments,

1875,

165-66,

with

many

references

Philo's

writings

where

this

observed.

306

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

natural result of their strict and pure monotheism and of

their conception of

God

as an incorporeal Being."
b.

Mekilta
Dxtj*

d.

R. Simon

Johai, ed.
xi?

Hoffmann, 153a,

5:

nnsn

i^b

lyoni inx^o bbpn

nbbp.

d^p^k d^dix n^DiKn

'^r))i

bbp^ nns
that the
If

inxnn pn

The

Dorshe

Reshnmot say
23, 27-28) is:

meaning of the two verses (Exod.

grain.
this

you curse [or despise] the judge, you

will bring a curse

upon your

Preceding
Mekilta
Eliezer
literal
d.
b.

saying of the Dorshe Rcshumot, the

{ibid.,

R.

Simon

152)

quotes

one

by R.
in
its

Jacob, which takes the

v.

word ''Elohim"

meaning, so that
n^r\
n3"in

27 forbids cursing or blaspheming

\rrh.

God,
is

hv ninrs

In the same

way

the verse

interpreted by R. Akiba, in Mekilta d. R. Ishmael (ed.

Weiss, 102b).

As

a contrast to these literal interpretations

of the verse, the saying of the Dorshe

Reshumot
in its literal
it

is

quoted.

They do not

take the

word ''Elohim"

meaning,
,

to designate God, but they consider

as a DlEJn

a sign,

designating the

human judge who

v.

executes divine justice.

The meaning
in

of

27

is,

accordingly, to forbid the cursing

or reviling of a

God

to

human forbid man

judge.

For

it

would be unbecoming

to curse or revile

Him.

It

might
in the

imply that

it

could affect Him.

They further saw

proximity of the two verses, 27 and 28, an indication that

there
is

a relation of cause and effect between the

two

actions forbidden by them.

They mean

Do

not curse the

judge, that you

may

not bring curses upon your harvest.

That the

allegoristic interpreters

{Dorshe Reshumot)

should apply this method of

D^310D,

which derives

special

1^

Comp.
us
to

Siegfried,

/.

c,
the

19.

We

must bear
of
the

this

in

mind,
of

for

it

will

help

understand
distinguisli

development

method

the

Dorshe
p.

Rcshumot and

them from the Dorshe ^amurot (see below,

329).

ANCIENT JEWISH

AI.I.EGORISTS

I.AUTERBACH

307

meanings from the position of the verses near each other,

is

not at

all

strange.

It is

one of Philo's rules of allegorical

interpretation, to consider the position of the verses

and

attach a special
fried,
/.

meaning

to their juxtaposition (comp. Sieg-

c, 178-179).
step

The next

taken

by the Dorshe
its

Reshumot

in

developing their method was to extend

other passages the
literal interpretation

application to

of which presented

some

difficulty"

and for

this

reason had to be abandoned,

as the literal interpretation of the

anthropomorphic expres-

sions about

God had
difficulty

to be

abandoned because of the insurThis

is

mountable
following

they presented.
of
^b
the
D^Ni5?n

shown

in the
(b.
^t^'1^

saying
:

Dorshe
T'n vni

Reshumot

Berakot 24a)
v^^an

njjo

nox

r\\J2)^n

n^inn

nr.

The Dorshe Reshumoi"^

said

that

the

verse in Deut. 28, 66, ''And thy life shall hang (in doubt)

before thee," applies to the

that
is,

man who

lets his Tefillin

hang;

who

is

suspended

in

doubt in regard to his beliefs

and religious

principles, symbolized

by the

Tefillin.
diffi-

The

literal

meaning of
life

this

passage presents some

''Thy
life shall

culty, for

how can

hang?

hang before

thee" does not give good sense.

The

literal interpretation

of this passage had, therefore, to be abandoned, and the

word y^n

"thy Hfe",

is

taken by the Dorshe Reshumot in

a symbolic sign, for the religious
that

a figurative sense, as a
^*

Dltjn,

It

was one of the rules of Philo,

or

whenever the passage presents

the
literal

some

difficulty,

does not yield

good

sense,

meaning
/.

is

to

be

abandoned, and
^*

the allegorical

adopted.

Comp.

Siegfried.

c,

166-167.

Some

editions have here Dorslic

Hamurot
p.

instead of
298,

Dorshe Reshumot,

also

Rashi, ad locum.

But as was stated on

reading

these

names are often

as

interchanged.
in

The

correct

here

is

Dorshe
in

Reshumot,"

found
Hilkoi
66.
,

many
last

editions,
28,

and

confirmed

by

Asheri,

Halakot

^[etanot,
28.

Tefillin,

and by Midrash Ilagadol, MS. Schechter, on Deut.

however,

In
the

the

place,
,

some

copyist

wrote above

the

word

niDTC'l

word

ni"nDn

which

he deemed

correct.

308

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Tefillin, in

doctrines that are the sources of the true hfe.

the phrase

v^sn

r\b)nn

does not

mean

the phylacteries

themselves, but that for which they stand as symbols.

This

saying of the Dorshe Reshumot

is

correctly explained by

Judah Leon de Modena,

pDiDn

in

his

Hahoneh
jdj

Tl

p^^snn

^i^ni

j<Si

px:i

-i::'^

Q-^^pi

dixh

n\n^c>

inv,

''The Tefillin are symbols for the fundamental principles

and dogmas of

religion, for the written passages they con-

tain deal with the belief in the existence of

God, His unity,

and His Omnipotence.

In these beliefs a

man must

be

firm and steadfast, upright and faithful, and not wavering

and doubting."

The

interpretation which the

is

Dorshe Reshumot give

the

to this passage in Deut. 28, 66,

same

as Philo's.

In

his treatise ''On the Posterity of Cain," ch. viii, Philo says'":

"

'Thy

life

shall

hang

in

doubt before
is

thee,'

for

it

is

the

nature of the foolish

in a

man who

always being tossed about

manner contrary
and
rest,

to right reason to be hostile to tran-

quility

and not stand firmly or with a sure foundaAccordingly, he

is

tion

on any doctrine whatever.

full

of

diflferent

opinions at dififerent times, and sometimes even

in

the

same circumstances, without any new occurrence

afifect

having arisen to
to himself,

them, he will be perfectly contrary

now

great,

now

little,

now

hostile,

now

friendly,
is

and, in short, he will, so to say, be everything that

inconsistent in a
'All his life shall

most

moment
hang
in

of time, and as the Lawgiver says

doubt before him,' having no firm

footing, but being constantly tossed about by opposing cir-

cumstances which drag

it

different ways."

2"

All quotations

from Philo's works are given

in this article according to

Young's

English

translation.

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI^EGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

309

Evidently Philo and the Dorshe Reshumot agree, only

the interpretation of the latter has not been preserved in
its

original, but rather in a

condensed and shortened form.

of the Dorshe

Considering that

this is true, that the sayings

Reshumot have not been transmitted

form,

to us in their original
Tefillin

we may doubt whether

It is

the

word

was used

by them to designate the principles or doctrines of the

religion.

more probable

that the

Dorshe Reshumot,

in their interpretation,

used another, more explicit word, to

designate religious doctrines or beliefs.

The

later rabbis,
in-

who

often used their

own terms

in

reproducing the

terpretation or

meaning given

to certain passages

by the

Dorshe Reshumot, must have substituted here the term

Tefillin,

which

to

them symbolized the

religious doctrines,

for

some

other

word used by

the

Dorshe

Rcshum^ot

themselves.

In interpreting the
religion,

word
source

I^Ti

''thy

life," to

mean

which

is

the

of

true

life,

the

Dorshe
passages

Reshumot were supported by

of the Scripture,
D'^Ti
,

the fact that in

many

as,

for instance, Deut. 30, 15, 20, the

word

"life,"

is

obviously used as a figure of speech, to

life.

designate the law, or religion, as the source of

It

was one of the

rules of allegorical interpretation given by

Philo, that the literal interpretation

of

word

is

to

be

abandoned when
it
/.

it

becomes evident from the context that

is

used merely in a figurative sense (comp. Siegfried,

168).

c,

The

Palestinian

allegorists,

the

Dorshe
rule,

Reshumot, independently of Philo, followed the same

and they even made
it

the

means of extending the

if

applica-

tion of their method.

Thus, for instance,

in

a given

passage of the Scripture a word was obviously used, to

judge from the context,

a thing not covered by

in a figurative sense, to designate

its literal

meaning, then the Dorshe

310

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

it

Reshumot would consider

be used as a
D1^"i
,

an established fact that

it

can

a figure, or sign, to designate the thing,

it

and they would interpret

even
in

in the

same

figurative sense

passages in which the context demanded or favored

a literal interpretation.

Examples of such an extended application of their method are the following two sayings of the Dorshe Reshumot:
Mekilta d.-R. Ishmael,

Way.

i,

ed.

Weiss, 526, and

b.

Mekilta d.R. Simeon, ed.Hofifmann, y2, and

82a, with slight variations
ixjK> D^o^
:

Baba

Kamma
n^^l

i^o ^h^ in^D3 ikvd n^

D^D"'

n^h^
^tj'-in

'h^nm

n-iin
^in

nm

nx

mDitj'i

d^o

D^^

^:h

XOV

''And they went three days in the

wilderness and

found no water"
said,

(Exod.

15,

22).

The

Dorshe Reshumot

They

did not find the words of the

law, or religious instruction,

phorically,'' for thus
it is

which are called water meta:

said (Isa. 55, i)

''Ho, everyone

that thirsteth,

come ye
in this

to the water."
is

Because

passage in Isaiah the word "water"

evidently used as a figure of speech to designate the Divine

word, the Dorshe Reshumot interpreted

it,

in a figurative

sense, to designate symbolically the Divine law, even in the

passage in Exodus, where

patent.

its

simple and

literal

meaning

is

Philo

is

also in the habit of interpreting the

word

"water"

in a figurative sense, to

mean

the Divine word, or

wisdom.

Thus,

in his treatise,
II,

"On

the Allegories of the

Sacred Laws,"
Deut.
8,

ch.

xxi, he interprets the

passage in

14,

"Who
1?tr03

brought thee forth water," to mean the

here
(see
is

2*

The word
therefore,

derived

from
301

the

term
comp.

ScO which means

Bacher,
122);
it

"allegorical

interpretation"

above

p.

and

means,

"allegorically
to
this

expressed,"

or

"symbolically
is

represented."
the
literal

By way

of

contrast
as

allegorical
ibid.

intrepretation

given

interpretation

1J,10B'3,

Mekilta,

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

Divine word.

LAUTERBACH
ibid.,

3 II

Also

in his treatise,
II,

''On Dreams, That

They

Are Sent from God,"

of water," to

ch. xxxi,

and
10,

ch. xxxviii,

he interprets the words of Ps. 65,

full

''the

river of

God
S.,

mean

the Divine

word

full

of wisdom.

Mekilta, Way., ed. Weiss, 53a; also Mekilta D. R.

ed.

Hoffmann,
niDiEJ>n

73,

on Exod.
d^dh

15,

25

nDx
"And
25).

^K^-in

ipno^i

D^n ^

n^K>^i

|y

'n

in"nvi

the

Lord showed him a

tree,

and he

cast

it

into
15,

the waters,

and the waters were made sweet" (Exod.

said,

The Dorshe Reshumot

it is

He showed him
18)
:

the

words of the Torah, which are designated as a

figurative sense, as

tree in a

said (Prov.

3,

"She

[the Torah,

or

Wisdom] is a tree of life to them that lay hold on her." The Dorshe Reshumot took the word |*y, "tree", as a
one passage of the Scripture,
this

symbol, or sign, representing figuratively the Torah, because,

in

word

is

obviously used
Philo,

as a figurative expression, to designate the Torah.

"On
cine

the Posterity of Cain", ch. xlv, also interprets the sweet-

ening branch thrown into the water as meaning "a medi-

upon our

soul causing

it

to love labor".
real place

Accordingly,

he interprets "Marah", not as a

where the waters

Also
in the

were

bitter,

but as a

certain state of mind.

treatise

"On

the Migration of

Abraham",

ch. viii, Philo ex-

plains "tree" as

meaning

"virtue",

and the waters as mean-

ing "mind."

It is

evident that the Dorshe Reshumot, interthe

preting "tree" to

mean

Law, must

also have interpreted

literally as a place

"Marah"

in

an allegorical sense, and not

of bitter waters, for bitter waters cannot be

made sweet by
shortened

words of the law.

has been preserved
it

But the saying of the Dorshe Reshumot

in

an incomplete form

it

is

mentions only that the tree was not a real

tree,

and omits

that the bitter waters

were not

real bitter waters.

312

THK JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

also
i6o,

The following saying of the Dorshe Reshumot has come down to us in a condensed form. Sifre Numb.
ed.

Friedmann, 162a:

ii)^xni

myn

itost^i

ntj'-iDn

DUinsn nriy
^rntr TioSi?

'j

nos

nioicn ^c^in
r^i)3n

rD^Ej'^E^a nit^sj

myn

inis u^trni

The Dorshe Reshumot

said,

The word
passage

my ''congregation"
(Num.
35, 24-25)
:

mentioned three times in

this

''The congregation shall judge, and the congregation shall

deliver,

and the congregation

shall restore",
life

is

to teach

you
is

that criminal cases, in

which the

of the defendant

in

jeopardy, must be brought before a tribunal consisting of

thirty judges.

The premise on which this saying of the Dorshe Reshumot is based is omitted here. They took the word my,
"congregation," not in
its

literal

meaning, as the comin

munity or the entire congregation, but

their

accordance with

method, they interpreted

it

as a sign standing for a

group of ten persons.

as in interpreting
|*y,

They

applied here the

same

principle

"tree," to

Because
the

in

one passage of the

mean "words of the law." Scripture (Numb. 14, 2y),

used to designate a group
the
evil

word

n^v, "congregation",

is

of ten," the Dorshe

-^

Reshumot took
14,

word

as a sign for
has

The phrase
as

in

Num.
to

27,
spies,

"this

congregation,"

been
hence

understood

referring

the

Joshua

and

Caleb

excluded,

it came to be used as a designation for a group of ten, for besides Joshua and Caleb there were only ten spies. See Mishnah Sanhedrin i. 6, and also Mishnah Abot iii. 7. It is noteworthy that this interpretation of

the
life

Dorshe Reshumot
of
the

effected
is

practical

decision

tliat

cases

in

which the

defendant
This
is

in

jeopardy
to

can
the

only be
rule

decided by a body of

thirty

judges.

an exception
that

given

by

Weiss

(Middot

Soferim on

Mekilta

530),
to

the

interpretation

of the Dorshe Reshutnot

were not considered

derived

be of the kind by means of which halakic laws are

law:

from
iK2n

the

written

ITOyn

kSc*

nHO

mf31C"l

'tyiH
}o.

DC

;3y

m^Sn
p.

ono

-icx

o'c^mran

-n^n

nSx
b.

c'c*nQ

See below

329, also note 32,

the rule of R.

EHezer

R. Jose Ilagelili in regard to

the

method of Siyo

or

allegoristic

interpretation.

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH
And

313

a group of ten even in other passages.

as in the

passage

Num.

35, 24-25, the

it

word occurs

three times, they

derived from

that three such groups of ten, or thirty

persons, are required to judge and decide a case in which

the hfe of the defendant
is

in jeopardy.

A
brought

further

step,

extending the appHcation

of

their

method, was made by the Dorshe Reshumot, when they

it

to bear

on passages and words the

literal

meaning

of which afford no difficulty whatever, and which are in

the

Scripture not used in an allegorical sense anywhere.

Thus, for instance, they would interpret proper names, not

as names, but as signs or symbols for certain states of

mind
kind

that
is

may

be indicated by the proper name.

Of

this

the following saying in Mekilta d. R. Simon, ed. Hoff-

mann, 82
Dnn"" iDntr
^th
xjiEJ'n
D^^"-

jVQ-i

^t5

D'"i^B"i

px jnoix

ni^ic^n

"'tJ'"in

hv N^x X2

pxtr

i<^\^ in^^y

xa id^sS

n-iinn ;

^ni:;'^

h^

The Dorshe Reshumot

17, 8 as the place

said,

Rephidim [mentioned

in

Exod.

where Amalek fought with

Israel]

means

nothing else than "weakness of hands'', because the Israelites

relaxed in their keeping of the law, therefore came the

for the

enemy upon them,

and transgression.

enemy comes only because of

sin

The passage does not mean, accordingly, "Amalek came and fpught with Israel in Rephidim", but rather,
"Amalek came and fought with
neglect to keep the law."
Israel

because of their
saying of the

Preceding

this

Dorshe Reshumot
by R. Eliezer
is

in the Mekilta, the interpretation given

mentioned.

According

to this

Dn^Di

is

to be taken lyoK'DS, literally, to designate a certain locality

-'

In

Mekilta

d.

R.

Islimael,

Amalek

I,

ed.

Weiss,

6ia,

this

saying

is

given in the

name

of Ahcrim. "Others"; see below note 31.

314
called

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Rephidim.
In contrast to this
literal interpretation

follows the saying of the Dorshe Reshumot, according to

which Rephidim

is

sign,

or

symbol,

and

signifies

the

Israelites' attitude

toward the

law.'*

This saying of the Dorshe Reshumot throws

the

light

on

passage

in

the
to

Mekilta

d.

R.

Ishmael, from

which

Bacher sought

prove that

Dir"i

means,
is

like

DinD, ''ob-

scure," ''indistinct."
It is

The passage

in Mekilta,

Amalek

I.

quoted here according to Friedmann's edition

nv3

sb

biinr^b
^E^2>^5

ndij^

ik^d^x

--di

('n

nvN)
31

d^d 'hi inx

d^d ^^d inx

xjtj'^

bx-iK'^!)

^n id

d^d ^^n inj<^ it^s^x

i^ii^^n

NJit^n pxtr N:iE:'n on^by

xn pb min nnno

it^n^stj'

^ch

Cn-iin

xb
is

:nT'3yn ^yi

Dnn

^y k^n Nn
,

The saying of R. Joshua

Dn^ana
i^xic^^

refers to the

word

Dn^Di
is

as

seen in Friedmann's edition, where the full verse

quoted

nv

nnb')

pb^v

xa^v
is

In Weiss' edition,

6ia, the second half of the verse

first

omitted, and only the

half

is

quoted

pb^v

xn-"!,

as often happens in the

is

Mid-

rashim; the beginning of the verse

interpretation that follows
verse.
is

quoted, although the

last

based on the

words of the

The reader

is

expected to

know

the other half of

it.

the verse and understand the interpretation given to

What
we can
^*

R. Joshua's interpretation of the passage was,

see

from

b.

Sanhedrin

J06/7

IDIX

ity^Si^

'"i

Dn^D"i ^nd

instance:

Such interpretations of proper names are often given by Philo. For in "Allegories of the Sacred Laws," Book II, ch. xxii. "Jordan,
interpreted,

being

means
III,
in

descent,"
iv,

derived

from

the

word T1<

and
to

in

"Allegories,"

Book

being interpreted,

"In the land of Midian," "that is the judgment of the nature of things"; ibid.,
ch.

say,
vi.,

ch.

Arami, "being interpreted, means high."

In "That the Worse Is Accustomed to

chapter
of
iv,

Be always Plotting against

being
vi,

the

Better,"
the

"The name Shechem,

and chapter

interpreted,

means shoulder,

symbol

endurance,"

"the

name Hebron, when

interpreted,

means conjoined and associated."

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH
notr
d'-i^q-i.

315
is

min nano Dovy

Rephidim?
Joshua says
it

iDnt:^

-idix

V)^ri''

'i

What
in

R. Eliezer says, a place called Rephidim.

R.
the

means

that they

became negligent

observance of the law.

We
as the

see that R. Joshua gives the

same interpretation
in

Dorshe Reshumot gave, as mentioned

Mek.

d.

R.

Simon.

In Mekilta R. Ishm., R. Joshua gives the same

only he characterizes
in
it

interpretation,
interpretation,

as

an

allegoristic

opposition to the

literal

interpretation,

which takes Rephidim as a name.

R. Joshua's saying read originally thus

.-HTnyn

bv)

xtonn

bv j^^k n3
in

xjit:n

This passage, "Amalek fought with Israel

is

Rephidim,"
:

to be interpreted in the
is

method of the Dorshe Reshumot

DitJ'"!
.

Rephidim
Israelites

a figurative expression, a

Because the

departed from the law, the enemy came upon

them, for the enemy only comes because of sin and transgression.

The

rest of the

words, from Kni2Di

till

."ninxi^i,

which

have put

in parenthesis, are a later addition, seek-

ing to illustrate, with the help of the passage in Job,

how

necessary the law

Israel.

is

for

the

existence

and welfare of

The
bols
is

interpretation of proper

names

as signs or sym-

also given in the following saying of the

Dorshe

Reshumot, hr Sanhedrin
the end
nr nybj
nt
^t^'xi

104^7-1050, also in p. x. 2, near

^b

ioiK> nn"iy^

psn d^id
nc'jro

Dnms
,ivb:

vn

nioifn
Scjl"

*L*nn

nyo Dncs ^lyoc'Ds

mci3

nwsns

^bv^ T'St^N

DHs

bv

/HV^m

^pD^y bv ^pSt^' '^n^y nt

^^;n-i

td

3nic

The Dorshe Reshumot

said. All

of them [referring to Ahab,

Jeroboam, Manasseh, Ahithophel, Doeg, and Gehazi, who

3l6

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Mishnah
as excluded

are mentioned in the

to

from the world

it

come]
(Ps.

will

have a share
9-10),

in the future world, for

is

is

said

60,

''Gilead

Mine",

Gilead
Gilead.

stands

here for King Ahab,

who
the

died in
is

Ramoth
to

"And

Manasseh
not
as

is

Mine", Manasseh
to
tribe,

be
to

taken

literally,

referring
is

but

King Manasseh.
;

"Ephraim

the

strength

of

My

head"

Ephraim here
''J^dah
is

means Jeroboam, who was an Ephraimite.

from the
tribe of Judah.

My
this

lawgiver"; Judah stands here for Ahithophel,

who came
;

*'Moab

is

My

washpot"

alludes to Gehazi,

whose punishment had some connection

and beshoe";
are

with bathing or washing [he was punished for taking something

from Naaman, who bathed

''Over

in the Jordan,

came healed].

Edom
Doeg

will

cast out

My

Edom

here designates

the Edomite.

The words
all

spoken by God, and they thus indicate that

alluded to will become reconciled to
in the other world.

the persons
to

God and come

Him

The words
ing.

in the

two

verses, 9-10 of Ps. 60, are taken

out of their connection and

away from

their literal

mean-

They are

interpreted as signs or symbols alluding to

certain persons, since they can be taken remotely as re-

minders of an event or an accident

in their lives.

This

method was applied by the

as well as by Philo,
terpretation, that a

allegoristic

Dorshc Rcshumot

who

gives as a rule for allegorical in-

word may be explained independently

of the sense clearly indicated by the connection in which

it

stands with the other words in the sentence (compare

/.

Siegfried,

c, 170-171).

The same disregard

and the context
in in

for the literal

meaning of words
is

which they are found

also to be seen

the following interpretation of the

ed.

Dorshc Rcshumot'.
on Gen.
25,

Midrash Hagadol,

Schechter,

391,

22:

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI.EGORISTS

LAUTERBACH
n^ny

317

pTiy
d!?*!

jnt^

noDH
""^x

nns
nr
d\-i

ni^D^i

jnn^

ic^v

dn
^E^'

y^"n-i

nypn
noxn
it

inijxi

^y 1^:2^

"idk"'

^d
'^

2pv' ^^^^

nao nvn^
"in

tn^snn

moyi
I

n^jriD

n-i:n

i^d

tp^

''^'D

^y

Another explanation of the passage Gen.

25, 22, ''If

be

why am mot, who

so,
is

thus?"

is

the one given by the

said

Dorshe Reshn-

said:

Rebekah

before
if

the

Holy One,
so, if

blessed be He,

Lord of the universe,

this

be

Esau

bound

to kill

and destroy the mighty men of wisdom^

the children of Jacob,
Sea,

that are to

come from

who

will

say before you at the

Red
Sinai

"He

is

my

God, and

I will

prepare
wilt

Him
20, 2)

a habitation"

(Exod.
''I

15,

2),

and to

whom

Thou

say
?

on

am
is,

the

Lord thy God"

become of

(Exod.

The meaning
the
relation

of this saying

What

will

between God and Israel expressed by these

?

two sentences
and

The word
in

nt

stands as a sign for the

whole sentence
""DJi^

Exod.

15, 2,

beginning with this word,

first

is

a sign or symbol for the

first

sentence of the

decalogue, the

word of which
said

is

^DJS, "I
first

am."
of

As
a

has

already
the

been
first

above,

the

letter

word and

word of

a sentence can be used as a

sign for the word, and the sentence, respectively.

This method of taking a word as a sign to remind

one of a sentence beginning with the word

the following Jnterpretation of the Dorshe

is

applied in
in

Rcshnmot

the Midrash Hagadol, ed. Schechter, 769, on Gen. 50, 24;

nioij^'-i
fc^in

^crin

D^n^{ mps^ nips wpbi^)

no

"-^jx

vns Ss

^idv "ios-i

DDnx ^mpD
" That

iips \nb irDNi

^<3t: 'd^*

jnn^a vn

mion

pirDis

:DDnx Sxr
the

Dorshe Rcshnmot consider the mighty men of wisdom

to

come from Jacob, reminds one of Philo's designating Jacob as "being mind" in Allegories, Book III, ch. vi, and "full of wisdom," ibid., ch. i., and as "the practiser of knowledge," in the treatise "That the Worse is
Accustomed
to

Be always Plotting against the Better,"

ch.

ii.

3l8

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

that there

"The Dorshe Reshumot said among the Israelites in Eg}^pt

was a

tradition
will

that the one

who

come
Here

and speak the words beginning with iipD (Exod. is the true redeemer, and he will deliver them."
the

31, 16)

word
to

nips

is

not taken as the infinitive preceding the verb

^IpS^

mean:
is

''God

will

surely

visit

you."

The

word
in

nipD
31,
it

rather interpreted as a sign for the phrase

16,

Exod.

used by Moses, which also begins with

the true

nips,

and

characterizes

redeemer,

who

will

use this phrase on his appearance.

The following
will use the

verb,

mpD\
nips,
It

is

the predicate.
visit

The one who

phrase
land.

''will

you" and bring you

out

of

this

was a

rule of allegorical interpretation applied by Philo

to derive a special
fluous.

meaning from a word seemingly superpreceding a verb was considered by

this

The

infinitive

Philo a superfluous
/.

word of

sort

(comp. Siegfried,

c, 168-169).

'The

Dorshe Reshumot followed the same

to get a special

rule,

and therefore they sought

infinitive

meaning
nips'*

out of the

nips

preceding

the

verb

in

Gen. 50, 24.

The same disregard

words and of the context
in

for
in

the

literal

meaning of the

which they are found appears

the following saying of the

d.

Dorshe Reshumot,

in the

Mekilta
^3

R. S.

b. J., ed.

Hoffmann, 117-118:
li?

K^K

D^DDCJ'Dn

rh^h i^dd!)
nEj>

HM
int^

v\'0'iz^ ^th

piDiK nioit^n ^c^in

pm

^b nShi nay iny n:pn ^3 ^^^ hd'* ^di ..ivr ^3 pTi^

|n^ ;n:i
\'y'^T^

r\vrv

^^vW'T\

idn nnann mcy

^-s^v

by n-iD3

nayne^^ h^ nv^i^D^ dn^jpdk'^

nay n:pn
D^:tJ'

^Dm
n\-i

nitj'Ni

p>i

D1D1

noi ^33 nuy^

^x
yti'^a-i

C'C'

nns 13^ onayb dvdSd C'C'd nnv inn

^d
ur^'O))

N^N >Dn nu

lypn::'^

rjcb idn ojn ^c^snS sv^ n^y^DK'ni

xv^
n^y^3t:*3i

NT

1DJ3

DN

.Djn

^c'snb

D^n

nL"y

niDt

DK

Dibc^i

on

-iDN

id:i3

mo

nv^

naS

n3^

naS dn

-lo^b

N-ipob

3^n3T D^DK^3 D^DDEJ' DntJ'iD D^DiND DH^^N D^N3 D^3^1N

niJIiy 101J

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

niJintoa

I.AUTERBACH
Ci3'

319
'n

b^

D'SJ3 v^"2'^

D^otJ'

nc'jD irsnn vn n^bp

n^^x)

Close upon the introductory sentence

''These

are

the

judgments which thou

i), the
ing,

shalt set before them,"

(Exod. 21,

laws in verses

18, 22, 26,

which

are, properly speak-

judgments and

civil

laws, should have followed.

The
laws,
said,

Dorshe Reshumot

said,

"Because the

Israelites

were comcivil

manded
and

in

Marah

in

regard to judgments and

He

gave them the Ten Commandments, Moses

evil inclination

'Lord of the Universe, the

may

cause

Thy

children to go astray, so that they will transgress the com-

mandments, and Thou

and
sell

wilt banish

them from before Thee

this

them

as slaves.' "

For

reason he (Moses)

began with the following verse (2), "If thou buy a He-

brew servant," that means,

if

thou causest the Hebrew

(people) to be acquired as slaves by the kingdoms of the

earth,
let

not

more than
the

six

kingdoms oppress them,

Persia,

namely,

Babylonia,

Media,

Greece,

Syria,'"

and Rome.
shall

This

is

meaning of the words, "six years

said
:

he serve."

Moses further

"Lord of the unihands of Rome,

it,

verse, let

them not remain forever

This

in the

show them Thy mercy, though they do not deserve

let

and

them become

free."

is

the

meaning of

the words,

"and

in the seventh

he shall go out free for nothing."

The

Scripture could have used the

word

n3^

"alone," in the

phrase, "if he (iame in by himself, he shall go out by himself".

Why

is

the

word

IQJ3

(meaning, also "with his

it

wing") used?
but
if it

Moses

said:

"May

never come about,

sins, their

should happen that, as a result of their

enemies descend upon them as with wings, as the eagles

that
fly

near heaven

for

it

is

said

(Lam.

4,

19)

*Our

" llCX

stands

here

for

Syria,

not

for

Assyria.

320

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

persecutors are swifter than the eagles of heaven'

then, O

Lord of the universe, give Thou them safe and reHable wings, with which the persecuted dove may fly home," as
alluded to in Isa. 60,
8.

We
the
rule

see here again that the

Dorshe Reshumot applied

of

D^DIDD
i

(see

above),

and

in

the

position
rela-

of the two verses

tion of cause

and 2 near each other, they saw a

and

effect indicated.

Moses and addressed

to

God

The words are spoken by After Thou hast given them

which may bring them into

Thy

laws, the transgression of

slavery, deal mercifully with them.

bolical expressions for the six

The

six years are

sym-

kingdoms that successively

^12V

oppressed Israel.
jective to
ple.

The word

''Hebrew"

is

not ad-

"iny, ''servant,"

The word
is

iQJn,

wing,"

a symbolical

Hebrew peowhich can also mean "with his expression for the swift enemy as
but stands for the
Israel, the gentle

well as for the

will

wing with which

dove,
1QJ3

save herself.

This interpretation of the word

the

Dorshe Reshumot derived from the

fact that the Scrip-

ture does not use here the

synonymous expression
In using the

na^,

"alone," which has no other meaning.

1BJ3
,

word

which means "alone," but has also the meaning "with

his wing," the Scripture conveys the idea that

we can

in-

terpret
is

it

according to

its

second meaning.

This method

observed also by their fellow allegorist, Philo, one of

rules for allegorical interpretation was, that special
is

whose

consideration

to be given to the difference between, synif in

onymous
ticular

expressions, and
is

a particular passage a par-

synonym

used, the Scripture

it

meant
in its

to indicate

a special meaning contained in

and not

synonyms

(comp. Siegfried,

/.

c, 171 ff).

The
rule

allegoristic

Dorshe Reshumot followed another

interpretation

of

allegorical

often

used

by

Philo,

ANClEiNT JEWISH AI.I.KGORISTS

namely, to seek to exhaust
all

LAUTKRBACH

32I

possible meanings of a word,

scriptural passage

and thus gain a new sense from the

(comp. Siegfried,
interpret a
idea, if
if
/.

c, 174-175).

Accordingly, they would

word

as a Di^i, sign or symbol, suggesting

some

one of several possible meanings of the word could,

This
is

but remotely, indicate or recall the idea.

following saying of the Dorshe
in

seen

in the

Reshumot quoted
x.
i

by R. Akiba,

Midrash Kohelet Rabba,

niyai
ntj'SJ
li?

TDD px
nioiE^-i

D^pn pn ^bib n^s

^ns^

nn'mn
pn
pn^j

pi? v""i K>"n

''EJ>-)n

.vnv3T bv yn^ns^ nivD

i?Dvy
pidS

pstj' ^d

""bn^

vvni

"-xDr

vvn

dtx
iDvy

nio^

o^y^i

un

inx

k^x jnd onxn Dnoix

n\^*v

muy

nny m^r

risnti^ vit^

nns nivo

r^n

R. Akiba said in a discourse.

The passage

in Isa.

5,

14,

''Therefore hell has enlarged herself, and opened her

mouth

without measure," means

hell

opened her mouth for the

one

who

possesses no virtuous action that will cause his

merits to overbalance his

shortcomings,

for the

Dorshe

Reshumot

said,

A man

is

judged according to the majority

always consider himself

of his actions, and a

as having as

man must

many

merits as faults, or as

many good

actions

as bad ones to his credit, so that

when he does one good

sin,

deed, happy he, for he has thereby caused the scale holding
his merits to sink,

and when he has committed one

woe

to him, because he has caused the scale of his guilt

to decline.

The Dorshe Reshumot^ whom R. Akiba mentions

For the Dorshe Reshumot were not merely

here,

are his authority for this interpretation of the passage in

Isaiah.

intent

upon giving a general

and
his actions
;

rule for a man's estimate of himself

they were interpreters of the Scripture.

is

Their saying here

evidently based upon their peculiar

322

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

words pn
''b^b,

interpretation" of the

which can also mean

They,

''without law," or "without the fulfilment of a law."

therefore, took the

words not as the adverbial clause "withas

out

measure,"
for

but
hell

DitJ'n,

sign,

representing the

man

whom

opens her mouth as the one

observance
of
the

who

falls

short by one in the

commandments.

Hence they derived

their saying that

one good or bad action

fate.

can decide a man's standing and his

The same
in

rule,

of seeking another meaning to a word,

is

order to derive the allegorical sense of the passage,

in the
d.

observed
(Mekilta

following saying of the Dorshe Reshumot

Ishm.,

R.
:

Way. IV,

ed.

Weiss,

58a,

on

Exod.
|N3)D

16,

21)

nDN

nioisn

'trnn

nnnt^^n nnnt^a ipnn

npnn inis

itop^^i

"And

they gathered
literally

it

every morning."

The words
"every

"ipnn

ipnn mean

nnntra nnntrn,

morning."
learn

The Dorshe Reshumot, however,

this passage, that the curse,

said that

we

from

"In the sweat of thy face shalt

thou eat bread" (Gen.

also that
It is

3,

19) applied even to the

manna;

was eaten

in the

sweat of the brow.

the Dorshe

not reported

how

Reshumot derived

their
their

statement from this passage, but

we

can guess at

method.
-ipn3

From
"ipnn

the preceding interpretation of the

as

words

meaning

"every

morning,"

in
is

contrast to which the saying of the

Dorshe Reshumot

adduced,

we can

learn, that the

Dorshe Reshumot did not

according to their
literal

interpret the
-^

words -ipu2 "ipna

Although the saying of the Dorshe Reshumot is quoted as an independmentioned by R. Akiba. ent saying, it is based upon the passage from Isaiah quote the passage again, after having Only the Midrash did not care to Similarly, in Sifre, Deut 49. quoted it at the beginning of the paragraph. saying of the Dorshe Reshumot is apparently quoted as an independent
the

though it is based upon and interprets the scriptural phrase 13 npaiSl quoted in the beginning of the paragraph; see above p. 304saying,

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI.EGORISTS

meaning.
they
the

LAUTERBACH
to to

323

They

did not take

them

mean "morning,"
them.

attributed

some

other

meaning

Now
13,

word

"ipn

can also mean ''search,"

''seek,"

(Lev.
letting

36; 2y, 33).

According to their method of

the

sense of a passage depend upon their preferred meaning

of a

word

selected

from

several possible meanings

(see

above)

they here

interprefted

the

word ipnn
seeking,

to

mean
manna
in

not "in the morning," but

search," and they deduced

"with

with

diligent

from

it,

that even the

was eaten
gathering
kilta d.

in the

sweat of the brow, since the people had

it;

to exert themselves in seeking

it

and they succeeded

In

only after diligent, toilsome search.'*

b.
J.,

Mesec-

R. S.

ed.

Hoffmann,

78, this saying of the

Dorshe Reshumot
ond half of the

is

mentioned as being based on the

i^DX
"'DD
C'^^5,

verse,

"every

man

accord-

ing to his eating."

According to

this version, the

Dorshe Reshumot

fol-

lowed another rule of

plied
fried,

allegoristic interpretation often ap-

by Philo, though originally Palestinian (comp. Sieg/.

c, 170), namely, the rule

whereby an indication
idea, is discovered in

of a deeper meaning, a hint of

some

the repetition of things known, or said before.

ingly, the

Accord^SD

Dorshe Reshumot interpreted the words

^^^

t^DK

verse 21, not to

mean

"as

much

as one could eat,"

for this

was
^

said in verse 18, "they gathered every

man
in
DICJ'*!

according to his eating."

verse 21

The

repetition of the
else,

words

must

indicate

something
in

they are a

signifying the
may
d.

manner
that

which the

manna was
Reshumot
d.
is

eaten,

*'

It

be

the

saying of the Dorshe

as

based
S.

upon
in

the words
the

iSdK DD
R.

tT'M,

appears

from the Mekilta

half
it;

R.
is

But

Mekilta

Ishmael
is

the

second

of

the

verse

not
the

quoted,

though the interpretation

only the
first

based on
is

as often
if

happens

in

Midrash,
refers to

part of a verse
it

quoted, even
314).

the interpretation

the last half of

(see

above

p.

324
namely,

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

"man according to his eating," as man can eat, and men, the children of Adam, according to the curse decreed
upon them, can
the
eat only in the sweat of their brow,

and

manna was no exception to the rule, Manna also was eaten in the way bread is eaten by man, namely, in the sweat
of his brow.
It
is

probable that the same rule, of interpreting a

to

word according
thus making
it

one of

its

possible

meanings,

and

suggest some idea, was applied in the folits

lowing saying of the Dorshe Reshnmot, although

cation
is

appli-

not so clearly visible as in the other two sayings.

Mekilta,

Way.

Ill, ed.

Weiss, 57^, on Exod.

16, 15:

noK ID ,^1"^^^ xnS^DD) nr^

nr

nDs

id sin

hd iTnn^

loiNtj'

"And when
as a

the children of Israel

is it?

saw

it,

they said one to

it

another, what

for they

knew not what

was."

Just

man

says to his fellow-man,

"What

is

it?",

so they
b.

said one to another

(according to Mekilta

d.

R. S.

J.:

So the

Israelites said

"What

is

it?").
it

The Dorshe Rcshuthe

mot

said,

"The
as

Israelites called

manna."
saying of the

Here,

in

many
is

other

places,

Dorshe Reshumot

quoted as a contrast to the preceding

of the Scriptural passage.
jD

literal interpretation

According
than
'It

to the latter, the

word

means nothing

else

no
is
it

"what," and the phrase, "they said one to another,

manna,' " simply means, they asked each other what

was.
'

According

to

the

Dorshe Reshumot, however, the

at
all,

words do not express a question

positive statement.
Xin |0,"

they express a

The

phrase,
it

"They
was

said one to another,

means they declared

they called
it

to be called

"manna,"
cannot,
be-

that

is,

by that name.

But

this

name

according to the Dorshe Reshumot, mean "food," \o

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

ing like
pTD

I.AUTERBACH

325

(comp. Succah 39 b), as Weiss in Middot

it,

Soferim interprets
pared,"
\o

nor can
4,
6,

it

mean

''something prein his

l^^l

Jonah

as

Wiinsche
it.

Ger-

man

translation of the Mekilta understands

allegorists,

The Dorshe

Reshumot, being

must have given the name

"manna" some
simple
literal
is

allegorical or symbolical meaning, not the

meaning, as "food," or "something prepared."

This

especially evident

from the passage

in

Mekilta

Way. V, ed Weiss, 59a, where the saying Reshumot is repeated as interpreting Exod.

of the Dorshe
16, 31
:

"And the house of Israel called the name thereof manna." The Dorshe Reshumot said, "The house of Israel called its name manna."
Here
the

Dorshe Reshumot apparently do not add

is

anything to what

said in the text,

and one cannot see

what interpretation they meant

verse 31 by repeating
it

to give to the passage in

in the

almost

same words."

It is,

therefore, evident that the

Dorshe Reshumot interpreted

b.
it

" This

difficulty

was

felt

by R. Tobiah

Eliezer,

and

in

his

Midrash

Le^alj Tob, ed. Buber, 57, he tries to explain

the saying of the

by remarking, after quoting

ISiB*
IJ,*

Dorshe Reshumot: loty

]D
"IOC

IXIpT 'tKIC* '32 33

SsK

Dn'2K nnS kSk

came and
mighty,'
is

nn

nS
it

]D.

"But before the children of

called
78,

Israel

called its
'angels'

name 'manna'

was not

manna, but 'food of the

or

food,' " according to Ps.

25.

similar explanation

given by Wiinsche in his

eigentliche

German

translation of the Mekilta.

78, 24,

He

remarks:

Der

Name

ist

nach Ps.

D'OC'

pT, Korn dcs Himmcls."

For
the the

Comp. also Friedmann in Meir Ayin on Mekilta 51a. But these explanations do not explain the
Dorshe Reshumot meant
by the children
heavenly food,
it,

difficulty.

if

to

say

that

"manna"
the

was merely
or
real

name used
of

of

Israel,

and
to

not

original

name

the
for

they

ought

have said that there was another name

text,

and not merely repeat the words of the

"The house
that

of Israel called
to
it

its

name 'manna.'
the
Israelites,

"

Besides,
wlio
first

one would

think
first

the

name given
it,

by

saw

it

and

named

should

be

its

original

and correct name.

326
the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

word
|D
in

an allegorical sense, not according to

its

literal

meaning.

In their saying, ''The children of Israel,

it

or the house of Israel, called

is

manna," the word manna

used in a symbolical sense, and thus their interpretation

is

of the scriptural passage

allegorical

conveyed to

us.

What

this

meaning of the word ''manna" was according

most of
form.

to the

Dorshe Reshumot cannot be learned with certainty

their saying itself, which, like
in. its original

from

their sayings,
It is

has not been preserved

probably

quoted incompletely

in

the Mekilta.

We

can,

however,

guess at what this meaning was,

their

when we
the

consider

how
Ac-

fellow-allegorist

Philo

interpreted

word.

manna is "the word of God, all nourishing wisdom" (On Seeking Instruction, ch. xl). In another passage Philo says "Moses calls manna the most
cording to Philo,
:

ancient

word of God, by which

appellation

is

understood

something of the most general nature" (That the Worse

Is

Accustomed

to be Plotting against the Better, ch. xxxi).

Again, in the third book of the treatise on the Allegories

of the Sacred sage in Deut.

Laws
8, 3,

(ch. li),

when he

interprets the paseat,"

"and

He

gave you manna to

this is that
is

"And the proof of us with His own word, which

Philo says
:

He

nourishes
all

most universal of

things,

for manna, being interpreted,

is is

means "what," and

:

"what"
of

the most universal of

all

the things
is

for the

word

God
It

over

all

the world, and

all

the most ancient and

the most universal of

is

the things that are created."

probable that the allegoristic Dorshe Reshumot

interpreted the

word

|0 as a

DIC'")

symbol, signifying "the

In contrast to the
fc<in

word of God," or
literal

"spiritual

food."

interpretation

of the words

}0

expressing a

question,
is

"what

is

it?" the saying of the

it

Dorshe Reshumot

quoted as interpreting

in

an allegorical way, mean-

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI^EGORISTS

ing ''that universal thing," ''the
ing wisdom.
spiritual

LAUTERBACH

327

word of God,"

all-nourish-

The

idea of
its

seeing in the

manna merely
75a,

food finds

echo in

many

utterances of the Pal-

estinian teachers.

Thus the saying of R. Akiba, Yoma

ate probably

based upon an interpretation of Ps. 78, 25, that the manna

was the bread which the angels

ing, that
is

had the mean-

manna was but

16, 31,
is

spiritual food.^

The same

idea

reflected in other interpretations, as, for instance, of the

passage Exod.
white, which

where

it

is

said that the

to

taken by the

Talmud

manna was mean that the

that
is,

manna caused
freed
Israel

the sins of Israel to

become white,
bi^'^l^^

from
Exod.
nc^no,

their

sins,

b^

DnTiliiy

pabo

(Yoma
li

75), and again, in the interpretation of the

i^im,
)J?
17,

words
r]J2M

yiD
b\^

31, as

meaning

i<)n^
like

nm<b
the

DTK

"The
In

manna

was

words

of the haggadah, which attract the heart of

man" (Mekilta
is

Way.,

ed.

Weiss, 596).

Yoma

75, this interpretation

given in the

name

of Aherim, "others," which

may have
for

'"R.

Ishmael's

remark,
75),

that

"R. Akiba made a mistake,

justified,

angels

eat

no bread"

(Yoma

was not

since

R.

Akiba knew well that

food,

angels eat no bread.

But
the

his saying

referred to spiritual

or wisdom.

As

this

idea,

of identifying the
of
actual

manna with wisdom

story of
the
rabbis,

or the

word of God,

implied
of the
this

the

denial
it

Scripture

about the miracle

manna,
were
quoted.

was not popular among the

either

and sayings expressing

least
like

idea

altogether
for

suppressed
the

or

at

modified
the

and not
the
75),

fully

Thus,

instance,

saying

that

prophet

manna told the Israelites all may have mean\ originally

was modified
manna,
sponding
the
the
later

their secrets

(Mekilta, Waj. V, and

Yoma
truth,

that

the

word of God reveals the

by
each
the

and
of

on

to

mean,

that
to

number
to

of
in

the

portions

which
to

miraculously

came

household
it,

measure
secrets

corre-

the

number of persons belonging

of

certain

about

illegitimacy

children

were
settled.

revealed,
It
is

and

certain'

disputes
tlie

about

ownership of slaves were

in

probably due to
of

same confood,

siderations,
that

order
of

not

to

deny the
form.

actuality

the
it

miraculous
allegorically,

the

saying

the
in

Dorslie
a

Rcshumot,

interpreting

has

been preserved only

shorter

328

THE JEWISH QUARTERIvY REVIEW

been applied to the anonymous allegoristic interpreters, the

Dorshe Reshumot^^
\Wq have seen from
been preserved to
us,
all

the interpretations that have

that the

Dorshe Reshumot
way,

inter-

preted the Scriptures in an

allegorical

taking

the

words not
bols.

in their literal

meaning, but as signs and sym-

Their interpretations are, accordingly, quoted

of contrast with the simple and

by

way

literal interpretations,

iyiOt^3.

We

have

also

seen

that

these

interpreters

of

the Scriptures

were Palestinian teachers, and independent

of outside influences, their methods being the product of

the

inner development of the

Palestinian exegesis.

For

although

we have

seen that

many

of their interpretations

are given also by Philo, and that the rules for interpretation followed by

them are the same

not assume that

that

were applied by

Philo,

we must
is

the

Dorshe

Reshumot
Rather

were influenced by the Alexandrian

the contrary
true, that Philo

allegorists.

was influenced by the Pal(comp.

ft"),

estinian allegoristic interpreters of the Scriptures

Schiirer,
his

Geshichte

des

Volkcs

Israel,

III,*

701

as

rules

of allegprical

interpretation

were composed of

the rules applied by the Palestinian teachers as well as the rules applied by the Stoic philosophers
fried,
/.

(comp. Sieg-

c, 165).

In the Dorshe Reshumot

Palestinian
their
allegoristic

we

recognize

therefore,

the

oldest

interpreters

of the Scriptures.
tinian,

As

methods were purely Palesaccording to these methods,

their

interpretations

being Palestinian products, were' generally

ceptable to the teachers of the law.
" The
in

known and

ac-

interpretation to the
d.

word DH^BI given by the Dorshe Reshumot

above
p.

Mekilta

R.

Simeon
I,

(see

313)

is

ascribed

in

Mekilta

d.

R.
see

Ishmael,
that

Amalek

ed.

Weiss, 61 a, to the Ahcrim, from which

we can

the

name Aherim, "Others,"

has sometimes been applied to the Dorshe

Reshumot.

ANCIE:nT JEWISH AI,I,e:GORISTS

I^AUTERBACH

329

This explains

why more

sayings of the Dorshe Reshu-

mot have been preserved than of the other class of allegorists, the Dorshe Hamurot, whose method and tendency, as

we

shall see,

were not of Palestinian

origin.

In the course

of time, however, the rabbis became apprehensive of the

grave dangers that threatened Judaism from the allegoristic

interpretation, according to the

is

method of WW\
For,
if

or,

as

it

also called,

h^^, ''allegory."

the

words

of the Scripture are taken merely as an allegorical expression,

h^^

or symbolical signs,

DltJ^")

and not

in their

lit-

eral

meaning, no religious law need be observed, since the

it

words expressing
gorical way, to

may
literal

be interpreted to us in an
else

alle-

mean something
its

than the
It

command

to

do according
strictly

to

meaning.

was,

therefore,

forbidden to apply this method of the allegorists

in interpreting scriptural passages

which contain laws and

commandments
teachers

,'''

R. Ishmael being the only one

among

the

who

permitted himself to interpret three pas(Sifre

sages of the law in an allegoristic manner, h^'O p3

Deut. 237, ed. Friedmann, 117 h; Mekilta Mishpatim, VI,

ed.

Weiss, 88&), taking certain words occurring in these

literally,

passages not

but merely in a figurative sense.

But

the rabbis objected even to an allegoristic interpretation of

32

In

the

Baraita
b.

of

the

Thirty-two
the

Rules

of

Haggadic Interpretation,
of
Sc^Q,

by

R.

Eliezer

R.

Jose
or

Hagelili,

method
is

of
(rule

taking
26),

the

words in an
it

allegorical

parabolical

sense

mentioned

and

is

added: K

m^joi

mm nm2

Snx

nSnp

nma nmox nnm

noa

7tJ*f3

"This method can only be used in interpreting passages of the Scriptures which do not express laws, but in those passages of the Scripture

psni

that

contain laws and

commandments you cannot

sense,
in

interpret the

words
which
as

in

a
R.

figurative

and
has

allegorical

excepting
allegoristic

the

three

passages

Ishmael

interpreted
its

the

method."

The

rule

well

as the limitation of
laws,
is

use to the portions of the Scriptures not containing

Eliezer,

older than R. these

old

the son of R. Jose the Galilean,

in

who merely

collected

rules

and compiled them

his

Baraita.

330

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

'

.tr TheH ;': aws. They feared that

'"'''"^^' ^^'^^ '-" -* such an interpretation

o a den,a. of the historic facts narrated in the Bib.e and e Pec,al,y to a disbdief in the miracles. As we have seen

--tain might lead

nas no m.raculous food, "manna," there was no rea P^a. arah, in which the water was hitter, and was mad sweet
,n

there

way through a certain tree, ^nd here was no place called Rephidim, in which the Israelites
ever ^^antmg

a miraculous

real water in the wilderness. Added to he apprehens,ons of the rabbis was the danger

of the a

srirr
use
it

to n

.r^-^ ""'
u

-^^ -'- -^""^^-"

"^^^ -'S'".

''^

*^

who would

rv^fir'^rrTb^:
cation of fU-

^t ""v^'-'^
r"
""'
, '
' "'''"

^ ^^"^^'^' objected to the appli-

;' '-r'''''-^ '-^ scriptures, 'fud h ey re c rejected as absolutely false most of the

er:r

interpreta-

Zr'Tt:\:ij::/^'-r:'
Salem,

Gen.

,4

,8

n.

,.

"

-"^"^^ ^^ ---^ "'""^ Melchizedek and

'^^ of Righteous-

-HcH
ness

..ese names o;uM and King of Peace

C::^:^^"' r^'""' " ""^ "^'" King

0"^^ ,h.
'

-""'-

to.

'o

1-3,

-d
the

meaning of .he o.ds he designates the meat which .he drink which .hey
.-.e

(TZITVT T"" "

t
,

^"'''-

Corin.hians

dranl-as
,1,'.

"'

'"

interpretation

'"""""'"

"" "*'""""
one of

-3^6

the

..,a.,..

of Philo and and -^anna as

"'"'<^'>

"'""^^^

ff.),

and
as
;,

not.

.Meyer in
as

h.

^'J-'TT ^'"
"'.^

'"" ""^"-

"^^
"'^'

-'"'

""

''"

i^ignated
Galatians
rejection

spiritual,
..,.3,.

..J

.^eks

havilrT"'"" """"" ^'">" ally.

''"""" "^ '"^ r,:!; ""^'""^'"^ '"^ ''"^ of

""""^'

"^'-

of the covenant

'WO

sons

Ishmael
a
30,

and

Isaac

"="
^-""c".

...

sign
i!

represen

" fZ H '" ""

k"

who

calleTr;' .^
34,
is

.Abraham's

'^""^
^^^-^
'

'"^-'"-ly, taking

;""'-

""

Sarah,

in

Isaiah

^rahCica

^>-mboli.es the covenant of Jerusalem

y"l:rr'h'

"'"""' ^"""'"
"'""'
""^
">"'

ANCIENY JEWISH AEEEGORISTS

tions

LAUTERBACH

33

of the allegorists, as well as the scriptural proofs

which the followers of the new religion brought by means

of such allegoristic interpretations.
ever, reject the

They could
justified
ri]r]

not,

how-

whole method as such, since

its

in certain pas-

sages of the Scripture

sary, and, as

application
:

is

and neces^tj'on

one rabbi said

bv^ T^V^ bp

M^;^x

bv "JOiy DIK b^^n n\ "Let not the allegoristic appear to you as slight, for by means of the allemethod

min

nm

goristic

method one may sometimes get

I,

at the true

meaning

of the scriptural words" (Cant. R.

8).

They could not scorn

use

the whole

method

as being false,

but they could and did scorn the wild and exaggerated

made

of

it

by a certain class of thinkers.

The

rabbis,

therefore,

declared that most of these allegoristic inter-

pretations do not give the true and real sense of the scriptural passage.

This

is

to be

found

in the interpretation

according to the simple and

literal

meaning of the words.

^5j>o,

Thus

the terms

Dit^i

"symbolical meaning," and

''allegorical

meaning," came to be considered as antonyms

to riDK, "true

and

literal

meaning"

(see above).

Even

when, for the purpose of deriving an ethical

scriptural

lesson, the

passage

way, the rabbis

that
its

may made it

be interpreted
a rule that

in

an

allegorical
K"ipD px,

IDIEJ'D "T'D t5VV

plain

and

literal

meaning may never be ignored

it

or denied."
test
it

This principle, intended, as

was, as a pro-

against the allegoristic method, had also, strange as

may

appear, the effect of saving the

it.

method

itself

and

in a

measure approving

Since

it

was declared

that the

literal

meaning remains always the true and correct meanit

ing of the Scriptures, that

cannot be explained away by

" Yebamot
Judah
ian
b.

lib,

24a,

and
is

Shabbat

6^a.

Although

first

mentioned
is

by

Ezekiel, the

rule

much

older

than his time and

of Palestin-

origin.

332

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

allegoristic interpretation, the rabbis felt assured that
if

any

no harm could come to Judaism

this

method was used

carefully and moderately in homiletic discourses, for the

purpose of deriving moral lessons from the Scriptures,

always keeping in mind and making

it

understood that

such interpretations are not to be taken seriously, as the

real

meaning of the

scriptural word/"

This changed

atti-

tude of the rabbis toward the allegoristic method weakened, in a measure, the resentment felt by

them toward the

ancient allegorists.
ent tendency, which
oblivion,

It

caused a reaction against the prevalto ignore them, let

was

them

fall into

and suppress

their sayings altogether.

The

rabbis

were now
ally
it

less afraid of

mentioning their names occasiontheir less

and quoting some of

that a

harmful sayings.

Thus

came about
well as

few of the interpretations of the anin

cient

allegorists
in

have been preserved

the

Palestinian

as

the Babylonian Talmud, and in the

Mid-

rashim, originating in both countries.

But even these few

interpretations the rabbis did not preserve complete; they

often shortened or modified them, to

tionable

make them

less objec-

and

less

harmful, and, as

we have

seen, in

most

cases the rabbis were careful to give, side by side with

these interpretations, also the literal interpretation,

as the true

iyiD6J'3,

and

real

meaning of the passage.

The mathem and

jority of the interpretations of the

Dorshe Reshumot, how-

ever, have been lost to us, the rabbis objecting to

not caring to preserve

^'

them.''^

Accordingly,

we

find

in

the

Talmud
is

many

interpretations

in

the

method of the Dorshe Reshumot; a word

senting
'"

taken as symbolizing or repre-

something not contained

theory
the

in

its

literal

meaning.
v.

Eisenstein's

{Ozar

Israel,

IV,

s.

mO^CI ^C^H),
Dorshe
Reshumot,"
have

that the
in

interpretations
special

of

Dorshe Reshumot were collected and arranged

Midrash,
lost,
is

called

"The Midrash
without

of

the

subse-

quently

absolutely

foundation.

As we

seen,

there

ANCIENT JEWISH ALI.EGORISTS

was
did
a

EAUTERBACH
in

333

tendency among the rabbis to suppress these interpretations, and they

care
to

not

preserve

them.

There never was such a Midrash of the

MIQIB'*!
'ty"in

Dorshe Reshumot.

The words
the
118,

CIlO, occurring
,

Ba^ya's
p.

Commentary
and
in

on

Pentateuch

(see

Tin^

in

Warsaw
some

edition,

71b)

Tur,

Orah liayyim,
to

do not refer to a Midrash of the Dorshe

(

Reshumot, but

the interpretations

B^mO

of

kabbalistic

teachers,

who

interpreted the letters of the alphabet as signs and

according to their

value as numbers

(comp.

Buber,

Yeriot

Shelomoh,

17).

In

Tur,

Orah
'tyiH

Ifayyim, 113,
TJDB'X

it

is

expressly said, in the

name

of R. Jehiel,

rilQItJ'l

n^Dn DH,
here
to

"the Dorshe Reshumot are the pious

that

men
the

of Germany."

We

see

plainly

the

mediaeval

rabbis

used

name

Dorshe

Reshumot
them has

designate
to

certain

mediaeval

nothing

do

with

The name thus used by the ancient allegorists of that name who
teachers.

are mentioned in the Talmud.

Eisenstein probably followed the

it

Rab Pe'alim
But
has

by R. Abraham

b.

Elijah of Wilna, where

is

said

on

pp. 46-47, that there

was a "Midrash Dorshe Reshumot" quoted by Jacob Asheri and Bahya.

this

passage
in

in

Rab Pe'alim
copyist
(see

is

not

from R. Abraham
Buber's

b.

Elijah.

It

been put
doubtful

by some

from a marginal note by an unknown and

to

author

Chones, note

Yeriot

Shelomoh,

16-17).

{To be concluded)

THE ARYAN WOIO^S IX THE OlD TESTAMENT

By W.
St. Claix T:[sdai;i Bediard, Beds, England

An Hefenvw- sdidars are swsrt: that

Aranadc Masanetic text of
-fee

in fheHefarg

i.ri

Old Testament there are a

In some instances

imaiber of words T^^ch haT^^ for ages puzzled tnnshttors,

ccmnnentatoi^, and lexicographers.
'fttt

Tnegnrng of sndi words had been lost before the Seprnapr.:

version
i^'as

made, and c-onseqnenth- the authors of that

ix-ith

translation

had ther to coment themseh^es

ation.

transor less

literating the original vocables or to

make a more
Somev^hat

accurate guess at their

same system was adopted

often show,
etTTiiologTi-

later versions.

Anciera

an:.

Medi^e^-al Jewish cou iiiientators. ex^en "fee greatest of "diem.

by

tJierr

"tempts to disco\^er a

Semmc

for snch woras,

i^-hen D^'e

how

difficult the}-

fotrod the

matter.
I>rs.

Even

turn to "&e

Hebrew Lex^
very
latest

Bro^wm, Driver, and Bri^s,

Ae

tii^n oi

Hebrew-Aramaic scholarshg)
that, vast as is liie

in liiat

direction,

we

feid

fmid of erudition to be

rred in

that volume, yet

mam'
r-

of these problems are tru:rt admitted

to be

still

xmso>

It

may seem
failed.

rasti

to

make another attempt m'heB so

evident that the matter is
it
ctt

many" have

Yet

it is

such great interest and importance that

ought not to
E^'en a par-

be

left in its present tmsatisfactor}i- condition.

tial

solution of the problem, leaving aside for the present

535

33^
all

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Egyptian, Accadian, and Assyro-Babylonian words, and

dealing merely with those which are

now supposed

to be

of

Aryan

origin,

may

not be altogether devoid of value.

If

we succeed
words, this

in discovering the correct

etymology of such

may

be valuable as throwing light upon ques-

tions of the date, authenticity,

in

and authorship of the books

which they occur.

At

present, however,

we

leave

all

this aside

and confine ourselves

to a strictly philological in-

vestigation in the Articles on the subject which, through

the courtesy of the Editors, are permitted to appear in this

Review.
It is

hardly necessary to say that

it

is

with the utmost

diffidence that the writer ventures to invite scholars to con-

sider

and

to

criticise

his

suggestions.

With our present

ought to be possible
all,

progress in philology and in knowledge of the ancient Aryan

as well as of the Semitic tongues,
to ascertain definitely the derivation
it

and meaning of

or

almost

all,

the

words of Aryan origin which occur

in the

Sacred Text.

We

begin by quoting Dr. Driver's

comment upon

cerin

tain of these

words which occur

in
is

Daniel and Ezra,

how very necessary upon which we are embarking.

order to show
In his note on Dan.
3,

such an inquiry as that

2,

nn"J3

g^dahar^

in
:

"The

Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges," he says

uncertain

"An
or
a

word.

It

may

be a textual

corruption,

faulty pronunciation, of gizhdr, 'treasurer' (Pehlevi ganzavar, Persian ganjvar),

it

which

is

found

in Ezr.

i,

8;

7,

21;
"inn^

may have
it

arisen by dittography

from the following

d^thahar;
xna^ii

for

may be an snmn),

error for haddabar (in the plural

the

word
on
v. 24).'

which

occurs

in

vv. 24, 27; 4, 36; 6, 7 (see

1

op.

cit.,

37.

ARYAN WORDS IN OLD TE:STAME:NT

Let us
light

TISDALL
will

337

now
the

see

whether further study

throw any
g^dabar\
in

upon

derivation

and

meaning

of

and

relieve us of being obliged to conjecture

an error

the text,

which

is

perhaps hardly a satisfactory thing to do

us.

whenever a word puzzles

In Avestic Persian or mace.'

we
it

find the

word gadhd,

'a.

club

In Sanskrit

occurs in two forms, gada and

It is

gad a with the same meaning.

Achsemenian
Persian

not found in the few

us,

inscriptions
in that

would doubtless be gadd

-bar

known to The dialect.

in

but

it

termination

means
in

'bearer'

and occurs and

almost

innumerable
as

words

ancient
-(popo^

modern

Persian,

does
is

its

equivalent

in

Greek.

The whole word

it

there-

fore gaddbar (or gadhdbar), and

means

'mace-bearer.'

In Sanskrit gadd-bhrit with the same signification occurs

as a
title

of Krishna, just as

its

equivalent claviger does

in Latin as applied to Hercules.

The
In

habit of including

'mace-bearers'
princes
still

among
is

the officials in the train of kings and

the East.
styled

exists

in

modern Persia

the

'mace-bearer'

now

chub-ddr, and he "carries a

long staff with a large head covered with embossed silver." In India

among

the attendants of princes are

still
.

found
It
is

'mace-bearers'

not entirely

Urdu termed unknown in England

(in

sonte-bar-ddr)
to

have such
in

officials in

the retinue of our

Lord Mayors.
is

That

Ancient Persia

the 'mace-bearer' existed

known from

classical writers.

For

instance,

Xenophon mentions
Pcrsiau Court
15). Tacitus

the high position of the

GKTjTTTovxoq

at thc

(Cyropaedia VII,
tells

3,

16;

VIII,

I,

38;

3,

(Ann. VI, 33)

us the same

of other Eastern courts.

2

It is still

more

likely that the office

all

We

follow

Canon Driver's system of neglecting

notice of daghcsli
b,

Icnc's

presence or absence in variable medial letters like

in

k,

etc.

This

is

necessary

comparing

Assyrian

and

Aryan words with Heb. and Aram.

33^
existed in

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Babylon, where Herodotus
(I,

195)

informs

us that every Babylonian

man

carried a staff (ax^Trrpov) with

an ornate
of the

top.

Hence both

the derivation and the

clear.

meaning

word g^dabar seem

(

Gisbdr

ijTa

which should doubtless be punctuated

quite a different
'treasurer.'

gacMbar (i^J^)'
as has long been

is

word and

denotes,

known, a

The

first

part of

the

word

is

the old

Persian ganaa, 'treasure,' which in

Greek

assumed the

form
In the
is

7s,

thence

being

borrowed
also,

into Latin {gazac).

biblical

form of the word

is

as

shown above,

the nasal

assimilated, as
I,

usual in such

cases.

In Assyrian (Muss-Arnolt,

227) both gunzii and

ganzu occur, doubtless borrowed from the Persian, and

elsewhere in the Inscriptions
in
is

we

find ganzabaru, for

what
This

Achsemenian Persian must have been ganzdbara.

evidently the original of the

Aramaic gizbar (gazzabar)

ganjvar.

In

Modern Persian the word is class of words it may be noticed

it

In this whole

that the ending bar, bar,

is

var or vdr (for

assumes
),

all

these forms)

the Sanskrit

bhar (Greek
those in v.
bear')

-(pop-og

so that the forms in b are older than

The

older

form

is

also retained in English ('to

^

and Danish
third

('bare,'),

cf. (pep-u

fer-o.
is

The

word

of

our group

"i3in,

haddabar,

which the Brown-Driver-Briggs Lexicon renders 'counsellor,

minister,'

adding that

it

is

a "Persian loan-word

original

form and meaning dubious."

is

Of

course, the

mean-

ing of the final syllable

that

which has

just been ex-

plained in the preceding paragraph.

Possibly the
If so, both

word
mean-

should be I3in, haddabar, not haddabar.

ing and derivation are quite clear.
in
^

In Avestic Persian and

Sanskrit
The kh

there

is

the

root

khad^

'to

strike,

of the Persian has not the same sound as kh in Sanskrit; but

etymologically they correspond with one another.

ARYAN WORDS IN OLD TESTAMENT

to
kill.'

TISDALL

339

In Armenian, a cognate Aryan tongue,

we have
d,
'to

khad,

'a

two-edged sword,' from

is

this root.

Another cognate

root in Sanskrit
divide.'

khad or khand, with a cerebral

comes the Sanskrit khad-ga,
'a.

From
title

this

sword,'

whence the
tion

khadga-grahin or "sword-grasper," appella-

of a particular dignitary.
"l5^^,

Hence

the biblical

word
But

should be written

haddhar, and would in Achaemenian

Persian represent khaddhara, meaning 'sword-bearer.'

the Masoretic text
it

may

be correct with this meaning just as

forte
in the
1.

stands, omitting the ddghesh

For

in

Avestic

we

find
'to

not only
strike.'

khad but

also the softer

had,

both meaning

A
"I3nn

careful study of these three

therefore,

words (im:i
us
to

,")3TJ.

and

),

instead

of
to

leading

confound

them with one another and

ignorant copyist
that the text
is

blame some unknown and

for

blundering in transcription, proves

correct,

and enables us

to fix

both the

etymology and the meaning of each.

THE SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

By
a. B. Rhine, Hot Springs, Ark.

Prefatory Remarks

The
the
first

present series of articles

is,

as far as

know,

attempt at an exhaustive study of the secular

written
in
Italy.

Hebrew poetry

value to add to the study of

As I had nothing of religious Hebrew poetry which

at the

had already received careful treatment

hands of such
1

masters as Zunz, Dukes, Geiger, Rapoport, and others,

have confined myself to the secular branch of Hebrew

song.

Some

Italian
still

Hebrew

poets

are

unfortunately
;

inaccessible, being

buried in the libraries

nor was
far

able to acquire

all

the poetical

works pubHshed,

away
I

as

am from
Italian

the centers of Jewish literary activity.

have, however, succeeded in accumulating quite a collection of

I

Hebrew

poets

and, on several occasions,

was

able to consult the Jewish

Department of the

New

York Public Library

Theological
lieve,

as well as the Library of the Jewish

result,
I

Seminary, with the

confidently be-

that

no important poetic contribution escaped

my

notice.

In the treatment of the subject

followed Delitzsch,
is

and

it is

on

his "Judische Pocsie" that this essay

based.

Delitzsch, however, covering as he does the entire field of

Hebrew
in

poetry,

is

necessarily very brief in dealing with

particular countries.
1836, there
is

Moreover, written as

his

work was

nearly a century of

Hebrew

poetry, and

341

342

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

the most important at that, that he had no possibiHty of

touching upon at

all.

Slouschz's ''La Renaissance de la

is

Literature Hehraique"

devoted to
only

Hebrew

literature in
I

general and treats of poetry

incidentally.

have,

however, drawn freely upon Graetz, Karpeles, Giidemann,

Kayserling, and Steinschneider, and have given them due
credit in the

Notes.

The

Jeivish

Encyclopedia was of

special service to me, particularly in matters of biography,

and

consulted the references whenever possible.

CHAPTER
SECUI.AR Poetry:

Thirteenth to Fifteenth
Centuries

Mediaeval

Hebrew poetry which had

its

origin

in

Jose

b.

Jose at the end of the sixth century was, for the

Religious poetry always

most

part, of a religious nature.

precedes secular poetry; and, with an essentially religious

people like the Jews, and with a
life

of almost constant
to lead,
it

martyrdom which they were

hopes,

called

upon

was but

natural that their longings and aspirations, their woes and

should find expression in

into

religious

songs, subse-

quently adopted

the

liturgy.

The development
civilization

of

secular poetry, an offspring of periods of ease and leisure,

and an indication of a higher standard of

a differentiation between
things

when
is

sacred

and

profane

already definitely fixed, was possible only in Spain.

Born

out of the exigencies of the bitter controversy between

Dunash ben Labrat and Menahem

disciples
in

b.

Saruk

and

their

in

the tenth century,

introducing the panegyric

satire

honor of Ibn Shaprut on the one hand, and the

directed against one another by the combatants themselves,

secular poetry

made

rapid strides in Spain.

In the eleventh

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

and twelfth centuries we
find

RHINE

343

it

an integral part of the

works of Ibn Gabirol,

Judah Halevi
final
;

Samud
in

Hanagid, the Ibn Ezras, and

it

until,

Harizi,

found

its

highest and

expression.

In Italy, however, where the state of

it

general culture was

particularly in

much lower than Mohammedan Spain, we

was

in

Spain,
at

find

no attempt

secular poetry until the middle of the thirteenth century.

Liturgical poetry flourished in Italy already in the tenth

century
Poesic,

(Zunz,
104
ff.),

Literaturgeschichte

der

Synagogalen

and has a continuous history of nearly eight

first

who introduced a non-religious subject into Italian Hebrew poetry was Benjamin b. Abraham Anaw,^ a Roman physician and who wrote |VTn X"*: SL*'?o,' a liturgical poet,"" prolific satirical poem directed against the arrogance of the wealthy
centuries.

But the

Italian

Hebrew

poet

and the

nobility,

and

D-^n

yv

nytJ',*

rimed treatise

on

practical ethics.

The

latter

poem

consists of sixty-three
1

stanzas
13

in

alphabetical

order

(omitting the letter

and

),

each stanza containing a complete moral maxim, the

acrostic

Benjamin forming the opening and closing

the

lines.

Of

family
dei

Degli
Pietosi,

Mansi

or

Piatelli

(Zunz,
also

Literaturgeschichte,

352);

D<3J?nO

Mortara,
or

Indice;

called
}>3ip

Benjamin
I

Fanti

(Zunz,
74,

Znr Geschichte, 280); Fonte

lUiBO

Ponte

T
I,

Sy

(Berlin 1885),

note;

pO'JS

'l

Dukes, Annalen,

84.

The
b.

metrical Epilogue

to the

Bet Middot, the ethical work of

(1278)
published

Je^iiel b.

Jekuthiel

Benjamin Anaw

of

Rome

by Giidemann

{Geschichte
pp.
|*J?

des Ersiebungswesens
is

und der Cultur der Juden in Italien, note XII, style and the spirit of Benjamin Anaw's D'*n
grandson of our Benjamin?
^

327-8)
'lytT.

written in the

Was

Jehiel a

Zunz, Literaturgeschichte,

352-5;

Landshuth,

Amude

ha-'Abodah,

51.

Riva di

Trento

1560;

in

M. Wolf's Zemirot
this

Israel,

Lemberg
206)

1859,

It

is

written in rimed prose. chapter

of

Is

the

work
work
I,

that

Immanuel

refers to in

the
so

twenty-third

the

Mahberet
This
Jud.,
ff.

(Berlin
is

edition,

1796,

with
to

much
*

derision

and

contempt?
Fiirst,

erroneously

ascribed

Benjamin Ashkenazi by

Bib.

116.

Sy

pip

(Berlin 1885), 71

344
There
since
is,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

however, no originality of thought in the poem,
a

it is

mere paraphrase of
it

biblical

and rabbinic moral

There

sayings

and, stylistically,

is

rather commonplace, "ohnc

Sah,"

to quote

Dukes

(Jost's

Annalcn,

I,

84).

is

a total absence of meter, though the diction of the

is

poem
(each

biblical
is

and simple.

The

artificiality

of the

title

stanza

a "gate," the last line of

in ''Iiayyim")
is

which contains a

biblical

phrase ending
of the time.

in

keeping with the conceits

^lediocre as was Anaw's attempt at secular poetr}', the

beginning was made; and the time was soon ripe for the

appearance of a consummate
raise secular

artist

and poet who was

to
its

to

splendor.
in,

Hebrew poetry in Italy The glorious era of Italian

zenith

of

literature soon set

the period of Dante,

Petrarch, and Boccaccio.

The

stirring of a sense of art

and poetry as a

result of Dante's

Dirina Commcdiay and the Revival of Learning led by

Petrarch and Boccaccio brought about a general awakening on the part of the Italian people to the beauty of the
classic literatures
;

and the birth of a national vernacular

an atmosphere of culture and a wideferment.

literature created

spread

intellectual
effect

This

awakening naturally
Italy

had

its

upon the Jews of

with

who formed an
identi-

integral part of the population,

fied

and who had early

language

themselves

the

Italian

and

culture

(Giidemann.

Gcschichtc
in

dcs

Erzichnngsiirscns und
15).

dcr

Cultur dcr Judcn

Italicn,

Moreover, the
period

political

condition of the Italian Jews during this

was a
almost

comparatively happy one, so that the poisoned shafts aimed

against

them by

the Lateran Council

(121 5)

fell

harmlessly upon them.

The preoccupation

of the Popes

with their ambition to fasten their hold upon the temporal

affairs of all

Christendom

the internecine warfare

waged

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

by the Colonnas and
Orsinis,

RHINE
and

345
the

the

GhibeUines

Guelphs; the jealousies and intrigues of each petty State^

Duchy, and PrincipaHty against

all

its

neighbors and against

the rest in that period of anarchy; the extensive

com-

merce and the great commercial undertakings of the maritime republics, with the consequent prosperity, in which
the Italian

Jews took an

active

and prominent part

all

these tended to detract attention

from the Jews, and

to
in

permit them to follow their pursuits and undertakings

comparative peace and security, so that some of them

reached a high degree of wealth and influence.

The

close

commercial intercourse between Jews and non-Jews

led a close

in Italy

personal

acquaintance, and

to

feeling

of

mutual respect and confidence.

the

The

general prosperity and

freedom from disturbance and persecution which the

Italy

Jews of

enjoyed enabled them to absorb the more

readily the refining

and humanizing influences of the new

a

movement and
of the

to devote themselves with

their

greater

zeal

and a larger outlook to

own

literature.

The study
eflForts

Talmud
b.

received a great impetus through the

;

of the three Tranis

Hillel

philosophy found a

warm

friend in

Samuel (1220-1295), the ardent champion of

and
a
still

Maimonides.
Zerahiah
there
b.

more

outspoken

advocate
;

in

Shealtiel

Hen, the Aristotelian

rationalist

and

was hardly a Jewish scholar who was not acquainted

the

with the science and

philosophy

of

the

day.

The
the

example of Robert of Anjou who was a great admirer of

Jewish
sciences,
literature,

and

patron

of

the

arts

and

was not without

its

influence

upon Jewish men of

power and wealth.

Like the Italian dukes and nobles,

of

many Jewish
rhetoricians,

princes

commerce played

the

part

of

Maecenas, encouraging Jewish scholars, grammarians, and

and enabling them materially

to devote

them-

346

the:

Jewish quarteri^y review

Amidst
this

selves undisturbed to their literary pursuits/

general intellectual activity, secular

revived,

Hebrew

poetry likewise

and found

its

highest expression in the inimitable

Immanuel of Rome

(c.

1270-1330).

Immanuel was
Dante was

to the

Hebrew

literature of Italy

what

to the Italian literature.

/.

Contemporaries and
f.),

personal friends (Giidemann,

c, 137

Immanuel and
Funda-

Dante resemble each other

in

their uniqueness.

mentally differing in temperament

Dante

somber, serious,

gloomy,

Immanuel

cheerful,

joyous,
these

light-hearted

but
in
atti-

each a master in his

own

field,

two poets stand

their respective literatures alone, unapproachable, supreme.

Immanuel, combining the

light,

airy, inconsequential
Italy,

tude of mind characteristic of sunny

keen, observant sense of
is

with the shrewd,

humor

characteristic of the Jew,

entire
diction
in

the satirist

and humorist par excellence of the

Hebrew
and

literature.

supreme master of Hebrew

style,

thoroughly at

home

in all

Jewish as well as

the Italian and classic literature,

Immanuel gave

the most

ingenious and final expression to that peculiarly mediaeval

Hebrew anomaly,
ous
facility

the so-called mosaic style.

biblical

With marveland talmudic

he borrows ready-made

phrases, gathers

them from

all

the

four corners of the

side

vast Jewish literature, places

to

them

by

side,

member

member, bone

to bone, his

remarkable genius breathes

into

them

the. spirit of life, and, behold, they stand before

the

reader

brilliant
is

array

palpitating
in this

with

life

and

thought.

There

no incongruity

massing together
fit

of widely scattered phrases; each phrase seems to

per-

fectly into every other phrase resulting in a perfect whole,

a unit.

Moreover,

in

Immanuel
even

the

Hebrew muse assumed

and
erotic

brilliantly''

cheerful,

frivolous

aspect.

'

See C.raetz,

Geschichte der Judcu,

VII, 258-275.

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE

347

Spanish Hebrew poets, indeed, had sung of wine and of

love,

but in a reflective, chaste, and serious mood.

life,

Imthe

manuel, however, abandons himself to the love of

joy of living, and the natural gaiety and buoyancy of his

Italian

temperament.

He

can be serious at times, even

;

sad, solemn,

and prayerful

but his sense of cheerfulness

and humor

asserts itself inevitably.

At times he

gives

way
not

to sentiments

and expressions that must have scandalized

his contemporaries,
in

the

more serious-minded of

were

it

for the happy, ingenious

way

which they are couched.

Genius covers a multitude of offenses.

his

The

last

chapter of

Mahheret which
and

is

an imitation of Dante, and which

lacks the vigor

brilliancy of his other work, only con-

firms the fact that Imntanuel

ist

was

original,

and the humor-

above

all.

Immanuel speaks of contemporary poets

'n,
|n:n

(^DDni

""V^^D

mitj'D

Mahheret,

VI),

and

one,

Judah

Siciliano,

he praises very highly as a master of verse

{ibid.,

and

style

XIII), of whose works, however, nothing

has been preserved.

to

The

other poets of the period referred

liturgical

by

Immanuel were

poets."

Kalonymos

b.

Kalonymos, the Provengal, was, indeed, greatly influenced

by the
brilliant

Roman.
d.

His Maseket Purim, as Graetz

n. i),

pointed out (Gesch.

written in

Juden, VII, 264,

was

certainly

Rome, whither

his duties at the court of

Robert

of Naples had led him about 1317-1322; even his Bbcu

Bohan, a

satire in

rimed prose,
in

may have
it

been conceived
finished in
incisive

and partly written

Italy.
style,

Rome,' though

was not

But Kalonymos, while possessing a

cannot lay
the
c,

clear,

much
study
145.

claim to the
of
his

name

of poet; and as a

Provengal,
'
^

work belongs

elsewhere.

Gudemann,
Ibid.,

/.

47,

note;

Graetz,

VII,

262,

note

r.

348

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

sucOtherwise, Immanuel had no imitators or immediate Hebrew poetry in Italy follows a parallel course cessors.

with Italian poetry.

Just as after the

first

outburst of

the era of Dante, Italian genius in the fourteenth century,

and Boccaccio, a period of almost complete and Politian rebarrenness set in until Lorenzo de Medici Immanuel awakened the Italian lyre, so after the death of
Petrarch,
in

1330,

no Hebrew poet arose

later,

in

Italy until,

almost a

century

Moses da

Rieti attempted to imitate Dante.

in

Immanuel, highly
neglected later on.

appreciated

his

own

time,

was

The

levity of his tone, the

frivolity,

and, above all often the irreverence, of his expressions, accord note which prevails in his verse, did ill
the erotic

with the
'

mood

of gloom and despair in which Jewry

all

following centuries. over Christendom was plunged in the of his thinking and the general Still, while the mode
great influence tendency of his Mahberet did not exert a Subsequent poetry, his brilliant style did.
rhetoricians quote

upon Hebrew

him

as an authority,

and aspiring poets

versification

him as a model. The read his works eagerly, and take Arabicof the Mahberet is still that of the
distinction of being Spanish school, but Immanuel has the introduce into Hebrew poetry the sonnet-form
first

the

to

which Guittone de Arezzo had

Provengal into the
Italian.

just transferred

from the
the repre-

Thus Immanuel,
medievalism
for freedom

sentative par excellence of

in its best sense,

unconsciously paved the

way

from the bondage

since the ninth

of Arabic prosody which held

century.

sway ever

Moses
and

b.

Isaac

da

Rieti

of

Perugia

(1388-1460),

master of both physician and philosopher, and

Italian,

Hebrew

began

his

Mikdash Me^xt

(Little Shrine) in

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

1416/

RHINE
of

349
1402

Of

its

two

parts,

altogether

consisting

terzets, the first part,

Ulam

(Entrance), of

five cantos, is

an introduction to the history of Jewish literature, and a

review of the most important systems of philosophy up to
the time of Maimonides.

The second
is

part,

Hekal (The
Israel.

Temple), of eight cantos,

place
It

devoted to a description of the

where dwell the heroes and the great ones of

must have been the

poet's intention, as Goldenthal sug-

gested, to have the

poem

consist of three parts,

Ulam,
a

Hekal, and Debir,

sions.

to correspond to Dante's three divi-

As

the writing of the

it

poem was extended over

long period of years,

was not completed,

for reasons

unknown.

Even
and

the second part seems to be unfinished.

The poem
literature,

betrays Rieti's intimate knowledge of

his close acquaintance

Hebrew

with philosophy, inas-

much

as he leads in review all the

his

Tannaim, Amoraim, and

Geonim, up to

own

day,

and the leading Greek, Arabic,

and Jewish philosophers.

While not of much value

chronicle,

as a

poem

(for

the

most part only a rimed

Geschichte
is

as

Karpeles

suggests,
it

der
its

Judischen

Literatur,
Rieti

1886, II, 745),

not without

critical value.

found
of

it

necessary to exclude from his paradise Immanuel

''because he sang of love"

Rome

(Mikdash Me' at, io6a)

(for which, as Graetz wittily remarks,

Immanuel should
Rieti's

have been thankful, because he would have found

Eden

exceedingly

tedious),

as

well

as
b.

several

Jewish

philosophers, such as Isaac Albalag, Levi

Gerson, Moses

Narboni

(p. 102b, n. 3), as heretics,

and an unknown Span-

ish writer,

Mustin de Huerara, beecause "he wrote against

In his old age Rieti's attitude towards

the

Kabbalah."

the study of philosophy seems to have undergone a

*

comsee

Edited and

published

by

I.

Goldenthal,

Vienna

1851.

On
VIII,

Rieti

Goldenthal's Introduction to the Mikdash Me'af, and Graetz,

157-9.

350
plete change.

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

said that he gave himself

It is

up

entirely

to the Kabbalah, even expressing a regret that he

had ever

occupied himself with philosophic pursuits.

That
day,
is

Rieti's

work was held

into

in

high esteem in his

own

attested by the fact that Italian communities adopted

his

some of

poems

the

ritual

(Canto 2 of Hekal,

divided into seven parts, one for each day of the week),

and read portions thereof

daily.

Deborah Ascarelli and

his

Lazaro Viterbo deemed some of

being translated into Italian.
deserve the

hymns worthy

of

However, he surely does not

bestowed upon
all,

extravagant

praise

him by

Delitzsch and Goldenthal, and, least of

the honorable

designation of the

"Hebrew Dante."
the
is

In fact, he lacked

not only the

depth,

power of imagination, and the

a total absence of poetic

sublimity of Dante, but there

feeling in his lines, with the exception of a

few stanzas

of Cantos
stanza,

and

II of the

Hekal.

In the formation of his

is

and the easy flow of

his rimes, he

indeed very
poetry

happy; and he helped further to

wean Hebrew

away from
Dante."

the Spanish-Arabic monotonous rime-ending by

tcrza

introducing the

rima
he

so

effectively

employed
with

by

Moreover,

refused

"to

play

biblical

verses," a misuse of the Bible so characteristic of his con-

temporaries.

Intrinsically,

however, his diction

is

often

uncouth, and he betrays an absence of poetic appreciation

by many conceits and

puerilities.

Of

Rieti's

contemporaries only one, Solomon da Piena

is

(lived early in the fifteenth century),

mentioned as the

author of a short clever Purim epigram (Steinschneider.

'Turim
"

und
Dante's,

Parodie,"

Zcitschriff

fi'ir

Gcschichfc

dcs

Like

Rieti's

lines

contain

ten

syllables,

counting

slicwa

mobile as a
mar.cuHne.

syllable;

but while

Dante's

rimes

are

feminine,

Rieti's

are

Ricti employs the term "Rcgel" for poetic "foot."

SECULAR HI:BREW poetry OE ITAEY

Judcnthums, 1903, 173).

RHINE

351
at the

Moses Ibn Habib (died

beginning of the sixteenth century), a native of Lisbon

which he

left

before the expulsion, living for a time in the

is

Levant, finally settling in Southern Italy,

by far the most

important of Rieti's immediate successors.

translator,

grammarian,

and philosopher,

his treatise

on Hebrew prosody
,

Darke No'am {Ways

Apulia, in i486,
science of
is

of Pleasantness)

written in Bitonto,
to the

a lucid

and valuable contribution

itself.

poetics

and to Hebrew poetry

Based

upon
ities

Aristotle's Poetics, but modified to suit the pecuHar-

of

Hebrew
There
is

poetry," he lays

down

ten rules of prosody,

original

illustrating

each
is,

form of verse and meter by

indeed,
little

poems.

poetic feeling in his lines.

stilted,

In style, he

often

homonymic and

twisting biblical

phrases and proper names out of their context in order to

give an ingenious and witty turn to his verse.
ever,

Such, howis

was the norm of Spanish Hebrew

evident
pride

poetry, and he

characteristically a Spaniard, designating himself

Sephardi

with

{Darke No' am,

p.

4,

Roedelheim

edition, 1806; likewise at the beginning of the introduction

to

his

Commentary on
versifier,

th^V

r\Tn2,

Ferrara

1552).
is

As
mas-

stylist,

according to the standard of his day, he

ter,

and as a

he

is

perfect.

There

is

a swing and

rhythm

to his

opening poem (3-4a) for instance, that are

very graceful.
his

His thoughts are not above mediocrity, and

frequently so idiomatic as to be untranslatof his verse consists in the cleverness of

language

is

able.

The charm

the style, not in the originality of thought.

Thus

'"

He

maintains that rime had been employed already in biblical times,

of the rimed inscription which he saw on a tombstone in Valencia

and

tells

supposedly that of the general of Amaziah, King of Judah.

proves
to

This inscription
dei

Ibn

Habib

the

antiquity

of

Hebrew

rime.

Azariah

Rossi

refutes this theory in chapter 60 of his D'^'J? "11M0.

352

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

The pun

is

on

ntJ^"iin."

The
There

tone of levity affected towards

woman
is

as indi-

cated in the above quotation

is

from Habib,

not isolated.

fifteenth
it

number of poets towards the end of the century who discussed woman, in the abstract, be
quite a

stated,

and a

fierce battle

pro and con

is

waged.
his

Thus,

about

1492,

Abraham

da

Sarteano

wrote

Sone
terzets

Nashim'' (Misogynist), a poem consisting of 50

of ten syllables each," which
is

a fierce arraignment of

woman.

Women,

in his opinion, are the cause of all the

mischief existing in the world.

dise,

and the poet

classic

cites

Eve made Adam lose paraa long list of women from the Bible
Italian literatures

and the

and contemporary

who

have brought down misfortune upon man.

of the

The language
though not
Italian

poem

is

simple and clear, without

frills,

forcible,

and shows the influence of contemporary

though not of the best type.
in

literature

On

the other hand,

Abigdor da Fano

Magen Nashim

(Letterbode,

X,

101-3) joins issue with Sarteano, and takes up the cudgel

in behalf of the fair sex.

He

cites the

many

noble

women

of history, such as Jael, Esther, and Judith, and pays a

graceful tribute to a lady of his acquaintance, married to

a gentleman of Pisa,
" On
Jiidischen

who

is

her ''husband's crown."

v.;

His
d.

Habib

see

Jczvish
II,

Encyclopedia,
ff.

s.

Karpeles,

Geschxchte

Literatur,

875

"
subject

Published
see

by

Neubauer
Zxir
to
feet,

in

Letterbode,

X,

98-101.

On
98),

the

entire

Steinschneider,

Frauenliteratur.

"
phrase
Rieti.

In

his

introduction
''

the

poem

(Letterbode,

X,

he

uses

the

D'S^I

for

ten

counting the sheu-a mobile as a syllable like

SECULAR HE:bRI:w poetry OE ITALY

RHINE

353

poem
teano,

also consists of 50 terzets, after the

model of SarElijah

and

like his,

it is

clear but lacking in vigor.

Hayyim b. Benjamin da Genzano'* comes to the defense of Abraham Sarteano whom he calls a great rhetorician (}^''^D NilJ ). Good women are the exception, he maintains in
Melizot {Letterhode, X, 104-5)
ing to champion the cause of
>

^.nd rails at

Fano

for dar-

women

even the best of

whom

such as Sarah, Rebekah, Rachel, and Leah were guilty of

grievous offenses.

Of Fano's poem

as such he speaks with

contempt as written against the rules of Hebrew prosody,

and as

intrinsically "full of lies

and vanity."

Genzano

is

evidently a younger

man

than either of the other two, as

indicated by the opening lines of the

''2"in.

poem

""O^n

TT'M

'^^^'2

The
line

Melizot

contain

38

terzets

and

one
is

adin-

ditional

which would indicate that the poem

complete, the poet very likely intending to write 50 terzets

as
his

predecessors did
62).

(Steinschneider, Ziir Fraucnlite-

ratiiVy

An anonymous
(Letterbode,

poet in

Teshubah LE-Magen
likewise

Nashim Abraham
Finally,

XI,

62-65),

defends

Sarteano's position as against Abigdor da Fano.

b.

Daniel
b.

Samuel of Rossena (Mortara, Indice:

b.

Daniel

Samuel Rofe
in a

Samuel Dayyan), on the

first

of

Nisan 1492,

poem

of 50 terzets steps into the fray, and

settles the quarrel

by rebuking the combatants for taking

all.

up such a
itself

delicate subject at

On

the

mooted question
His
name,

he

is

non-committal, which proves the diploniat.

closes with a five line acrostic of his

poem opens and

enliteratiir,
'*

Daniel {Letterhode, XI, 65-68; Steinschneider, Ziir Frau57)."

also
in
a.

He
of

is

the

author

of

satire

on

Christianity

written
,

after

the

model

Sn:i'

Don David
M.
and
of
1866.
I

Nasi's

;n

Syn
it.

DNmn

edited

by

Jacob

Sopher, Frankf.
^^

have not seen

acrostic

quatrain

five-lined

on a
by

Purim King named

Steinschneider,
in

Eliezer

written

by

Daniel

Rossena

are

quoted

"Purim

354

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The
fact that Daniel of

Rossena manifests astonish-

ment

that

such

men

discussed a subject of this nature

would indicate that these poets were men of standing, and

certainly

men

of learning.

The very

choice of the subject

and the
influence

selection of the terza

rima as the form show the

Italian
literature.

upon them of contemporary

These poets, however, evince no

thought or expression.

originality

either

of

decay of the Italian

They were mere Hebrew poetry of the

rimesters.

The

fifteenth century

cannot be more strikingly illustrated than by a comparison

of the

work of

these verse-makers with that of

Immanuel

on

this

very subject.

CHAPTER
The

II

Poets oe the Sixteenth Century

decline of true poetry, as indicated by Rieti
his

and

more strongly emphasized by

through the
departmients
first

successors,

continued
In other

half of the sixteenth century.

intellectual

of

activity

Italian

Jews took a

prominent part, made possible, indeed, by the comparatively secure political condition of Italian

Jewry which was,

as yet, undisturbed.

Jeliiel

of Pisa, in the last

two decades
of

of the fifteenth century, controlled the

money market

Tuscany.

Jews were the leading physicians, and were emPopes themselves,

ployed not only by the nobility and royalty, but even by the
princes of the church and by the
in

spite of the decree of the Council of Beziers

(May, 1246).

Moreover, the Humanists, as a result of the revival of

interest in antiquity,

began to turn

their attention also to

the study of

Hebrew and Jewish

(MonatsscJirift
174),
p.

literature, especially the

uiul

Parodie"

fiir

Ccscliiclifc

mid

U'issotscltaft
in

des
in

Judemthums,

XL,

and

by

Dr.

Israel

l")avidson

his

Parody

Jewish Literature,

27.

SKCULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

Kabbalah,

RHINE
To
to

355
acac-

and to Jewish Arabic

first,

philosophy.
teachers;

complish the complish the

they needed

Jewish

second purpose, Jewish translators.

Such

eminent scholars as Pico della Mirandola, Cardinal Egidio

de Viterbo, and Cardinal Domenico Grimani sat at the feet
of Jewish scholars.
ally

This interest in Jewish studies naturspirits

brought the best

close

and intimate contact,

in

among Jews and Christians in and led many Jews to a parmovement.

Jewish youths

ticipation

the

humanistic

attended Italian universities, spoke Italian, and wrote both

Italian

and Latin.

With

the expulsion of the

Jews from
whither

Spain,

many Spanish Jews found

refuge in

Italy,

they introduced their own, higher culture, which reacted

favorably upon the Jews of Italy, and added to their intellectual

ferment.
of
the

Italian

Jews were the

of
printing,

first

to

take

advantage
presses

invention
in

and

Hebrew
Bologna,

were established

Mantua,

Ferrara,

Soncino, Naples, and other places.

half

Already

in the

second
b.

of

the

fifteenth

century,

Messer Leon

(Judah

Jehiel), physician as well as rabbi of

scholar, wrote a

Mantua, and a

classic

paring the

Hebrew Rhetoric (NoEET ZuEim), comHebrew with the classic languages, and advocat;

ed the study of the classic literatures

and Elias

del

Medigo

taught philosophy not only to Jews,in his

but above
called
all

Behinat ha-Dat,
to decide a philo-

to non-Jews, at

Padua and Florence, and was

upon by the University of Padua

sophic dispute which divided the professors and students

thereof
century,

into

two contending

parties.

In the

sixteenth

we find David Ibn Jahia Hebrew grammar in Naples, under

famous

teaching

Talmud and
Benvenida
are at the
at

the patronage of the

his

Samuel
;

Abrabanel

and

wife

Abrabanela

Judah and

his son

Abraham Menz

head of the great Talmudic and Rabbinic school

Padua

356

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

Farissol

(1469-1549) of Rome, teacher of Cardinal Viterbo and other eminent Christians,' are busying themselves with the study of Hebrew grammar; while Azariah dei Rossi was about to revolutionize Jewish science with his deep and keen sense of criticism, thus opening up a new and vast field for Jewish scholarship.
literary and intellectual activity we might reasonably expect to meet with at least a few poetic

from works on medicine and metaphysics; and Abraham de Balmes (c. 1450-r. 1503, of Lecce), physician to and friend of Cardinal Domenico Grimani, and especially Elias Levita
is

(1458-1525) of Ferrara is occupying himself with Geography (Iggeret Orhot 'Olam); Jacob Mantin, physician to Pope Paul
III,

Abraham

translating

Hebrew and Arabic

into Latin

Amidst so much

not of the towering greatness of an Immanuel supreme geniuses are produced at rare intervals,
at least

spirits, if

of the class of Petrarchists, imitators, shining by reflected

glory.
first half of the sixteenth century we look in vain for even one poet. It is especially strange

Yet

in

the

Jews spoke and wrote Italian, Ariosto and the younger Tasso should have exerted no influence whatever upon their Hebrew contemporaries.

that, since

The

influence of the

who were mostly lyric poets, should have been of special service to Jewish singers who cared to pour forth their souls in laments and dirges which are necesPetrarchists,
sarily lyric.
Still

no poet appeared to sing the songs of

of

poetic productivity may be partly ascribed to the absorption of the Jewish scholars, to which

Zion.

This

lack

group the poets usually belonged,

sixteenth
century,
in

in

the

first

half of the

and grammatical pursuits to the exclusion of everything else. At any rate, all that has come down to us from this period is a few rimes, not deserving the name of poetry.
Israel

talmudic,

rabbinic,

philosophic,

SECULAR HKBRKW POETRY OF ITALY

of Cortina, in the tenor of
Sienna, in 1530, a
D^J^J

RHINE
of

357

Abraham

Sarteano, wrote at
the

poem on woman under

decasyllabic

name

nnsin

(published by Neubauer in Letterhode, XI, 88-92),

of

consisting

eighty-four

terzets,

with

two

Though he does not mention Sarteano and his fellow combatants, their work must have been known to him. The employment of terza rima, as
quatrains as a conclusion.

Steinschneider
accidental, but

suggested
rather
in
is

{Ziir

Prauenliteratur)

is

not

imitation

of

his

predecessors.

On
man
his

the whole, the poet

a misogynist, though he admits

is

that there are

to

some noble women, and happy indeed

lot

the

whose

a good

woman

falls.

The

poet confined
that he

remarks to

biblical

women, acknowledging

was

not acquainted either with non- Jewish

women

or with non-

Jewish books,

''since all their

doings were of no value"

^o^D ^b

tnncD

"Tii^ip

.tn^pDy b^ inni inn

o
Elias
is

On

the whole, this

poem

is

of a piece with that of his prewit.

decessors,

lacking both vigor and

Levita

is

more

serious

and ambitious;

but, great as

his merit as

a grammarian, he had a very poor conception of the function of poetry, or

sible task

he would not have undertaken the imposWhile, to do him

of writing a poetic grammar!

justice, his

PerEk Shirah, the first part of PirkE Elijah (Soncino 1520), was intended merely as a mnemonic, the

very conception of such an attempt proves that he had eyes

only for form and cared nothing for true poetic thought

and

feeling.

One specimen
I

of these songs will suffice

"And now
In

sing a glorious song

words

explicit, plain

And

of the vowels ten will speak

358

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in classes

That part

twain

And And
(Song
2, p. 48^*,

five of these are giant tall,

five like

pigmies small."

second edition, Venice 1546).

figures, these,

Truly poetic
vowels
!

for

the
is

long and
all

short

His

versification,

moreover,
has

after

the

Jewish-Spanish
value

model,

and

therefore
of
its

no
of

special

even
it

from

the

point

view

form,
as

though

may

have

served

purpose

mnemonic.

Moses Provengale,

rabbi of

Mantua (1503-

1577), took Levita as his model, and wrote another poetic

grammar,
the
title

entirely in the spirit of the

Pirke Elijah, under

Be-Shem Kadmon (In the Name of an Kadmon, An Ancient Blossom, Ancient; not BosEM This poem was writas read erroneously by Delitzsch).
of
Jud.,
s.

ten in 1535, and published in Venice in 1597 (Fiirst, Bibl

z\).

The second

half of the sixteenth century, however,

poetic efforts.

was more productive of

The burning

of the

Talmud

in the papal states

and other

Italian cities

by order

of Pope Julius III

(Sept. 9, 1553)
b.

called forth a cry of

b.

despair from Mordecai

Judah de Blanes," and Jacob

is

" Mordecai
in

de Blanes' elegy on the burning of the Talmud

,

published
in

the

VlSPIH

XIII,
of

109,

and consists of 27 His

of

monorimes,
the

written

the

style
to

characteristic

be recited by the

m3'p. community
3).

elegy

on

Ancona

martyrs
is

used
not
,

Pesaro on the ninth of Ab, but

kinali

extant ((iraetz, IX, 344,

Hazzan's
to

was published
it).

in the

p337
elegy
Bibl.
fF.,

V,

343

(I

have
at

not been

able

obtain a copy of
C.B.,

Fano's
Furst,

was

published
in
his

Ferrara,

1556

(Steinschneider,

5528;

Jud.),

Shilfe

ha-Gibborim,

and

reprinted
to be

in

the

RE J.,

XI,

154

by D.

Kaufmann.
of this

There seems, however,

some confusion as

to the

authorship

kinah.

Kaufmann,

in

the article just quoted, thinks that, of the 47

terze rime, stanzas 1-30

were written by Fano, while the remaining seventeen,

commemorating
poet.
'^Wnty'

the burning of the

Talmud
Raphael
1901),

in

1553, belong to an

anonymous
Ancona,
in

On
'33

tiie

other

hand,
13-18

Isaac

Ashkenazi,
reprints

rabbi

of

nnSn.

(Cracow

the

same

poem

(44,

SE;CUI.AR

HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE

359

Joab Elijah da Fano of Bologna and Ferrara; and the martyrdom of the twenty-four Marannos at Ancona by
order of Pope Paul

IV (May,

shocked

all

Jewry throughout

a Europe
1556)
to

tragedy which

stirred the

above
that

named

poets and

Solomon Hazzan,

commemorate

terrible event in their respective niJ^p

which, however, are

rather weak, and not at

all

commensurate with the enormity

time,

of the outrage.

About the same

woman

again re-

ceived her share of attention on the part of a

poets,

number of

and the merry, rather and a

bloodless, battle raged about

her.

Judah (Leon) Sornmo da Porta-Leone of Bologna,

close

a pupil of da Fano,
Rossi, in

friend of Azariah dei

answer

to attacks

on woman,

probably

by the X,

anonymous author of Dabar bE-'Itto

114),

(Letterbode,

came

to

her defense in a

poem Magen Nashim

in the Bible

(about 1556) in which he protests against the woman-hater,

quoting the names of noble

women mentioned

and other

literature,

concluding with a glowing description

of the charms of a lady

whom
;

he does not mention by

in

name, only intimating that she lived

Rieti,

Bologna (Hannah

wife of Reuben Sullam

840).

Karpeles, Gesch. dcr Jiid.

Lit., II,

His friend and compatriot Jacob da Fano

mentioned above, replied with a collection of poems under

terse

rime),
in

and speaks of
the

it

as

ascribed

to 13).

Mordecai de Blanes, and as

Judging from the fact that

read

Ancona on
in

ninth of

Ab
is

(p.

de Blanes did not employ the tersa rima in his elegy on the Talmud, while

Fano uses
the

it

all

his

poems,
to

it

probable that Fano was the author of

kinah.

According

Kaufmann
burned
at

(RE J., XI,

the

150-51)

this

kinah

was

probably

confiscated
4,

and

instigation

of

Cardinal

Ghislieri

who, on Feb.
in

1559, complained to the

Duke

of Ferrara of a book written

praise of the

Marannos "who were

the
printer.

justly burned,"

and sought

to

punish

both
is

the author and

This poem, while of slight literary value,

it

of great historic importance, since

gives the

names

of the martyrs,

and

establishes

the

historicity
to

of

the

autos-da-fe
344,
n.

which
3).

some church historians

were attempting

deny (Graetz, XI,

360
the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

name
of Shiete ha-Gibborim," the most important of
terzets.

which consists of sixty

greatness and glory of

He

acknowledges

the

woman;

only that

man was

intended

by God to be of prime importance.

rails at

Good-naturedly he

Leon Portaleone ascribing

his

advocacy of woman's

cause to youthful inexperience.

that he

Da Fano

acknowledges

knows of woman only from

hear-say, that he
all

was

always afraid of woman, but since the Bible and

literatures agree that

other

women have

been the cause of man's

the
Biblical

downfall more than once, and, as

examples

alone are sufficient to illustrate his argument, his position

concerning
whole, there

woman's
is

inferiority

is

sustained.
still

On

the

little

cleverness and

less

humor

in the

poem.
the

An anonymous

poet discusses the same question in

thirty-six terzets

form of a dialogue of
criticises

between Jacob

and Deborah, and

is

both Portaleone and Fano and

logical.

really the cleverest

and most

Deborah argues
is

that in lowering the dignity of

woman man
to task

lowering his

own
since

dignity,

and takes Jacob

to

for hating

woman,
Jacob,

God made woman

be man's helpmate.

driven to the wall, repHes:

,iv.D

niry (pyv^

i<b

'd)

'b

^ik

,ivii

nn ^nun p^d^

i<b

''Who would not cry for help?

woe
!"

is

me!

Of

daughters

have plenty, but have not

The means
" Neubauer,
SkIC'
Sn;i
literatur,

to give to each a

dowery
XI,

Lettcrbode,
,

X,

124-33;
1853,

REJ.,

154-s;

Neppi-Ghirondi,
Ziir

nnSin

Triest,

210;

Stelnschneider,
s.

Fraiien-

66;

and C.

B.
to

Fuenn, Kneset

Israel,

v.; Mortara, Indice, 21.

Mortara's
erroneous;
a

reference
it

Abraham Portaleone's
p.

Shilfe

ha-Gibborim,

106,

is

should

read

185b,

where Portaleone speaks of himself as

Posel<:im.

pupil

of Jacob Fano's in

Talmud and

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE

361

And
Zur
cal

the

war of words

is

thus ended.

(Steinschneider,

Fraiicnliteratur, 73-75).

That men of the standing of Jacob da Fano, rabbinischolars of high attainments,

should engage in such

in

trivial discussions,

and should speak of women and humor

such a

tone of levity apparently taking the matter seriously, since

there
is

a total absence of wit

really astonishing.
It

in their discus-

sion, is

simply shows the influence

of their environment, ''an echo of the romantic poetry of

the
also

Renaissance which spread the cult of the beautiful

among
its

the

Jews" (Karpeles,
taste

II,

840), though judging

from the absence of

only
tions.

and refinement, they absorbed

Happily, these were the excep-

grosser qualities.

The

other poets of the period were

men

of deeper

thought, of finer sensibility, and of a truer appreciation of

the scope of poetry.

The two foremost

Italian scholars of

the sixteenth

century, Azariah dei Rossi (1513 or 14-1578), and

Judah
all

(Leon) Moscato, both of Mantua, as was usual with

rabbis and scholars, also tried their hands at poetry.

While

not great poets, the difiference between their works and

those of the scribblers
striking.

Dei Rossi, a
archaeologist,

who preceded them is sufficiently man of universal culture, physician,

and rabbinic scholar, interspersed

historian,
his

epoch-making work Me'or 'Enayim

(Mantua 1573and naturalness

75) with six poems.

The

clearness, vigor,

of his prose are enhanced in his poetic lines, and indicate

the ease, the grace,

and the mastery of

is

style of

which

dei

Rossi

is

capable.

He

not altogether free from the artistylists

ficialities

and

artifices

employed by the
following

of his time

his

lines
;

are monorimes,

the

Spanish-Arabic

fashion
tory

but they are lucid and vigorous.

The

introducin

and the concluding poems of Imre Binah,

the

362

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

nature of prayers, are bold and defiant to the enemies of

light

and

truth.

He

is

conscious of the merits of his work,

to the hypocrites

and throws down the gauntlet

and

fools

who condemn him

(Imre Binah,
Elegant
ductory
is

c.

60).

his address to the reader in the third intro-

poem

to the

same work:
HDT

^ti ^nvD:

in

i? niDD ^npi

^NU

.nrn
''A soul serene
I

nox

V2rh\ ny

planted here,
this field;

And
At

knowledge-seeds within

leisure

come and pluck

at will,

And may it fruits and roses yield. And if a pleasant thing you find
Then
praises sing unto the
it

Lord
gives,

For He

is

who wisdom
faith
is

And He

the understanding word."

The assurance

of

expressed in the epitaph

which he composed on himself:

SE:CUI.AR

HEBREW POETRY OE
5^inn ^^JN in

ITAI,Y

RHINE

363

nnyD

d^ r

nT3N IDT mDiann!5

pntj^x

"wi

^n^

D^?

nnoa

ntj^p^

.xinj

^D^

fe^^i^co

i^intj'

non

''From out the stormy sea unto the shore

I
I

came, and fear the hurricane no more

laugh at lying Time's upheavals,
I

His strange perverse mirages do defy.

It

may go hard
nameth
all
is

with

my

account

if

He
me

Who
He
The
(ibid.),''

so please to deal with

I will

my

God, and even

share

lavish grace

He

scatters everywhere."

dei

Judah (Leon) Moscato (died before 1594) who, like Rossi is a child of the Renaissance, the commentator of

Halevi's Kuzari, and

whose Neeuzot Jehudah {Venice

in

1588)
as
dei

is

as

epoch-making
is

the

field

of

homiletics
also

Rossi's
is

in

that

of

historic

criticism,

" He
his

said

to

have been informed in a dream of the exact day of

death which prophecy he reduced to the following quatrain:

NH noS

y^ vSdd

,r\7\\^

'nscn Sy

.D'jtr

pnS^

:h^T\

rhr>

mu

2-1

sax
is

The genuineness
handwriting.

of

the

composition
to

of

the

above quatrain
it

vouched for
dei
I).

by Leon de Modena who claims

have had a copy of

true.

in
S.

Rossi's

According
in

to

Modena, the dream came

(S.
J.

Luzzatto

saw the
IS9-63,

lines

an old manuscript
in

Rapoport in Kcient Chevied, \,

and

I.

Broyde

the Jezcisli

Encyclopedia).

364
tried
his his

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

at

hand
are

verse-writing.

Like

dei

Rossi's,

Hnes

elegant
so

and

finished,

though
that

more
have

stilted,

and

not

flexible.

The

poems

come down
Joseph
Savoy,

to us are elegies,

one on Samuel Cases, one on

Caro,

and three on the Duchess Margarita of

who
is

died September 15, 1574,'' of which by far the

that

strongest

on Joseph Caro, composed of three

sestets,

containing some lyric touches.

The

three Savoy poems, a

sonnet, an octave acrostic on Margarita,

and a quatrain,

hardly betray
his

''the

greatness of his pure, poetic soul," as

claims

Hebrew biographer
'I

(Abba Apfelbaum,

"iSD

iDNpDiD min^

'Jn

nn^in,

59).

The

first
;

and second

are well written, but with

little

spontaneity

while the third

which

is

so artificially
is

composed as

to be read either for-

ward or backward

unintelligible either

way.

His meter

is

that of the Spanish school.

A
Italy,

more

spontaneous
after

poet

is

Menahem

b.

Judah
of

Lonzano (died

1610** in

Jerusalem).

native

though spending the greater part of

his life at Jeru-

salem, and visiting his native land every

now and
still

then, a

poverty-stricken

wanderer,
a

this

Masoretic

scholar

and

lexicographer

had

keen eye and a

keener pen.

Wandering from
paints

place to place, he
life

had many opportunities

of observing the inner

is

of his people and the picture he

not at

all

an attractive one, though allowance must

be

made
*

for poetic license in exaggeration.

His poems are

These poems are published in Abba Apfelbaum's scholarly biography

(Drohobycz
1900),
pp.

of

Leon Moscato
poetic
dei

55-59-

Apfelbaoim's estimation of

Moscaito's

power
Rossi

is

ralher

exaggerated.
of the

He

refers
(

to

three

elegies
,

by

Azariah

in

honor

same

Duchess
to

D'i'J?

*11N0

ed.

Cassel) and compares them with those of Moscato

latter.

the advantage of the

to;

do

not

recollect

dei

Rossi's

poems referred

nor

have

at

present a copy of Cassel's edition.

^ In nnain
n2n nin

naits

(niT

'ntr,

1340.

Venice 1618) he says: tron D'ac mi

ntr dj?2*iki c|Sni

mNO;

hence 1610.

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF

ITAI,Y

RHINE
or

365
first

contained in the third, fourth, and fifth division of the

part of his chief

work Shte Yadot {Two Hands

Two

Parts, divided into five "fingers" each).

His 'Abodat Mikdash {Service of the Sanctuary), the

third **finger," consists of reHgious

hymns some of which

are so hopelessly Kaliric and obscure that

the poet for his foresight in providing

we must thank
deep, fervent

them with a com-

mentary.

At

times, however, carried

away by

feelings, as he bewails the lot of his people, the poet for-

gets

all

labored conceits, and pours forth his soul in clear,

lines

vigorous

that

cannot

but

move

the

reader.

The

''Fourth Finger"

DerKk Hayyim {Path

suggested by the verse

of Life, so called

both because
"IDID,

it is

nn^in

D^^n

"jiii

and also because the numerical value of

D^^n

iTn,

298, corresponds to the number of verses in the

poem

proper exclusive of the eight opening and nine closing

lines),
is

collection of

moral sayings, a didactic poem

It deals

intended as a guide for the young.

sible relations

with

all

pos-

of

life,

teems with sound advice, the result of

its

human
Musar,
it

experience, and

moral tone

is

very

lofty.

But

the most important, because the most vivid, his

Tokahat
In

the "fifth finger," divided into fifteen cantos.

he passes in panoramic review the characteristic foibles

of his time, and arraigns his generation for their dereliction of duty.

Thus he

rails

against the habits of swearing

and

of

telling
III, line
1-

falsehoods

which

he

calls

njno ddd

(Canto

40)

against the desire to get rich quick

("i^tj^ynb V^^,

57); against the negligence of the study

of ritual laws, indulging in this piece of biting irony

,n^:iD

mcD

^nh

^di .oni^n nin!'i inna^ ^:iDn

366

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

''The doors of shops the crowds unlock,

But lock secure the doors of books;

Enough

for

them the mother's them the common

lore,

And

rites

by women, tyros taught;

rules.

Enough

for

Like Kippur's fast and Purim's drink."

,'i:b

pbm

,^212 D^p^pn ,nDijnn

nj^n:;

nv nnn!'

;nnt^i ^niy ^3n nnpi'

x/dij'

.mn^

id it^oi

t^^

m:p

ini'n N^i

iiT2n ^i'sinm

''For Feast of Lights the noodles, cheese,

The honey

cakes,

and candles

lit;

For Pesah Mazzot,

bitter herbs,

Haroset, leaven out of sight;

Wine, meat must from a Jew be bought.

The Shema' be read both morn and

night,

And

pray with

lip

but not with heart."

(lines 63-65, 66-70).

He

denounces those

who

neglect mniD,

who shave
,ii'\p

their beards,

who wear

high hats:

^b)^

VV2 iHD

mm

Dt^Nia

Dm
to

^nmx
the

iNt^^n

(line

50)

who

refuse to

contribute

support of

scholars

.n^HD

Ni^ni nntj'
^^d^d!?

noo

xi'n ,k: 12!'

nnb DnDi tid^

&<!?

"n^t^i

.nnxi'

^^sn nni mini

^cvy!'

(113-14);

who judge

a person by his dress and not ac-

cording to his worth

.mm nuD p
/i-iyi

fi^:vi

^^y^^i ^n:n3T

hd
!?y

^2D

DID bv vn

i!5i

Dn^n ms^ in

nnx

SECUI^AR

HE:BRE:w

P0I:TRY

OF ITAI,Y

RHINE

367

"My
Alas
!

glory, honor, all

shirt

depend

Upon my

and cloak and hat:

!"

An
He
bn^

age that honors clothes

or ass

Though worn by horse

(lines 127-28).

protests against the lack of hospitality

to the poor

(Canto IX), ridicules the cantors:

b)p:i

,'1)^ b)p^

b)p

12b 2b n)^ iDitov^

^h

''They need no heart at

all

they need

voice, a lion's voice or bull's

But does not God a heart demand,

And
(lines 216,

not a heartless shouting mouth?'

;

229)

and the extravagance of woman's dress

the absence of sympathy with

(Canto XI).

He condemns

the poor of Jerusalem

Knni vb^
(line

bib

pdk^

i^b^

/nvn

bi<

'v:i^

pdk^

n^i

2y^)

and scorns the younger generation for giving

in

up the study of the Torah

business

order to devote themselves to

.nnD inoDnDb.nijn nnp

ib /jn

mvD

tj'iDJ ,nn"in

nny

"Forsake the law, leave the commandments, son

Go

get a shop,
its

and learn the tradesman's

intrinsic value as a fine

art."

Aside from
the

work

of satire,

poem throws

light

upon the

social life of the

Jewish

people of his time.

literally.

But one must not take Lonzano too

Possibly the poetic

He
and

doth protest too much.

vagabond experienced some of the unpleasant things he describes,

he denounced his generation for the short-

comings of the few.

368

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The
last

poet of this period

is

Samuel

b.

Elhanan Isaac
like the

Archevolti of Padua (died 161 1).

others, he treats

grammarian

grammar
But,

in the prosaic

manner

its

nature

demands, and
in

his prose is free

in the

and

easy, a virtue rather rare

those days.

thirty-first

and thirty-second
Spices,

chapter of his

'Arugat ha-Bosem
which he
treats of

(A Bed of

Venice 1602)

in
if

Prosody and Poetry, he

proves himself
appreciation.

not a poet, at least a

man

capable of poetic

In chapter 31, he protests against the practice

prevalent in his day of singing sacred songs of the liturgy

to the tune of popular

and often vulgar melodies," which

In Chapter 32, in treating of

shows

his sense of propriety.

Prosody, he gives an elaborate account of the technique of

versification,

the structure of the meter and stanza, and

their various forms.

He
the

emphasizes the necessity of proper

reader against the reprehensible

accentuation, warns
practice so

common
at the

in mediaeval

Hebrew

poetry of divid-

ing a

word

end of a verse for the sake of the meter

and

especially

against the license of the Payyetanim in

biblical roots

forming nouns and verbs ad libitum out of

against
ity,

all

canons of grammar to the point of

unintelligibil-

and

to the deterioration of the

Hebrew

language.

The

specimens of his
-1

own

composition in illustration of the variMenahem Lonzano who

these,
set

This was a practice indulged in by

many
their

of

his

hymns
Yadot,

to

"Arabic

melodies

because

on

account

of

melancholy, were better adapted to arouse feelings of devotion and humility

(Shte
is

6$b);

or

because they sound more solemn

(ibid.,

1420).

He
At

well

aware of the fact that high authorities are opposed

to

the use of

foreign melodies in religious worship, but he does not share their view.
the

same time he objects most strenuously

to

the

practice

of imitating the
for

sound of foreign words by means of Hebrew assonants.

instance, the use of

He condemns,
that he

"Shem Nora"
the

in imitation of the Italian

song "Signora"
used foreign
purposes

and

lie

felt

impelled to declare before

praise

God and
for

Israel

terms only to

Lord and not

profane or

frivolous

(quoted from M. Schloessinger's article on Lonzano in the J.E., Shte Yadot,

p.

122a).

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

RHINE

369

ous forms of meter and stanza are not of a high order of

poetry, though they are written in a clear, often forcible
biblical diction,

and free from a slavish usage of

ready-

made

biblical phrases.

Some

of his lines even betray lyric

his

feeling
clever,

and grace, and some of

epigrams are witty and

for instance, the fol-

and sound quite modern,

:

as,

lowing

"When'er a
For

bitter foe attack thee,

Then sheathe thy sword, thy wrath

else will magistrates

restrain

and lawyers

Divide thy wealth, thy purse retain."

(p.

119a).

Law-suits in those days must have been con-

sidered as expensive as they are to-day, which proves that

the sixteenth century

was not

so

much behind
is

us after

all.

On

the whole, Archevolti's

work
his

marked progress
is still

over his contemporaries.

While

meter

governed

by the Spanish-Arabic model, the formation of his stanzas,

the place he gives to the sonnet as a recognized

form of
style,

Hebrew

versification, and,

above

all,

his

clear

not

altogether free

from punning and conceits which, however,

all

are used only rarely and not at

emphasized, show the

influence of Italian literary forms, and point the road to his

successors.

CHAPTER HI
Poets oe the Seventeenth Century

The seventeenth century marks the real period of tranThe beauty of diction and sition in Italian Hebrew poetry.
of form, the perfection of versification and the elegance of
style so characteristic of the Italian literature of the six-

teenth century, began at last

to

make themselves
is

felt

in

Hebrew

literature also.

An

attempt

made

to

do away

370

THK JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

with the characteristically involved and complicated style

of the middle ages, and to substitute a clear biblical diction
instead.

In the outward form of verse-building a complete

revolution has taken place.

The
meter

old, artificial

monorime,

with

its still

more
and

artificial

in

which the half-vowel,

is

the Shewa, plays such a prominent part,

Italian meter,
its

replaced by the

rich variety of stanza.

The

octave,

the six line stanza, the quatrain, and tcrza rima are used
quite extensively,

and the sonnet has become not only

rec-

ognized but a favorite form of versification.

of

The

scope

Hebrew poetry has also enlarged. While we find Abraham Samuel of Venice (died 1650) in his Shirat
DoDi (The Song of

My

Beloved, Venice 1719), undertaking

the enormous task of reducing to rime the entire tractate

Sabbath of the Babylonian Talmud

and, at the end of the

b.

century the brilliant young son of Moses

Gerson, Gentile

(He fez)
613

( 1

663-1 711) Gerson,

who

died in 1700 at the age

of seventeen, busying himself with giving poetic form to the

Commandments
and
its

(Shir

Le-Taryag

Mizwot),

the

theme of the poets of

life,

this period bears a closer relation to

tone

is

more worldly.

Even Gerson Hefez

is

shows

in his

Yad Haruzim

(Venice 1700) which

a dic-

tionary of rimes, a fine appreciation of poetry and poetic

forms, and the octave he quotes from his father

is

elegant
course,

and

finished.

The poetry
is

of

this

period

is,

of

Jewish, and tinged with a religious coloring, but Joseph

Carmi of Modena
avowedly
teenth century

the only religious poet of his time, and

liturgical.
is

The bulk

of the poetry of the seven-

philosophical, didactic,

and polemic rather

than rehgious.
itself.

True

poetic feeling

is

beginning to manifest

Not only have form and

style

made

great strides,

but two or three true poets appear

on the horizon, and

infuse into the poetry of the period the breath of Hfe.

SECUI.AR

HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE

371

Leon de Modena, a
Jud.,
I,

pupil of Archevolti (Fiirst, Bibl.

383),

who marks

the period of transition from the

sixteenth to the seventeenth century (April 23, 1571-March

2y, 1648)
is

such a peculiar phenomenon, such a combina-

tion of strength

and weakness, such a contradiction

in

himself, that he seems to have possessed a dual personality.

A
it

rabbinical scholar of great

endowment, combining with

Italian,

a mastery of the

Hebrew,

and Latin, he

is

now

a bold skeptic,
scoffer at the

now

a doughty champion of

rabbinism, a

Kabbalah and a writer of amulets, a member

of the rabbinate and a passionate gambler.

preacher, a

teacher, a rabbi, a merchant, a money-lender, a marriage-

broker, and a cantor, he meets with failure in

takings,

all

his under-

ruined by his passion for gambling.

versatility, gifted

A man

of

marvelous

with a keen power of expres-

sion in several languages, he also tried his

literary efforts that paid in

hand

at the only

those

days

the
:

writing

of

verses for special occasions.

To

quote Berliner

"He

sang

of everything that came his way, preferably

when he was

paid for

it,

so that he even immortalized a niggardly cus-

tomer who failed to pay for an Epitaph." honor of princes, bishops,

authors and their works."
odes and epitaphs
to grace with a
possible, or

He
in

sang

in

scholars,

men

of

prominence,

But he specialized
which no
Italian

wedding
failed

occasions

Jew

poem, written by the interested parties when

to order

made

by some one
still

else.

Most of

these

occasional
2*

poems of Modena's are

was
written
in

in manuscript, but

This

epitaph

honor of

Simon

Copio,

father

of

the

poetess Sarah Copia Sullam

who

died in 1606.

The reference

reads:

nnn

'3'k

mvo

7\'\7\

tc

nnSc

Berliner,

Luhot Abaviin,

79;

Soave

in Geiger's Jild. Zcitsclirift,

\'II,

182.

372

the:

JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

epitaphs

the collection

of

published
a.

by Dr. A. Berliner

(LuHOT Abanim, Frankf.

great

number of
skill

epitaphs, the

M. 1881) which contains a work of Modena, show his

in the

marvelous
verse.
it,

and ingenuity

making of Hebrew

It is

not so

much what he

says, as the

way he

says

the clever allusions to biblical and talmudic phrases, the

brilliant play
ity

on words that betray

his

remarkable familiar-

with Jewish literature, and show a genius of style that

strongly suggests Immanuel.

While

his style

is

sometimes

hopelessly mediseval, his lines are, as a rule, not forced and obscure.

His epitaphs are not fulsome and extravagant

in

praise as one might expect of a professional epitaph-maker

but rather modest, expressive of sentiments of sympathy

and of the comfort of a heavenly reward.

even tender.
style, as

At times he

is

The

great fertility of the resources of his

Dr. Berliner points out,

may
is

be seen in the fact

that he never repeats himself,

and

never at a loss for a

new phrase
inscriptions

to express the central thought

common

to all his
life.

consolation
new

in the

thought of a future

At times he parodies even

ingenuity of
forgive

the Prayer-Book,""' but with such

application that one cannot but readily

him

his invasion of that sacred

domain.

Leon Modena began

his poetic activity at the age of thir-

teen by writing an elegy on his teacher

Moses Basela (Delia

Italian

Rocca) which may be read both

the
first,

in

Hebrew and

according to Reggio, to introduce this species of

bilingual poetry

which found many imitators

in Italy."

At

*'
^*

See

I.

Davidson's Parody in Jewish Literature, No.

is

39.

This poem

given in Midbar Yehudah which also contains two com-

mendatory sonnets, one by Samuel Archevolti, the other by Azariah Figo

of Venice
(d.

1647).

Figo's sonnet

is

clear

and

elegant.

SECUIvAR
fifteen
ilies

HEBREW POETRY OF

ITAI,Y

RHINE
of

373

own epitaph/'* His collection MiDBAR Jehudah (Venice 1602) contains, in

he wrote his

hom-

addition

to the above, I^^inot

on Rabbis Jacob Cohen

(d. 1597),

(d. 1596),

Sam-

uel

Judah Katzenelenbogen

and Abigdor

Cividali

of Venice; and a song in honor of Doctor Eliezer Belgrado,

none of which

is

above mediocrity. But as an imitator and

parodist he shows great cleverness.

His parody on the

''has

D^pnv^n
the

n:ij

rnn

ascribed

to

Abraham Ibn Ezra

is

form and

spirit

of the original but

not as clear and

forcible"^^; but his sacred parodies, if

one

may

use this ex-

pression, are very ingenious.

Thus, his epitaph on Grassin

Grassini (d. 1616)

is

splendid:

inj
b\!<

i-'V^

^"2

hv

Dim

rann

r\^v^ rwb

*"

Geiger's Jiid. Zeitschrift, XI, 210.

Modena composed

his

own

epitaph

which reads as follows:

HT

*isnn

j?pip

mo
]3p

j'aix

dSij?

mo'n *mD

2;

Like

Azariah
to

dei

Rossi,

Modena
his

saw

a
and,

vision
in

in

which

prophet
Rossi's

announced

him the day of

death;

imitation

of dei

quatrain on the same occasion, he wrote:

':fp

V'tlfS

t<'33

DJ?

TloSn

which, however, did not come true, since he died in

in

1648

(S.

J.

Rapoport

Kerem Chemed, V,

159-63).
S.

On Modena
1901

see

N,

Libowitz,

Yehudah Aryeh Modena, New York,

J.

(Hebrew)

Introduction to

Zemah David by
Literature,

Druckerman,

New

York,

1899

(Hebrew); Graetz, IX; and J.E.

" Davidson, Parody

in

Jeivish

33.

374

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

b)pn
Nil:

nnp
no

nnxi
m!'

t^t^'^:

(Luhot Ahanim, No.

18 Tebet, 5376).

21.

The

dotted letters give the date,

(j^zof..

No.
"131

54,

last

four lines).

nvD

N^Vin

removeth

strife.

1113 intD

all

who

are left

(who survived him)

(the

are wrapt in bitterness.

'1D1 "i"i2

psv
to

= the hidden one

dead)

is

blessed,

and acceptable
is

God.

An

ingenious one

also that

on Joseph Melli who died

(1611) while on a journey:

fiDV ^i3>

^b\

in^n!?
inii< init?

my
KVD

ni^ij

^Dv b^ iniiD
,t]Di>

rep T:n

nio

nno

mo
who
died in

(i^irf..

No. 44).
one on the death of Esther Simhah

Or

this

1590 on the eve of her wedding:

HDi niD
:"inDX
rh'2

HDn
iin

r]i2bv

inon
nniK

T'^r]

ni^s

na^
^1

nnDt< n^^:
{ibid.,

^o^n N^n
2,

No. 83, alluding to Esther

15

and Deut.

31, 18).

SECUI.AR

HKBRICW P0E:TRY OF ITALY

RHINE

375

The following on Simliah

great lyric beauty

Servi (d. 1636) proves that

the poet can also be deeply pathetic, and contains lines of

D^mix
n:in

\)br2'D

nr

Di^^y
^:)

n:n
^y

nn^^n nnn

,t3

(No. 63)

or

(No. 109).

Beautiful

is

this

Hne, on an infant (the ten

:

months old daughter of the poetess Sarah Copia Sullam)

.Dr D1D1

my:

it^K

^n^

(No. 158).

Of

far greater interest

b.

and importance are the brothers

at

Frances, Jacob
ence), and

David (1615
b.

Mantua-1667
22,

at

Flor-

Emanuel
1703).

David (July
of

1618

(?)''- Leg-

horn after
quainted

Men

high

rabbinic

learning,

ac-

with

philosophy

and

secular

literature,

clear-

headed and of a sane and

their life to

logical turn of
evils

mind, they devoted

combating the

of mysticism, credulity,
the apothe-

and

superstition.

The seventeenth century saw

osis of the

Kabbalah.

Jewish as well as Christian scholars

of high attainment, and, otherwise, of a healthy and rational mind, held the

Kabbalah

in
it

such high esteem that

were, by
its

they were carried off their

feet, as

mysteries.

While
"
Brody

this kabbalistic craze could not affect the Christian

Gottheil
in

in

I.E.;

D.

Kohn,
(p.

ItTim
as 1630.

*TIK,

5,

gives

it

c.

1625,

while

Metek Scfatayim

5)

376

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

it

scholars very injuriously outside of mental perversion,

wrought incalculable mischief

it

to the

Jewish people because

Shab-

found embodiment

in the

person of a Messiah.

bethai Zebi, himself perhaps a victim of delusion, found

thousands of ardent followers in

dispersion,

all

the lands of Jewish

in the

and

their enthusiasm

knew no bounds

anticipation of a speedy restoration in the

Holy Land under

In vain did some

the leadership of this God's Anointed.

few clear-headed rabbis and scholars protest against the

insanity of

Jews pinning

their faith to a self-deluded fanatic

and

libertine,

for such did Shabbethai

become under the

intoxication of his brief power.

Their voices were voices

crying in the wilderness.

in the

And

even when the bubble burst

Annus Mirabilis 1666, and Shabbethai himself embraced Mohammedanism to save his neck, many of his followers
still

persisted in their perversion,

and others, losing

heart, sank into all kinds of excesses to forget their disap-

pointment.
ing both the

Shabbethai Zebi came dangerously near wreck-

Jew and Judaism.

circumstances, the two brothers Jacob and
to

Under such

Emanuel must have been men of extraordinary courage

throw down the gauntlet to Shabbethai Zebi and
lowers.
their

his fol-

The

fight

against the so-called Messiah

in life, their passion;

became

main object

and the weapon

they employed was that dangerous instrument

satire.

In

Zebi

Muddah (A

Fallen Stag, in allusion to Shabbethai's

all

name) they hurled

the impostor

the shafts of ridicule

and

invective,

of sarcasm and indignation, of irony, and mockery, against

and

his

dupes.

Moreover, Jacob Frances,

realizing with the instinct of the philosophic thinker that

the Kabbalah

was the source of

all

this

upheaval had the

SE:CUI.AR

HEBRE:w poetry 0^ ITAI,Y

itself*

RHINE
it

377
so

hardihood to attack the Kabbalah

the Kabbalah
that
is

strongly intrenched in the popular

mind

outranked
the

even the Bible and the Talmud.'^

people

"Happy, indeed,

whom God

had chosen as the standard-bearer of

His Law," says Jacob in his poem against the Kabbalah,

''and

happy indeed
its

is

the

man who

is

able to penetrate to
restrain him-

the depth of
self

secrets."

But the poet cannot

sees
''asses

from crying out when he

or

approaching

Mount Moriah,"
that "a

when

things have reached such a pass

head."
shouts,

man is no man who does not prate about the God"From every street and market-place the Kabbalah
and even infants
in

swaddling-cloths are busying

themselves with mysteries.

Ignoramuses who know noth-

ing about nature and about the earth are absorbed in studying the "Circles of
the

Heaven"; boors who know nothing of

"Great men," he says

Law

are dealing in "secrets," and libertines and charlain

tans are indulging in the Zohar."

conclusion, "absorb themselves in metaphysics only after

they have acquired a thorough knowledge of other, more

practical branches of learning,"
to call the

and he advises

his readers

Torah

"sister"

and philosophy "friend."

Such

unheard-of outspokenness and boldness naturally shocked

the Kabbalist rabbis of

Mantua who, thereupon, ordered

so that only the poet's copy
rabbis, with

every copy of the

remained.'"
^*

poem burned,

The Venetian

Simhah (Simone)

Part of this poem was published in David Kohn's Or we-^oshek (pp.

7-8)

in

Ozar haSifrut,

I,

and

in

Metek Sefatayim,

T2-yT,-

It
it

was saved from

at

oblivion

by Samson Morpurgo of Ancona who published

the

end of
it

Es

ha-Da'at, his

commentary on Peninni's Behinat 'Olam, Venice 1704;

is

given also in the Introduction to Rapoport's Nahalat YcJiudah.

2"

D. Kohn,

Or

ive-Ifoshek,

8;

Metek Sefatayim,

74.
(p.

^^

H. Brody

in his edition of the

to

Metek Sefatayim
the

74)

feels impelled

to

defend Jacob's attitude

pseudo-Kabbalah
in

the

Kabbalah by saying that he opposed only

reverenced
maintains,

the

while
(p.

he
6)

"true"

Kabbalah.

David

Kohn

Or

zue-J:Ioshek

on the other hand, that Jacob

378

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Luzzatto at their head, boldly stood by the side of Jacob

Frances, and the fight spread
all

over

Italy.

The

followers

of the Turkish Messiah retaliated by denouncing Jacob as

a heretic, attacked his house, and even
his life.

Nor

did his brother

made an attempt on Emanuel, who stood so nobly

like his brother,

by him, escape persecution.

pelled to leave his native city,

He,

was comto place,

wandered from place

at

even to Algiers, settling

finally

Leghorn.

And, when

Jacob died

in

1667 in the midst of the struggle, Emanuel

fight,

continued the
brother.

and carried on the defense of

his

dead

the

The Zebi Muddah of the brothers Frances is unique in Hebrew literature. Immanuel the Roman is humorous
;

rather than sarcastic

ter at times,
is

Kalonymos

b.

Kalonymos, while
hate,

bit-

prompted by love rather than by

;

and
is

love covers a multitude of sins

abhorred
the

Menahem
"A
to

de Lonzano
is

Kabbalah

as

such,

saying:

Kabbalist

fool.

Jacob

questioned the sanctity of the Zohar publicly and told every one that Simon
b.

Yohai was not

defense

its

author."
his

It

seems
brother

me

that

Kohn

is

right.

From
11-12),

Emanuel's
it

of

dead

'J,*f3tn

'327

mS'l

(pp.

is

quite evident that Jacob had no regard for the Kabbalah as such.

He
is

believed in the n*nri

also also
(p.

IMD

which

is

entirely distinct

from mysticism though

of
the

designated
uncertain.
9),

Kabbalah.

The date of
to

the

composition

poem

Kohn seems
that
it

think

it

was written before "Zebi Muddah"

(p.

Brody
page

was written
with

after

72).
place.

It

was published originally

the
fact
it

on

by

itself

no

date

and
it,

From

that

the
first

Mantua

rabbis were able to confiscate

it

may

be inferred that

was

published at

Mantua.
a deep hold

The Kabbalah took

had the hardihood
to

upon the Jews of

Italy almost

from the

time of the appearance of the Zohar, and became so strong that very few
say aught against
all
it.

Even L,eon de Modena, himself an

found
his
it

anti-Kabbalist and not at

belief
in

a hypocrite,
to

necessary to simulate his

mysticism as

he confesses

disciple

David Finzi of Egypt:

(the belief in metempsy-

"If any one else asked

chosis),
I

me concerning
off

this

matter

would put him

with words or answer in the affirmative

differs

(with

due mental reservation), since any one who

is

from the mob {hamon)

however, he affirmed

called

either

a
in

fool

or

heretic."

To
See

his

disciple,

his

non-belief

such

superstition.

D.

Kohn,

Or wc-^oshck,

p.

5;

Graetz, X, 131.

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE
is

379

prompted by
hate,

zeal.

Zebi

Muddah, however,

inspired by

and

is

venomous
*'My

to the extreme.

quill is

charged with
is

fire,

My My
To

pen point

a dart;

tongue a poisoned arrow,

strike

him

to the heart,"
is

exclaims Jacob Frances (p. 103), and this

of the two parts of the poem.

the keynote

Many

of the epithets the

brothers employ are far from refined, and some would be

considered obscene to-day.

In extenuation, however, one

the

must take

into

consideration

freedom of expression

characteristic of the Italian literature of that period; and,

above

all,

the necessity of applying heroic measures to cure

the universal madness.

Jacob

anticipated

the

fate

that

would

befall the ''Stag,"

and he would gladly have laughed

at his ruin

were

it

not that he feared for his people, whose

faith

in

the impostor
exile

would
upon

finally

"pile

up destruction

upon destruction,
(p. 105).

exile, affliction

upon

affliction"

He

denounces

his persecutors

who

destroyed his

home, and
rails

calls

down

dire vengeance

upon

their heads.

He

at the disciples of

Shabbethai

who

are disregarding

rabbinical laws

and Jewish customs

;

at the instigation of the

new prophet

(p. 115)

and Emanuel denounces Shabbethai

himself for his licentiousness (p. 123).'^

At

times, in a

tenderer mood, the poets plead with the people to realize

31

He

attacks
in
this

certain

Hosea

of

Alexandria,

one

of

Shabbethai's

prophets,

wise:

'i^'^\T\

iSip

nf32

;n

nvec'x
,

iT2

nyi:

iion
ib'k
vhr\

Sip

no
'd

?j,n*iE3Vi

nmn
yjb

nnra dx
Sn:

n3 Din:m ya^n
strnn tni
'3

nx

PyniJ

r^T

nrssn
.

iipra

nvn

nnx
10K1

pn

m
-jSin

ICN1

d':jv3

12S

\\m 'Sy

{Zebi Muddah,

p.

124).

380
their folly

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

and
to to return to their senses; at times they offer

up prayers

God

to forgive their people's lack of faith in

Him, and have

call

pity

on them.
to

At

other times the brothers

fight,

upon each other

remain steadfast in their

and

encourage each other with the hope that the day will yet

come when
appreciated.

their

work

in behalf of their people will be fully

Thus, Jacob:

(p.

115)

and Emanuel:

,^r\r2^

^Dn ^m^n^

bv

rriDp

nny

Dnniyi5

td

/nn
(p.

^^n!'

nxr

ijy

D^DiiDiji

127).

The poems

constituting Zebi

Muddah,

in clear, free

almost rabbinic Hebrew, and in bold and vigorous figures,

with a wealth of ingenious allusions, written mostly in

monorime, are impressive, and

effect.

strike

home with

telling

The

sonnets interspersed here and there add the

necessary element of variety to keep the poems from be-

coming monotonous.

On

the whole, Zebi

Muddah, by
like

its

naturalness, vigor, sincerity,

and

life-interest, stands in the

midst of the colorless verse of that period

a wilderness

an oasis

in

refreshing and

invigorating.

The same

tone of vindictiveness, scorn, and bitterness

that characterized the Zebi

Muddah
by
1893.

rings also through the

WiKKUAH
32

LiBNi wE-Shimei," Compiled by Emanuel, and

for

Published

the

first

time

H.

Brody

in

Fuchs's ip^nn,

I;

reprinted in pamphlet form, Cracow

SKCUI.AR

HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE
it is

38

written in the same vigorous diction and style.

in

Composed
an
at-

1667 in Florence, in the form of a dialogue,

tack, fierce

and

violent, against the traducers of the

is

memory
is

of his brother Jacob, and

an ardent defense of his dead

brother's attitude towards the Kabbalah.

The

dialogue

written in rimed prose, but contains one sonnet (p. 6), 3 octaves (p. 7), and
Jacob's,

18

sestets

(pp.

7-9;

unfinished)

of

and four sonnets by Emanuel.

Jacob's

poems are

vindictive utterances against his enemies.

Full of bitter-

ness against them, he uses his powerful pen to avenge

himself upon them to the

ful attacks

full.

Keenly he him:

feels the

shame-

and the

insults hurled at

liy IK ^^n ^)v^ ?mDiK hd

?nnn nbnn
115 r\i)2V nb)V

>nn^ 2^^b
^it^^:

n^^^x

IniK^K nx^-iK nn^bv n.o

iv
in

(p. 7).

He was happy
;

in his quiet

home, he complains

his fifth sestet (p. 8)

but his

foes

came, destroyed his

home and
self.

his peace, while

he was powerless to defend himfor vengeance,

He

therefore turns to heaven

and

heaps imprecations upon the heads of his persecutors

mn
my

^^^:d

nn

b:ib

np

^nxT niDiD ^^yo ^^n

,ny >jyD niovy tid^i ly

(ibid., p.

8; for ^nn

cf,

Ezek. 38, 21).

As

for himself he

will

never submit or give up the fight:

Dy:n

Mn

ry n^a:^^

'nvD

382

REVIEW THE JEWISH QUARTERLY

DVT

nTO3

n^ nn3

^^d^

n^DiD ^'^"^

r^^'^^

'"^^

'^^^

Id this

is

enemies: his brother's ers parting shot at

nu:^ nvvn col's

isi

nyn on^ci ns
.nm;"

-m

'23

t^'

n
"""*

win o

"T"^^

"O

aloud that bark, haste, ye dogs,

That shout:

'Bow-wow, your song

;

is

tnte
_^

^
,

can shoot They can but thunder-I I can They can but bark-while

bite.

'

The

each other so two brothers resembling

much

their age

seem
,,e

to

The med.s and generation. -^ struggle for supren^cy,

*^^^.,

,,e
is

other

-^^^ JXrJnd imo^e of

h

expression,

Tstnd

liri

oe'r poems, however,

Ta Ob's e?egy

brothe.poets. that impelled the absent, bot where such passion -

J
.

hopeless occasionally into ^lets relapse

-^-ahsm.

Thu

9^1

alhtpuns, homonyms, and -pleTe with the ingenious

Modena (D'n^r on Shemaiah da

pno, 9

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

RHINE

383

erations that are the joy of the mediaeval poets, but

which

are labored and obscure

(p.

92)
^Dn 1^
"ii")"!!

,inn inn

ny:

(p. 93).

The same

is

true of his elegy on Azariah Figo,

Elijah.

Leon da Modena, Samuel Masead, and

clearer

Though
to the

and more
it is

forcible than the elegy

on Shemaiah da

Modena,

just as mediaeval.

Here he even goes

end of a
Archevolti

extent of dividing a

word

at the

line for the sake

of

the
;

meter

against

which

protested

so

strongly

and

lines like
^^'Wi^b

1^

,5Ti5'i<i5

Piii'K

iJi'x

HNiN

,iyj3J

in!' in ,i'nDDi' b^'Di^D

attest

(D'DDty

pnD,

97),

sufficiently
still

the

hold
is

Spanish-

Arabic influences
of

have on him.

This

likewise true

Emanuel who composed a poem

(ibid.,

consisting wholly of

proper names

58-9),

in

his

elegy

on

his

father

where the echo responds

at the

end of each verse, a device

in

employed also by Zacuto; and

which
he
illustrates

many
on

other lines with

his

treatise

prosody,

Metek

Seeatayim.
Italian

On

the other hand,

versification, they

forms of

when they use modern become modern also in

expression and thought with hardly a trace of mediaevalism.

The form of
into children

verse they employ seems to transform them

of

that

period

also

in

thought and

style.

Thus, Jacob's elegy on Rabbi

Menahem

Cases (died 1648),

3^4
a canzone,
is

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

The poet, overcome sorrow at the death of so great a master, addresses
to
all

a veritable lyric gem.

by

his

cease yielding its fragrance in verdure and bloom, to the heavens, to turn black with darkness, and to the sun, to refuse to shed his
rays and warmth, for,

himself

nature;

to

earth,

to

nnrn py nnn

i^ni nr

no

!?pnn

pi!)

>>jy mt^'^M
'^

i^niD^^n ^bn ^bv

Inn

)^b mnotj' t^:n

jj^mnxn nn invom
(D^nat^^pno, loi).

How many

such lines are found in the

contemporaries? vades the following octave:

works of

his

And what

tenderness per-

inm:
j;^;iiri

bn

>:nN niio
ot^

torn mxirit:

m^^iph r:^b njn

V^Pi
^Dxi^D

D>nivi

D^i^iy

,j;>n>

nn

nr

,nrpi

np
rpn

w^v>

ntj'Ns

v^vni

(A^o/ ^f/^a^7, p. 59Z,).

This feeling of
Jacob's

tenderness
still

that

pervades
in

many

of

poems

is

stronger

and deeper

Emanuel, for

misfortune has marked him for her own.

His father died

SKCUI^AR

HEBRi:w

P0E:TRY OF

ITALY

RHINE
and

385
their

in 1651; his first wife

Hannah Grazia
he married
in

in 1652,

two children David and. Esther soon followed.

wife Miriam Visiani

His second

whom
his

1656 died in 1663,

and

their only son Issachar in 1664 at the age of seventeen

months.

To crown

misery,

his

older

brother

and

teacher Jacob

whom

he loved most tenderly died

in 1667.

His

fight against

Shabbethai Zebi had cost him the friends

forsaken him through
all

of his youth

who had

his troubles

on account of
Kabbalah.
friendless,

his unpopularity

with the followers of the

Thus, in his

thirties,

he remained lonely and

feeling that his life in the future held out

no

hope and no cheer.

^n^:t^

Thus he laments

>njD n?oin

p
nt
i<b

bv

,n::i'N

o^DyS'

wb^)

b)'D^

,^n"i!'n

nnx

'<:iyb

^0

^m"'

Ti^pTn ^mv^t^b nr >d D^vy^ nr

^n^iK -ic'ND nr >jn

dn

,b2i<^ ^bv'\ ^^'V

m
nn

?^n^i

i^b)

HKi HDi

lb): ik^k

Dr

i'^p''

^d nrx!? )b

(Elegy

on
is

second

wife;

niyotti niTDD,

No.

3,

77).

"^

And

it

indeed in Job-like lamentations that the three

his

elegies

on

wives and children are written.

They are

heart-rending cries of
his

woe and

despair.

Carried away by

sorrow and

grief, the poet gives vent to his feelings;

and

his lines. Jike

waves of a stormy ocean, rush on impetIn his sonnet and elegy on

uous, turbulent, and violent.

his brother,

he consoles himself with the thought that fate

cannot possibly hold out any more misfortunes for him.

since the loss of his brother

was the

greatest possible blow

that could strike

him:

"

Published by David Kaufmann, with introduction, pp. 69-78.

386

QUAKTEKEV REVIEW THE JEWISH

,,)

In

another

sonnet

he

comforts
,

SreH^th

L tt.ht

that even he

da> wotiM d. some

,;.., p.

Unes: pathetic are the 86); and how

,1,0'

r^iJ3

t'""

"

^ninn nvi

-n

''

vnoi

590){I^ol 'Ugab, p.

,^oods,

aoes^t.un.J;^^^^^^^^ HappU. Emanuel

superior to ther^ but rises
^^^
_

^^^

^,^^.^

^,,,,,

r-et^trteTorShahhethaiZehi.
with them. lavorite topic

Womanisa

Thus, Jacob:

"On
The T,e

only three. three occasions,

A woman's
first

movements should be then when she at birth, and

th and last-and
s

f ree^

Is led

beneath the canopy.

the

best-

third

iri^ra^t n^.

""r"rCarmT-et(....No.3S), ...
Wife. after his dead

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

wife
lives

RHINE

387

on forever, defying age and time, on account of

In fact, the two brothers wrote a dialogue
nn^i
will

my
^3X1

sins/'
^J^^JT'S

on woman,'* one quotation

whole

from which

suffice to indicate the tenor of the

nnnnp
nniQ
T T
T

bv ^r\^i<b 'ni2\^
ts

nn n)bm on

In another,

more

serious,

poem Jacob

satirizes

the

power of gold

.nnan M^b: onnr dd

i'y

ddI'x

d^^i

nnt

ntJ^i'

'^

,^>^'

(^0/

'C7^ai7, p.

58a).
is

Emanuel
he
is

also

able to write in a similar strain, though

sarcastic.

humorous rather than

he replies
''An octave, now,

To

young man who

asked him to compose an octave without assigning a subject,

is

your request?
ink,

Then bring me pen and

But while of rime
I

my

son

am
all

in quest

Behold the half already done!

And,
**

if

God
in

wills

it,

the rest
17.

Quoted by Brody

Metek

Sefatayiiv, p.
its

do not know whether

this dialogue has as yet been published in

entirety.

388

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

Will likewise written be anon.

But two

lines
is

more?

An

easy task,

And

here

the octave which you ask."

In a similar strain, his epigrams are very clever:

"The poor who begs with bated

breath.

And

asks for alms with tearful eyes

Is surely not afraid of death

Who
(ibid.,

begs, a thousand times he dies."

;

No. 47)

"That speech alone distinguishes

The
Else,

brute from

why

did

man is wrong: God upon the fool

Bestow a speaking tongue?"

(ibid.,

No. 48).
are

The following
CD^nctJ' priD,

examples

of

his

mock-epitaphs

24-6)

On

Democritus:

Tiinp bv

P^^fn1 ,tip

.^)n^^

^nx ,n^

bi^b

^*'

^b

On

Heracleitus
)b^

,niymn

^>n(n)

i^'d

nion

nn n^nx
,nym

ns n:

^bv:: ,nn

nyt^'

On

a fool

;ni::i'n

,xiip

,nnp

bvJ^

.^D1t^'

tJ^^KD

pmnn

niD

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

RHINE

389

On

a tale-bearer:
ntnj

Di nxT

nmpi
Dx
D3

nn>x
.nrn

b'^]_

^DT"

Dvn d^ddh pn
is

But Emanuel can

also be graceful, as

shown by the

sonnet addressed to his teacher Joseph Fermo, rabbi of

Ancona
''If

upon the heaven's face

at night in bright array

The moon

'Midst starry hosts doth hold her sway

And
Her

brilliant shines in gentle grace,

light,

illumining

all

space.

Is stolen

from the Lord of Day;

Is but the sun's reflected ray,

When

he and she meet face to

face.

Thus, when

taught in public ear

The sacred Law,

teacher mine

And

people hearkened far and near,

the light I shed but thine.
glorify:

Not mine

Thy reflex did me Thou art the sun,

(Kol 'Ugah, No. 4).
In his younger days
ing love poems.
in

the

moon am

I."

Emanuel was
in

guilty even of writ-

He

abhorred the sensual and the obscene

any language and especially

Hebrew.
;

For

this

reason

he condemned Immanuel the

depart from decency, and he

Roman
is

"but a poet need not

not to be blamed for prais-

ing his wife or his betrothed or an unmarried

woman whom
Accord-

he intends to marry"

(n^riBK^

pno

p.

47-48).

390
ingly he

THE JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

had no scruples
in singing the

charms of

his be-

trothed

Hannah
in lines

Grazia, in a beautiful sonnet, and of other

women

which are not always so pure

on,

in tone

and

expression.

Later

however,

he became

conscience-

stricken that he
evil" in

had permitted himself

artificially

to sing ''songs of

honor of

made-up women:

Dinn vvb nnrin itrx iv^^

D^np^tti Dio:
ntrx

nvo

DIN

nit:n

D^l^t:';S'D

w:^

,V'P'^

^nnio n:2b in?

(ibid., p.

84), and he recants.

He

takes a

vow never

to

write such

poems

again, but to devote himself to didactic

faithful.

poems exclusively

a resolve to which he remained

is

An

elegant verse-builder, but without originality and

without poetic power whatever,

Abraham

b.

Shabbethai

Cohen, rabbinical scholar and physician (1670-1729). Born

in

Crete the year after the island was wrested from the

Republic of Venice by Turkey, and removing afterwards to

Abraham Cohen received his education in Ancona under Manoah Vita Provengale, and his work Kehunnat Abraham (Priesthood of Abraham) was very likely writZante,
ten there, though
it

was not published

is

till

1719 (Venice).

Kehunnat Abraham
stanza,

a rimed paraphrase of the Psalms.

is

Each verse of each psalm

the

paraphrased

in

separate

poet

preserving the

same stanzaic structure

throughout the given psalm, but employing varying forms

of versification for the different psalms.

In addition, the

contents of each psalm are given in a doubly rimed couplet

at the

beginning of each paraphrase proper

while at the

SECULAR HE:brEW poetry OF ITALY

RHINE

39I

end of each book, the opening Hnes of each paraphrased

psalm are combined into a metric monorime.

The book

is

introduced by the highly enthusiastic panegyrics of various

rabbis.
litzsch),

Joseph Fiammeta

(not Piatita as given by De-

rabbi of Ancona, extolls the

poem
2,

in eight well

written octaves; Isaac Vita Cantarini (Feb.

1644- June

8,

1723), and Shabbethai Marini (died 1740), both rabbis and

physicians of Padua, sing sonnets in his honor, as do also
Isaac
b.

Asher Pacifico

(Shalom), Mordecai Ferrarese,

replies to

and Jacob Aboab.

The poet

each not only in the

in the

same stanzaic structure he employed, but even

rime words.

same

Abraham Cohen

paraphrased

the

Pirke
and

SiiiRAH

also.

In spite of the

encomiums of

his contemporaries
is

of Delitzsch, the
piece.

work of Abraham Cohen

not a mastera wealth

He
;

certainly enriched

Hebrew poetry with

of Italian stanzas hitherto unemployed by Italian

poets

Hebrew

and

his diction is purely biblical throughout, in ac-

cordance with his

own

protest against the

employment of
poetry,

talmudic and Aramaic words in

striking contrast with his

Hebrew

and

in

own

highly artificial and

mixed
its

prose.

But the diffuseness of each stanza destroys

beauty.
extent, to

The
its
;

vigor of biblical poetry

conciseness.

is

due, to a great

Prophets and psalmist used but

few words

each word represents a thought and an idea.

superfluous.
Biblical poetry contains a multi-

Nothing
plicity of

is

imagery

in a paucity of

did not appreciate this fact.

to represent each verse

Abraham Cohen Compelled by his own choice

words.
is

by a stanza, he
all

prolix and ver-

bose.

As

a consequence,

the beauty and sublimity of

the psalm are destroyed.

in

While Abraham Cohen succeeds

reproducing the thought of the Psalms, he does not

spirit.

succeed in reproducing their

392

THE JEWISH OUARTERI^Y REVIEW

The
last

and perhaps the most characteristic poet of

century as well as
is

the seventeenth

of

the

entire"
i,

semi1697,

mediaeval period
at

Moses Zacuto (about 1625-Oct.

in

Mantua).

Born

Amsterdam, a descendant of a fam-

ous Portuguese family, he received a splendid education

both secular and rabbinic, the latter at the "Midrash

Ez

ha-Hayyim," the Jewish college of Amsterdam, and thus

was a schoolmate of Benedict Spinoza.

rious schoolmate, he

Unlike his

illus-

showed a marked tendency towards

mysticism from his earliest youth, and his eagerness to be

initiated into the

Kabbalah

led

him

to

Posen to study under

left

Sheftel, the son of Isaiah Hurwitz.

In 1645 he

Poland
sail-

for Verona, then

came
land.

to Venice,

whence he intended

ing for the

his purpose,

Holy

He

was, however, dissuaded from

In

and was elected to the Venetian rabbinate.

1673 he was called to the rabbinate of Mantua which position he occupied to his death.
literary life
balist first

While Zacuto

led an active

and

filled his office

with dignity, he was a kab-

and foremost, and even an ardent adherent of

His tendency towards fanaticism
is

Shabbethai Zebi.
illustrated

best

by the anecdote told of him

to the effect that

he

fasted forty days in order to forget his Latin because a

knowledge of that profane tongue was

with kabbalistic inspiration

to

him incompatible

An
visions,

ardent soul, a dreamer of dreams, and a seer of

Zacuto evinced a poetic talent from his early youth.

at the breast of the
riot, his

Nurtured

Kabbalah,

itself a

product
frittered

of the imagination run

poetic energy

was

away on

the search after the mystic and the mysterious

which excites but does not inspire the mind.

Whatever

enthusiasm he possessed was devoted to the Kabbalah, and

his

poems,
his

in

consequence, lack inspiration and emotion.

Only

religious

poems of which he wrote forty-seven

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF

ITAI,Y

RHINE
Still,

393

show Spontaneity and

traces of lyric beauty.

Zacuto

was a poet; and

sideration, the

his

two longer poems deserve

it

special conits

one because

is

the

first
it

of
is

kind in

Hebrew
istic

literature, the

second because

so character-

of the age.

Yesod 'O1.AM (The foundation of

by Zacuto in his youth,
is

the

World) written

the

first

dramatic poem; in the

flourish

Hebrew
Jews
is

language.

Why

the

drama did not

and

among
by
of

easily understood.

The Greek and Roman drama,

nature

originally

of

religious

accompanied
a
species

Dionysiac orgies, the Hebrews despised as

idolatrous worship which
it

was.
so

During the Middle Ages

precarious,

when Jewish
was

existence

was

though

the

theater had been purified under Christian influences and

really biblical in its nature,

Jewish dramatic perform-

ances were out of the question.

Moreover, the insults

heaped upon the Jews by the clowns and comedians of the

stage,

and the humiliation they were exposed

to,

especially

during carnival days in Rome, did not tend to diminish the

hatred of the
fifteenth

Jew toward

theatrical performances.

In the

and sixteenth century, with the devolopment of

into the miracle play, Jewish prejudice against

the

drama

the stage gradually disappeared.

In fact,

we

find a species

of

drama and dramatic performances

However,
as the

in the

Jewish Purim

plays.

drama usually

flourishes in times

of great national prosperity and success, no true

Hebrew
of

drama could reasonably have come

the seventeenth

into existence before

else

century

and

anywhere

outside
all

Here the Jews were and consideration Holland was

Holland.
;

treated with

kindness

victorious, in the height

of her glory and prosperity, and her

own
in

national

drama
was

reached the zenith, of

the

its

development

Joosd van Vondel,

it

Dutch Shakespeare.

Under such circumstances

394

the:

JEWISH QUARTERI^Y REVIEW

natural for a talented youth like Zacuto, eager for poetic

expression, to try his

hand

at

dramatic composition.
in vogue,

As

biblical plays

were then

and

as a Jewish
in a biblical
biblical

poet in particular would feel more at

home

environment than anywhere

else,

Zacuto selected a

hero for the purpose of dramatization

and

what nobler

character could serve his purpose better than that of Abra-

ham?

Traditionally the founder not only of the Jewish

;

race but of the Jewish faith as well

hospitable,
his

man

kind, generous,
sacrifice

an enthusiast ready and willing to

both

own life and that of Abraham is, indeed, the

the example of martyred

his son for the love of his

God,

type of the Jewish hero.

With

Marannos fresh

in his

mind, the
still

horrible crackling of their bones at the autos-da-fe

ringing in his ears, the poet might have hoped to present

to his suffering brethern the archetype of
that, like a

Jewish heroism
is

burning bush,

is is

burned again and again but

not consumed, since there

a special Providence watching

?

over him.

How
tell

did the dramatist utilize his opportunity

The

plot will

''Abraham, a philosopher and monotheist, destroyed

the idols he found at the house of his father, Terah.

all

Terah,

grieved and incensed at the atrocious sacrilege perpetrated

by

his son, complains to

Nimrod, the king and judge, and

asks him to bring his heretic son to reason.

Nimrod sumwhich Abraboldly

mons Abraham

to appear before his tribunal

is

ham

does and

charged with heresy.

Abraham
Nimrod
is

declares his belief in one God, argues with Nimrod's counsellors

and

sages,

and

ridicules their idols.

finally

passed the death sentence on

to be

Abraham who

carried

away
to

thrown

into the

burning furnace.

"Haran, Abraham's brother, undetermined whether

declare himself a follower of

Abraham

or of Nimrod. de-

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

cides to await the result of

RHINE

395

Abraham's punishment.
of

The
Haran
fol-

king's officers rush in

and

tell

Abraham's miraculous

escape in that the

fire

refused to consume him.

declares his faith in

Abraham's God, and Nimrod orders

him thrown

into the furnace.

Soon Abraham appears,

lowed by the awe-stricken populace, and harangues them

upon the power of God, and admonishes them

their idols.

to forsake

Terah and

his household, Lot,

Sarah, Abra-

ham's niece, and Milkah,

Nahor's wife, worship Abrain

ham's God, while Nahor, Abraham's brother, persists

his idolatry."

Such

is

the plot of the

Yesod 'Olam,
must be

the

first

Hebrew
c.

drama, as elaborated from the Midrash (Ber. Rab.

section 19).

38,
it

As

a drama,

it

stated at once,

is

a complete failure.
skill

The poet had

neither the technical

nor the

artistic

conception of the true dramatist.

The

monologues and dialogues are too long, too elaborate, and

entirely out of proportion.

There

is little

dramatic action,

and songs are introduced promiscuously.

used, mostly quatrains, and a great
suited to the purpose of the dialogue.
in the

The form of rime many sonnets, is illIf the poet's motive

call

composition of the drama was to

upon
is

his people

to remain steadfast in their faith, this appeal

put in the

closing lines of the

but of the idolater

drama Nahor

in the

mouth not of Abraham,

this

and

destroys

the

eflfect.

The drama,
putation.

as. a whole, degenerates into a theological dis-

Still

as a dramatic

poem and

as the

work

of a

mere youth,

it is

work of promise.
character

Abraham

is

worthy of the patriarch, a

truly heroic figure, a thinker, a philosopher, an orator

defies all soothsayers

who

and magicians, and sways the popu-

lace

at

will

a hero

who

scorns the despot

Nimrod and

looks death boldly in the face; a faithful servant of God,

396

the:

JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

In strong antithesis
is

and a zealous missionary.

placed

Nimrod, the type of an Oriental despot, a self-complacent

tyrant, regarding himself as a deity, exacting divine obe-

dience and honors from his servants.

The

conflict

going

on between the prophet and the

tyrant, the

man

of

God

and the man of the sword, the zealous missionary and the
mighty hunter,
is

strongly emphasized throughout the poem.

The

diction of the

poem

is

pure, biblical, and poetic; the

phrases are well chosen and free from servile imitation of

the Bible
;

though three Aramaic phrases are employed

for the sake of the rime.

lofty
is

The sentiments
Taking
all

of the

poem

are

and noble, and the tone as well

elevated.
it

as style of the prayers

in
all,

especially
is

the

Yesod

'OivAM

a worthy achievement, and justly regarded as a

in the history of

landmark

Hebrew
list

poetry.

Judging from the long

at the beginning of the

of dramatis pcrsonae given

in the

drama which do not appear

act of a

drama
have
it,

itself,
is

it

is

probable that the Yesod *Olam, as

first

we
in-

only the

drama which the poet

tended to extend to greater proportions.

Why

he did not

carry out his design, must, of course, remain a matter of

conjecture.

This

is

also true of the motives

which led the

poet to the composition of this drama.

the editor

Dr. A. Berliner,
maintains,
all

of

Yesod 'Olam

(1874),

in

his

learned introduction, that Zacuto who, in

probability,

wrote his drama for Purim evening entertainments, wished

to hold
fice

up

to his generation a noble

example of

self-sacri-

for the glory of

God

in the person of

Abraham.

Mr.

Israel

Abrahams, argues, on the other hand, that Zacuto

wished to promulgate the universalistic mission of Israel;

for,

had he intended to hold up an example of readiness

to

die for Israel's faith,

why

did he not take Daniel as his

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

hero?"

RHINE

397

Most probably, however, Zacuto had no

all.

ulterior

motive at
this

Like the Latin dramas of the Italian scholars,

written by a scholar for scholars,
to satisfy a

Hebrew drama was

and not for the public; was written merely

desire for self-expression,

and to prove an

ability to

handle

a dead language.

Moreover, while Latin plays were someis

times produced in the presence of Latin scholars, there

no record

to

show

that plays in

Hebrew had

ever been

produced even on Purim.

Again, had Zacuto intended to

exemplify Abraham's self-sacrifice for the emulation of

the Marannos, he would not have written in

Hebrew which

was

to

them a sealed book.

Nor

is

it

conceivable that

Zacuto, the mystic and kabbalist, would have dreamed of

teaching a universalistic mission of Israel.

The

fact that

Zacuto did not publish his drama would show conclusively

that he looked

upon

it

as a

work of youthful amusement,

unimportant, insignificant.
in

Whether
is

Amsterdam
its

or in Italy

poem was written not stated. The prevailing

the

form of

versification

and the frequent use of the sonnet

show

Italian influences clearly enough.

Entirely different in character as well as in style and

expression

is

Zacuto's

magnum
at a

opus

ToETEh

'Aruk

(Hell Prepared).
influences of the
pletely,

Written

mature age, and under the

Kabbalah which had mastered him com-

Zacuto undertook to describe the punishment and

tortures

meted out

to sinners after death.

While
by

all

works

of this character are

necessarily
is

influenced

Dante's

Inferno, Zacuto's "Hell"

not a mere imitation of Dante.

He

does not, indeed, reach the sublimity of Dante, and does

is

not possess his sweep of imagination; nor

elaborate or
^^

his

poem

as

worked out with the mathematical

chapter

detail

and
in his

See

the

on

tlie

Purim-Play and

the

Hebrew Drama

Jewish Life in the Middle Ages.

398

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

exactness which makes Dante's Inferno so vivid and impressive.

Still,

Zacuto's presentation

is

none the

less real

and

positive.

Zacuto embodied in

this

poem

the Jewish

conception of hell as elaborated during the Middle Ages,

and as emphasized by the Kabbalah.

Zacuto, therefore, did

for the mediaeval Jewish conception of Hell

what Dante
it,

had done for the Christian conception of

gave
it

it

stereotyped

permanent

literary form.

ToFTEH 'Aruk opens with

sinner

the soliloquy of the dead

who

does not yet realize the fact of his death.

The

strange sensation of actual death leaves

scious.

him dazed, but conwondering, with

He
it

begins by railing against the physicians whose

is

business

to kill rather than to heal

grim humor, why criminals condemned to death are not

turned over to physicians for treatment rather than to the
executioner, since the result
is

inevitably the same.

He
calls

complains bitterly against his friends, his wife and children

who have

forsaken him, leaving him to his

for relief (stanzas 1-26).
:

fate,

and

upon death

All of a sudden he

beholds a frightful scene

seething with sulphuric

a valley full of caves and crevices

fires,

emitting terrible fumes, the

in

ground covered with burning pitch

wretches are sunk up to the neck.

which

miserable

The
Near

fences or walls

surrounding the valley

blazing
fires,

are ovens of flames, hissing and

by,

fanned by hurrricanes.

on the other
of eternal

hand, he sees frozen lakes surrounded by

hills

snow and

ice.

Trembling with

fear,

he looks about him

and beholds gigantic

figures, "tall as the

masts of a ship,"

with horns on their foreheads, their bodies entirely covered with eyes.
ness
it

These monsters were the demons whose

to

busi-

was

torment the doomed souls with

all

manner

of indescribable torture.

One

of these monsters finally

approaches the new arrival, and his agony begins (stanzas

SECULAR HEBREW POETRY OE ITALY

27-51).

RHINE

399

The dead
to

sinner presents a bold front, and deis

mands

know where he
life.

and why he
all

is

thus punished.

He

offers to bribe his

tormentor with

the earthly wealth

he possessed 'while in
entreaties

To

each of his questions and

the devil

replies

mockingly with but a single

word, an echo of the sinner's

own word

(stanzas 52-69).

Finally (stanzas 70-134) the devil begins his explanation.

He
ous,

reads a long

list

of crimes and sins committed by his

victim while on earth.

In language ingenious but ambigu-

homonymic and

mystifying, evidently intended to be-

wilder his listener, he tauntingly compares the change in

the latter's condition since yesterday, the day of his death,

and goes

into a description of the seven

DJn^J
^i)1D
r\v:i^

chambers of Ge-

henna (the
135-177).

of

the

Talmud;
is

stanzas

The

first,

a pit full of hissing snakes

;

intended

for blasphemers and hypocrites

the second, a fiery

cham-

ber wherein are punished magicians, dishonest public officials,

the immoral and licentious, and those

who

failed

to attend divine

worship; the third, wherein are tortured

scoffers, usurers, false friends, irreverent worshipers,

and

those

who contemptuously
refuse,
is

refuse to respond the

Amens
selfish,

to public

prayers; the fourth, in which the sinners sink in

dung and

kept for the haughty rich, the

bribers, bribe-takers,

and procurers; the

fifth in

which the

doomed
swords

are cut to pieces by hordes of devils with flaming

is

the ^bode of the mischief-makers, the quarrel;

some, the niggards, and uncharitable

for the self-indulgent
est,

the sixth

is

intended

and the vain;

in the seventh

and lowhot
six

adulterers and rebels against

caldrons.

While those

God are boiled in red who are doomed in the first

chambers are allowed

to rest

on the sabbath and holidays,

those in the seventh chamber are never given surcease from

their torture.

The

devil

winds up (stanzas 178-185) with

400

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

a brief description of the seven departments of Paradise

wherein the

just,

crowned

in glory,

bask in the eternal

sunshine of God's presence; and who, beholding the tor-

ments of the wicked, justify God's judgment, and bless

Him

for their

own happy

life.

Shocking as the conception of the poem may seem to

us of to-day, in the seventeenth century such beliefs were

common;
the poet

and, to the
all

mind saturated with

the mysteries of

the Kabbalah,
is

too real.

At any

rate, the sincerity of

beyond question.

To him

there

is

no

distinction
ritual

between moral criminals and sinners against the

and ceremonial

those

who

refuse to respond the

Amen

are

classed in the category of scoffers

and usurers, and those

li-

who

fail to

attend divine worship are classed with the

this is

centious.

And

indeed the mediaeval conception of

practice
is

religion; since each

commandment and
diction

regarded

as equally holy

and binding.

In

style

and

ToFTEh

'Aruk

is

different

from the Yesod 'Olam

lical

in that the diction is not

is

always bib-

but mixed with Aramaisms, and the style

more com-

plex, artificial,

homonymic, involved. Perhaps, as suggested

above, the poet's intention

was

to

make

the devil's speech

correspond to his character. In the devil's role as tormentor

it

was

fit

for

him

to use

words which would confuse the

eager to have his anxiety

mind of
allayed.
is

his questioner

who was

In this respect, the style of the

ToETEh 'Aruk
is

a survival of mediaevalism, though the versification

Italian.

modern and
it is

On

the whole, as a didactic poem,

vigorous, and a vivid presentation of a popular belief,

is

and

worthy of an honorable place

in the literature of that

is

class.

Immanuel's "Hell," vague and mild,

Rieti,

written in

rimed prose; and

the
failed

first

to give

the subject an
in

avowedly poetic form,

completely

his

attempt,

SECUIvAR

HEBREW POETRY OF ITALY

RHINE

4OI

because he lacked the imagination necessary to vivify such

a topic.

At any

rate, if

any ItaHan Hebrew poet deserves

the honorable appellation of the

Hebrew Dante,

it is

Moses

Zacuto.

As
in style

Zacuto's longer poems

show two

distinct tendencies

and expression, the one and enigmatic,

these, the elegy

clear, forcible, simple, the

difficult,

other obscure

so

do

his

minor

poems

also.

Of

on the death of
(1670)^^
is

his teacher

Saul Morteira of
style of

Amsterdam

written in the
it

ToFTEH 'Aruk, and compares with

and
unintelligibility.

in

ambigseven

uity, artificiality,

It consists of

sonnets, each one ending, in a slightly modified form, with

the

refrain

n^Di ^n

^
i,

^^?-lEr^

niJD

from David's

la-

ment over Saul (H Sam.

sisting of three

24).

In an introduction con-

paragraphs he explains the cause of his

grief: a sun rivaling the luminary of heaven, the sun of

charity,

of

sacred eloquence, of

Hebrew

poetry,

of the

rabbinate, of jurisprudence, of dialectics

. , .

and of polemics,

and the poem proper

is

an elaboration of the aspect

of each activity.

The poet
all

calls

upon

all

the sciences to join

him
of

in bewailing the

dead master who was an embodiment

the virtues.

all

the sciences and

The

Levites of the

sanctuary weep for their brother Levite with sweetness and song have ceased.

whom

all

As he appears
HJJ
of
n'b'Vi

before

the throne of Divine Majesty to receive his recompense,

the celestial beings are

dumb

(d5^X3

nvy

D^So)

with

admiration

at

the

greatness

one

who

was
none

an educator of the young, a defender of the

faith, a victor-

ious combatant of heresy, and a fiery orator

whom

could equal in his

skill

of utilizing biblical texts for homiin

Published by D.

Kaufmann
Ha-Goren,

the

RE J., XXXVII,
see A.

115-19,

under the

cantion of "L'&legic de
n''?t3K2

Mose Zacuto." On Zacuto

III,

Kahana, iTITUOnnS

n'SxiC'n

in

175-180.

402
letic

THE JEWISH QUARTKRI.Y REVIEW

purposes.
"It
is

impossible," says

Kaufmann,"

''to

put in their true

the

light,

outside of writing a commentary,

numerous

allusions which, for the

most

part, are based

upon the Sephardic pronunciation of the Hebrew, the references to Torah and prophets, the use made of scientific
terminology, and the play of words which one meets with
in this

poem."

In this instance Zacuto certainly followed

to the letter the principle laid

down by Emanuel Frances

His religious poems

that obscurity

is

a great poetic virtue.''

(Hen Koi, Hadash, Amsterdam 1712), on the other hand, are much clearer, more intelligible, and display, at times,
deep
lyric emotions.

Zacuto was not capable of sustained

effort in his longer

poems; but he was a poet nevertheless.

Italian

His influence on the subsequent development of

Hebrew poetry may be

even
in the greatest

seen not only in his imitators, but

poet of the eighteenth century, Moses

Hayyim

Luzzatto.

{To he continued)

'^

Ibid.,

pp.

1 1

2-

13.

nn-ixen

km

x'ni

Cdtibb'

pno,

p.

42).

MR. HART'S "ECCLESIASTICUS"

Bcclesiasticus.

textual

The Greek Text of Codex 248. Edited with a commentary and prolegomena by J. H. A. Hart,
of
St.

Fellow

John's

College,
xviii

Cambridge,

Cambridge:

at

the University Press, 1909.

+ 378
J.

pages.

The
sons,

codex 248

in the

apparatus of the large Septuagint edition

begun by R. Holmes and concluded by

Parsons (Holmes-Par-

Oxford 1798-1827)
in the

corresponds to the

which, together with the Vatican

108) underlies
text of the

Vatican MS. 346 MS. 330 (= Holmes-Parsons

printed edition of the Greek

main the

first

Old Testament

(in the

Complutensian Polyglot, 1514-

1517)-

Of

these two MSS., codex 248

was alone

available for the

book of
of
the
in

Ecclesiasticus.

Although

in point of date

it

is

a cursive

fourteenth

century

it

cannot compare with the uncials

its

which

some cases ascend

into the fourth century,

excellencies,

through the medium of the Complutensian edition, have long been

noted by Drusius (1596), Grabe (1709), Bretschneider (1806); and
nearer to our

own

day,

on the basis of the collation

in

Holmes-

Parsons, by Edersheim (1888), though, singularly enough, Fritzsche

(1871) had failed to perceive
its

importance.

What was

thus far a

matter of inner evidence received confirmation in a manner most

welcome through the discovery of the (fragmentary) Hebrew text

of Ecclesiasticus which for ever will be associated with the
S. Schechter.

In the preface to the edition of the

name of Wisdom of Ben

was pointed out

Sira prepared by Schechter in collaboration with the late Master of

St.

John's College (C. Taylor) (Cambridge 1899)

it

that

codex 248 either alone or

is

in

consonance with others of an

equally humble, that

late,

origin possessed readings, nay verses,

otherwise
It

unknown
Swete,

but harmonizing with the Cairo Schechter, as

Hebrew

text.

was

at the

instance of Dr.

we

learn

now, that
photo-

Professor

the

noted

Septuagint

editor,

secured

404

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

graphs of the Greek text of Ecclesiasticus mentioned above and

invited the Syndics of the

Cambridge University Press

publication has been

to publish

a transcript.

The work
St.

of

carried out by

Mr. Hart, Fellow of

John's College.
of
the

So much

for

the

history

present

publication

which

has been sponsored by such eminent scholars.

of the manuscript was

The importance
it

so obvious to the editor that, barring a

reference to Dr. Taylor's estimate, he has deemed

to
in

superfluous
its

sum up
the

the excellencies of his codex or to indicate

place

history

of the Greek translation of

tacit

Ben

Sira.

Or does
his

this

omission amount to a

acknowledgment that the subject

of

has

been

fully

treated

in

Smend's Introduction to

Commentary on Ecclesiasticus (1906) and that the reader should

for himself consult that

work?

For the purposes of

orientation
is

this

review

where

an

adequate,

though

succinct,

imperative

Smend will indeed prove a most welcome guide. On the whole, we learn, codex 248, so far as its basis goes, is "undoubtedly the
best of all".

For, while

it

has not escaped corruptions which

others,
it

it

has in

common
Thus
aluva
it

with

many

alone has preserved a goodly

it

number of
others.
fif

correct readings, or at least

shares them with a few

top

alone reads

11, 17 evoSol

el^

alcjm over against

Tov

tvodudijaeTai

elsewhere.
:

In
.

248

the

verb
is

is

put

first,

exactly as in the

Hebrew lyp npV

is

But that

of small
is

moment.

Of

greater importance

the fact that the verb

is

put

in the active voice

and apparently

also intended in the active

is

or transitive meaning (in 43, 26 the same form

tively).

used intransi-

Herein

the

Ethiopic

translation
is

concurs
inexact).

(mstafcsheh

"maketh glad"; the rendering, of course,

tion
in

The

varia-

the

Greek codices
the

is

based on a difference of exegetical

written
tJVTl),

conception:

Hebrew

verb,

defectively
is

(compare the

spelling of the preceding

word:

naturally best pointed

is

nbv^

and taken

transitively.

The example

an instructive one
In the Author-

also for the student of our

two English versions.

his

ized

Version we read:

''and

favour bringcth prosperity for

shall prosper for

ever"; in the Revised:

ever'^'

"and his good pleasure

the

That

is

to

say,

older

version

follows the

Complu-

tensian

(hence,

mediately,

codex 248), whereas the Revisers go

hart's ''ECCLKSIASTICUS"

MARGOUS
many
is

4O5

with the uncials, marking in this case as in

others a step

backward.

Another notable example

better
43, 23.

in

which codex 248

alone with
is

its

reading and in

agreement with the Hebrew

found in

The Hebrew

reads

Leaving out of our discussion for the moment whatever

is

irrele-

vant to an understanding of the general purport of the verse, so

much
are

is

clear that the poet

sea.

is

describing God's wonders as they

manifested in the

It

was permissible freedom on the

two nouns distributed over
render them by one word

part of the translator to combine the

the
the

two halves of the verse and

to

deep; which procedure, of course, necessitated a pronominal

All Greek
the
text

reference thereto in the second half: therein {in her).

codices

further
planted.
yt3"'1

agree in their verb in the

second half of
of

verse
is

We

thus recognize that D^l

original.

our Hebrew

faulty;

was apparently the

accordingly
koL
:

The second

half of

the

verse

reads
:

in

cod.
ev

248

(and naturally in the

vijaovg
,

Complutensian)

k<pvrevGev

avry

And
still

so our

own
steps

Authorized Version

"and planteth islands therein."

The

of corruption through which the Greek text as

preserved in

248 has passed are

all

extant.

Thus through haplography (writing

once what should be written twice) the preposition dropped out:

Kol
e(l>'vTEvcev

avry

vr/oovg

(cod. 23).
to

The ungrammatical
:

sentence

that
(cod.

ensued
253).
:

was

corrected
step

read

nal

e^yrfmcv avryv vyaovg

to

The next
(l)VTvaev

was for some Christian copyist

write

kuI

avrr/v
:

'Ir/aovg,

Hence the note on

most
ancient

the margin

of

the

Revised
it",-

Version

"The

authorities

read

Jesus planted

had the Revisers been

in the text.
is

consistent, that reading

would have been placed

are the uncials-

The most
whose

ancient authorities
it

The
of

error
that

indeed an old one, but

lineal

was ap-

parently

kept
is.

out
It

manuscript

descendant

codex 248

may

be of interest to add that, once "J^sus" took

the place of "islands", he

(in a

was reverently replaced by "the Lord"

number

of cursives).
11,

At

the end of

14 (immediately before the verse discussed

above) a marginal note of the Revisers informs us:

"Verses 15

406

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

authorities".

and i6 are omitted by the best

the

But the verses which

in
its

Authorized

Version

has

duly

incorporated

text

are

found

in cod. 248

along with several other cursives and are equally

!

extant in the
16 (codex 248

Hebrew
verse

Another example

is

afforded by
3,

16,

15,

and others, the Hebrew text).

omitted by

25

is

an instance
in

of

single

"most authorities", but found

codex 248 (.253 and partially

importance of codex 248
is

The 70) along with the Hebrew, thus proved conclusively, no matter
its

what our opinion may be concerning

which there are
.248
is

redundant stichoi

(of

in

the

group of manuscripts of which codex

150)

the best

representative about

and

its

other

ampliin in

fications.

Professor
a
thesis

Smend
all

( 8)

adduces much proof

amplifications

sup-

port

of
to

that

these

go back

the

main
to

Hebrew

original,

though they may not be ascribed

conceives as follows:

Ben

Sira himself.

The process he

Ben

Sira's

unglossed original was translated by his grandson.

The

Hebrew original in course of time was With this amplified Hebrew text before lator.
into conformity with the

touched up by an interpohim, some Greek-

speaking Jew corrected the older Greek translation so as to bring

it

Hebrew
the

as he

knew

it.

The

uncials

on
in

the

whole

have

preserved

unglossed

older

translation;

codex 248 and the kindred manuscripts we have the context.

taminated

That a double Greek translation existed may

fact

be proved by the
the the

that

in

few cases the divergences

in in

Greek manuscripts are paralleled by similar divergences

Hebrew.

Thus

for

5,

11

we have two Hebrew manuscripts

(A and C)

available; the text of

A
text

coincides with the ordinary

70.

Greek, while the text of

stances one and the
in

goes with 248 and

is

In other in-

same Hebrew
on

found to contain a verse

double

version;

Greek ground the manuscripts divide

and elsewhere
found
second
exhibits

themselves into two groups, according as they follow the one or

the other.

Compare
is

34,

20;

35,

22,

(the

Greek text

represented by the Latin).

;

Or our Hebrew
is

the amplified text alone

accordingly

it

to correspond to

an amplified form
16,
first

in

a certain group of manuscriptstext

is

Compare

3:

the present

Hebrew

borne out by Chrysostom, the

248. 70.

corrector of the Sinaitic,

and

hart's ''ECCI.ESIASTICUS"

MARGOI^IS
There

4O7

That we are dealing only with one interpolator (glossator)

and not with many
is

easily

proved by the uniformity of ideas

is

running through the entire range of amplifications.

certain character to them.

The

subject has been treated most fully

by Schlatter (1897).

His conclusion that the author of the glosses

either the philosopher Aristobulus
is

was a Greek (Alexandrian) Jew,

the presence of a

or some one belonging to his school,

now

easily

refuted by

number of them

in the

Hebrew.

Hence they
this

must have

all

been written in Hebrew.

Who

was

Jew who
should

was greatly concerned with emphasizing the love of the Lord

{ayd'KTiGLg

Kvpiov

there

is

reason to believe that

11,

15

nsn

be read in the place of t<Dn)

rather than the fear of the Lord,

who

speaks of man's cleaving to

(

God, of
;

God's

reception

and

rejection

Trp6o?iT/ipig

and

eKj3o?J/

comp.

Trpdo-Ar/i/^^c

and

(i7To.3o?.r/

Romans
istics

11,

15),

and of reward

in

a future life as the

fruit

of

the tree of immortality, to mention but the most striking character-

of

his

thought?

Mr. Hart devotes

to

this

question

the

second chapter of his "Prolegomena" (printed at the end of the

volume).
I

The

discussion

is

a most thorough one, but the answer,

to cautious readers.

fear, will not

commend
is

itself

Some
is

truth,

of course, there

in

designating the interpolator as a Pharisee

and

his recension

of

Ben Sira
thesis.

as Pharisaic.

But there

more

than that in Mr. Hart's

Out of the sum of the

glosses he
doctrine.

would reconstruct the whole body of "Early" Pharisaic

It

becomes thus necessary not only

but
likewise
to

to identify positive Pharisaic

in

teachings,

recognize

everything that

is

conis

demned or
that

rejected at once a Sadducsean doctrine.

The method

of

Geiger,

and

is

open to the same

criticism.

Mr. Hart
(Periishim,

tacitly accepts

Geiger's identification of the Pharisees

9,
2.

Perishin) with the Nibdalim of Nehem.

"Being translated

Pharisaism

is

Separatism.

But

Separatism

was not an

ideal

which could
appeal".

thrill the

nations with an instantaneous and irresistible

is

In

Mr. Hart's conception, the Pharisee

to

necessarily

a missionary ''compassing sea and land

make one

proselyte"

(Matth.

23,

15).

By

deft

manipulations,

"transliterations",

as

Mr. Hart

calls

them, he makes the Pharisaismt which means Sepa-

ratism, appear to the Greeks as Parrhesia.

The

latter

meant

to the

408

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Greek freedom of speech; the Jewish missionary, by a semasiological

(though not "logical") twist, makes

it

to stand for con"versatile" root,

fidence, confidence in

one Master.

But P-R-Sh, a

means

also

making
aKpifieia

distinct.

And

so the Pharisaic glossator plays

with Greek

exactitude ; the Pharisee becomes a Precisian

is

(which assonance,
dwells

alas,

lost

on Greek ears).
promise.

The
(4, 7

interpolator

repeatedly on

eirayyelia

The very same Greek

:

v/ord occurs in

the Greek translation of Esther

fjv

' ri/v kiray-

yeAiav [rov apyvpiov')

en7iyyEi?.aTo

and the promise (of the

silver;

that

...

had promised).
(lit.

parashah

The corresponding Hebrew word is making distinct, hence exact statement). The transis

lator of Esther, as elsewhere,

given to the very opposite of

literalism; he translates according to the general sense; the

comis

bination with Pharisaism

is

furthest

from

his mind.

Mr. Hart

of a different opinion.

In the two other places where the Greek

word "stands
to a

as an equivalent to

some Hebrew word,

in

it

is

always

word, whose root belongs

one way or another to the

Teaching of the Scribes of (or?) the Pharisees".

in question are

The passages

Amos

9,

6 and Ps. 55 (56),

.

8.

In the former place

1m3S was
is

misconceived as ima5<

The

student interested in the

history of the

Haggadah
not have

will be glad to learn

even

in

its

Aramaized form Aggadah.

how old The Greek

is

that

word

equivalent

may and may

meant promise;
and

it

was chosen for the

derived
is

reason that the verb from which the

often translated by
the Greek
writes).
ayy^XAeiv
its

Hebrew noun

so

compounds. In the other

place,

word corresponds
But
just

to Siphrah (not Sepher, as Mr.

Hart
the
f

as

e^iiyyeiAaq
o'v

(so read 156 (ooi

for

i^i/yyeila

dropped out

in

front of

27.

of the others

is

clearly

an error; comp. the opposite Judg. 12, i -poiaOr/aav 54. 82) nn{< ) corresponds to

awedpvadt/oav

75

for

=
:

nmSD
niSD
"r
:

(as the trans

lator read

for

nmSD). - T T

so does i'TrayyeXia to
to the translator's

The Sopher
has,

was altogether foreign

cordance, as so often,
I

mind.

Mr. Hart

however, overlooked a third passage.

Of

course, the

Oxford Conequivalent.
Kr'

failed to register
i,

the

Hebrew
bit

mean

the passage

Esdras

=H

Chron.
is

35, 8:

knayyErtav
free-

corresponds to
surely no

nm^b.

The

translation

again a

But
to

mean

stretch of the imagination

would be required

hart's ''ECCLESIASTICUS"
drag
in in this instance the

MARGOLIS
i,

409

Scribe or Pharisee.

Another "echo of
3

Pharisee" Mr. Hart finds in the peras of Abot

with which

he identifies the merces dei (Latin

18,

22; comp.

2,

9 248).

Another case of paronomasia

delights
is

in

which Mr. Hart so much

the (tacit) antithesis between the Musar, or Discipline,

with which a Sage like Ben Sira was concerned, and the Masorah,
or
Tradition,

the

stock-in-trade

of

the

Scribes.

Now

there

is

nothing in the interpolated passages to directly suggest the latter

term.

But Mr. Hart

I

is

inventive, or ingenious,

enough

to furnish
in-

an example.
ductively,
in

reproduce his conclusions at which he arrives

opposite,

the
a

deductive,
to

manner.

Akiba designates
Cant.
7,

Tradition

as
in

"fence"

(TD)

the
.

Law. nJID

is

rendered

the

Septuagint
Tre picppay/ia

necppayjuhr/

According to the

testi-

mony
lators

of Jerome,
for

was used by one of the Greek trans12).

MASOR (Micah

7,

Hence

ireplcbpayfia

"was the
sound;

proper equivalent of the sound Masorah".

that
is

Mr. Hart

says,

to say, the
(

orthography and the underlying etymology are

"IIVD

of

no moment
fence.

and nilDDl).

parallel

Greek form

is

TTEpi^payy^

Thus was
This,

the Pharisaic tradition designated in

Trepiypa^T/,

Greek.

friend or a foe passed therefrom easily to

"About-Scripture".
of the
difficult

according

to

Mr.
it

Hart,

is

the

sense
is

word
in

in 22, 23.

The Greek word,

must be admitted,
estate"

the context.

The meaning ''mean

assumed by
Never-

the

Authorized Version cannot be paralleled elsewhere.

theless

Mr. Hart's exegesis

will hardly convince students

who
11,

are

less imaginative.

And one more

"There
is

instance of "ingenious" combination.

11:

one that laboureth, and taketh pains, and maketh haste,

and
gloss

is
:

so

much

the

more behind"
the
ETzayyelia

is

followed in

70.

253 by the

"because, of

of his

own

shoulders".

The

phrase

occurs

elsewhere in

late

Greek writer
as he

(Philostratus).

Mr. Hart combines the ^'promise

of the shoulders" with the

(or,

renders, profession)

"'DD''t^ tJ'l'IS,

the type of the reprehensible

Pharisee

who

carries

the

commandments

upon

his

shoulder
ingenious,

CSDrT'D bv Nnil^O

pytO, p. Berakot 146).

It is certainly

but far from convincing.

The missionary
Prolegomena.

Scribe

once more

reappears

in

Mr.

Hart's

He

is

the connecting link between the second and

410
first

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

chapter.

Mr. Hart sums up

exegesis
the

in the latter the

results

of a

penetrating
uncials,

of

the

Prologue

(the

genuine one of the

not

spurious

fabrication

of

codex 248)
is,

under six

heads.
to

The

sixth thesis reads.

"He
in

(that

the grandson)

came

Egypt and remained there

accordance with the rule of his

order,

which prescribed foreign travel and missionary work as

part of a Scribe's novitiate."

What

is

the basis for assuming that

there

was such an

institution as

peregrinatio

Scriharum?

Here

are the data as they present themselves to Mr. Hart.

The Pro-

logue opens with the statement that since Israel possesses in the

Law and
scribes
(

the Prophets and the others that followed

them a great

store of instruction
tovq

and wisdom, and since

)
(

it

is

proper that the

intelligent
(

avayivcjaKovrag

should

not
)

only
to

become

themselves, but also useful

tKTog)

xpV<^t/^ov^

them without

roii-

by speech and by writing, the grandfather, after a diligent

(

study

avayvuaig

of the

Law and

the

Prophets and the other

sufficient
skill,

books of the fathers wherein he gained

pelled himself
also to

was im-

compose a work pertaining

to instruction
to point

and wisdom,
to the
laity;

etc.

"Those without" would seem naturally

according to Mr. Hart, the phrase designates those

in the Dispersion

(comp.
or

rolq

-y

n-apomia

at the
is

end of the

Prologue),

"Jews,

Gentiles".
;

To

these

it

the duty of the

"or,

Scribe to become "useful"

to

Mr. Hart adds, as missionaries,

Apostles.

use the older term,

as

In

Hebrew
)

the

difference

between Apostle (niSt^) and useful (root npV

to be disregarded".

is

small enough
It
is,

So

it

is

a case of

paronomasia again.

however, to say the

tiation

least,

an unwarranted assumption in substan(10,

of which two verses in the body of the book

f.)

are subjected to textual and exegetical distortion, and that in the

face of the
as

Hebrew which

is

extant

The

verses in question read

follows:

Kal Tov xP^<^if^ov fyepel elg Katpbv

f7r'

tiT'/y

TOy^ DVp

^'^ii)

avrf/c.

fv

x^'^P'-

^vp'iov tvodia hvfip6g^

"13J

p3 D/C'DD
:)*^^T^

DM?N

1^1

Kal TTpoauTTif) ypa/nfiarfuc fTriOt/on

(^o^av avToi).

n^K" pplHD ^2Dpl

hart's ''KCCLESIASTICUS"

MARGOUS

4II

The Hebrew text leaves no doubt that Ben Sira meant by the mehokek a prince. The translator substituted "scribe" after the manner of the Targums (comp. Smend and Hart ad locum). But
the Scribe
since he
is is

needed by Mr. Hart for his constructions, especially

paralleled in the preceding verse by the '^useful man".

in the

But the adjective "useful" does not appear

surface at any rate.

Hebrew, on the
is

The

truth
it

is

namely that the adjective

derived from the context;

is

a free, but justifiable, addition.

it

Mr. Hart, however,

is

bent upon vindicating for

it

Hebrew
;

origin.

In his Notes he retranslates

lieves that
it

as "il^3

(so does Levi)

avi^pog

here he be-

is

an alternative of

ehodia

in the next verse

to

which
is

in

the

Hebrew some

derivative

of

n^V

corresponded.
tvoiVia

Smend
38,

also tempted to postulate

on the basis of

(comp.

13)

nnb^D

for nbc'DD.

But he does not press

his point.

Mr.

Hart, however, needs the juxtaposition of the Scribe and the useful

man; and

so the text

must be twisted accordingly.

There

is

absolutely no foundation for the thesis that "Jesus ben Sira and
his

fellow sages inherited the prophecy that Israel should be the

light of the Gentiles

and strove

to effect its fulfilment

they had

a care

for those without,

proselytes

whether they were Jews who needed

instruction

confirmation,

needed
Isaiah's

conversion".

who needed To Ben Sira

or

pagans who
substance
of

the
in

sum and

book of prophecies consisted

for Zion" (48, 24).
laity.
is

"comforting them that

mourned

"Those without" meant to the grand-

son simply the

Equally unfounded

the fifth thesis

"The younger ben

Sira

came
the

to

Egypt

in

247 B. C. and took part in the translation of

Wisdom

Literature which

was then proceeding.

His contri-

bution was probably more than the rendering of his grandfather's

composition".'

We

may

divide the thesis into

in 247 B.

two parts: (i) the

in

grandson came to Egypt

C.

(2) he took part

the

translation of a part of the Bible over

and above the rendition

proposition
16 of

of

his

grandfather's

work.

Tl\e
tizi

first

turns

about

the exegesis of the preposition

as
is

(line

Swete's edition),

well

khown

a muchly disputed point.

is

According to Mr, Hart,

the preposition

far

from being a pleonastic ornament, but a

very significant element.

The

thirty-eighth

year

refers

to

the

412

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

who
(I.)
;~

death-year of Ptolemy Philadelphus

it

reigned thirty-eight years

was the year

is

in

which Euergetes

succeeded to the throne,

and that

the purport of the second chronological date signifi-

cantly introduced by the preposition.

Mr. Hart argues that under

Euergetes

II.

whose policy was "Egypt for the Egyptians" the

time was inopportune for the grandson's missionary journey.

ever that
its

How-

may

be, the force of

an innocent preposition which has

in

parallels

in

Septuagint

Greek and

the

papyri

cannot be

strained to the point of constructing a chronological theory which

must remain questionable.

afifected

The

date of

Ben

Sira himself

is
f^ri

not

whether we follow the current interpretation of

or

not; that depends on the meaning of TTdmrog and the identification

of

Simon

the Priest.

As

for the second proposition,

differentiation of
rr/v6e

it

is t?)v

based
(iip-ov

entirely
(line 19)

upon an unwarranted
and
rb ftifiALov

(line 21).

The two
say the

are of course identical.

Mr. Hart, however, makes the second noun refer to some other
book, perhaps even the Bible.

To

least,

there

is

left

but

scant time between the reign of

Philadelphus and the death of

Euergetes

I.

for the entire Scriptures to be done into Greek.

The

"space of time"
of

was

clearly

ample for translating the Wisdom

else beside.

Ben

Sira, but hardly for

much

Mr. Hart

is

indeed

constrained to assume that "the limits of the undertaking (as set

by Demetrius of Phalerum and Ptolemy Philadelphus) were exceeded, so that the Prophecies and other books were included with
the

Law

in

the

Alexandrian translation"

(fourth thesis).
;

The

Seventy must then indeed have been a zealous body

truth designated by Mr.
ever,
is

they are in

Hart as "missionaries".

So much, howhis

beyond doubt to anybody without a pet theory of

own
same

that the translator of

in

Ben Sira found

infer
that

in

Egypt the

tripartite Bible

Greek

freely as he criticises that translation, he at the

time

permits

us

to

it

enjoyed no small

measure of

authority.

Of

the four chapters of the

Prolegomena which seems

the

to be

a collective

name

for essays on

Ben Sira only

two

last

(''The

Quotations of Clement of Alexandria" and "The Conflict of the

Rival Greek Versions") have an immediate bearing on codex 248;
the third

("The Pharisaic Recension of the Wisdom of Ben Sira")

hart's "ECCI^KSIASTICUS"
is

MARGOUS
first

413
("The Pro-

only indirectly connected therewith, and the

all.

logue of the Greek Translator") not at

enriched by a valuable

The edition is further Textual Commentary which, we are told,

off in

was

in the

main printed

1903.

The only
edited.

regret which one

is

may
the
rest

be permitted to express concerning these Notes

that they

were not based primarily on the codex

As

the case stands,

references to codex 248 are casual and on a line with the

of the textual material industriously gathered together.
I

As

for the character of the Notes,

have examined the part dealing

with

3,
:

6-24

more

closely.

few remarks may be

:

apposite.

Verse 6
}f/>a is

rifir]oeL

=
15,10.

^.

Verse 12

The propounded emendation

1333
for "11333,
^I^'O
is

not convincing.
'T'33

The

translator rather read

16.

comp.

Job

Verse
is

probable; but comp.

Smend.

3Tiy

is

possible, but not necessary; comp. }.

DNO

Isa. 41, 9.

In

no attempt

made
V3iX

to explain (&
:

comp. Smend.

Perhaps the Hebrew text represents a tikkun

read: 1D D^y3D

the original then

17:

INin
;

h^\>^\

HTU
lb.
:

PllJD

^3. Verse

Not
virep

yWV

but

'X^^i'O

so

Smend.

The
18.

Latin points to
,

avBpuTTov 6eKTov.

The

original probably read |n K'^S

'^ |n.

comp. Prov.
<6

19,
ocru

6 where
...Toaovrto

oveidog

=1011

Verse

Notp;

read 733;

expresses 73, comp.

the

Latin.

lb.

lb.:

Not

"humble

thyself
S2, II

from", but "hold thyself too humble

for";
x^^P^^

comp. Gen.

and the Oxford Gesenius,

43,

p.

582

b.

i|

comp.

Gen.
yy
c

14;

Dan.

i,

9. Verse
epewa
is

21:

iSaOvrepa

npioy

p.

Hag.

(Smend).
Gen.
r.

lb.

either a
23,

synonymous

variant, or
A'pf'

bi<^r\
"|-1V

ch. 8;

comp. Deut.

24(15).

Verse 22:
13

=
on

(Peters; rejected by
:

Smend)
said.

or |*Dn (ipn Hag.

is

M).

Verse 23

ireptepya^^ov

is

a crux on which nothing

said, but

which a good deal might be

niyi

Verse
to

24.

Very inadequate. For

the
difficulty)

niJVQl

(nobody

seems

notice

comp.
id.

nisiDnro
^"TJ
I,

vnjnc^yi

Maimon.

nnnn

mo"'

y,

2,

mpini nirjy
the

(see Bacher,

To
The

the

Textual

Tanchum, 123). Commentary belongs

also

"Appendix"

which contains a collation of the Syro-Hexaplar with the text of B.

reprint

of
it

codex 248

is

faithful

one;

wherever the

editor has

deemed
is

necessary to deviate from his text, the read-

ing of the codex

given on the margin.

Of

course, a permissible

difference of opinion

may

obtain as to what constitutes the task

414

'^HE

JEWISH QUARTERIvY REVIEW

Mr. Hart adopted the plan of a

of the editor of a single codex.

mere

reprint after the fashion of the edition of the Alexandrine

text of the

Book

of Judges by

Brooke-McLean (Cambridge
which follows and which

1897).
best

But then the

entire apparatus

at

has only indirect connections with the codex edited should have

remained away, valuable as

to

it

all

may

be in spite of the strictures

which the bolder propositions are open.

difficult

There was
possible
first
:

certainly
wit,

another plan, perhaps a more

edition
after

one,

to

an

the

manner of

that

of

the

five

chapters of
in

Judges by Lagarde
fact a definitive
ticus

{Septuagintastudien I),

While

point of

grouping of the Greek manuscripts of Ecclesias-

may

be premature, the medley of variants contained in Par-

sons'

apparatus

might

have

conveniently,

though

provisionally,

been grouped about codex 248 on the one and

hand.

B on

the other

An

edition

like

that,

perhaps even with the Syriac and

Hebrew texts added, a sort of Tetrapla, would have served much more effectively to bring out the value of the codex 248. Nevertheless,
it

behooves us to be thankful for what we have received.

We

are once

more brought face

is

to

face with the fact that the

I

collation of

(Holmes-) Parsons

unreliable.
in

have

compared
fol-

Mr. Hart's reprint of codex 248 with the data

lowing
list

Parsons; the

of corrections has been the result

HARTS

ECCI.ESIASTICUS

'

MARGOLIS
=
Compl.

415

24
5, 5

ev pr/fiart

(sil)

ev ptifiaoL

Ev TTAeovaa/uoi^

(ut vid scr

EV TzXEovaG/Licj

Compl.
<T0i:

irXeovaa/novg^

7,

34

cro^of

(sil)

Cod. prima

manu
jUTjdE

secunda

cro^"

37 GOV
18
a6ia(j)opov
fj.r/6e

>248.
ev

106. 155. 157.

ev

Compl.

a6ia<popov Kara
avTiGTrjGEi

Compl.

8,
9,

2 9

avTtarrjarj
o7uG67]ar]q

157.

Compl.
Compl.

oMGdr/g ^:z5S' 157.

10,

e^ovata

prm

7/

23. 55. 106. 155. 157.

Compl.

6 9 evdoadia 18 24 25
12,

firjviaatiQ

fiTjviGTjq

=22.

106.

Compl.

EVTocdta

avdpCJTTOQ

avoq
fiEyiGTavEg

fieyiarav 6e
Traf devo/ievog

= 23. Compl. TzatSEvofxevo^ = Compl.

EVGEj37f

2 3

evaejSei
EAerifioGvv7]v

z=

106.

307.

Compl.

e'kETjfioavvTjq

iQ avaTpexjjat
(/cai

(sil)

avaGTpE\l>ai

= Compl. = Aid. (comp. =

23).

13, 2

TTAovGcorepo)^ gov

ab
26
16

>
sup sec

al.

m.
(sil)

manu
23.

dialoyiGjuoi.

^laAoyiGfiog

253.

Compl.

14, 15 ^laipeGtv

(sil)

6iaipEGEi^= 55, 106.

157. 307.

Compl.

(haipEGig

155

15,

Tpv(j)7}v

(sil) (sil)

Tpop/v
Xeipa
TTOTLEi

= =

Compl.

25
3

;i:paf

'^oTiGEi

(sil)

155.

157.

254. 296. 307.

Compl.

8 13 18 19 28
17,

VTceprj^aviaQ

prm
(sil)
-

a-Ko

:= 106. Compl.
-

KadvGTepTjGEi

piGTi

comp.

pwv

106. 307.

Compl.

GakevBTjGovrai
f'f
''
"i'1'ff

-OrjGETai.
fTr'

155.

296*.

Compl.

Kvpiov

avra Kvpiov

=
23.

Compl.
55.

e^A^V^e

(sil)

e^edXife^v)
307.

106.

155 307.

Compl.

6
28

epfiT/VEia
firi<5e

epuevea
fl7](hv

18,

(sil) (sil)

^1 Kai 7rov7jpor

Kai av7)p

Of;

4
10

ef^;\:vfa(Tf

(sil)
afifiov

e^iXviaGE
(sil)
Kai
(jr

nai

fT/(l>og

ij>/j<j)()r

= Compl. = Compl. = Compl.

a/ifioi'

4i6

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Kpeicacjv

6 27
1

(sil)

Kpnaaov

307.

Compl.

Kdi acppiov Gvvrrjprjaet Kaipov

kui ac^pcov ov GvvTTjpTiaeL aaipov

106.

Compl.
19,

HART

E:CCI.E:SIASTICUS

MARGOLIS
307.

417

36,

18 allorpioq
/^er

(sil) (sil)

+ Jf
jxeO

Compl.

avTov

eavTov

Compl.
Compl.

17

LKZTiov

(sil) (sil)

oLKETuv
evodia

38,

13 ci^wf^m evap^e
VTTOjiovr]

= A. 155. = Grabe

16 27 28
39, 2

(sil) (sil)

evap^ai
e7rf//ov?7

= =

68. 106. 254. 307.

Compl.

157- 253. 296. 307

o^vpaq
6Lr}yriGuq

+
(sil)

Kat aKjxovog

Compl.

dir/y7iatv= 23. 55. 106. 155. 157. 254.

296. 307.
aTpo(paig

Compl.

(sil)
(sil)

Tpo<l>aig

4
27 28 31
40,
I

rjyovjjievov

vyovfievGJV

23. 55.

106.

157. 253.

254. 296. 307.

Compl.

ravra navra
TTvevfiart

(sil)

tr

(sil)

TTvevfiara
X^tpo-Q

;i:p"f

(sil)

=
=

A.

Compl.

fav
vaKivdivov
^f/iwi'

42,

vaKivdov
(j)ilov

41, 32
5

(sil) (sil)

55. 254.

Compl.
155.

adiacpopov

6imopov

=
=

A.

157.

307.

Compl.

17

{^KavroKparup^
(sil)

>

248.

Compl
55. 55.

43, 23 aj3vaaov

afivaaog

106.
106.

155. 157.

44, 5

divyovfiEvoi

(sil)

prm

KttL

=
= =

155.

157.

254.

296.

Compl.
253.

18

eredrjaav (sil)

eoTaSTjcav
loyioig

Compl,

45, 3

^oyo^f

(sil)

Compl.

aurof

(sil) (sil)

aTov

OKEveaiv

prm
GOV

Compl.

47, 8

Kfli TjyaTTT/ae

tov TvoLrjaavra avTovy>;

hab mrg.
Compl.

18 TOV {Qeov)
19 GOV

=
TTf

GVV
CI"

48, 14 f^
49, 5

Te?^evTTj

avTov

Kac ev

reXEvrrj avTov

Compl.

edw/cav

(sil)

evtiTvprjaav
TTtpifiolov

50, 2

(sil)

9 20 10

oXoacpvp^Tov
Ki/Jiw
(sil)

(sil)

= 155*. Compl. evenpr/Gav = Compl. Tzepif^olov = Compl. o?iOG(j)vpaTov = 23. 55. 254 Kvpiov = 23. 253. Compl.
erf(jKf(v)

fyKaTakiTzeiv

(sil)

eyKaraXtTTTf

4l8

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

(sil) (sil) (sil)

14 vaov
21-

incertum an vaov
Kapdia
Si'^oot
list

KOiAia
Siipuaat

24
I

have omitted from the

matters orthographical and the

like

which have no immediate bearing upon the sense.

inaccurate the collation of Parsons

The

list

affords correction in 118 places.

Which, of course, goes to show-

how
of

Mr.

Hart's

reprint

is

the

One important result knowledge how much closer the

is.

identity of the Complutensian text

and codex 248

is.

Otherwise

the net practical result

is

an extremely meager one.

For, as

may

be
is

readily seen, in the majority of cases the reading of codex 248

identical with a reading

adduced by Parsons from other sources.

reference to

The same observation has been made by Smend with

parts of the larger

other codices imperfectly collated by Parsons; a comparison of the

Cambridge edition so far issued with the corresponding parts of Holmes-Parsons reveals the same state of
affairs.

Holmes-Parsons

is

still

a useful guide for

all

practical

purposes.

Dropsie College

Max

L.

Margous

HILPRECHT'S "NEW DELUGE TABLET"

The Babylonian Expedition of
Series
the

University
edited

of

Pennsylvania.

Researches

and Treatises,
I.

by

H. V. Hil-

PRECHT.

Vol.

V.

Fasciculus

The

Barliest Version of the

Babylonian Deluge Story and The Temple Library of Nippur, by

H. V. HiLPRECHT.
delphia,
pp.
65.

"Eckley Brinton Coxe, Junior, Fund."

Phila1910.

published by the

University of Pennsyu'ania,

Any work
est interest

dealing with what

is

called

"The
to

Earliest Version

of the Babylonian Deluge Story"

is

bound

attract the greatall

on the part of the Assyriologists and

fascinating story

students of the

Bible.

The

of

the

decipherment of the cunei-

form
ard,

inscriptions

and the great achievements of Rawlinson, Layall

and Oppert penetrated after

but a small

circle,

the student

of Assyriology or the larger

ancient history appealed.

number of educated people to whom But it was the discovery of a fragment

of the Deluge Tablet in the British

in 1872

Museum
was

by George Smith

which brought out the interest of a vastly greater number

directly responsible

of students and the public at large, and

for further expeditions.

In a sense the Assyrian or Babylonian

in

Deluge Story has been symbolical

relations

the minds of

many

of the
studies.

between Babylonian investigations and

biblical

This fact alone makes any new version of the story of importance
exactly because of the great popular interest, restraint
is

imposed

upon sober scholars.

The fragment

containing an early account of the Babylonian

Deluge Story, published in the present volume, was excavated by

the fourth Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania,

and

Professor
it

Hilprecht,

its

decipherer

and

interpreter*

asserts that

was inscribed 600 years before the time generally

its

assigned to Moses, and that in

preserved portion

it

shows a

419

420 much
of

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

greater resemblance to the biblical Deluge Story than any

other fragment discovered hitherto.

the

The main proof

its

for the age

It

fragment rests on the place of

according
to

discovery.

was
partly

found,

Hilprecht,

intermingled

with

other

dated tablets which were inscribed about 2100 B. C. and earlier.

This conclusion
philological
syllable

is

further confirmed, as Hilprecht maintains, by

proofs,

namely by the use of the sign PI for the and the change of
^ to z,

wa

in wa-si-e
t,

when preceded by

the dental

or by a sibilant.

In connection with the published fragment the volume contains a description tents of
this

and general survey of the character and con-

the
is

Temple Library of Nippur.

Of

special

interest

in

survey

the fourth chapter, dealing with a

new

inscription

and the time of an ancient King of

Suti, Erridu-pizir.
it

Concerning the age of the fragment, palaeographically

may

belong to an old Babylonian period, probably to the date assigned

to
it

by Hilprecht.

But the assertion ought not

is

to

have been

made with

absolute certainty, since no claim

made

in this

volume

that the author personally found the tablet in the lowest stratum

or supervised the packing of the boxes. of

discovery,
it

Leaving aside the place

might

have been inscribed

two hundred years

later, at

the time of

Ammi-zaduga, and thus be contemporary with

Father Scheil's version, as the use of PI for

wa and
As

the treat-

ment of the

sibilants as in hinusza are indisputably

found throughfor PI,

it

out the whole period of the

Hammurabi

dynasty.

might even belong to a Cassite period; since Hilprecht admits that

PI had
it

at this

time the reading of wi, there

is

no reason why
a
in

should not have been used for

fact,

however, the sign PI for

wa as well. As wa is even found

in

matter

of

Neo-Baby-

lonian, as in wa-ash-ru, wa-at-ru-tim (thus are these words writ-

ten in the

Code of Hammurabi),
'a,

which PI stands of course

for wa, not a or

no matter whether the

waw

sound was proit

nounced or
irrelevant

not.

In the opinion of the writer, however,

is

quite

whether the tablet was inscribed two hundred

years

earlier or later.

The
as

scribe did not invent this story, even

if it
it

written in the

Cassite

period, but

most

likely

copied

was from

another

tablet,

we know

that the version published by Father

HIIvPRECHT'S
Scheil,

"nKW deluge tablet"

the

HOSCHANDER 42

dated
tablet.

at

time

of

Ammi-zaduga, was copied from

another

As
tive,

for the resemblance of this version to the biblical narra-

Hilprecht

attaches

great
it

importance to the two

Ellil

following

features:

In this version

seems to be

(Bel), the highest

god of Nippur, who both causes the Deluge and saves the Babylonian

Noah from

destruction, just as in the biblical version both

b}'-

actions are done

the

Lord

and in

this

version

occurs

the

expression minu, 'number,' in

ku-um mi-ni

'instead of a

number/
(in P).

which

is

identical with

Hebrew pD
Story

in the biblical version

Both arguments are very precarious.

of
the
biblical

Supposing that the author

it

Deluge

had actually taken

even
then

from the
must
have
savior.

version

of

Ashurbanipal's

Library,

he

represented the only existing

God

as the destroyer

and the

How

could he help doing otherwise without throwing overboard

monotheism?
number'

The
is

interpretation
is

of

ku-um mi-ni

"instead of

'instead of many,'

rather peculiar.

Admitting that

how could a word 'num]"'D ber' signify 'many'? On the contrary, we would expect mlnu to have the meaning of 'a few,' in opposition to Id mmu, 'numberless," corresponding to Hebrew "12DD and Arabic ma' dud. The writer, therefore, would propose, with all reserve, a different reading and interpretation of ku-um mi-ni. It is now well known that in a great many personal names of the time of the HammuHebrew
a Babylonian loan-word,
rabi-dynasty, and in

some of the Cassite

is

period,
sillu,

MI

without the
pro-

determinative
tection,'

GISH,
the
etc., etc.,

an

ideogram

for

'shadow,

as

in

names
(see

Silli(Ml-Nl)-Shamash

Td-ab-sillum

(MI-LUM),
Names,
netic

Ranke, Barly Babylonian Personal

is

247, note 2).

Accordingly, there

absolutely no reason to
^illi

prevent us from reading here as well ku-um

(MI with phonAdmitting the

Since

complement NI

li),

'The place of shadow.'

arise as to
its

reading, the question

would now

meaning.

the ship

was made for the purpose of

life,'

'carrying

what has been

saved of
atively
this
it

we

should be rather inclined to assume that figurbefittingly called 'the place of protection.'
all

was very
however,

In

case,

the persons

and objects that had

silli,

to

be
it

saved ought to have been enumerated before ku-um

and

seems that

ki[ii'\-fa,

"the family," occurs afterwards.

And

there-

422
fore,
it

the:
is

JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

by

more

likely that a certain part of the ship, occupied

the animals,

was

called

ku-um

silli.

As

a matter of fact, a part

2,

of a ship was

called sillu, as II R. 62,

No.

70,

where parts of

a ship are enumerated,

elippi,

we

find:

GISH-GISH-MI-MA
ship,'

sil-lum

literally

'the

shadow of the

which could only mean

silli

'the

dark

part,

the ship's hold.'

silli

Then ku-um

would be an

exact formation like an

if

'receptacle of

shadow'

'prison'
'the

not a synonym
cells

and

might well correspond to the

D-'jrinn,

lowest
likely

of the ark' of the Biblical version which were most

intended as a dwelling-place for the animals.

(According

to

the

Midrash, however, the upper

cells

were for the human

namely

beings, the middle for the animals,

and the lowest for the dung).

The

asyndetic expressions before

field,

ku-um

silli,

'the

beasts

of the
class of

the birds

of heaven,'

point,

of course, to a third
writer, in accordance
to

enumerated beings or things.

79,

The

with the First Nineveh Version

would propose
living

supplement

u 2er napshdte kaldma 'and

all

kinds of

beings'

gen-

eral expression, including the creeping things

on the ground and

species

which could not be

to

classified

under bul nor

rats,
etc-,

umdm
this,

sirim

and had

be

saved

as

well,

as

mice,

and exactly
there

correspond to the biblical expression 'nrrpSOI.

Beside

are a few other points in Hilprecht's interpretation to which the

writer
will

takes

exception:

a-pa-ash-shar

(1.

2)

he

translates

"I

loosen,'
'the

and supplements usurdt, respectively kippdt shame u

confines of heaven and earth.'
it

irsitim,

This

is

rather ques-

tionable,

since

seems, according to the First Nineveh Version

103-104, that the Babylonian

Deluge was not caused by a torrent,

but by a cyclone which drove the waters of the sea over the dry

land
to

(s.

Jensen, Kosmologie, 388).

It

would, therefore, be better

'the

read and translate

Inakbe apsi u tamdtel a-pa-ash-shar

I

fountains of the sea and oceans

will

set

free.'

We

may

per"ID^I

haps compare Job

38, 8-11:

3n HQ ny 1D1
and

...D^

U'rh^2

In

1.

the

first

sign seems to be
170-175,

e,

since,

according to

the

First

Nineveh Version
mankind,
the

the

Deluge was caused to

read
1.

destroy
la

wicked
'over

we

may

perhaps
In

ie-li
if

ni-shi
first

ki]-e-m,

faithless

mankind.'

11,

the

HII^PRECHT's
sign
is

"new deluge tablet"

umam
a

HOSCHANDER

423

lam,

we might supplement bu and read

sirinv,

bii-lam 'tame ani-

mals/ in opposition to

'wild animals.'

The

following

is

transliteration

and translation of the

fragment proposed by the writer, with the supplementes enclosed

in brackets.

TRANSUTERATION.
I

(?)-sha(?)-shi(?)-il(?)-i-(?)

(?)-ka
2.
3.

[nak-be ap-si-i u ta-ma-a-ti] a-pa-ash-shar.

[a-bu-ba a-sha-ka-an-ma]
ka-la ni-shi ish-te-nish i-za-bat

4.
5.

[u at-ta-ma she-'-i na-pish]-ti la-am a-bu-bi wa-si-e

[e-li

ni-shi

la

ki]-e-ni

ma-la

i-ba-ash-shu

lu-kin

ub-bu-ku

lu-pu-ut-tu hu-ru-shu

6
7.

(isu)

elippam ra-be-tam bi-ni

bi-nu-uz- za
(isu)

ma
na-at-rat

ga-be-e gab-bi
. .

lu

8.

shi-i

lu

ma-gurgurrum
zu-ul-lil

ba-bil (?)-lu

na-pish-tim
9.
.

.-ri( ?)zu-lu-la

dan-na

10.
11.

[elippam sha] te-ip-pu- shu

.
.

[buj-lam

(?)u-ma-am
ka-la-ma

si-rim Is-sur sha-me-e

shu-li

12.

[u zer na-ap-sha-te

a-na]

ku-um

sil(MI)-li

(NI)
13

...

u
u

ki[n]-ta

ru(?)

14

TRANSLATION.
I

*thee(?)
'[the fountains of the see
*[a

2.

and oceans]
]
it

I will set

free,

3.

deluge

,1

will

make and

shall

take

away

all

men

together
4.
5.
. .

'[but thou seek life]

all

before the deluge cometh forth

are,
I

'[For over

faithless

men], as many as there

will

bring overthrow, destruction, annihilation.

6
7

'build a great ship

'total
'it

and
shall

height

(?)

be

its

structure
(

shall be a magiir-hodiX. carrying

?)

what has

been

saved

of

life

424
9
10. '[the 11.
.

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

'with

strong

deck cover
the birds of

ship
.

which] thou shalt make.

field,

'[tame animlals, the beasts of the

heaven,
12.

'[and

all

kinds of living beings bring into]

'and
the

the

ship's

hold

13

family

14

'and

Dropsie College

Jacob Hoschander

THE HARKAVY "FESTSCHRIFT"

Festschrift zu

Bhren des Dr. A. Harkavy aus Anlass

1905 vollendeten siebzigsten
v.

seines
.

am

20.

November
(liT'^K

Lebensjahres
I.
iii

herausgegeben von Baron D.

GuEnzburg imd
pp.

Markon,

DHinS^
iv,
8.

inDT).

St.

Petersburg 1908.

507

178

Dr.

Harkavy

is

one of the most prominent of Jewish scholars

who, through untiring work, acute combinations, and fortunate

finds,

has contributed largely to the progress of Jewish scholar-

ship,

and

is

a master in

many

different branches of Jewish history

and

literature.

He

is

since the death of

Steinschneider perhaps
;

the greatest authority in Jewish Arabic literature

there are very

few who are equally well acquainted with the early history of
the Jews in Poland
;

he has contributed very

chronology,
the

much

to our

knowl-

edge of

palaeography,
poetry,

Gaonic period,

mediaeval
Karaitic
is

Hebrew
literature.

Jewish
the

sectarianism,

and

especially

And

activity

of

the

many-sided scholar
a

not

even completely covered by these different branches, as

ficial

superwill

glance over the 392

titles

of

his

works and
to

articles

show.

They

at

the same time testify

the

interest
life,

he

has

taken in
tion,

many

practical questions of

contemporary

as educacertainly

Haskala, and colonization of Palestine.

full

Harkavy
life is

has done his

share in the studies to which his

devoted.

We

wish the venerable scholar a long and happy continuation of

his useful

and important

activity.

The
delay

present Jubilee volume in his honor appears three years

after the great scholar reached the age of seventy years.

But
for

this

seems to have had very favorable consequences

it

the

book, as
tions

contains

an unusual number of important contribu-

and takes a prominent place among the many similar pub-

lications

we have

seen during the last twenty-five years,

Thirty-

425

426
eight
into a

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

scholars have

contributed to the volume which

is

divided

Hebrew

part (quoted in the following as I) with 26 contri-

butions,

and a non-Hebrew part (H), containing eight articles in German, two in French, one in English, and one in Neo-Greek.

The
space

editors are to be congratulated that they did not limit the

of

the

single

contributions
like

so

that

it

became possible to
Poznanski,

include

lengthy

studies

those

of

Bornstein and

and

full

editions of important texts like those by Bacher, Brody,

and Israelsohn.
in
this

Altogether, editions take a very prominent part

in

volume, as

the

literary

activity
is

of Harkavy.

Almost

every branch of Jewish literature

represented in the present

volume.

Bible,

Hellenism,

Talmud,
and

and

Midrash,

as

well

as

Gaonic

and

mediaeval

history

literature

receive

impartial

attention.

The
of

articles

are preceded by a separately paged bibliography

Harkavy's

writings

(p.

ix-lii).

It

is

divided according to

languages.
articles in

Hebrew

(148 nos., 56 books and series of articles, 81

periodicals,
;

and

collective

writings,

and

11

additions

to

works of others)

Russian (140 numbers of which 9 are separ;

ate books,

and 17 additions to other works) German (86 to which No. 391 is to be added, which deals with R. Mubashshir, not Sefer This French (11 nos.), and English (6 nos.). ha-Galuy) collection of the dispersed articles of Harkavy's is of great
;

value and will prove useful for the student as the contents of
the articles are as a rule briefly indicated.
loi a

Yet

in a case like

No.

more

detailed account of the contents of the article ought

it

to have been given, though

might have become rather lengthy. The cross-references from one article to another have been added very carefully, where both deal with similar points. I only noticed
that
in

No.

346
itself

the
I

reference

to

No. 8

is

omitted.

In

the
67,

bibliography

would note a few omissions:

in

After No.
"iinsa. 893,
11.

niDi "i^ns3 'oh

after 75

n):)^

nnyn nnyn
ih.,

o^^t^nT

v, 363

n-isi

and
319,

in

Ha-Karmel, VII, No.

After

Erwiderung
son's

in Liter.

Centralblatt, 1876, pp. 964-6, against

737-38.
in

Chwol-

Erkldrung,

After 377, Review of Petermann's

Critique, 1874, No.
5,

Samaritan Grammar
is

Revue

pp. 65-67.

It

peculiar that Harkavy's edition of

is

Judah Halevi's poems (War-

saw 1894-5)

not mentioned.

In the addition of the reviews of

THE HARKAVY "FESTSCHRI^T"

Harkavy's works the bibliography naturally
Briill's

MARX
is

427
e.g.

not complete,
cf.
4,
is

valuable reviews are never mentioned,

;

for No.
ih.,

his

Jahrhucher, V, 190-191

No.

3, ib.,

192-194; No.

IX, 123-128;
;

No.
289,

58, ib., 167

ib.,

f.

(where a reprint of 9 pages

mentioned)

No.

Ill,

128-131.

The

last

number was

also reviewed by P.

F.

Frankl,

MGWJ.,

XXV
I.

(1876), 418-427,
lyow,
98-99,

and Riehm, ZDMG.,

XXX,
47-93,

336-343;

No. 4 by

Oesterreichische Monatsschrift

fUr den Orient, XII, No.

5, p.

and by Schorr
attacks,

in

p^nn

XIII,
are

where besides

some

scurrilous

useful

notes

found; No. 5 by Bacher,

Porges,
ib.,

RE J., XXIV,

307-318,

XXV,

143-144; by

145-151
S.

and by Neubauer, JQR., IV, 490-494; for

576-5/8.

No.

10

cf.

Fraenkel JQR., XVI,

Yet these small

omissions

do not in any way take away from our obligation to

the
bibliography,

the compiler of

who had
has

very

hard

task
will

before him, as every student

realize.

who
have

done

similar

work

Only

in

one general point could an improvement have

been effected, which

useful.

would

made

this

bibliography

more

Hebrew

indication of the contents of the 140 Russian

this
list

items

would have made

much more

valuable to those

who,

like the present writer, are

unacquainted with that language.

This bibliography was compiled by D. Maggid and revised and

completed by
page,
S.

Poznanski who, though not figuring on the

title-

seems

to

have

taken

the

greatest

share

in

editing

the

volume, as in the notes

of the different articles.

we meet with
volume

additions by him to

many

The Hebrew
articles.

part

of the

is

opened by two

biblical

Halevy contributes an essay on dramatic

I,

stories in the

Bible

(trnpn '3nD3 D'-^^iysn DniSO,

1-16),

dealing

from

this

point of view with Job which he divides into 6 acts, the marri-

age of Rosea into 8

20,

acts, the story

2,

of Jonah into 6 acts,

Kings

35-43,

and Canticles

8-17.

The
"l^ND

late

his

suggestive

explanations
is

py

M. Friedmann gives on Hosea (I, 17-34).

article

Apocryphal literature
chapitre III de

represented
(II,

by Israel Levi's

Le

Ben Sira

1-5)

opening the non-Hebrew

(II,

part,'

and Chajes on the book of Judith

16-28

105-111).

Levi points to
Sira,

the artificial and mechanical arrangement of

3,

Ben

by putting

1-15

opposite

3,

and

showing that

1-12 correspond to

16-26,

and that the verses 27-28 which have no connection with

428
the
preceding,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

form a
parallel

to

13-15.

Chajes puts together

the evidence tending to

show

that the

book of Judith was writ-

ten in the Maccabsean period as a romance, with the purpose of

encouraging the people.

taken for the heroine in
passages

He
fact

believes that the

name Judith was

Several
lately-

memory
that

of Judas Maccabaeus.
the

mention

the

Temple had been

serves
as

cleaned and purified.

The event which

basis
is

for
the

the story of Judith and Holophernes, according to Chajes, defeat and death of Nicanor and he points
esting parallels
to a

number of
7,

inter-

between the account of

Maccabees

26

ff.,

and

the

Book

of Judith.

Chajes, likewise, points to a few interesting

tries to

haggadic parallels and

original by explaining

strengthen the theory of a

in

two passages through mistakes

essay on

Hebrew the HeZealots

patriotic

brew.

Here

his arguments are not very convincing.

To this (Wer waren

puts the

period also belongs Kohler's

die Zeloten oder

the

Kannaim?

H, 6-18), the

Jewish party which Josephus so viciously misrepresents.

respective

Kohler

passages and sources together and discusses

them.

Larger space
first

is

given to the early Jewish exegetes.

In the

place,

with regard to the early translations, Margolis,

who
the

has devoted

much of

his

time to the study of the Septuagint.

which has been rather

neglected

by

Jewish

scholars

since

time of Frankel, gives a timely warning against the indiscriminate

corrections of the

Hebrew

Bible on the basis of the Septuagint,

is

the text of which in itself

D^yatJ'n,
I,

often corrupt (Dli"inn D^"lD1D nvytS

to

112-116).

He
in

points

the

great

number of
text,

varia-

tions

which
of

are

merely corruptions of the

and gives a
preserves
the

number
in
(p.

instances

which

only

one

MS.

original text, while all

all

others are corrupt or where the Septuagint

is

of 113)

its

MS. forms
became
34)
31,

faulty.

It

is

very instructive to see

what

of

h/tla

aelioia
left

Jeremiah
the
9,

48,

34

(Septuagint

where the translator

Hebrew TO^V
is

T\''^"h^ untranslated, or

how
115

the text of Judith

f.).

improved by

slight correction

(p.

To

another old

translation, the

Palestinian
his

Targum
II,

of

the

Pentateuch,
interessantes

Landauer

has
des

devoted

contribution
19-26)

{Bin
con-

Fragment

Pseudo-Jonathan,

the:

HARKAVY "FKSTSCHRIFT"
Targum on

MARX
that
it

429

taining a fragment of this

the decalogue Ex. 20, 1-13.

is

What
of

gives

this

text

peculiar

interest

forms part

an Onkelos MS.

One might

think that originally this

MS.

contained some version of the Palestinian

Targum

in

which the

gaps were

filled

out by Onkelos, but the learned editor informs

us that the other leaves of the

to 25, 31-28, 8,

MS.

contain the text of Onkelos

and

in these chapters all versions of the Palestinian

Targum
cusses

offer

some

differences

from the
all

official

text of Onkelos.

Landauer compares the text with

its

other

versions,

and

dis-

peculiarities in

form and

contents.

Two

pieces

are

published

here,

by

the

earliest

original

interpreter of the

Bible,

Saadia, concerning
to

whom we owe

so

much new information

Harkavy's

discoveries.

Eppenstein's

edition of the double introduction to his

(...I1K:i

commentary on Psalms
and the longer com-

nnyo

3-1

nionpn ^n^,
first

l,

135-160)

mentary on the
of

four Psalms almost finishes the publication

this

Saadia's

commentary on

book, which

is

found

in

seven

dissertations,

the eighth unfortunately not having been published

as yet.

Saadia's introduction

was only known by a free German

in

translation

which the editor often corrected

ought to
be
published
in

his

notes.

Of
and

Saadia

everything

the

original,

the careful

work

of the editor will be accepted with satisfaction

by

all

those interested in this many-sided and original Gaon.

The
collection

**Genizah-Fragment"
edited by the late

(II,

91-94)

from

Elkan

Adler's
leaf
;

Siegmund Fraenkel contains a

commentary on Isaiah
20,

of

Saadia's translation and

ff.

the

commentary
translation.

on

the

first

verse

is

accompanied

by

German
of
the

A
classical

very

valuable

addition

to

the

biblical

studies
little

Judeo-Arabic period of which relatively

has been

published so far, are the contributions of Bacher and Israelsohn.

Bacher's publication of the Arabic translation and commentary by

Moses ha-Kohen Ibn

I,

Chiquitilla

(...'^"ly

11N''3

221-272), as

far as preserved in the

as
this
this
is

DV aVN 'D bv'l'^V Oxford MS. 125.

Poznanski
collect

DlJ'in,
is

the

more valuable
mentaries

the

first
is

connected piece of the compublished,

able
to
in

by

author

that

his

monograph (Berlin 1895) having been

few
passages
in

only very

the

original

Arabic

among

the

22

pages

of

430
quotations

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

(cf.

also

his

additions

RBJ., XLI, 45-6i).

Bacher

establishes the authorship of Ibn Chiquitilla

which Poznanski had

disputed.

The MS. contains the works of two other authors, Saadia and an anonymous writer, besides Ibn Chiquitilla, and
it

Bacher has used

for his excellent edition of Saadia's translation

and commentary on Job and has published the anonymous piece With the present publication, the whole MS. in JQR., XX, 31 ff.
is

completely

edited.

It

does

not

unfortunately

contain

the

complete translation and commentary of our author, but his translation

of 600, and his commentary on 140, of 1070 verses.

is

The

translation

printed in larger type than the commentary; in an

in the

appendix the remnants of a third translation

a

same MS. and

Hebrew

translation of the short introduction are added to the

edition.

His contemporary and antagonist,

Ibn
I,

Bal'am,
273-308)

whose comis

mentary on Jeremiah (n^DT 'D ^y triTD,

here for the
since
first

pubHshed
to us

time by Israelsohn,

is

better

known

now
in

Steinschneider discovered a great part of hisn'')nn7X3Xn3

title

on the Pentateuch (the

his

was

first

established by

Neubauer
1876,

Report on the Petersburg Collection, Oxford,

4),

and

since

Harkavy found
This
is

his

almost

complete
of

commentary on the
that

Prophets KIpD^X HDJ,

grapha.
the

and

fragments

on

the

Hagiois

fourth book on which his commentary

now

accessible,

Derenbourg

having

edited

the

one

on

Isaiah

(1892)

and Poznanski that on Joshua and Judges (1903-6), both

Poznanski has promised an edition of the
Ibn BaVam's works, the explanation of the Pentateuch espedeserving to be
of

from Israelsohn's copy.

rest of
cially

known

in

full,

as

its

author shows a rare

combination

talmudic

learning

and

grammatical

training.

Israelsohn has based his text on two

others'
deficiencies

MSS. which
useful

supply each
references
to

and adds

in

the

notes

sources and parallels as well as the later authors

who

utilized the

work.

Israelsohn

is

well

known

to

the

scholarly world by his

excellent edition

of Ibn Hofni's Arabic commentary on the end

it

of

Genesis published 23 years ago, and

is

to

be hoped that

he will

now

be able to

return to this

field

of

studies, in

which

he has shown himself so thorough.

THE HARKAVY
The
gives
title

FESTSCHRIFT

MARX
editor

43I
Midrashim,

late

Salomon Buber, the famous

a

of

some excerpts of
"Midrash"
:

commentary on Genesis which bears the

it

because

consists

mainly

of

collection

of

aggadic passages

^m

^KIDtJ' -l"!^ n^E^S"l3 'D

bv ^'"no

mXD:in

niJDD
bution,

D'^DJ

(I,

391-402).

There

is

no introduction

to this contri-

owing probably
to

to the death of Buber.

at

The

editors of the

volume ought

have added

least

the

necessary references.

Samuel
the

b.

Nissim

Masnut
present
also

is

well
title

commentary on Job under the

editor

known as the author of a Majan Gannim published by

(Berlin
1889)

of

the

specimens
a

from
MS.,

an

Oxford MS.
Nehemiah,
according to

He
Briill

wrote

commentary
a

on

Daniel, Ezra,

and

Chronicles

contained in
p.

Vatican

and
the

{Centralanzeiger,

35) on Proverbs.

Of

commentary on Genesis nothing was previously known.

identified

Buber
Nissim
curious

the

author
!Harizi

originally

with

Samuel
it

ben
is

mentioned by

as living in

Aleppo, and

coincidence that he acquired the

that
city.

MS.
II,

of the present
527;

work from

Yet
f.)

Neubauer

{JQR.,

comp. Bacher RBJ.,

XXII,
lived
is

135
in

has proved that the

author

was

Sicilian

who
a
n.

Toledo.

The
(cf.

date

given by Neubauer

(15th

Century)
lived

based

on

mistake

of

Assemani,

Masnut having
characterization

century earlier
41).

Steinschneider, Hebr.

Ubersetsungen, 851,
of

Bacher

has

given

an

excellent

the

author based on his commentary on Job

{RBJ., XXI,

118-32).

The

excerpts published

here

do

not

add

any

new

traits

but

simply give

new examples
first

of his method.

As

the twelve pages

only cover the

two verses of Genesis, the whole work must

Buber adds the sources
in

be of considerable length.
notes,

his

footthis

and there are

only

few

passages

for

which

even

master of the Midrash could not trace the source

8,

(comp. notes

16,

29,

78).

Besides the sources used in his commentary on

Job,

ITI^I

"ion

drawn

upon.

CniO The

(note

46) of

and
the

Donnolo
author
to

(note
the

80)

are

additions

haggadic
(notes 30,

passages which he compiled, are not very numerous

42,
51,

57

59,

79)' but he sometimes

his texts

combined different passages

(note 62)

and enlarged

(note 43).

Of

special interest

are his quotations from the Targum.

the

name of Onkelos

in

his

While he never mentions Majan Gannim, he here introduces

432
his

TH15

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

")N1

Targum

repeatedly with Dl^pJ^X

(89,

(notes 76, 88)

besides

^OPt^")^ Dlllin

Genesis

i,

2>

different

from known versions) he

quotes ^"T\

(77)

that agrees with the fragmentary

Targum,
he

ed.
t<"J.

Ginsburger
If

(Berlin

1899), and adds another text from a

lived
to

the

editor

had

write

an

introduction

would
quota-

probably have given more information about the

tions in this

Targum

work which seem bo be very

7,

curious.

He

wrote to
quota-

the present writer (Nov.

tions
{j>"n

1905) that he found in the

MS.

from S"n
-=
ijj>

= "inx

DlJin which do not refer to Onkelos, and

in

Dliin

which are neither

It

Pseudo-Jonathan nor
to

in

the fragmentary

Targum.

would be worth while

examine

carefully the quotations in the

MS.
D^ty^H
to

Lambert's
I>

contribution

")DD2

D^NVD^H DniN^nn,
edition

368-390)

is

supplement

the

splendid

of

the

"Glossaire hebreu-frangais" which he published in 1904 in collaboration with Brandin.

Lambert publishes here

(p.

369-80)

all

the

explanations to the Pentateuch and the five scrolls occurring in

MS. of the glossary, stating that these explanations are much more numerous on the other parts of the Bible, but that those
the

presented

are

fair

specimen.

These are followed by

all

the

passages in which authors are quoted in the

MS.

(381-90).

We

do not get much new information, the quotations being mostly

known from

other sources.
of

Yet
are

this edition is valuable,

showing
six

the great influence

Menahem's dictionary (more than

taken

of

the ten pages of

quotations

from

it)

even after the

work of

the Spanish school had

become
of
388,

accessible to the author

(it

through the
Chiquitilla's

grammatical
translation,
p.

works
p.

Hayyuj
1.

seems,

in
p.

Ibn
32

comp.

i,

with ed. Nutt,

and

ed.

Dukes,

56), the dictionary of Parhon,

and the commen-

taries of Ibn Ezra.

Next

to him, Rashi

is

most often mentioned,

In
the

other

French

commentators

only

very

rarely.

second
in

part, the

French glosses are added while they are omitted

the the

commentaries.

We

thus

get

some

further

specimens

of

Hebrew
given.
studies,

spelling, while in the "Glossaire" only transliterations are

This contribution leads us from exegetical to philological

to

which the peculiar text belongs that

-

is

published by
glossary
the
late

n.aTTa6oTTovAoc

Kepa/iEvg

(II,

68-90),

a
the

Hebrew-Greek
collection

to

the

Mishna

forming

part

of

of

THE HARKAVY ":PESTSCHRIFT"

archimandrite Antonin,
burg.

MARX
is

433

now
is

in

the

Imperial Library at Peters-

The
of

leaf

which

given in facsimile, contains almost the

;

whole

U^iih^

and
It

D^ynt^
is

the

Greek equivalent

given
in the

opposite the Hebrew.

perhaps desirable to add that,

MS., the Greek

editor

is

written in Greek, not in

attention
in

Hebrew
declares

letters.

The
these

devotes

his

his

Greek contribution
to

to

glosses which he thoroughly discusses and

show

Cypriote dialect.
that

The
which

interest of this publication

,lies

in the fact

we have no
from

other documents of Greek-speaking Jews from

this

the time

literature out of account,

MS. dates. Leaving the Hellenistic we have only later translations of the
philological

Bible and liturgical poems.

splendid piece

of

modern

work

is

Immanuel
It is

Loew's essay on Aramaic names of snakes

part of a larger study.

(II, 27-81).

only

Loew

gives

some extracts of

his material

about the snake as a source of danger, as remedy, and in proverbs

then he discusses the general names for snakes and gives a full
collection of all

the

forty

names of
including

snakes
those

occurring

in

the

different

Aramaic
adopted

literature

Greek names that

into

have

been

(Lehnworter)

or

transcribed
as,

Aramaic

(Frenidworter).

Loew shows

here again

in his

"Aramaische
Semitic
as

Pflanzennamen," his

remarkable

acquaintance

with

well as classic literatures, and his very wide reading.

tribution

This con-

as

well

as

his

"Aramaische Fischnamen" published

in "Orientalische

Studien zu Ehren Noeldeke's" forms part of his

long expected but not yet published Aramaic Zoology.

To
in

archaeology belongs an essay by Krauss (Sklavenbefreiung

jiidisch-griechischen

den
in

Inschriften

aus

Siidrussland,

II,

52-67)

which he discusses the manumission

of

slaves

in

the

Judeo-Greek inscriptions of southern Russia,

paper
continuing
the
1867,

in a

very interesting
( JlDl^'l

researches
p.

of

Harkavy

DHirtM
Epilength

D"'1"lKS'Dn,

Wilna
Paris,

77-97)

and Derenbourg

(Notes
at

graphiques,

1877,

VI,

68-80).

He

discusses

Levit. 27, 28 in the light of traditional references

(comp. also

D.

Hoffmann's commentary ad locum), and the part of

woman

in the

Temple

services,

and comes

to

the

conclusion that possibly the

is

consecration of the slave to the Synagogue

for full manumission.

only a legal fiction

For some points

as the mention of heirs

434

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

in Judaism,

and the remaining

parallel
in

he might have found an interesting

of

the

deed

of

manumission

Fostat

1087
is

in

the

possession of

Prof.

Schechter, of which a facsimile

It

given in

the Jewish Encyclopedia, XI, 405.

pjE^

reads:
n^-'x

n^n

]'v^n) nj^D n^ni

ns^n njcn

n3KO n^'DTM ni^n pDV nc'Dni jntj^y

xini

HDi njn nonp

p nay

mm i^ n^xn
p

Dit:'

b^

fli^3D n:i< n-'n^ "ikqj

nx n iDvyb ns sn pin
bv"oh)
ijs-ic^^

in^ "n^itn in^n^[-i]nni in^

nsic'b

nnnn^^
i6r\p2
s^i

na no^D^
pnn^

bs"ic:>^3 dcj' "i^

snitn i^ n^i ics:^

-ink^2
bj<-ic'n

^in3

^xriT^)

N^i N*nicn ^^ n^^i ^^i^yi

nnn
ii?y

pi Dy-iD
:^K"i6^'^'i

Di^rn

imv^b
snn^n

i:n ^y n^i

Tiono ^n^n

bb

n^i2

ms

i::i

ppn^^ m:isi "innc' nna ^ro ib ^inn

y"3 pnv"' -i"3

Dmns
noi)s:>

y": "lann i-iuo 'Tn

j"j

^N^ni

"13

npnv

yj

D1^C> "13 D."n3K

y"j ns"'

"13

D^C'D

The name

of the lady
is

who gave
added to

her slave freedom, n??"irD (the

Steinschneider's
list

spoiled one),

to be

of

Arabic

names of Jews.
in the

Of

the ceremony in the

is

Synagogue mentioned

Greek inscriptions there

is

no trace here.

A
MS.

formula for
of R. Hai's

manumission

also contained in the Petersburg

,

p n^3
the
p.

3Nn3 (Harkavy, D-'JC^^ DJ D^::^"in IX; Oxford MS. 2808; see Wertheimer, D^^CTlT ']::
fl^:vn
j'^nX"!
'"l^^tJ^

this is
,

missing in
Introd.

III,

3) and in the

(ed. Prague, 1610,

/.

140a) and elsewhere

(cf.

n^jnJn

nOJD

to

Voreh

Deah,

Constantinople

171 7,

ch. 267, 59-63).

For talmudic
mentioned.

literature,

in

the

first

place,

Ratner's study on
I,

the Baraita of Levi ben Sisi

("D^Dp^l^ ^::Mn:t^D,
the

117-22)

is

to

be

Ratner

collects

remnants of

it,

which are
O17
^^n

expressly mentioned as forming part of that collection

n^n^inD3).

He shows

that this

was an independent work, not an

also

explanation and amplification of the Mishna as Halevy maintains

(D^JIC'Sin

nnn

'

H, 60).

He

shows
It is to

that

the

work was

unknown

to the Palestinian

Talmud.

be regretted that he

the:
intentionally
(p.

HARKAVY "festschrift"
117)

MARX
of

435
in

excluded

those

Baraitas
^17 ^>r\,

Levi

the

Babylonian Talmud simply introduced by

which would have

In
in
"'i^

made
Mesia

the article
(p.
^17

much more

valuable and conclusive.

""1^

p.

Baba
''in

119)

one would rather correct

U"!

""Jn

"qt
^17

(not in
I

^3n) as this requires only a very slight change.

5,

^^n

find also in p. Gittin

3 (46d).
:

In Baba Batra 52^ (p. 120) the

t^^n^lEJ*

Sheeltot 139 read like Sherira

2"i

^Jfi;

p.

120-121 Schorr
i,

(p^nn, XIII,
6.

7) also accepts the reading ^)b 'm |D in p. Kilaim

'^Vi

In his notes on the latter passage D'^^dl^l

8,
ff.,

Jianx (Wilna

1907),

Ratner has previously discussed Levi's Baraitas.

difficult

Margulies gives some new explanations to

in
I,

passages

the

Palestinian

Talmud Sabbath
four
leaves

(nnE^' ^D^tJ'IT

^ynnnx nnyn,
collection

123-129).

Blau

publishes

of

an

unknown

of

Tosafot on Ketubot (nUinD nSDob niSDIJltD D^yilJ ^n^3 Dn^^^ D^^y,

I.

357-367)

found

in the binding of a book,

and proves that the

^""l).

author

was

Rabbi

Isaac

ben

Samuel

(IpTH

He

then

discusses the Tosafot on Kiddushin ascribed to

this

author in
his.

the

Wilna

edition of the

Talmud, and proves that they are not

'D, in his

Lubetzki, the editor of

n^b^n

D^n3 ^p13,
1DD.

16-22, recog-

nized these Tosafot to be part of the nci^t^'H

cussions supplement one another. DlpC^Tin

The two
(/.

dis-

py^ on Nedarim
np^E^H IDD;
corrects

24b

6ib)
is

is

Nahmanides, not the author of

quoted
64a

nroSt^M

ISD
py3

also

and

Lubetzki

ga

V"V
to

and 39J n"n ^y3

28&

into HD^tJ'n by3.

French words also occur

is

13a, 31a;

Rabbi

Samuel

(Ben Meir)

quoted.

References

his
28a,

work on other
2yhy

treatises are also found, 29^

on Moed Katon,
12Z7,

46a on Nedarim, on Ketubot, and Gittin; also

on Baba Batra

and Niddah

13a.

Such studies

in the Tosafistic literature are

not very frequently met with at present, but they are very useful

throwing
stage,
strata.

light

on a literature which we only know

in

later

and

this is the only

way

in

which we can

find out the older

Cowley's

contribution
b.

deals

with

an

earlier

work on
from a

the

Talmud, namely Samuel

(I,

Hofni's Introduction to the Talmud

the

161-163).

He

publishes

beginning of

it,

single

leaf

contained in the Bodleian, finally establishing the existence

Prof. Schechter has discovered a large

of this book.

fragment

436
which he

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

identified

as the end of this work,

and which he has

will see

kindly placed in
that this

my

hands for publication.

One

from

it

introduction

was on a much
latter

larger scale than that of

utilized but certainly
first

Samuel Hanagid and that the

not translated
it.

may have

The MS.

of which

Cowley gives the

leaf

only contained an abridged text ("iVriDD) and very closely agrees

with the beginning of Samuel Hanagid's introduction.

peculiar that

It

is

very
as
in

i^ypV

'IT

nvni5< verso,

1.

19,
it

is

mentioned
occurs
also

Baraita

beween

Mekilta

and

Sifra,
S.
1.

though

Samuel Hanagid's work, where

(see

Sachs wanted to omit nVHIK

3-5, the

DvSn,
is

pp. 43-44).

Verso,

source from which the

i,

gap

supplied ought to have been added (Eduyot

is

6).

This introduction

one of the sources for the history of the

Gaonic period and the Babylonian academies with which Epstein

deals

with his usual thoroughness

I,

(nU"'tJ^'"l

D^ilN^H nil^pi?

nmpO
differ-

b^l,

164-174).

He
sources

points

for

the

first

time

to

the

ence

between

coming

from

Sura

and

those

from
whole

Pumbaditha.

From

the latter

academy we have only one

of

historical

work, but this belongs to the best historical sources

in the

Jewish
into
in

literature,

the

letter

Sherira
to a

(which

was

translated

Hebrew, not edited according

the

London
the

MS., by Filipowski

appendix

to

his

edition
finds,

of
that

ponv).
Judah,

One

of

the

difficulties

which Epstein

R.

Sherira's

grand-

father,

of a

who became Gaon in Gaon who died in 816,

906, should
is

have been the secretary

easily solved.

The MSS. of
'3N

the

Franco-German
i.

text of Sherira all have 13^2S

pXJ

^3.

e.

R. Judah's grandfather, and not R. Judah himself.

letter

from the

JQR.,

XVHI,
b.

402

(comp. 769),

As we know Judah was the

(Sherira, p.

secretary of R.

Zemah

Paltoi.

In the other case

133 p cannot be taken literally, but must mean descendant. 39) (Comp. also Ginzberg, Geonica, I, 70-71-) Much more numerous,

much worse state of preservation, are the sources coming from Sura, among which the Seder Tannaim we-Ammoraim takes the first place. The editions are more fully given in
but also in a
Steinschneider's "Geschichtsliteratur,"
11,

and additions

p.

173-

About the close relations with a responsum of the Suran Gaon

R.

Amram

comp. Ginzberg, Geonica,

II,

328-30,
is

305-8.

That the

dateV'pn for Rab's emigration to Babylon

a peculiarity of this

THE HARKAVY "FESTSCHRIFT"

Suran source
date,
letter
is

MARX

437

very doubtful.

Nissim

in his

riDDD 3a, has this

and he

in all probability followed the authority of Sherira's

addressed to his father and so corroborates the evidence

the

of

all

MSS.

Of

R.

Samuel

b.

Hofni's introduction to the

Talmud (see above), unfortunately very Httle of historical value has come down to us. The first quotation discussed by Epstein does not belong to Samuel but to ril^JlD 'D as shown elsewhere (see above p. 91). The second quotation occurs in a fuller form in
some MSS. of Ibn Aknin's introduction;
107,

see Ginse Nistaroth, III,

at

and

MGWJ.,

1875, 321.

That the MS. Angelica 36 contains

No.

the end of the

TiDpnn

XUD

the passage about the privilege of Sura.

(1885,
I
13, p.

Buber announced
same

in ^Dii<

nny, XXII

108),

where
140,

he communicated some variations.

that the
is

mentioned ZfJiB., IX,

found

in a

MS.

of the Seminary Library (formerly

Cod.

Halberstam
Geonica,

446).
I,

About

Nathan
review
in

ha-Babli,

comp.
XIII,

also

Ginzberg,

and

my

ZfhB.,

169-70.

Epstein believes that his

for
I

MS. was used by Shullam

and the anonymous
58, that

as the basis
"ITD.

his

edition
in

of

Sherira

n"l3''lJ'\T

have proved

ZfhB., V,

Shullam used the text from

very
interesting

which MS. Epstein

Epstein

was

copied.
b.

discovery

made

in

Abraham

David's

Sefer ha Kabbalah.

He
All

shows that he
of the

utilized

Suran sources for the

earlier generations

Geonim and only

in the later times followed Sherira.

the discrepancies thus find their explanation.

To
the

the Gaonic period to a large extent also belongs one of

most

important

contributions
all

to

the

Jubilee-volume,
hitherto

viz

Poznanski's collection of
CjXII^p
"'E^JN
,

the

Kairwan scholars

known
are

I,

175-220),

This summary of earlier and recent

all

discoveries and publications will prove very helpful to

who

interested in the period of the decentralization of Jewish learning.

Poznanski begins with a survc}^ of the Gaonic responsa known to

be directed to Kairwan and practically
list

all

other references.

The

consists of 45 names, several of which are only known as

I

witnesses.
in a

may supplement

the additions already

in

made by me

review of the reprint of the essay

ZfhB., XITT, 74-5, by a

few addenda

About Abraham

ibn

Ata

(Xo.

7)

cf.

now

Dr.
is

Davidson's

interesting article in which the

poem

of Hai

Gaon

reproduced

438
in

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

new poem
b.

a corrected form together with a

is

in

honor of Ibn
;

Ata who
231
ff.,

identified with
p.

Abraham

Nathan (No. 6)

above

p.

esp.

236.

In corroboration of this identification Dr.

Poznanski
is

in a letter to

Dr. Davidson points to the fact that

for

|n3

the

Hebrew
wrote
n^V^""

equivalent
also

the
to
ed.

Arabic
other

KDV- P.
biblical

194

Ilananel In
the

commentaries
D"'J1K^
D''tJ''nD

books.
Letter-

'D

bv

Halberstam,
6,

bode, VII, explanations are quoted on Isaiah

31,

13; 10, 13; 21, 5;

2;
I
;

40,
53, 2

20;

41,

22;

42,

3,

8,

14;

43,

22]

45,

4,
;

16,
i

49,

(also in Neubauer,

The 53rd
;

ChcTpter, p. 335)

54,

57, 16; 59, 15; 60, 19; 61, I, 6; 63, I

65, i;

on Hosea

11,

10

ib. p.

34;

quotations

from
by
of

other

books
of

may
b.

possibly

occur

in

Cod.

Paris 217. P.

195 the laws

slaughtering by R. Hananel are

quoted
ntD^ntJ'

also

R.
the

Judah

Nathan
in

in

his

new
(see

niD^JH

MS.
221,

Seminary

New York
Ittur
8c,

RE J.,
men

LIX,
tioned

p.

note).

To

the four responsa of R. Hananel

'D,

by Rapaport

(nQlinn

XVI,

;"3X"l
^"|^<

242,
ed.

Azulai,

HDin
Ittur

nVE^*
f.

(Appendix

to f)DV "311)

to

205,

Leghorn, 1774,

210 b), Poznanski adds a few more.

Besides
"IIVp

two

in

36c

and

44c, I

notice 11 in the

\:i\)bn

'^bl^

MS.

of the Seminary Library.

Miiller intended to publish these

responsa as they were copied for him in Ramsgate {Report of the Monte fiore College, 1893, 9-io). One of them, as Poznanski points
out (p. 196, note i),
Dn-lS
f.

is

ascribed to Rashi in D^:irDDO C'Din [and in

f.

23c, ed.

Warsaw,

59a]. About niy^Vpon

in

'D

Zunz gave
III,

some

important

references

Gesammelte
.

Schriften,

252.

Besides

n"^3X1, ^DTIO, and niQIDX 'D

R.

Ephraim

of

Bonn
it

ascribed it to R. Hananel {JQR., HI, 342). He also quotes Responsa of R. Meir of Rothenburg, ed. Lemberg, No. 318.

in

For

further

contradictions

between
b.

niyiVpDH

'D
p.

and R.
52,

Hananel
i.

comp. also Gross, R. Elieser

Joel Halevi,

note

As

proof for the German origin of the compilation P. might have found referred to passages like that which R. Isaac b. Hayyim
in

his

grandfather's
125).

pip

(ynT IIX
f

D^-'H

'"I

nV't^

No.

14,

f.

7^

andDilDH
occur in

Gaonic quotations on Baba

Schorr

rom niyiVprDH
No.
347, 373,

'D (p.

197)
198.

also

ynT

")1S

Kamma
shows

390. P.

In

nbnn, V,

42-3,

that

R.

liananel

sometimes
Ib.

follows the Palestinian

Talmud

against the Babylonian.

note

the:
I.

harkavy

\pe;stschrift

marx
iNH

439
pi

In the only case in which R. Hananel says:

''i<n

1J"'3"lD "IJ^^p

?"]
I,

(on Sukkah 37b) the reading

is

rather doubtful.

Ibn Ghiat

p.

112,

and Manhig,

p. 69a, read instead b"T

IJ^niO which

Bamberger

in his notes to the

p.

former place refers to R. Hushiel

Meiri (nUfc^ fJD,

like Ittur II, 40a,

144)

had the reading ^nUSD, while others

agree with the edition.

and

tJ^''^"!

To
p. b.

the quota195, n.
i,

tions

from Hai Gaon

107b
is

in R.

Hananel's commentaries
added. R.
Ilefez

Pesahim
Poznanski

to
out,

be

Jazliah,

as

points

probably

does

not

belong

here,

as

there really are no proofs for his having been in Kairwan.

In

letter

which
n^5?v''

hope
t]i^n

to

publish

shortly
nriD

in
is

the

JQR.,

the niK^xn

y^n nno^ ni^on

niVDH

mentioned,
(?).
is

which seems to indicate that he was a native of Mosul

According to the
the
editor, the

'D quoted in ^ntJ'K, III, 61,

I,

work of

R.

Hefez, but compare Ginzberg, Geonica,

pIDK^fc^i

179.

The

|*Sn 'D quoted in

according to the introduction

it

p.

xx,

cannot be found, nor does

occur in the MSS., as Mr. Albek

informs

me.

For the
315.

mOpH
The

DID^SD

bXD^K^X
p.

TDSn
27, note

cf.
i,

Kaufmann, REJ., V,
(1885), 288.

corrections offered

have already been given by Steinschneider in

MGWJ., XXXIV
is

The

p"DD
in

does not quote R. Hefez; the passage

confirmation
of
this

given

by

Poznanski
"I^SD

found

in

the

p"IU:DnO
81), and
it.

irmo

D'^DIp^^ at the

end of paragraph 82 (not

is

identical with ^"lE^n 412

mentioned immediately after

28.

To
be

the collection of quotations

from Sefer Hefez,

99.

note

i.

may

added

Or

Zarua,
b.

Baba Batra
ed.

Ephraim of
318,

Bonn

(Resp. of R. Meir
in the

Baruch,

Lemberg,
b.

mentioned here
ed.

name of
307),

R. Meir), R. Meir

Baruch (Resp.

Prague,

No.

175,

Abraham ben Nathan (Manhig)

6ia, 67a, |'Dn '1

pKJ

(comp. D. Cassel, ZMrr-/Mt^/jc/in'//, 131), n"D3C'(Cod.

Or. 1389,

British

Museum
it

MGWJ., IV
niTnO
It

(1853), 104)

Mordecai also quotes

iii,

Ketubot IX,
also
p.

334; i"f20
in

Commandments, No.
'D

has a passage
R.
that

occurring
(cf.

and
to

contradicting

Hananel

above

92).

ought

be

mentioned

some of

the excerpts in
e.

Or Zarua
I

contain quotations of Gaonic rcsponsa,

g.

Baba

Kamma

281, 284;

Baba Batra 78

X"2Vr\ 569, R. Meir

38,

b.

Baruch Resp. 307;

167a, 615

and Baba Mesia

quotes the

Pal.

Talmud; Baba

Kamma

381 contains a marginal note

(pv3) of

440

the:

JEWISH quarte:ri.y review

22.

Sefer Hefez. P. 202, No.

For R. Judah ben Joseph

see

now

Davidson
Joseph
b.

(above

p.

237,

244-46).

He

might be the son of the

(KnDT ^3N p ^IDV "l"D) mentioned as correspondent of Sherira and Hai in Beth Talmud, III, 64, but the parallel passage in Responsa of R. Solomon ben Adret, V, 121
Judah
(Ginzberg, Geonica,
I

187)

reads DDtJ' ^2S

HK^D.

A p
24, in

C)DV

Cod. min^ n"l id is quoted by Ibn Ghiat, II, 90. P. 203, No. sons of Berechiah occur; Oxford .2877' Joseph and Nissim the That Nahshon v^as perhaps Joseph is the one discussed here.
a

brother

of

Joseph

(p.

204)
209,
ga,

is

also

the

opinion

of

Brull,

Jahrbilcher,

IX
b.

129.

P.
MS.

about
Zunz,

Meborak
Ritus,
p.

comp.

also
212.

Abr.
R.
of
281;

Klausner,

Minhagim,
Isaac

192. P.
the

Abraham
R.

^"2^
VI,
it
is

saw
No.

in
604,

Barcelona
Gross,
D^^n

nnDD
1868,
T,

Nissim
Sachs,

Resp.

MGWJ.,
nin-iN,
the
is

im^n
nnson
b.

nn3,
hvi.

167;

15&,

28, quotes

doubtful

whether
I,

used by R. Shilah
of Nissim.

Isaac of Siponte (Ittur

lAc)

the

ninnSO work

P.

215.

Responsa of R. Nissim are also quoted by

Meiri
216.

(nUi^

p?3, 146-47)

and Nahmanides on Baba Batra

p.

52&.

P.

On

Nissim's Siddur see Zunz, Ritus,

19,

note

d,

and the

passages quoted there.

references to the
Zunz-Juhelschrift,
title

Manhig
are

81 & also quotes D''"inD

TO^'O, but the

/.

misplaced,

comp. Zunz,

c,

Cassel,

p.

132.

Kairwan savants discussed by Poznanski also Goldziher publishes from the occurs elsewhere in this volume. Arabic Genizah-Collection of the late David Kaufmann, a large

One

of

the

fragment of a

treatise

anonymer

Traktat

on the names and attributes of God {Bin zur Attrihutenlehre, II, 95-ii4) which is
ibn Ata, a physician to

dedicated to
is

Abraham

whom

high praise

given and

whom

he identifies with the Kairwan correspondent

in

of R. Hai.
p.

The passage
showed

question

is

translated into German,

99,

and shows that the author

lived far

away from Ibn Ata;

and
helped

the latter

great interest in

the

academies

support them.

The

editor therefore suggests that the

anoymous
writings
is

writer lived in Babylonia.

He was
to the

evidently a contemporary of
earliest

Hai and

his

work belongs

philological

among

the

Jews coming immediately after Saadia, so far as

THE HARKAVY "FESTSCHRIFT"

known
at

MARX

44I

present.

The

author, as Goldziher points out, belongs

to the school of the Mutazilites.

Passing from philosophy to theology, Griinhut

deals with a

(I,

403-413)

book which must have enjoyed very great popularity

as there are at least 20

MSS.
Yet

of

it

known, the DM^^K

(cf.
little

mxiD

by

R.

Hanok
of

b.

Salomon al-Konstantini
No. 2051).
it is

Steinschneider,

Cat.

Berlin,

II, 97,
its

very

quoted; Griinhut only

knows

use and abuse by Abrabanel.

(p.

How
to

this

enhances

the value of the book

410)

is

hard

understand.

That

Abrabanel sometimes made use of the book without mentioning

it,

is

a fresh example of his well

known method

of treating his
.y.

sources.

Besides some quotations in his Alfarabi (see index

in

v.

Chanoch) Steinschneider gave a note of the book

108-109, analyzing the introduction of

HB., XII,
fuller
is

which Griinhut offers

p.

extracts.

Besides the authors put together,

403,

the

work
H^^ID

also mentioned by Heilprin in his

in

Seder ha-Dorot and De Rossi

his

biographical

dictionary.
(p.

On
cf.

the

nipltDV

of

Solomon al-Konstantini
II,

409)
states
"l^DD

Steinschneider,

Cat.

Berlin,

62-3,
this

Cod. 211-12,

who

that

according to the Vatican

t^'Jin,

MS.

book was

finished

113 (1352) in
this

probably
be
the

Burgos.
father

Steinschneider
of

also

believes

So,lomon

to
cf.

Ilanok.

On

the

family

of

al-IConstantini,

Stein-

schneider in JQR., XII, 205-8.

Mediaeval

Hebrew poetry

is

well

represented in the present

this

volume by a contribution by Brody, the best authority on

subject
I>

Onn^s min^
He
MS.
^

''h \>^v^

'd

:'2

mino onnoD
of

"jddo,

309-56).

publishes

the

pjyn

'D

Harizi

from

the

unique Oxford

The author
like

in all probability is the

famous

poet of the Tahkemoni, the previous doubts of the editor having

been removed.
play

The poem is with homonyms, several

in
all

the

\>Z)3

of

Moses

ibn Ezra, a

verses always ending with the sam'C

word
avoids

different

meanings.

The
utilized

author,

as

Brody points
ibn

out,

those

homonyms
in

by Moses

Ezra and the

anonymous poet of whose work Brody has publishied a considerable

fragment

Hakedem,

II,

and therefore only seldom

finishing with the

is

able to give

more than two verses

the

same word.
groups of

The

editor gives

meter before each of the 257

verses and on the bottom of the page adds the necessary refer-

44^

TH^ JEWISH QUARTKRI.Y REVIEW

new evidence
of the poetical talent

ences to the text which gives

of the great

Spanish poets.
ritual
i,

Markon's description of the

of

Kaffa

in

the
list

Crimea
of the

(KB3

in^K) "inno

nnx

bv
it

"irDxo,

449-469) with a
is

religious poets

and poems

contains
I

also a useful contribution

this

to the history of
fully elsewhere

Hebrew

poetry.

have dealt with

more

{OLZ., XII, 448-9).

contribution
II,

Steinschneider's

(Zeitgenossen

des

Moses

ibn

Esra und Jehuda ha-Levi,

126-136) which

was written

at very

short notice half a year before the death of the great master, gives

list

of

all

the contemporaries (104) that occur in the works of

Moses
of

ibn

Ezra
circle

and
which

Judah

ha-Levi,

who

formed
In

kind with

literary

deserved

special

investigation

attention

to

the

non-Jewish
in

surroundings.

the

suggestive

introduction

which

no way shows the advanced age of the

writer, Steinschneider points to four other similar circles of poets,

one

in

Provence towards the end of the 14th Century, one

one

in

northern Spain in the 15th Century, one in Salonica 1570-90, and

finally

in

Yemen

in

the

17th Century.
is,

Another
the

historical

communication
dealing

strange to

say,

almost
favorite

only

one in the volume

Karalsm.
Gottheil

with

Harkavy's
in

subject

of

publishes
(II,

"A Decree

favor of

the Karaites of Cairo dated 1024,"

115-125) the oldest docu-

ment

in

the archives

of
is

that

community.

Unfortunately

the

beginning of the text

is

missing and therefore not everything

clear.

No names

occur in the part preserved and the cause

decree to protect the

for granting the present

Karaites against

interference by their opponents can only be inferred.

The

text

has been published before in an entirely unknown Karaitic journal

At-Tahdtb appearing
later but
in
(p.

in

Cairo 1901-5. Gottheil has also published a

more extensive Karaitic document from the same source The Old Testament and Semitic Studies in Memory of Harper
386-414)

and a Rabbinical document of the Eleventh Century

Jewish documents from Cairo of this period
e.

in

JQR., XIX, 472-8.

are not as rare as Gottheil believes (p. 117), as one can see,

g.,

by glancing through Worman's instructive

7
ff.

article in

JQR., XVIII,

THE HARKAVY TESTSCHRIFT -^MARX

443

document which throws

light

on the conditions of the

is

Polish Rabbis and communities in the i8th Century,

reprinted
'D, I, 414-

by Freimann from an extremely rare booklet

442).
It is

('ISltJ'

]}pr\

a protest of Jehizkiah Joshua Feibel

Teomim
away

against

the congregation of Przemysl, which had taken

ate in spite of the protests of the Council of the

his rabbin-

Four Lands and

other authorities, and the obligations they had towards him.

editor

The

gives

all

the

necessary

information

in

the

introduction

and

notes.

Comp.

also ZfhB., XIII, 66-68.

letter

of considerable significance for the history of the

(

founder of Hasidism

...niT'Dnn

nPlpS

I,

443-448)

is

puball

lished by his latest biographer

Abraham Kahana who

discusses

the points of interest.

It is

written by a brother-in-law of Israel

Baal

Shem Tob

in

1747 from Hebron, and speaks of conditions

there and in Jerusalem.

Jare gives some biographical dates about Hananel Nepi,

"'D"'J

D^OIp^

pXijn

nn

UriDO,

I,

470-83), some specimen of

his halakic

correspondence, and some notes from the

biographical
dictionary
that

MS.
is

of his well-known

was published miserably and with

the biography of

many

omissions, the most notable of which

Azariah de Rossi, published here by Jare with some other passages.

Ghirondi,
objected
it

seems,
the

had omitted
(see

this

biography purposely as he
edition

to

critic

the

forthcoming
I,

of

Stein-

schneider's

Gesammelte Schriften,

25).
S.
(

The
504),

letters

of Rapaport, Jost,

Sachs, Bodek, and Lebenh^:^''

sohn to Reggio published by Berliner

give

TIDET

nnn,

I,

484-

some

side-lights

to

the history

of Jewish science in

1830-45 and the difficulties the editors of periodicals encountered

at

the time.

Rapaport's letters deal to a great extent with his

relations to the over-sensitive Luzzatto

who

could not be induced

in a milder form,

to put his attacks on

Maimonides and Ibn Ezra

and only with

Ibn

difficulty

agreed to omit some love-poems of Moses

Ezra "which were of such kind that even Gentiles would

blame us for them."

On

the whole

we do

not get

much new

information out of these

are

letters,

as they deal with conditions that

well-known from the published correspondence of Luzzatto,

etc.,

Rapaport,

yet

they

add

some new
e. g.,

traits

to

the

picture

and one

is

glad to read once more,

of the role the bookseller

444
Schmid
in

'I'HE

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Italian

Vienna played as a mediator between the

and

the Austrian and

German

scholars.

Lewin contributes an essay on the Jews of Kalisch (Beitrdge 2ur Gesch. d. Juden in Kalisch, II, 141-178) where a Jewish community
together
is

mentioned
that
is

as

early

as

1287.

After

putting

briefly

all

known

of the political relations of this comall

munity, Lewin enumerates

logical order

the rabbis of

this

city

in

chrono-

from 1647
literary

to 1903, adding all necessary information

about

their

activity.

An
in

alphabetical

list

of

other

prominent men of Kalisch, rabbis

physicians, printers,
etc.,

other communities, scholars,

concludes this contribution to the history

of the Jews in Poland.

Schwab who
inscription

in

his valuable

"Rapport" of 1904 had given a

full collection of all

Jewish epitaphs found in France, adds a new

found

in Paris after the publication of his "Rapport'*

("Une Epitaphe Parisienne

inedite,"

II,

137-140).

He

approxi-

mately fixes the date at the end of the 13th or the beginning of
the 14th Century for palseographical reasons.

As such

stones were
it

often carried

away from
in

their

places and used

for buildings,

seems rather hazardous to venture the hypothesis that the single

stone

found

the

foundation

of

house

should

prove

the

existence of a third cemetery in Paris.

One
volume

of the most suggestive essays contained in the present

is

Bornstein's
"'JO

study
I,

on

the

Calendar

in
is

the

Assuan

Papyri (Dip

nD'^^D*

63-104). Bornstein

who

a specialist

on the very complicated history of the Jewish calendar submits

all

the dates occurring in these papyri to a thorough investigation

to

which leads him

the editors.

supply some of the lacunae differently from

in

Thus he reads

17th of Tot, instead of 7th; in

in

D, 2ist of Masora instead of

in
I,

first;

24 of Tishri

(nt^^nb),

9th Year of Darius instead of 8th on the basis of his calcu-

lations

and with comparison of

the

facsimiles.

He shows

his

familiarity with all the

most recent researches

utilizes.

in the

chronology

of the Oriental peoples which he

He

reaches the conclu-

sion that the fixing of the calendar in the time of the papyri took

place

in

the

same way as the Talmudic

expression

literature,

observation

being checked to some degree by calculation.

Bornstein
discusses

In

an appendix,

the

tJ'in

hv

nUV

DV which,

THE HARKAVY "FESTSCHRII^T"

MARX

445

according to his opinion, the Palestinians understand to mean the

31st day of the month, the Babylonians the 30th; the intercalca-

tions of the Babylonians,

the Karaitic views on determining the

Incidentally
it

length of the month,

p.

etc.

may

be mentioned that,

100,

note

I,

Bornstein corrects the text of Maimonides' comII

mentary on Mishna Rosh hashana

n^S"in

nvp

lUtJTI

into

nSTp,

which

literally

agrees
p.

with

the

Arabic original

(Hildeseditor,

heimer-Juhehchrift,

99), n'''''nbx

Dip "iKIpO, while

n^K"in
"iiy^E^

the

M.

Friedlaender,

incorrectly

translates

nvp.
is

Another

article dealing

with questions of calendar

that of

Sarsowski about the Canaanitic names of the months in their

relations to the Babylonians
II>

(D^b^nnb DDin^a D"'iy:3n D^^nnn

is

niOEJ',

35-62) an Assyriological study which

entirely outside of the

line of the reviewer.

lengthy account of the article

may

be

found

in

OLZ.,

511-15.
to be

There remains only

(II,

mentioned Baron Giinzburg's essay

the rest of

130-134), of a

more miscellaneous character than

title

the volume, but the

of which, TJ^D 31D

collection.

njni, might be well

applied to the

whole of the

Jewish Theological Seminary

of America

Alexander Marx

SOME NOTES ON
"JEWISH ARABIC STUDIES"
In
in the

his

interesting

article

on the

above

mentioned
I.

subject

October number of
light

this

Review, Prof.

Friedlaender has

thrown much
the

on the history of Jewish sectarianism and

field.

stimulated further study in the same

He

suggests (p. 187)

Literatur

reading

Almukamm/s.
reads

Steinschneider

{Die Arab.

der Juden, 37)

cannot, however, be any doubt that the

the

Almikmas (|*DpO and I^SDpD^X). There name was Al-Mukammas,

lectionis.

in the

one form being mater

little

yop^bi^

is

also the
in

reading in the

fragment of his work:

I

"Fifty queries

refutation of the Christians," which

published JQR.,

XV,

682.

As
tion

to the

name Serene
is

(p.

211), Dr. Friedlaender's deriva-

from surydni

more ingenious than probable and cannot

supplant the derivation given by Graetz from Serenus.

The name
Hassan

was known
the
b.

to

Arabs considerably

earlier.

Copt slave-girl of
to the poet

name
the

of Sirin was given by

Lastly

Mohammed

Thabit.

of

fathers

Mohammed b. Sirin (born A, H. 33) was one of Mohammedan tradition (see Ibn Khallikan,
Slane,

translated by

De

H, 586), the
(see JQR.,
call

first

author of a work on

interpretation of dreams
It
is

XV,

175).
tribes

hardly appropriate to

the Jewish

of the B.

Kainoka, Al Nadhir, and Kheibar "sons of the desert,

sword, soldiers, warriors"
212).
(p.

men

of the
(p.

210)

and "ignorant nomads"

What we know from

in

the early

Arab sources

points to

the

contrary.

They were rather peaceful palm growers, craftsmen,

settled

and traders who lived

further
north.
relate

habitations

round Medina and

The

quarrels

of

which Arab authors have so

much

to

should not be taken too seriously.

Anyway we

never read of Jewish victories, but only of defeat and slaughter.

447

448

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

their pure

There may have been a few warriors among them, but

Jewish blood
such
(see
is

a matter of doubt.

As

to their alleged ignorance,

evidence as

we

possess

does not bear out this statement

my New
They

Researches into the Composition and Exegesis of

ff.)-

the Qoran, 103

The

art of writing

was much practised among

them.

did not, indeed, produce any scholars, but they had

a good knowledge of the Bible which they publicly interpreted in a Midras.

They even seemed

to have used an

Aramaic version of

the Pentateuch.

This can be gathered from the Aramaic forms

expressions which appear in the ^oran.
in

of

many Jewish

They

were well versed

in the

the Haggadah of which ample evidence exists

Koran and Sunna.

(see

Even
1905).
if

the

new poem by Al Samau'al,

ele-

the

prototype of

an Arabicized Jew, has several haggadic

April,

ments

JQR.,
relies,

Ibn

Khaldun on

whom

Dr.

Friedlaender

even

we

absolve him from religious bias,

was no judge of Jewish

Jews
at

learning,

and on the proficiency of the

is

in Arabia eight centuries before his time he

no authority
Dr.

all.

Geiger,
is

too, not,

has misjudged this

therefore,
justified

point
in

completely.

Friedlaender

maintaining that the

religious

Arab Jews could not have promoted

new

movement.
Withit

Why

not?

Surely they did

so, first indirectly,

then directly.
its

out the positive knowledge they imparted to

^ doubtful

founder,

is

whether Islam would have seen the

light.

London

H. Hirschfeld

A REPLY
The
courtesy of the Editors has enabled
its

me

to see the

above

note before
I

publication and to reply to

it

in a

few words
(with
i).

did

not

"suggest"

the
I

reading

al-Mukammis

In the passage referred to

variant

merely discussed the bearing of the

of s)

al-Mukammis (with

^ instead

on a conjecture of
a)

Harkavy.

The pronunciation al-Mukammas (with

is

which Dr.

Hirschfeld prefers

just as acceptable to me.

is,

The name
ian
is

Sirin

of

course,
it.

quite

familiar

to

me,

but

Serene can have nothing to do with

written
^J"'*ltJ',

For the name of our

sectar-

and whether

my

derivation

from Suryanl
in

be correct or not,

it

is

undoubtedly a Nisbe and indicates, as

the case of the other sectarians, a place.

The description of desert, men of the sword,

Graetz for which
I

the

Arabian

Jews

as

"sons

of

the

soldiers, warriors" is a quotation

I

from

am

not responsible.

deserve, however, Dr.

Hirschfeld's criticism for having spoken of the Jews of Arabia

as **nomads."
sciously

This mistake, in which

must have been uncongrievous as in the

influenced

by

Graetz,
(p.

is

the

more
I

same volume of the Review

settled

251)

myself

emphasized

the

condition

of

the

Arabian

Jews.

As

to

whether

these

Jews were ignorant or

is

not,

depends entirely on the standard that

of Arabia, to be sure,

applied to them.

The Jews

knew more

of

Judaism than did the Arabs who were deeply influenced by them,
but they were ignorant,
lonia.

when compared with

I

the Jews of Baby(p.

In the same

way
in

referred in

my

article

208) to the

ignorance of the Persian Jews

who

in point of

Jewish knowledge

were

have no doubt
all

no way inferior to the Jews of Arabia.

However,

this

does not affect the main issue.

My

object

was

to

show

that the rise of Jewish sectarianism in the lands of

449

450
Islam

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

a
similar

was due

to

process

within

the

Mohammedan
Arabian Jews,

community and

to prove, against Graetz, that the

who
(see

in their native land submitted to the authority of the

Geonim

my
ff.)

note "The Jews of Arabia and the Gaonate" this Review,

249

and outside of

it

do not seem to have attained to any

influence,

cannot have been responsible for a movement defying

the acknowledged authorities and bearing the impress of an entirely

different

environment.

This thesis
resemblance

fully

and unwaverthis

ingly

uphold.

The

close

between

form

of

Jewish sectarianism and the corresponding heterodox tendencies

in

Islam which will be brought out in detail in the continuation

of
I

my "Studies" will I am happy to say that,

in the
article)

believe convince even the

most

sceptical.

without these additional proofs,

my
p.

theory
185 of
like

which was

main anticipated by Harkavy (comp.

found the
unqualified

my

has

approval

of

men

Noldeke, Goldziher, and Barth.

New York

Israel Friedlaender

AlO

SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA

II

HIS "TREATISE OF

THE DREAM"

(Di^nn

mJN)

PUBLISHED FOR THE FIRST TIME FROM A MS. IN THE BRITISH

MUSEUM
By Henry Master,
Dropsie College

Among

the difficulties that beset the

way

of every in-

vestigator in the field of Jewish literature, especially that

of the Middle Ages, the one arising from misleading

is

titles

not the least perplexing.

The

multiplicity

and variety of

books bearing the same

origin, content,
diaeval

title,

although entirely different in

in

and purpose, which are met with

literature,

me-

Hebrew
is

can hardly be paralleled in any

of the world's literatures.

The underlying cause of

this

confusion

the peculiar fondness of for their productions,

Hebrew authors
titles

for

pompous

titles

that often have

no relation whatever

to the subject-matter of their works.

The

choice of

title

depended mostly upon the individual

author's taste or whim, and the

same predilections were

often shared by a

number of

others.

Moreover the
for his work.

exist-

ence of a book bearing a given

name
title

did not prevent an

author from appropriating the

result

As

we
|*y

have, for example, under the

name

of ''Tree of
s.

Life," twenty-five books

U^T]
),

(see Benjacob's Thesaurus,

v.

assignable to twelve different branches of Jew-

451

452

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Equally illustrative of the lack of relationtitle

ish literature.

ship between

and work are

five

books bearing the name

npy

nJKntJ^

C'Lily of Jacob").
is

Three of them deal with

halakic matter, one

devoted to palmistry and physiogto

nomy, and the third undertakes

to ascertain

show ''means by which

any number that another person may be think-

ing of and other tricks for fun and amusement, also ways

of writing and speaking by signs so as not to be under-

stood by any one except those

I.

who know

the signs."

S.

Reggio' was of the opinion that these symbolic

titles

were adopted by Jewish writers under the dominating

This

may be the explanation in the case of some authors who followed Arabic models'; it is not, however, borne out by the facts when
influence of Arabic literature.

applied to Jewish literature in general.

The Arabs
occur

usually

employed rimed
by the Jews.'

titles,

a practice not

commonly adopted
first

Moreover, symbolic

titles

and

are found mainly in the literature of the Halakah, a branch

least influenced

by Arabic

literature.

It is in

the domain

of Halakah that
titles

we meet
b.

as early as the twelfth century

e. g.

giving no indication of the character of the books,

niDyn ISD
HDi-inn 'D

by Isaac

Abba Mari
b.

of Marseille (1179-89),
(i2(X)),

by Baruch

Isaac of

Worms

ynr

"lis

Quoted by Prof. Schechter

I,

in his excellent essay

on the subject under

discussion, Studies,
2

277.

For instance Moses Ibn Ezra's

Dtmn D^nj?

or

Abraham Ibn

Ezra's

noTon DT1B1 iiDDnn njny.

There are some exceptions, as the

title

of the second

work mentioned
is

in

the preceding note, that of

Abraham
'n'jT

b.

yiyya's Ethics which

in

full:

na^fi

rrmnSn

Sy^ .nniB^nn

npuna .nanyn trcan

77
\

]v:>n, etc.

(comp.
of
his

Luzzatto in

Kerem Chemed. VII,

Encyclopedia
extant;
see
p.
:

S.

Sachs,

HJVn

72),

and

mathematical

naiDKH SlJOl Hiiann n"lD\

of

which
ff-;

only

fragment

is

Steinschneider, Hebr. Bibl, VII, 84

Bibliotheca

Mathematica, 1896,

34; JQR., XVI, 743.

PALQUKRA's "treatise of the dream"

by Isaac
b.

MAI^TER 453
this

Moses of Vienna (1250).

all

Subsequently

custom spread to

other branches of

Hebrew

literature,

as the instances given show.

There
misleading.

is

another class of

titles

which are
title

still

more
to
it

The words forming

the

would seem

be descriptive of the work; on examination, however,

turns out that the promise of these "descriptive"
in
titles

is

no way
title

fulfilled

by the books that bear them.

Thus from
well ex-

the

''Voice of

Song"

,-nDT

^lp
is

we might

pect poetry.

Instead, the
ni:il3

book

an obscure kabbalistic

commentary on the
n3D^
is

of Isaac Loria.

book styled

nNlQ"!

"Balm

for the

Wound,"

the author of which

presumably a physician, turns out to be a commentary

on Canticles.

These instances which could be readily mul-

tiplied, suffice to

show

that the

Hebrew

bibliographer can
their

not classify
titles.

Hebrew books without going beyond

were
title

The foregoing observations

writer by his experience with the

suggested

to

the

of the treatise here

published for the

the British

first

time from a unique manuscript in

Museum, Add. 27,144 (Margoliouth, Z)^.ym/>Hz/^ List of the Hebrew and Samaritan MSS. in the British Museum, London, 1893, p. 83). The manuscript belonged
upon

originally to the Italian bibliophile Joseph Almanzi,

whose death (i860)

scripts of

it

was bought with many other manufor

the
British

Almanzi's collection
the work,
his

Museum.
Palquera,

The author of
mentions
called
it

Shem Tob ben Joseph

p.

in

commentary on Maimonides' Guide,

(Pressburg 1837,
*

niion
Di^^nn

m^o

131), under the

name
*

m:s
article
n.

This
on

is

the

only

reference
number

to

our
this

Comp.
(p.

my
172,

Palquera

in

the

October

of

Review

37).

454
treatise

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

found
in the

numerous works of Palquera, and

it

has

always been described among the writings of

this

author as an exposition on the nature of dreams'.

Steinschneider,

Even
sug-

the

greatest

gested (Jewish Literature,

that
''the

Hebrew bibHographer, London 1857, p. 371, n.

was probably

78)

monograph Dl^nn ni:s of Shemtob Palquera,

his

only

known by

own

quotation,

philo-

sophical, according to the principles

which the Arabs and

et Vigilia'

Jews drew from

Joseph

Aristotle's 'De

Somno

"! When,

however, S. D. Luzzatto published his ''Bibliotheque de feu

Almanzi"

{Hehr.

Bibliographie,

vols.

IV-VI)
Palquera

where the superscription of the present

is

treatise of

given (VI,

19,

No. 251), Steinschneider at once reaHzed

''ce

his mistake.
libre est le

In a note referring to the book he says:

Dl^nn

n-i:is

v.

Catal. p.
qu'il

2539

et

Jewish Literd'une oneiro-

ature, p. 371,
critique."

ou

j'ai

suppose

s'agit

As long

as

no manuscript of the Dl^nn

mJK was

known, the only information about the work was the passage in Palquera's commentary on the Guide referred to
above.

This passage dealt with the

reliability of

dreams,

So

e.

g.

Jellinek in his Preface to

niDin

DIJIK,

and recently M. David

xi.

in the
*

Introduction to Palquera's
It
is

nOSn
his

D'B'KI, Berlin 1902,

the peculiar

fate

of

Palquera's works to have been the occasion

encycloptedic

for

various

misconceptions.

Thus

work D'EIDlS'SH
to to

nij?*!

(as yet unpublished) was ascribed by Steinschneider and others Ibn Tibbon, until Zunz (Hebr. Bibl., IX, 13s f-) restored it

Samuel
its

real

author; see Steinschneider, Hebr. Vbcrs.,

s-

His

pjln

n:?

was attributed
in

by some
number,

to
p.

one Saul
173,
n.

b.

Simon; see the

article

on Palquera

the October

42.

The author

of

the

article

"Philosophical

Ethics,"

works on various ethical JE., V, 254, informs us that Palquera "wrote four questions," among which he enumerates HOan n'CKI a work which is in
fact, as the
title

indicates, a general introduction to all secular sciences.

On
not

the

other

hand,
at
all.

Palquera's

real

book on

ethics,

the "iDIOn

niJK

is

mentioned

Of the four works mentioned there, only one, the

1BD

mSyon,

represents a system of ethics.

palquera's ''treatise oe the

dream" m alter

455^

and no other inference could be drawn than that the work^

was devoted

to oneirocriticism.

Palquera quotes there the

Arabic philosopher Averroes' defense of the Peripatetics

against the accusation that they denied God's foreknowl-

edge of particulars.

The

text reads

''How

is

it

possible

to ascribe to the Peripatetics the

view that God's eternal

particular, for

knowledge does not extend to the

do they

not assert elsewhere that true dreains' contain predictions

of particular future events and that these predictions are

communicated

to

man

in sleep
It
is

by the eternal all-guiding

not only with regard to

and all-dominating mind?

particulars

Aat

the Peripatetics claim that God's

knowU

edge differs in kind from

regard to the universa'ls
;

human knowledge,

but also with

for our universal notions, like

our particular

ideas, are the results of.tbe wx>rld of pheis

nomena, while the opposite

true of God's knowledge.

is

This proves conclusively that the divine knowledge

different

too

from ours and the terms universal and particular

it

cannot be applied to

at all.'"

To
,

these

words of Averfrequent

npnX^f'^K

XnnSx,

C^pnnn
to

mmSnn

is

phrase

in

Arabic and Hebrew literature

tion
to

designate

"true" dreams in contradistincn.

i.

false

or meaningless dreams;

comp. Munk, Melanges, 95,

Al-

6azzali devotes a whole chapter of his

Makafid

'ul-Falasifat to the discussion

of such dreams;

comp. the writer's Abhandlung des

p.

Abu

I^Iamid
d'

Al-dazzali,\

Frankf.

a.

M.

1896,
f.;

Ix;

A.
b.

F.

IMehren,

Vues theosophiques
]*)!,

Avieenne,I,

Louvain 1886, 29
n.
i;

Aaron

Elijah, D'TI

c. c.

98;
9.

Munk, Guide,

27,

II,

267, 282; n. 7;

and Albo, Ikkarim,

III,

1(3X1

Uc
p*

*13T3n

D3nn, by which phrase Palquera always

p.

refers

to

Averroes; comp. his Introduction to the work in question,

8) 1311?n' ^X*ni

oni D'uncn

r^^M^ nyT2 nS

nrnc^ Nine noN'

nntt*

ooSinn no Sy

nnmon nyn^n nrnxci Tnyn pra o'cinnon

Dn
Di'Ki

o^tsicn i^nro

pmvn niSnn ikt

vSy nScinni h^h n:jn:Dn nmsan nyns-i nso noiina

D'':''^3n

mwS
'r\\

y'jn

D'SiSy D'viT'"'

'D

c'SS^n

sh

[xSs] nsSa d'-jieh

v^

vh

mnc
read!)

iKnnn
3"y

Sj,m

icnn n;'nn nmws [isim]

'SSdS

Nxoin v^-rs

los

(so

.t3*1C21

IKin'CQ

nr2f2no

nyn'n nrnxr nC1?33.Upon

further

45^
roes,

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Palquera adds:

this view undoubtedly correct, namely, that God's Providence embraces all existence, the subject of dreams, too, has convinced me of it for the fact that particular events
in itself is
;

"Although to

my mind

in dreams proves beyond doubt that Providence extends also to particulars. On this subject I have written a treatise, which I have called

are foretold to

many

Di^nn

mJX

Dream," a work on education and conductsomething remarkable."" Assuming from the title
investigation
I

''Treatise of the

found

the

passage

to

be

verbal

translation

from

Averroes'

Theology

published

by

Marcus
1859, p.

Joseph

Miiller

{Philosophic

und Theologie von Averroes, Munich

n,

1.

6-13): "

^ ^ wa5j

Averroes repeats the same in brief at the end of his work. p. 131. than a hundred years before Averroes, the same view regarding knowledge was advanced by Al-Batlayusi (died 1030); comp.

More
God's

Kaufmann, Die
Leipzig
1880,

Spuren
P-

Al-Batlajusis
f.

in

der

judischen
this

Religionsphilosophie,

49

As
the
c.

is

well

known,

theory of the incomprehensibility of the

nature

of

divine
8,

Chapters,"

and Guide,

knowledge was accepted also by Maimonides, III, 21; comp. Albo, IV, 3.

"Eight

]':y Ss

nniN nox o^uiem n^SS^a Nxnan Sd2

D'cicn nn'j'jy Sy
nNnp m;iK

'n*

'piSsn

nn;tcn
13

noiSs

pcD

S2 niio

^aao D'ni 12

nnnc no

mSnn

r3:?3 niSnn

mjK noc

;'ij?n

nrn
b.

man
Gerson,

1221 d'uic2 T^n:^v7\n

kSb Mine' no inm KC'D piV2 nj noSn. Levi

monSo.

IV,

(ed.

PALQUERA's "treatise of the dream"

MASTER

457

and from the context that the work was an oneirocriticism,

no satisfactory explanation of Palquera's words following
that

quotation

could

be

found.

Why

should a work on

the trustworthiness of dreams confine itself to the question

of education and conduct

is, it

The

closing phrase N^a

is

ii.^n^

no

moreover, unintelligible, as there

refers.

nothing to which

All these obscurities are, however, cleared up by

the superscription put at the head of the treatise by

copyist.

some
in-

Here
is

the

title

n)br\n

mJ5<

is

dropped and the

formation

given that the writing of this treatise, dealing

with

ethics,

was due

to a

dream.

The

ideas

came

to Pal-

quera in a dream and on awakening he committed his dream

to
writing."*

This explains Palquera's reference to the

work

as the "Treatise of the

it

Dream" and

his explanatory

remark that

deals
t^intJ'

with education and social conduct.

The words s^S

quera's

no are thus only the expression of Pal-

own

astonishment at his dream in which he sees

additional evidence that God's providence extends also to

individual affairs.

In

all

probability, the original title

was Dl^nn

mJS,

as quoted by Palquera, perhaps with the sub-title

milX m3K

noxi
Leipzig,

n)b^
176-79)

nm", which was

uses
also

followed by some sort of

to

the
ib.,

same argument
II,
2,

prove
b.

God's providence over

Joseph,

individuals;
1547,
^

comp.

and

Shemtob

mcil

Venice

fol.

17c.
is

There
with

no reason
others
in

to

doubt the truth of

to

this statement.

This matter taken

in

together
detailed

relating
a

the
of

present

treatise
will

will

be

up for

discussion
this

series

articles

which

appear

subsequent

numbers of

Review.

In the following pages attention will be drawn to

the articles in the notes on the respective passages by referring to this note.
^^

The phrase

is

taken

from

Esther

9,

30

and

epitomizes

the

whole

content of the

treatise,

DlSc

being interpreted as moral perfection, wliile

(see below).

r\DH stands for the achievement of intellectual perfection

the

On
of

usage

of

the

expression
1

DIJIK
237,

in

medixval Hebrew literature comp.

Harkavy, Studien, V,
our treatise

18-120,

bottom.

To

his

references this

title

may now

be added.

458
a-

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

preface, wherein the author related his experience in the

dream.

later redactor of the treatise

title

must have con-

sidered the

inadequate and the preface unimportant,

in the superscription be-

and therefore epitomized the whole

fore us.

The

editor's last

words nn^nnn nsn are

it

indicative

of this procedure.

The

phrase,

seems, meant to assure the

reader that here begins the treatise proper, of which he

has

orriitted

nothing.

We
whole
seems

turn

now

to a brief
it

summary
its

of the content.

The
not,
in

treatise,

whether

had

origin in a

dream or

to

have been inspired by the following passage

c.

Maimonides, ''Eight Chapters,"

4.

There, commenting
8,

on the verse

nnx
n\-i^

ti^h^rw

ncxni (Zech.

19),

Maimonides
nn noxnt;'
....
yni

continues: n^ nvnoi< Dnc> ^jd nv^^t^^n

D^iya Di^^n

n'hv'or^

Dnnt^

nnon

niSyjo

dh

Di^t^^ni

'lJnt^'^

"Know

that by 'truth' are

meant the
. .

intellectual virtues,
.

because they are immutable verities

'peace'

means the

moral virtues through which peace

is

maintained on earth."

He
c.
I

repeats the sam;e in the

Commentary on Abot, end of

Palquera divided the treatise

(comp. below note 149).

into

two
is

parts, each consisting of

two chapters.

His pur-

pose
able

in the

main

to inculcate such conduct as will en-

men
or

to attain to both physical well-being

spiritual

and

intelis

lectual

perfection,
bliss

the

reward of which

eternal happiness

and

in

the world to come.

In a

short introduction he very appropriately opens the discussion by quoting

from the Psalms and Proverbs a few verses

which, interpreted in the light of his philosophy, allude

to the subject of his treatise.

Chapter I. On Physical Well-being (pii:n wh^). The human body is comparable to a vessel about to set
out for a voyage on the ocean
;

the soul to the captain

who

is

PAI^QUERA'S ''treatise:
to guide
is its

01?

THE DREAM"
its

MAI.TER

459

course and to control

its

movements and who

responsible for

safe arrival in the destined port

the
rules,

world to come."
life

To

insure a safe voyage through a long

strict

there

is

need of

observance of hygienic

abstinence from over-indulgence in eating and drinking and

sexual intercourse.

The chapter
Israeli

closes with a quotation

from one of the works of the famous Jewish physician

Isaac
b.

Solomon

(died about 950)

prescribing a

proper

diet."

Chapter II. On the Well-being (or the Peri^ECtion) oe the Soul ( srajn n)b\^). There are two degrees in the perfection of the soul. The first, or lower degree,
consists in nobility of character, the second, or higher, de-

gree

is

the achievement of the highest possible intellec-

tuality.'*

Palquera discusses here moral perfection only,

lo.

^^

See above note

_J

I'JT"

" "
sition

See below notes

57-67.

^^j

This distinction in

human

perfections
II,

is

based on Maimonides' expois

on the subject in his Guide,

of

27; III, 54, which in turn

Ethics,
I,

a modi-

fication

an Aristotelian theory.

Aristotle,

f.,
(

counts three
tKTog
)

kinds of perfection,
health,

two of which, wealth, being external

third,

and

concern only the body, while the

concerns the
perfection
of
soul.

consisting

in

intellectuaF

achievements,
dividing
senting
the
the

Maimonides goes one

into

step

farther,

sub-

the of

soul

two distinct
qualities

parts,

the

one repreaspect)
A<>-

the

consummation
highest

the

moral

(ethico-religious

other

the

degree

of

intellectuality

(metaphysical
is

aspect).

cording to this doctrine of Maimonides, moral perfection

itself,

not an end ia

but
is

serves the
fin^l

to

make man capable

life.

of

attaining

intellectual
is

perfection

which

aim of human
in

This theory

taken
those
of

up here

by

Palquera.
assure
of the

Having discussed
perfection,

the

preceding
the

chapter

means which
the

bodily
soul.

he

now
to

turns to
he,
too,

discussion

perfection
first

Like
step

Maimoniues,

considers
i.

morality as
e.

the

or

preliminary
theory,
his

on the road

real

perfection,

intellectuality.

This

among

others,

has often brought severe attacks on

falsely

Maimonides and
to

followers

whose words have been

perfection
in

interpreted

mean
all

that

by

reaching
religion,

intellectual

one
biased

can

dispense
to

with

ethics

and
it,

or

as

Luzzatto
theft,

his

antagonism

Maimonides puts

"one can commit

murder, and adultery, and yet be sure of inheriting

the world to come, provided he be a philosopher"

(Kcrcm Chcmed,

III,

6g.

460

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

leaving the discussion of intellectual perfection to the sec-

ond
ter,

part."

The elements

that

make up

the

human

charac-

he says, are partly innate, partly acquired by training

All good and bad animal instincts are to

and education.
be found also

among men.

Just

as

some animals are

amenable to training and domestication, while others always

remain wild and vicious, so some

men respond

readily to

reason and persuasion, while others are proof against any

influence through education.

The

natural inclinations of

man, which constitute

impulses in man." but
into

his

character, are not the product

of the cognitive soul or the intellect; they are blind animal

Palquera quotes here opposing views,

validity.

denies
three
soul

their

The human
:

soul

is

divided

parts

or

functions

the

appetitive

or
or

lowest

(msnon trsn
soul

eTrtftvfir^rtKov)^

the

spirited

intermediate
nitive

(n':iDy3n t^Qjn

Ov/xikov),

and the cog-

or

the highest

soul

(nimon

c*s:n

/-o}7(Tr/K6i/),

theory taken from Plato."

sary in order to insure
bottom).
It
is

The

appetitive soul

is

neces-

life

and the perpetuation of the

Maimonides against attacks Maimonides or
consequence
of of
like

needless

to

defend

these.

Such an idea never entered the mind of

followers,

any

of

his

nor

can

it

be

taken

as

logical

Maimonides'

doctrine as set forth in the chapters criticised.

for
his
disciples,

For Maimonides, as well as

it

and among them

the author of the present treatise,

is

is

impossible to attain intellectual perfection, that

a true comprehension

of

God and
all

the universe,

without at the same time being a strict observer of

as

the

laws of

God

commanded
n^Vn,

in

the

Torah.

Luzzatto's conclusions

have, indeed, been fully refuted by N, Krochmal,

Kerem Chemed, IV,

265

comp. also Senior Sachs,

(,'ilm)

(>7

f.

The question whether

religious

intellectuality
is

or

practical

observance

of

the

law

(,'amal)

of

higher
writers,

importance was an object of much

controversy also

among Arabic
Berlin
1907,

on which
his

see

the masterly presentation by Prof.

Goldziher in the notes on

54-60,

edition

of

Pseudo-Baljya's

Kitab

ma'ant
p.

al-nafs,
58.

particularly,
^^

with reference to Maimonides,

Aristotle's Ethics,
10.
10.

Comp.

VI,

2,

beginning.

^^

See above note

note

" See above

PALQUE:RA's ''treatise of
race.

the dream"

MALTER

461

To

keep

it

from

excesses, the cognitive soul rnust

have recourse
soul, the

to the services of the intermediate or spirited

Its services

source of power and courage.

are

like those of the

dog that

assists the

hunter in pursuing

the game."

It is the task

of the cognitive soul to control

souls lest they deviate

the functions of the

the

two lower

from
is

media

via, the

golden mean; for a perfect character

attainable only through maintaining an equilibrium

among

these lower functions.''*

Palquera proceeds to point out some of the

traits in

human
as

nature that go to
self-control,

make up

a good character, such

modesty,

and abstemiousness.
benefit

Whoever
perfection.

possesses these qualities will

education,

by instruction and

and

is

on the road to
is

intellectual

He,

however,
to

that

wanting
degree

in

character,
intellectual

can

never

attain
It
is

the

highest
to

of

perfection.
intellect

possible
to

correct

faults
his

of

the are

by
but

proving
extremely
one.

any
hard

one
to

that

ideas

wrong,
into

turn

bad

character

good

To

break bad habits requires constant introspection

and

self-restraint.

Man's love for himself

yvojOi

is

boundless

liv-

ing up to the rule of

difficult art.^"

aeavrdv

is,

therefore, an extremely

Men

are properly divided into three distinct

classes,

according as they are governed by one or the other

of the phases of the tripartite soul.

fall

The majority

of

men

a prey to the passions that

come from

the lowest or

appetitive soul.

Their sole aim

in life is the gratification

" The same

Joseph
comp.
^*

comparison

is

used by 6azzali,
,

plV

'3TK0
Berlin

67,

bottom;
p.

Ibn
ib.,

Aknin,

1D10

"ICD

edited

by

Bacher,

191 o,

108;

176,

and below, note

article

75.
p.

See

my

on Palquera, JQR., 1910,

160, n.

15.

'''

This sentence will be discussed in a special article, see note

10.

462

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Others are dominated by the
in-

of their sensual desires.

'termediate or spirited soul,

and

this

manifests

itself

in a

morbid ambition for honors and power.

the

minority follow

better impulses of the highest, or cognitive soul,

and

modestly pursue knowledge and wisdom.*' However, the

three impulses are necessary for the perpetuation of
kind.
It is

man-

man's duty to control through his intellect the two lower forces and to keep to the middle course.
Palquera gives a few rules on the manner of observing the
golden mean.
ties

In conclusion, he asserts that

all

good

quali-

of character are clearly indicated in Scripture, espec-

ially in

Proverbs and Ecclesiastes.

II.

Part
line

Chapter
"inia

I.

On

Truth.

Palquera draws a

between moral
(

truth,

or truthfulness in speech and

action
lectual,

D^nDtJ'

n^i^nn

n^^), and

speculative, or intel-

truth

(-IVV3
'

n^i^nn

nns
has

),

the realization of the

is

true conception of things.

This chapter
little

devoted to the

moral aspect of

truth.

He

to say

on the subject,

because truthfulness, as one of the moral qualities constituting character, has been discussed in the preceding chapter.

Here he
verses,

gives

little

more than

a collection of Scrip-

tural

Talmudic passages,

dicta

of

Aristotle

and
he

others on truth.

He

quotes from Aristotle, to

piidi^^eh

whom

refers also as n':vb

yilM
is

'the

famous Greek phiall

losopher'
ties,

''Uprightness

the noblest of

moral quali-

outshining even the splendor of the morning and the

evening stars.""

Some

people, divinely inspired, are capable of sacri-

ficing their very lives for truth.

These are exemplified

in

the patriarchs and the prophets.

^^

Solomon puts the proc-

See

below,

note

87.

See below, note 95.

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

lamation of truth into the mouth of
(Prov.
those
8,

M ALTER
real

463

God's

"Hokmah"
Hfe;

1-8).

Love
no
men.

for

truth
for

is

man's
truth the

who
wicked

have
real

regard

can

hardly
calls

be
the

considered

Therefore,
iSb).

Talmud
is

dead
while
all

(Berakot

Lying
and

the

root

of

all

evils,

righteousness

honesty

are

the

life-spring

of

existence.

Lying leads to hypocrisy.

:

Said 'the famous Greek philosopher'

ferable to the hypocrite
;

''The liar

is

pre-

for the former sins only in speech,

;

the latter also in his actions

worse than both

is

the arro-

gant.""
1

Chapter IL On Speculative (or Intellectual) Truth. The highest truth in an intellectual sense is to
be compared to the
Just as
all

summum bonum

in the ethical sense."'

all

men

aspire to reach the absolute good, so

;

thinkers seek to attain the absolute truth

succeed.
at

while but few

is

For the acquisition of perfect

is

truth, as

hinted

by David (Ps. 25, 5),

possible only through divine

assistance.
first

Two ways

lead to the cognition of truth.

is

The

and surest way

through the study of the Torah

it,

and the ideas involved

in

such as the existence and unity

of God, creatio ex nihilo, God's Providence over individuals

among men and over

the species

among

other creatures,"

reward and punishment, and other noble teachings expressed or hinted at in the Bible and elaborated in the teachings of the rabbis.

Any one who

penetrates into the true

will find therein

meaning of the words of the Scriptures

divine secrets and truth which transcend the comprehen-

^'

See

below,

note

114.
in

2*

See the references

note

117.

'

*"

Following Maimonides,

Guide,

III,

17,

i8;

see

Munk

ad locum,

131,

n.

I.

464
sion

THE je;wish quarterly review

of the philosophers.

Various verses are quoted

in

support of this assertion.

The second way

auxiliary method,
is

of acquiring truth, which

is

only an

through the study of those doctrines

of

the

philosophers
principles"
in

which contain axiomatic truths or

"first

(niJIK^Si

ni^Dno

apxai).

The
it

truth
to

contained

these

principles

proceeds,

according

some, from the senses, while, according to others,

ates

emanlatter

from God, the source of

is

all

knowledge.

The

view, according to some,

indicated in the fourth of the

Eighteen
(nyn

Benedictions
pin

"Thou
Whatever

grantest
is

man wisdom"

ninb

nns).'*

consonant with these

principles

and does not contradict any of the statements of

tradition
is

the

Torah or of

acceptable truth.

On

the basis of a passage of the

Talmud (Erubin

53a),
soil

Palquera asserts that our ancestors, living on holy

and being so near

holy

in

time to the prophets and the other

they received traditional truth direct,

men from whom

were not obliged

the philosophers.

to resort to the study of the

works of

We, however,

in the diaspora,
it

with minds

dulled by oppression and persecution, find

necessary to

study the works of the genuine philosophers and to learn

their

methods of demonstration

in order to support thereby

what we know already by

say.

tradition."
is

Therefore the rabbis

When

a
(

man

dies,

he

asked whether he has studied

Shabb.
310).

philosophy

nn2n2 n^D^D,

Wherever

the

views of the philosophers contradict the Torah or tradition

28

This matter will be taken up for detailed discussion, see above, note
,

lo.

" Comp. Saadya, nipl DI^IOK

Leipzig 1864,

n:

D'3''V01

OnpH MHiH
"imn Syi

vnDs d'hSkh; and

ib.,

12:

HO [Sycn] Sk

K!finS iipnii ]"yi ...nrn

V1D2 ^3nSx liymnc;

see also Maimonides,

Guide,

I,

71.

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

MALTER
men

465

they should be rejected, otherwise they are to be accepted.

This has been the practice of

since the close of the

all

the pious

in Israel

Talmud, some of the Geonim, and

;

many

of the Spanish scholars, especially Maimonides

they

refuted the doctrines antagonistic to the Torah and spread

true knowledge broadcast.

Palquera
science

then

enumerates the various branches of

logic,

namely, mathematics, physics and recommends them

given.

physics,

and metaorder-

for

study in the

He
Of

quotes, however, the opinion of Maimonides,

who
I,

requires the study of logic before mathematics (Guide,

34).

the works written on these sciences, those of

Aristotle, including with

them

also the

works of

his

com-

mentators, are the best and the most reliable.

This

because Aristotle examined the views of

all his

predecessors

and accepted only what

is

true or nearest to the truth.

in

However, a passage from Maimonides

provokes Palquera's opposition.
"In

which the

latter

has placed the Stagirite only one degree below the prophets,

my humble

opinion,"

he says, "the master has exaggerated on this point.""

truth
is,

Palquera continues, that

in

our days,

The any one who

wishes to add some secular knowledge to the knowledge

he has acquired through the study of the Torah must try

to understand Aristotle.

He
for
it

should, however, never lose

sight

of
3,

the
ir).

Torah,

comes

before

philosophy

(Abot,

somewhat lengthy discussion that follows, Palquera tries to show that the final aim of all thinking is the cognition of Him who is the source of all truth and
In a
the

cause of
in

all

existence.

In

fact,

some philosophers

assert that,

truth,

God

alone has existence or reality.

" See

below,

note

141.

466

the: je:wish quarte:ri,y

review
is

Again, 'the famous Greek philosopher'

effect that

quoted to the

metaphysics ought to be named the science of

its

truth because
is

aim

is

to reach

God, the highest truth.

It

obvious, Palquera adds, that since

God

is

the cause of
for

truth,

the

we cannot attain truth if we do not know God, effects are known only through their causes/" now
gives the

In a short concluding paragraph, ending with the quotation of a Midrash, Palquera

sum and

sub-

stance of his thesis.

be the ultimate aim of

The comprehension of truth must human endeavor. The prerequisites

attained through adherence to the

to science in the quest of truth are righteousness, or the

life

of perfect

harmony
of

golden mean; mercy, or the conduct that goes beyond the

strict

requirement

justice;

and

loving-kindness

and

charity, the source of peace

on earth through which the

:

world

exists,"*

as the Psalmist says (Ps. 85, 11-12)

"Mercy and

truth are

met together,

Righteousness and peace have kissed each other.

Truth springeth out of the

earth.

And
As

righteousness looketh

down from heaven."

interpreted by Palquera, the Psalmist's words, "mercy,

righteousness, and peace" stand

for the moral qualities;

"peace" evidently

in the sense

of harmony, as used in Greek

philosophy, being their final aim, while "truth" represents

the highest perfection of the intellect.
intellect

When

character and

work

in

unison, then salvation will be at hand

and God's glory

will dwell in the land (ib., verse 10).

is

The above
in the

a brief resume of the leading thoughts

present treatise.

For

details

concerning the text and

^^

See above note

Contains

lo.

an

allusion

to
c.

chapters
i,

1-2.

The whole
p.

is

philosophic

reproduction of Mishnah Abot

end; see above

458.

PAI^QUERA's ''TRKATISI^ of
the relation of the

the dream"

MAI^TER

467

work

to other

works and other authors

It is

the reader

is

referred to the notes.

all

a habit of Pal-

quera's, observable in

his productions, to intersperse his

discourses

with numerous quotations, without specifying

the authors.

he quotes

As he himself remarks in one of his works," only men of the highest rank by their names;
quoted by some general epithet. In no case

minor

lights are

are the books of the authors mentioned from which the

quotation was taken.

identify sources.

It

has therefore been no easy task to

their

and trace these quotations to

respective

Some

have had

to content

myself with tracing

to one or the other of his

to the

own works without going back

few
I

original source.

could not identify, be-

cause the Arabic

works

from which they are probably

It

taken are not at

my

disposal.

goes without saying that

in Palquera's text biblical verses, talmudic

and midrashic

passages, or general allusions to Midrash and

Talmud

are

given without references.

in the notes.

The proper

references are added

The
Plato,

celebrities

quoted

in

this

treatise

by name are

Aristotle,
is

Galen,

Isaac

Israeli,

and Maimonides.

Aristotle

also referred to three times (pp. 486, 488, 493)

under the epithet "the famous Greek philosopher."

procrates
is

Hip474).

meant by the phrase D''KDnn

t^^Ni

(p.

*'the greatest

of the physicians" (see below note 58).

A
to

few words about the manuscript may be added here

said above (p. 453).
It is

what was

the sixth

number

in

a codex, paper, ^hyilA inches, containing thirteen different

pieces by various authors.
It is

written in Italian rabbinical

centuries.

characters,

dating

from various

Our

treatise

"

niSj;Qn 1CD,
p.

or
n.

"Book of
42.

the

Degrees,"

Berlin

1894,

p.

12;

comp.

JQR., 1910,

173,

468

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Unfortunately part of

begins on leaf 630 and ends 836.

the manuscript
that
is

missing between 63^ and 64a, a fact

escaped the notice of Luzzatto,

p.

who

described the In
all

codex (see above,

probability,

454) and also of Margoliouth.

it

however,

is

only one leaf that

is is

missing,
indicated

and

it

belonged to the introduction.

The gap

in the following edition

by a blank

line.

The

copyist,

it

appears, had a rather limited knowledge

of Hebrew.

considerable

number of mistakes are due

to

his ignorance.

These

will be pointed out in the notes

on the

respective passages.

The

treatise

is

followed by an extract from the

idd

nniDM (''Book on
p.

the Elements") by Isaac Israeli (see above

459), which was published by S. Fried, Drohobycz 1900.

extract, in Fried's edition, p. 12, line
i,

The
13,

to p. 13, line

does not

fit

into the plan of our treatise.

it

Some doubts
to this
this

may

be entertained as to whether

was appended

treatise

by Palquera himself, for immediately after

extract there are

two other short

style

discourses,'" both

anony-

mous, which, owing to their

sibly

and content, can not posLuzzatto,^' however,

eviI

be ascribed to Palquera.
it

dently considered
think, rightly so.
Israeli's

a part of Palquera's work, and, as

is

There

a lengthy passage

from one of

works embodied
it

in this treatise (see text, p. 476).

This makes

probable that the extract, too, was added

by Palquera.

There

is,

moreover, some internal evidence

for this assumption.

Israeli's

work, the Arabic original of

into

which

is

lost,

was translated

Hebrew before

the year

1230 by
'^

Abraham Ibn Hisdai

are

of Barcelona.

comparison

Both

written

in

the

style

of

the

later

Midrashim and may be

extracts
'3

from

such,
19.

Hebr. Bibliogr., VI,

PAI^QUERA'S "TRE:ATISE of

the dream"

MAI^TER

469

of this translation with the extract at the end of Palquera's

treatise

makes

it

evident that the latter

is

is

not taken from

Ibn Hisdai's translation, but

an independent translation

from the Arabic of

of
Palquera.

Israeli, in all probability

from the hand

not merely an

The

extract

under consideration contains

is

three proofs for the theory that the soul

accident of the body perishing with

it,

but a substance with

Palquera, as

an independent and imperishable existence.

it

will be

remembered, had also discussed the nature and

functions of the

human

soul.

He may

not have found a

convenient place in his text for Israeli's views, which are

also his

own, and therefore

left

them for an appendix.

and ex-

The two

translations of Israeli's text correct

is

plain one another at several points, as

shown

in the notes.

The

extract being of importance for the history of Jewish

it

writings on philosophy,

is

worthy of publication

in the

form given
treatise.

to

it

by Palquera, as an appendix to

his ethical

In submitting this text of Palquera's treatise,

it

is

hoped that

it

will

prove a welcome contribution to the

In conclusion, I wish to ex-

ethical literature of the Jews.

press

my

sincere thanks to Prof. Israel Friedlaender, who,

while in London, secured for

me

the photograph of the

manuscript, and to the Jewish Theological Seminary of

America

in

New

York,

in

whose possession the photograph

now
it

is,

which generously defrayed the expense of obtaining

studies.

for

my

470

THE JEWISH QUARTEREY REVIEW

3"! nn^:?^D DID n\^ n"n nnnni;:^

nn:ivX [63^]

nn^pS'S

niD

n^ n"n nnnn hdhi

di!?:^

nm

mjix m^x
hhik^ idi^i ^'t

pDvnj r^pnai

m:xn

nj<,T

innD

n^nt?^ Dii^nn

(34

niD niNi!? D^D^ nnis<

D^Dn

D^>n r^nn t^^nn

d^-ih

"-d

11D niNnl? D^D^ix D^o^ nnix d-'Diin

rann^

tj^.^xn

^o ir:!;

n^nyi5
iJitj'!'

D^pn^!?
niv::

nevn ni^n
njc^

nitDi

xnn

Di'^yn

^^n

dhi ^id

n^xn^i'

i:i^fc<

iniD nn hd

(35

110x3 ku!'
i^ncti^i

yi

[r-

in-in] nnl^D [63^] irjy (36

HDin

imo

no

^o

non?oti^
(37

nsijnn

nm

HDiom din

"'jni'

D^pnon
"'D

nnmn Dm
noNi

nniT'ti' r?i
li'

imD!5 ?vr] diij

pij^d i^j^qj

ht

nnn!? Dixn Dnn

(38 noi'tj'
iDtj^^tJ'

n^nrm

nnno vn^^
ijy

i^ vc

iv:
I^dd

HQ^ nnv
l?yi

.Dimo
t?!'^

PT^n D^nnon:^

Dnimn

onxn
15

Dife^n n!? i^y

nnr nniD

im

px

^n (39

noixn iDi<

,Dny nNon V2 nxTim

34) Ps.
35) lb.
34,
13.

iJit^i'n i:nni'

nnoDi imt< n^no

31,

20;

comp. Talmud ^lullin

142.

36) lb. 34, 1437) Comp.

I,

Talmud 'Arakin 156 and Maimonides, Commentary on Abot

16.

38) Prov. 39)

possibly

13,

3-

The passage
however,
it

seems
is

to

be

direct
to

quotation

from
isb,

some author;
Midrash

only

an

allusion

'Arakin

Palquera giving

the thought of the Talmud in his

own words,
trpSO
,

as he does with the

19b,

quoted below, note 41.

without reference to

In Palquera's

the

same passage occurs

any source.

The sentence
3^.

nnj," nr33

VD riNmn

is

play on a legal rule in

Baba Mez.

PAI^QUERA's "treatise of
D^jK^oi

the dream"
n^:^2

MALTER
mv
pa

47I

D^n^Do Dnni

[r.

i:itrn]

iDt^^t^'

(40
i^bti^

nno:

t^n n^:!:
iS^

mn
5

Dynn

^d

(41

icixn-

im

nn^j nni

n^n

Vi<^ [64^]

Jjy

nn^^^m

t^'Q.:^'

n)b^ nnD dh!^

^:\^b

Dnm

^^ti^ '':?oi

.D^^nvj
nmni'tj^
^n^'n

Dii'^n

n^^i^in

nnytj^

])^i<'in

lytj^n

"TipSn

.tj'cjn

n)b^2

'Jtj'n'i

10

(42

D^:3impn'

b^n

pn^f

.fl^:in

nrtr'a ;r^N-in
n:^2:D^
!?n

n>-.:'n

n^i^^ntj^

1DD

^n^nn m!?
t3

ti^cjni

DiKn

5^1:

b'^j^on

nvnb ^)m n^^DD

tj'Sjn ntJ'K ID

^vsn oipn

nrj^^

Dn

inyi'

nrcon
nsno

bv

.noi'iy S'X

n^^^ iny^i

i^^:b (43 (?)

Dnitrsjn
^B.:n

[t^-

D^^Din] d^j^dh ^'i

p&<i
^'D

(44

lb r^^n:^ ica

1^

non

npnn PDy dh^

iipnn inii'intrn'
ij^xi
iDi:
1E^'J

D21:
D^tj^Dtj^

iipnn

ny^ri

D^cy ^y
n^tj^i^xn

(45 ID-ID

dins dh n:m
n^i

ti^^uDD

npnn

i'tj^inr^i

prm xnn
niy^oi
i2-;"i

n^m:^'

npn ^JCD
ijSNDn

tipnn
"'UiD

i'lntj^^

i'^Dt^'D^

i^nx

vi^no
.ik^e:

20

niNJi

niyin

nncn
defective,

^3

yn^

40)

Here

the manuscript

is

see above

p.
,

468;
/.

the content can

be supplied, however, at least in part, from the

41) Refers to Midrash Ber. Rab. IV, 6:

CpSQ

c.

....21U

'3

':C2

2'n3 pK HdS
'i;
col.

o^qS d'Q

|'2

SnacHM
above,

inxac npiSnn nxina vjv nmx

linn
*in:f
,

:'in
i,

comp.
b,

above note 39; Abr. Sab'a,

42) See

Venice

1523,

fol.

note
is

10.'

43)

The

reading

doubtful,
134:

birt

23*1i3

is

the
P|i:in)

nearest

emendation
the

(comp.
parallel

Gazzali,
to

plS ':TKQ,
.

CEi^ n23ia NTH

and

is

proper

n^VO.

44) Babli
45) Comp.

Shal)b.

152b.

below,

note

59.

472
nNJpni
npicij

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ry

^'^ ^^im
D^nct^'

nn!?

i'nn:!

nnvn nonn
ti'sjn pT^nSj

y^^p)

nnn

xintj^

im
y^r
irjiy

ini'm

nao

lom
^y
Pi^:rT

.n^yDl?

i^tjsj^

id:)

itrcji'i

dikh

^ii:!?

!'itr:Dn^i
Dii'ti^

vninD
niDCJ^i?

nrnn
iniDtJ^D

Dit^i'

^i:n
int<
I'D

[65a]

^d

bv

nioi'tj^n

n:iDnrD

^x IK

(46

niyvDxnD ini d^ddh. in^x tn^DSon

Dnmn

11DKD HTD y^Dni'

1J1V

nui nivom
d-i!?

.n^on

^dkdd nnnn^
n^jtni

rnn
Dnxn

^d bv^ri
tj^^

m^
ini<

nni^fp niny
y'T

nvni

mnyn

lO

top'
i<b

HDK

na^i

^^^b pnci n^an n^DD

nyi )v^2^^'

D1K n^n
IK t^n
fc<^iD

(48 niD^ti'n

Tn

bv) (47 ynti' n^y-iD

D^-'pi'

IX

Dnm

'Jtj'D

nn!' xi'X
^3

^oT\^r\b ^ii

Dn.

[65^]

^n nvpDi vni

yntn

d^^^d
^i^n

b?r]b

TW'^ Vi<^
K^nicn. ^D
.i:-iKnti^

ioi ^'^ s"y nx ynion ^y "n^n^nn

irj^i in

n^i?

^5

DDi^QDvnixnnn ni^Dtrm
'^vr]^

bv x^vin^
bv^ri[r-

1D3 n"y v^'bi^

^^'ip

x^PJ

'^^^S'

mo
p

i^yi

in^K ptnn

mnnnm

u nnti^nDn^
xi'tJ'

(49^1 ^^^n^n
S'Do

nxnt^']

KiiM

Dm

Dn nnin^

yi

im

n^^om)

b"^

iidn

46) See JQR.,

47) Babli

1910. P-

160, n. 25.

Sanhedrin
,

107a;
/.

comp.

Yerushalmi Ketub.

V,

8;

Palquera's

nasn

n>CK*i

14

f-;

Cazzaii,

c, 201.
the Aristotelian doctrine that the sense

48)

The author
is

alludes here to
all

of touch

the lowest of

senses; see below, note 79.

occurring only in Yerush. 49) This has reference to a passage

II,

Yebam.
'1

4 and

Wayyikra Rab., XXIV,

6:

SinDH

lOD HoSl

UD

min

10K

irnp Knpa
Kin

mnyn
d'hSk

]q ciid
c^'x

intr
'3

'o

Ssc inoSS r^^np ntrieS

k3

mny

niriD
ptr.
in

trnp

'nyT
passage

n:n
it

ntr^sS
to

nnoix

rro^ic

Palquera
fact
it

misinterprets
is

the

taking
to
8,

enjoin

celibacy,

while
in

only

general

exhortation

holiness
refers
to

and chastity
the

sexual

intercourse.

Maimonides,
it

Guide,

III,

same passage, but

does not use

schneider's

as an

suggestion
p.

argument for celibacy; comp. Munk, ad locum. Steinthat Palquera remained single (see my article in

JQR., 1910,

157)

gains hereby

much

in probability.

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

rTi<r3DD i<b '^^:)

M ALTER
n>!>

473

v:v im

^d (51

noxi

(50 n^^i^n ni<r:iD

D^von

noDnm imnn
(52
i^^T

>j^jyn
tDi

nntj^non

>d

yn^i
in

(x^n)

y:D D ':n

nox
nni'

no:ii5

imx y:nn

nmnno
5
.

K^^t:2::i

'i

dnj
i'H

^j^nd

n^2

i<^n

(53 "inN:'tJ'

r^icno Kin
.yi'D

^D
^D

b:^j2n
"ioi><"i

nton

S^n

(54

nox [66a] D^nn^

rv2^

.loD

D^prn

nnr

n Dm Dnnnn
b:^
^'2

ni^i^DD Nin

nini'ii

DHD

nn^iJtJ'

D^nn

D^i^^Nnn

xin ddiidd

nm
i:!5

iDj^j

nn^Dm
?n:in

ininn i'^Nnn
niSjc^m
-(se

nm

d:

i:!?

iidnj
nt

(55

myin
10

^3

D^i'!'^:

nnioi

hid m
Dn^!?y

bv

lym

Dn^^yn nocnt^ yd3

^n^n

tj^jiy

^^ti^

nyn^
Jjy

i'^DJ

t^jyn nrni

.in int^ni'
^ci'

iniv t^

Dnmn omx -is<uq nm mi

n:injn

iai:

mDy"*:^ nvi^t^'

n^mnn m o m^nnn

/1N-13
nofc< .(57

mt^nnn' n:njnD
2ot>;

D^i^i^n

mvpn
/.

t^on "an ^jni

50)

Aboda Zarah
376. 526.

Maimonides,

c.

51) Ilullin 52)

The verse from

Ez.

4,

14

is

not quoted correctly.

p.

Sukkah

Maimonides, Guide,

III,

49

(Munk,

415),

gives

the

same exposition of the passage.

53) Jerem.
23,
29.
n'tJ*X*1
,

54)

Comp.

nO^n

15

and the referencces given below, note

48.
n.

87.

55) Maimonides, 56) lb., 57)

Epistle
Ill,

Guide,

III,

33

(Munk,

262,

2).

Most of
on

the

following

rules
to

are

taken

from

Maimonides'
son
of

famous
Sultan

Hygienics,

addressed

Al-]\Ia]ik

Al-'Afdal,

Saladin.

This treatise was translated into Hebrew by Moses Ibn Tibbon, a

in

contemporary of Palquera,
III,
9-31.

1244,

and

first

published

in

Kcrein

Chcmed,
Ibn
'Abi

In

his
it

enumeration

of

Maimonides'
iLst-A)' jrV

medical

works

'Ufaibi'a

quotes

under the
of
the

title

Ju (3 iRcsif^icn

sanitatis

the

Hygienics).

Some

manuscripts

of

tiie

Hebrew
)

translation

bear

corresponding

title:

mxnsn
in

njnjnfa

*1?3Sf3

"lED

Steinschneider,

Hebr. Cbers., 770, and later doubts whether this title of

Arabische Literatur dcr Jiidcn, 214, however,

'Abi
'Uaibi'a
is

Ibn

the

original

one.

From

474

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

m^ctJ' ipy

nnnn
(59

^^3 njni ny"i:nn n^vy

nnnyni ^Dt<Dnn
n^oi

Dnxn

:i'n:r]

i^

D^nonn

iD^^i'

na niD

.m^nnn
iti^s::

D^j^i^HD

Dtea n^n imx n^n xinc^ idid rnjcti' iod

in^tj'

^iSDDH' iDDnni'

di ^jhd

nn^^

xvnn

xi?

xim Dun

inonn niy^:n pjy npn^ t^im

ly ,w^:2
nt
ij^yc^

iiytj^

pfc<o
fc^i'jr

idik ^<b

i'^ix

xi'i

nim niDyn
nroD v^v
S'^n

n^
^3

nnix yrci

np^D
ntDi

IK i'DKDD n>n.^
[^- P:nji]

^li^on
^jnt:

yn^
^3

.ind

ip^n:!

idi3 k^q d-i

''2

nnD

[67^]

^o

nii'^3fe<

nyjiD

nb^'Di^

^'

ncit^n pnvi

.nnr2 ti^ni. ^j D3i

p'^m ijDynj

^^ nto

S^y

nm

no^Dno
tj'^ty

ri^t^

m^n^

xi'tj'

iiyn

nT
the

"-D

nit^nriD
before

dvpd
us
it

tj^c^n

niyn n^^iD^nn yjM nixo

that

passage

would

appear

the

Arabic

original

used

by

msnan
for

Palquera (comp. below, notes 58 and 59) bore the same n;n:nf3 are not to be taken simply as a
hygienics
as
a

title;

for the words

general
p.

expression
1.

we
direct

would then expect njnjna, as

quotation
are
of

is

on

476,

147-, but
to

rather

Maimonides'
in

work.

Other parallels

the

following

passages

found

Maimonides'

Diyn

m37n,

3-5i

and

TinM

*10N0, pp.
to
n.

36-38.

58) Refers
Obers.,
10),
p.

Hippocrates;
35.

comp.
is

above

p.

467;

Steinschneider,

Hehr.
(p.

658,

The passage
which
];2^t^

quoted from Maimonides' Epistle

mentioned

in

the

foregoing note, but not from the

is

Hebrew

translation
follows:

of

Moses

Ibn

Tibbon,

entirely

different,

running

as

ny'jn ;o inatt'n nini

comp.
ib.,

]d

lotrnn

mxnan monn
^3

taipiEX idno...;

p.

11:

n^inn

niKnnn

monn

a-ipicK

"lowo ijS

mp

12di

nyU'n
59) D

]0

pnacri; see next note.

In Moses Ibn Tibbon's translation the passage reads:

n'n

DlXn ^Tun
loa

17

nn Dyi o'sSna Ssj

kSk

n^Sy

31D*i'

"irx

incna
:2f3

j^na^ty

lovy

iniyc''

'Kia inv inonaS nibdo

]n

mx
hd

nnx s^fon sS nnx

Ssintr

mtrnn

nacnni niyc 'Saa 'kio inv Ssk'

nr

Nim Si2dS
ny^jn

no

bS

nSy
:'3y;

1DU3

~n^
in

nSi

n'?nni
134,

niDyn
136.

xStr

inana nynn

comp. 6azzali, Ethics,

differences
the

The

lines

over the words show the chief

translations,

60) Judah

Ibn

Tibbon

in

his

Testament

(]13n

]3K

mi.T

'T

nKIH,

PALQUKRA's ''treatise of THK dream"

[r.

MALTER
ni^nn

475

nnn] i^nns
(^^V)

i^DNon

^)vm nv^

ini<b

i^Dnn

m
d:.!

;5p;v.nni>

n^p

d:i

S^dj^d

S^y

i^^ynni^

bp

pi !>3xo
'^nn

(^^^) i'pyn^i pin S'Dj<on ijtonn lo^^^ nix

^ DHDi Tit<
.i:injD

ism

Nintj'

ncn

li'tj'

nDoiovi<ntj^'"' xin

nn

niDipoi'i

n^'-n^^
Difc^n

nn
!>:Dr

'So
^^Sji

nnv^

nn^

br

[67^]
mijiiiD

KinDn nniK nyi^

)2^i<^

D"':injDni

ynDno-

niDHo ^>yiD i^nr

j^ini

pr^n

n
;d

t^"'

b:i)D nto t^^^3

kS'k^

no

ii5

i^^yrtJ^

nno npcn
D"yxi
^3

noj^

!?y

D^nibn D^:'iTDno
inijir

10

irjnn
isi:n

i^^Dyn^ti^

ni3d
nrn

i^^d

inyn!?

^dv

niji^

DTD-'

mixn

nma^

i^!?

D^yin D^jiron'
ninij

D^jiii'Dn n^jiTon ^3

i:}ix'i

.(ei

nin-'Dni

mx^^no niyi
D^i:t^

i'D^yo ):^^\i^

nn ny
i'2^<^t^^

S^^iyDn

niynni h^yn

nvn ppnD
no nvoi
^5

nni<n t^ono

nno inr Dnn [68a]

li'Dxri

^^x^tr
(62

inii Dni' lyn^^n

ipnnntj^n

D^niyn ro

loxj i^minm

D>NDnnD
Dnni
Dni'n

tj'-'i

.inr
*':tj^

JjiDyn^ rt? ^3 ni^^i'n

n^tr ^:o niton :injDn

t^^^tr
i'^t<^t^'

.D^t^^S'^
i<bi<

nnym npnn

i^Ds^on

r,v:i^

i^nx^

k!?

nnyni nt^^nn ipnn

Dnfc<n

^dn^cj'

noNK'

edited

by Steinschneider, Berlin

1852),

p.

10,

admonishes

his

son:

pnim
quotes
it

niS'3K J^30nB>
of
the

nS3K h^Hn

SnI

pnnn
it

2i;*n

p.
to

This
fit

may

be the source

Palquera who changed the sentence slightly

the

text.

He
to

same

in

tt^piO,

6a,

introducing

by

DSnn

"lf3K1,

and adds

the

following epigram:

xin

*itrs

nns S^sn

SSip'

vyoa C'K

i'n S2X?2 trn

The same

rather common-place thought

(ib.,

is

expressed in the rime quoted

of Samuel Ilanagid.

by Judah Ibn Tibbon

61) Comp.
62)

p.

11)

in the
p.

name

Maimonides' Epistle,
16,
12.

30.

Ex.

476
nv
:n
n!'1

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

(es

nnnn

tncH'

nv nbn

S^dk^

x!'^'

iwt nn!>

itrnn pT^nn

nnr in
bv

iJDyn^ nI^^^
ri^J

Dn^n pT^n

^3

[r. nt:Ki]

nxicnn
Ki'K

in

iriintj'!'

n^n

p>m

.ni y-i ij^yn^

k^i^3

)n)r\^b
in.

nx"!
(^^'^)

pi

nr

ij:DTn

i:n:6j^

icd
Sjisyn

ny

!?d3

n^

ybv

^3

nSj^^xn pidd

n!5

(g4
x!?

inx [686]

pn^ ynn ptdh bv v^n

"i^ijiD

n^nm
nnxi'

^^yn:

v^iv)

^m

nron

^intj'
ijy

^:o

i'lDyn

pn

ij^Dyn
.y-in

D-np

pn tiko
10

mien
(5iV)

imntj'!'

nxn pn
Sjy

I3 yddi

nron

^nan. niivp!'

tDyD*"
tti'

tiTDH

imntj^!?

^nintj'

^di

d^h^ddkh ini'm
N^-i^m
""di

ini^K^

ij^yiD Nini
^nntj'''

nipnn nnx iido

ik
i:c>d

nnt^''

u^o
pin

nTitri

Jirn

o^yo^
,(65 ^i<

tr^n

iniDtJ^

bv ^i<^ V'b D^^Dpn

inixnnn Dixn n:injnn

ni,o i^^yio

nm

txDa ion ^jjm

ctoi'n

D-i-pljiDn

!5Dynni5

DnnoDn

D^i?3XDn

nb^'D^

idiS'3

nn^noi' nnn i^iD inp

:iiD

nit^nnn Dnoit?^ [69^] nn d^^d

D^snj Dnt^i Di^n^y
it

DHD

ni'iin

Dim Dnnxnn mn^n

ny
nr\b)f

D^Ni'nii

nnm

D^^^nn nxisin ti^^d ni^^yio njn:nn

TiycK^ id ni

id3i
tj'^tj'

(^rV) C2>3^ D^oyctJ^

tar Dn!>

20

63) Maimonides'
64) lb.,
p.

Epistle,

30.

28; comp.
/.

trpnn, is&-

6s) Maimonides,
n'i'?3

c, in the

name

of Galen:

C^^cpn vSk 121p

K*?!...

12D0

ipn

np'tr n"i

px

'3 Dia'^^xJ

iok

"las...

mo

nnS pTO

H^T^

66) This
Diaetetics

passage
of

is

probably

taken
in

from

Israeli's

Arabic

work
in

on

parts

which exist also

Latin
not
at

(Basle

1570)

and

Hebrew
Stein.

translations

(unpublished)

which
p.

are

my
text

disposal;

comp.

Schneider,
difficulties

Arab.

Liter.,

40,

No.
of

3. The

before

us offers some
of
the
first

due

to

incorrectness

copyists.

The construction

sentence
sense.

is

not clear, nor do the words DflSlT

is
e.

TiyQC
his

']2

give any satisfactory

D'toSpl

used
g.

by

Palquera
,

also

in

other

works

for niFlS
is

=
the

humores; comp.

CCjn

c.

2;

Vp2D,
13a,

14-16

and passim. Dlt'D

Aramaic

spelling

for

Dlfl'D (^[520,

15^) ="obstruction."

palquera's "treatise of the

dream" malter 477

171:^3^^

n^S'Dnn

ijx

V':nb fc^cnn Wn^^tj^ D^^Ijnn^

D^-'i'nn

nnn

niton

^3x^
it>^N

K^tr
^i<:i'i

imn
Dn^i'K

mi^n npin. n:injn3

dkisid

vS^k

mnnn
tj'^

nyt^'m

mpim
tj'^^
[

D>nyi> xi^x d^jdoH'

>d nniju

D^DVD r\bv)n nn
[r.

D^pin D^i^nxoa n^n^ n^nonn

d^d^'H

D^ny

?]

C]^:iD

isin

r.

-.o!?]
tj'^K^

^^b

nm

Dir^J^
i<^p:r[

1DK1

.lijinDn

'mp) [^Q^lnnnn didd

n-riM
^ynton

^d^i d^d:i

b)r]^n
Ti-'Kn

^mp
^Ji<i

nnnn

'didd
i^x

nnnia npin n;n:nni

inn^^i^n

n^mi<

irjy

nax^v ^myn
n^ni

npin n:n:nn Dn:ninn ixsinji

D^tj^p n^^i^n nr]b ly-iNt?^

lo

Kin

(67

ntrxin
id3
niJp:

tj'cjn n)r2b:^

.irsjn d

i'7tr::

'itrn "ivtrn

mDonn
m,D^i

Dixn nrynD
ino'
tJ^M

intj^

nnnnD

^^)

n^nnn mo^S>m
\r[\y

niJitrxm

nimipnn
'D

nvynton
.^:nnm
^5

IHD niniDH

n"n

(es

nn^v^

i'D

Dnrjixn

ipi^^i

n"iD
i^np^
!5K^

tJ^^t^

1DD ^3

nmn

nvq.: pi

mx

^:nn nixvo:

niyim

i^b^ DHDi
'D

Dion idd
inn nii<

[7o]
b^io^

miMon

iDion i'npo
ni<i

DHDi

nnn

'^)P2 (m ini^np^

Dn3

6J^^

DnK

^jn ""j^jy

p mpyni
pnon

nyexn d^js

DiK^n inii^np^

my:;
D

nnn

(to n^oKJ vS^yi

xini nii'pn iDion bip^^ >o

'n

20

Dni nn^n nimn nnu in

tonti' (71

nxn

i'^on

ninno pnn
mii'np^ts'
ni^

u^

ioJ

vi'yi

^ncn Kim ninDni

nitj^n ini!?np^

^cj'ipn

pn^

my mitom

d^jd

i<b^

m Dnoi
nx
(72

ion
ri'yi

nisnn nnn

t^^nnon i^^i^n [n]

14.

tj'innn

idn:

67) See note

68) Innate qualities or natural instincts; 69) In the

see

above, note

10.

manuscript here
a

follow

the

words

n'3B
copyist

D1B*3

with

dots

above the letters as

through
corrected

sign of cancellation.

The

made

the mistake

homoioteleuton,
it.

but

noticed

the

omission before

he proceeded

and

70) Prov.,

17,
13.

10.

71) lb.,
72) lb.,
Ethics,
153.

10,

27,

22;

comp.

CpaO

8a,

bottom;

mSvOH

40;

and

(liazzali.

478
n^vr\
I:i
i<b

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

'

nnmon
nn^y^

i:in^ i3i .in^i

vbv^ iicn
i^>2]

n!?

^S>j/n

";

n^toa!'

minyni
[70^]

nnny^tr
^
(73
^i'l

[r.

>it<

D^n:y

ab^

IK

DJ^t

muyn

nn ^^y^n G^ci^n
D>n:y inn
^yc^ti^

nmb
^^
IN

n^-ivD ^sj!? r-y

m^v^ni

.Dy^D tnn:r ik
tj^C'jn

>3 nr

ivoii

nrnn

nii'snon xSn
S^ipH:

mi?iy2

iNi^ti^iDi

nnc^ nprnn

Di^na
"i'n

lynt^^-'tj'D

mx
nm
n^i

^jio^yoK^^
Pint?'!'

ivi^
k'dj!'.

K^t^'

"iti^CN

D'-nyci'V D,:'i^n
^d

ipn^^ p^5^D

n.r

m^v^n

Dnoix
nn^v^nn

tJ'^

i'yi

ii>3v

DrNtj' n"nni D^JDpn

nNi:tj^

no Dn^xii niniDn

nm mmDH
D

k^cji

nnyn^

xS'tj^

iDi<

id

^yi

Piipm

bv^^:i

DHDi .nimo
Sj^x

nri^tj'

tj^sjn

nii'iyD d^>3

Dntj'inn^VM^
^d

kI?

nn^v^nn

im mmon myn^
nn^v^n
I'D

[71a]
^d

ionb^

DnpDH
!5y

iNtr Dy nnivinimDi'

onoiN

t^n

.mn
15

n^yD nn:ni
niniDii

.prm
nv^

:n:ynni

npitj^nm
^d

incm oyDno
Dnnan
^lon

nl^inj

diniI

i'^nD^tr^

Dii<n
i5DNo!5

nixnnn n^^n

'n^ n^bi^n) nin"i

nn^rn p.niNnDnD
yirni ^):n ^^n

Din

mn

n^on

iS'n

^:]

(74

m^n^
.Tn

yijnn

nniD

m^nD!?
^ dn

mniDn
ni?

ny"':D'i
iT-n
N-i?

in
[

t^'ont^'D
i*-

20

ny^-inDD

nn^

^^^i<

(75

nyi:nn']

73) 74)
75)

See above, note

lo.

Comp.

6azzali,
is

Ethics,

66,

120

ff.

The

passage

somewhat

obscure,
'D
,

but
46,

becomes

clear

through
'13*1D is

parallel passage in Palquera's

m7j,*?3n

p.

where n>13nn

fol-

lowed by mj;VDnf3

nxVI.
the

The

words

nynnn
in

nm
to

accordingly denote the

of
the

movement
extremes.
to

away
TTie

from
point
the

media

via

the

direction

two
is

that

Palquera
soul

wishes
task
so

bring
it

out
to

here

show
the

that

rational

whose
can
do
a

is

check
the

the
aid

passions of

of

the

appetitive

soul

only

through
is

intermediate

or

spirited

soul,

theory

which

taken

from
1882,
<!:azzali

Plato;

comp.
top.

XXXVII,
in

Edwin Wallace, Aristotle's Psychology, Cambridge The same thought is very frequently expressed by
pp.
61,

his
is

Ethics,

67,

93 et passim, where also the comparison with the

18.

dog

made; comp. above, note

The whole passage

is

also

in

m7yon,

pai.que:ra's

"treatise of the

dream" malter 479

p
^i?

103

(-y^'^)

i^Dn
Prnnnti'

y^^DD^

nnnnn

iivf)

^^r

kS^b^d

nixnon

bv

nnv nyn

hd

n^JDy^n

nnmDn
(76
it

y^TiDn
novntj^

mtsv^tj'

'nS'nin^:]n
'3

vyiin^tj'

it^^2i<K

i^^n njKJ^Q n
n^K^n
^3

nn n
i^D

T^^vi'

Kin

nyunn

n)v^ n^n:ni
^b^n n^n^m
553

(77

noi'DK idk

is ^yi

.nibpn
lj^ejh

i2vn^n
^-^^no

)b

ntJ^SK

DiK
irj<

ynton irx

nnx

niyifoN

nnnyiK^D
46;
37;

niprn

nrnnnn

nitj^sj

n^n^n n:^^nn dn

comp. also
Horovitz,

ib.,

36,

and Joseph Ibn Saddik,

bei

pp
to

dSiJ?, ed.

Horovitz,

p.

Dz>

Psychologic
n.

den

jiid.

Religionsphilosophen

des
etc.,

ivlitte I alters,

III,
p.

177,
is

91,

where

reference

Schmiedl,

Studien

Wien

1869,

145,

missing.

So also Saadya, Emnnot, Leipzig 1864,

p.

145: D'*inn

mn^n

Sy

|n'

ntrx

Nin

niann n^

'^ax

(comp.

Guttmann,

Die Religionsphilosophie des Abraham Ibn Daud, Goettingen 1879, p. 219, n. i), and Abr. Ibn Ezra on Eccles. 7. 3: niTV2 CEJn h\' nrStTin 12:!nnC "IHSI

nnn

nsjntj'

ny

nmx
is

nn^'ntr

noonn

poynnS
I,

nntr:n
13,
p.

nons
1.

nnn.
29
ff.

Somewhat
76)

similar

the view of Aristotle, Ethics,

n?3:f3tt'

1102b,

The phrase

nixnon
above,
p.

is

combination

of

Platonic

and

Aristotelian

terminology;

see

note
46,

10.

77) In the
fuller

mSyon

"ISD,
i:<

bottom,

this

quotation

from Plato

is

and runs as follows:

nj,nn

BCin 'pSnO inN S^ [ni^^f^X] n;!Cn

'^^l

yiratrS ntrpi

mon

nianon

^sm

n>nn dk

'3

n^'Ex

ms

Sd v^t:^

(one MS. reads: n^nm] * n:'nni D2iun D'SyeS

:j'B'nB'

mxno
seem
to

nj'Ki nnxS ninf:;2i

itrsK 'N
.

nianon

K'Ejjn Sip'?

niyaitr

d3k

mpin nvon^n mce: ^ncn

have been omitted

mj,'!fOXn

The words between

the two asterisks

in our treatise through homoioteleuton, as

ni^^nn may have been abbreviated

5,'1f2trS

into
II.

'nn.

The phrase

ISkS

ninbr21

ncp,

suggests

Abot,

V,

The whole passage seems

II,
9,
p.

rather of Aristotelian than of Platonic origin;

comp. Nicom. Ethics,

elvai. v

1109a
/lajielv

11.

24-26: (ho

KCil

q)yov

tori airovcSaiov
TzavTog
in

kmaTG) yap to fieaov

Maimonides,

tpyov,

omv kvk/ov
4,

to utaov ov
the
"123

aXXa

el66Tog.

"Eight

Chapters,"

quotes

same

the

name
]2^r2^

of

the

philosophers: '3

K^fQ'C pimi Nin 122

nr3

D'DIDlS'CnC

pno

nvS^irn mSyoSi
95:

nnnn

mS^fsS h"! dSd

''12J

mSyoS
h*;

^21:3 sine; comp.

6azzaii,

Ethics,

niNQ ntrp Kin 'v^f^^^

mcN
49d.

m'f2vntr;m; comp.

Shemtob Ibn Shemtob,

mcil

Venice 1547.

fol.

480

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

""D

:^v itrrn

nnon

yivo

in^S'yi

:^^i^

ntj'sx >n

nimo!'

ry

DHo

HMtj^

>?3i

DnSj^n yan

Dnpin rn

D^5iDiS>''m

TiDyni HKii

imn nn
k!?

nnps

k^sjd ntj^nn ^d i:ipnn ni'nin

itj^c:

nn PN1 nx^n nx-in

miy

tj^^^nriD

irxtr ^di i^vk

1DD")

tJ^s:^

inti^

nxjn. nxi^
t^

i<b

yn^n niiy
njn
i^S^v ^d

mmon
.nnon

iltdj

i^bv

^^:n yivn

iod
i'DK'n

fii:in

Dnnxn- yiVDtr
ntj'v

10

trinn niit^n

mn^nc
tj'in

pyn nxnn

idiki

nsnn
78)
Ethics,
tion,
p.

tj^itj^nn

^d (79 noifc<n

idk nan inix p^mcn xin

value
of

On
I,

this

discussion
text,

of

the

modesty comp,
1901,
p.

Ibn

Gabirol's

3,

Arabic

ed.
/.

Wise,
c,

New York

23,

English transla-

63

f.,

and 6azzali,

107.

79) This has reference to Aristotle's Ethics, III, Kal 66^eiev av SiKaiuq eTroveidiorog elvai,
a?il'
7)

13 p.

1118&,

ff.

11,

2-4;

on ovx

y av&pu-Koi kofiev i'lrdpxsi,

^(f)a-,

comp. above, note

48.

The

idea that the sense of touch, on acis

count of

its

function in the act of generation,

"a disgrace

to

humanity"
40

was

first

introduced into Jewish literature by Maimonides, Guide,

28s,
n.

II, cc. 36,

(Munk,
since

3;

p.

312),

III,

cc.

8,

49

(i\Iunk,

pp.

53,

416),
all

and has

become
in

a
his

canon

with

mediaeval

Jewish

authors
p.

of

descriptions.

Kaufmann
collection

work "Die Sinne," Leipzig

from various
authors
it,

1884,

188

flf.,

gives a whole
this

of

passages
others

who

accepted

view

and
this

likewise
collection

quotes

who opposed
in

among them Naijmanides.

(also in

To

are to be added both Palquera and the

anonymous author of

the

spurious

DnriD
1859,
II,

nSjo
35),

nT^3;j

mon,
the

p.

43

D"3Din nmtrn pip,

Bashyazi, TH'Sk
Steinschneider,
1644,
D71J?
fol.

Leipzig

as

also

Karaites

Elijah

miH,
Cat,
ga,

Odessa

1871,
131.

fol.

196b,

and

Kaleb

Afendopolo,

see

Ley den,

Isaac

Abrabanel,

nyiB"

yOCO

Amsterdam

bottom, and Moses Ibn Habib in his commentary on Bedaresi's

n3n2,
"1BD

Ferrara 1552,

fol.

320,

may

also be referred to.

Comp.

also

Ibn Aknin,

1D10, 76; Goldziher, Kitdb, 46;

Steinschneider, Polem. Literatur,

304, where,

however, the reference to the commentary of Shemtob Palquera on Maimonides'

Guide seems
century.

to

be a mistake for Shemtob

the

b.

Joseph
be

b.

Shemtob of the
the

fifteenth

Among

opponents

is

to

included

Kabbalist
i523t

Abraham Sab'a
fol.

of Lisbon, about 1500,

top,

who

in his

IIDn

inv, Venice

So,

col.

2,

attacks Aristotle in the following words:

KSQJ Hi DKT

PALQUERA's "treatise OE the DREAI4"

MASTER
m^
""D

481

DnriDDK^

Dnmn

nxtj'n

[72^]

dj^it:)

ontj^as^

5"i;Ki

iniNo in nxc: i"3^y nnn

imx Dnn

oi^t^

irxtj^ "j;n

niD ni nni'iTD insj'nn

H'i'N

inr

itj^c^D

mtj^n
(si

^n^ ion:)

id i'yi

p)^nn^ 10D

K'pnNtj^

hdi nct^

DDnn

nm

D^y:

nm
10

n^jDynm niNnttn >^^:n

iiilJiyD

ntnntj^

nm

D^i'yC'

p^jtj^rr

Of
III,

the
5,

same opinion
beginning.

is

Meir Aldabi of Toledo (1360)

in his

naiQX

'S'^C,

The Jewish philosophers before Maimonides expressed a

the

higher

opinion

of

sense
1896,

of
II,

touch.

Ibn
it

Gabirol,
into

for

instance,

Jlpfl

CSan nno, Pressburg

brings
B'ln
;

relation

with

the

underp.

standing: ni'an I'DO in

140,
n.

nCK
c,

mean
33.

comp.
pp.

Horovitz,
68, 69,

Psychologie,

154,

and Wise,
as

/.

In

mSj?On,

Palquera quotes
B'IB'On
C*:!in

Aristotle

directly

saying:

nSlUH

^inCIH

Kin

1CN

comp. also 6azzali, Ethics, 139.

80)
II,
19,

The same
No.
l*iy
10,

is

found in the /4^o/'/tMeu of Honein

45:
C'^'Sn'

(D'EIDlS^Cn
<:2f3

ODIO)

ed. Loewenthal, p.

kSi

C''2n'tr

'0

VaV2

ICBjS

IC'EJO.

in 6azzalis Ethics, 107, the sentence reads:

inSiTO iS:?K

nmnc inv
is

k'h icejc

noK2 onnno
in Jo^i.

cun

iccia en' kVc

'oi.

6azzaH's sentence
stadt

found

literally

Alemanno's ptmn lyC, Ilalber\^

1862, p. 2 1 a; comp. also Ibn Gabijol's Ethics, Arabic text, p. 23:

The Hebrew

edition,

Pressburg 1896,
Duties,
2.

p.

30,
S.

has erroneously

S'^cnS
III,

for
15,

ty annS
and

comp.

I?al?ya,

II,

5;

Duran, Comm. on Abot

KUn

pK
36,

1"n
not

c.

81) I do
m'jJ.'Qn
,

know
the
(

to

whom
is

the

author refers here in particular.

in

In

nearly

same

quoted

the

name
)

of
;

the

"prominent

ancient
of

philosophers"
Ethics.

D':Tf3ipn

C'C1Dl'?'En

nna

comp. chapter 10

6azzali's

482

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

n^i^
ijnp^
tr.

xh

'n^

D^rn

^::-nn li^inn'
ik^^
lynt^tj^

nbvr^n n:vbv) nbn:^

inv
nr

ma

in^nim

rDi D^:ijynn

nnnn

xi'K

)nb2P']

)n)b2p''

i<b

I5n lynt:^

^d. !?nN

Dnmn

ni^x

nnK> D pi r]^^r2n)
lyn

DniD
82) Ps.

D^ytj^n iit

in^n nnx^ dn pi vd^ ^d p (32 K^npn nnn imon idk pi no^nn

-ifc^tj'^

10

58.

4.

The phrase

I5>lpn

miS imo

is

used by Palquera par-

ticularly

(see below, pp. 489, 490) with reference to the Hagiographa, see his
,

miDH

niin

23,

63,

8s,

112,

135;

Samuel Ibn Tibbon, D'OH np>, Pressburg

ben Gerson,
'H

1837, pp. 22, 62, 68, 100, i74f. (comp. also 137); Eevi

mrinSo,

Leipzig 1866,
p.

p.

184;

the Karaite

Aaron ben
fol.

Elijah,

D'm

}*;?,

Leipzig 1844,
.

193,

and pj? p,
III,

Gozloff
93a,

1864,
top;

izid;

Simon Duran,

nUK po
mB*"n
40,
,

II,

14a,

bottom.
16c;

49^,

Shemtob Ibn Shemtob,

dSiJ,*

Venice

1547. fol.

Moses Ibn Habib, Commentary on

njTia

16a; Isaac
cc.

Abrabanel, C'ipT

muy, Amsterdam
I

1739,
first

p.

16,

and

n:OX
in

CH*1

14,

15.

This usage, as far as

II,

know, was

established by
is

Maimonides, Guide,
the Arabic original

45

("Second Degree"; the Hebrew phrase

it

also

which proves that

degree
of

was intended
than
n.

as

a technical
attributed
Profiat
12,
4,

term), to signify a lower

to

divine

inspiration

that
2;

the

prophetic
,

books;
13,

comp.

Munk,

ad

locum,

334,

Duran,

TBX HCyO

top,

especially Maimonides,

HDIUTl ms'?!!,

and the very interesting discushis

sion

on the subject by Abraham ben David and

in
T1J?

opponent Shemtob ben

Abraham Ibn Gaon

SlJlD

ad locum.

Maimonides' view, adopted also

;

by the Karaites Judah Hadassi

'C,

(S^C'X, Alphabet 53, letter 'p

Elijah,

comp.

ib.,

242,
in

37 5>

'n)

and Aaron ben

D'TI

y^
is

169,

finds

some support

the Talmud, where the orde'r of Succesijion

always
s.

C^2in3V D'S'33
Baba Batra

irnH;
i^b.

comp.

e.
is,

g.

Rosh hash. 32a (see Tosafot,

ib.,

v.

7nnf3),

There

however, no statement in the Talmud that the prophetic books rank

the Hagiographa as
is

higher than

the case

with regard
/.

to

the Pentateuch,

Meg. 27a; comp. SxiDa ]2ip on Asheri Meg.,

tradition,

c, letter

H"2.

The Gaonic

quoted by Asheri on

Rosh hash. 32^, that the Hagiographa have

precedence before the Prophets, does not refer to the books in general but
to

the

place of single verses from the respective books in certain liturgical

pieces.

In

tractate

Sopherim,
the

SK3ni P'ipi od locum)

XVIII, 3 (misquoted by Asheri, /. c, see Hagiographa are called HCnp '121, and in the

PAI^QUERA's "treatise of

the dream"

MALTER
L:ni!5^n

483

nvN
njp^tj^

D^t^n
i{j^i<

(83
^t<

"l':^5:

DDnnni
[r.

tt^n*:

[73^]
DitD3i

D^yim

^D

-loiii]

'ifc<i

i^nyT"
*^:n

id32

(84 ittXJ

nnDi

ntj'^

lynntj' ^o

x^t^
^'i

ni^ci^tj^n

i^y

m^y^
^3

.31D

lyno n^n^t^ yi lyno^

n^^rib

^3r x^ ic^j^n
"lt^:J<

^y D^yntoion i^nx n^o na^

ni'rti'3

d!'

nion

-i^^!?

^n d&<

i-i:ni

nnDcin
nncn.

mynm

ini n^D^ dh^ nnnp

iiid^

vir^

niyiii

i'nx

ti'!::nQ

iix^n

in

ns:"i':3

oniyto

ni'nm .dv
f74a]

i'^i

nixn D^ys^ Dnmi'i

p:j;

"'T?:n

b^^nb

nnv^
inyi^ii'

lo

ny )^^:

iipn^i

tj^Tn^tJ^

dinh r^x
t^in

invtj' n:
^3

m^tj^ nnDH. nyn^n

m^nn
(85

nrS

iidv^

nyn^i

.iptn^ i^^vl^'

nn^m

dhd iDn^tr
ncDnn

in i^':2 tP'ni^tr

DIN ^:na nnN

^3

""D

nS^n^n

nm

"lt^2:^

D-xn
i5

nnr nrnx
^D

hni^i

i^^'s:

t^:y3 nyo^ ynton

it^'e:!'

inann ^2*^
hn:

[r.iNiva]
ir:>

L-iN^'^

i^n: ^d (86

ncN

i3i

N>ntJ^ nc^o

mnxm

nnxn

[r. j^ci^-s ^jt^] i^eivi*: D^^tj^

ijco nnx

Musaph Prayer
2in3
I,

for

the

New

Year's festival,

as

also

in

the

daily

HCnp
'"12T21

the verses taken from the Hagiographa are always introduced by "Clp

^r2Hh
part

comp. Isaac Ibn 6ayyat (died 1039). nn?3C' n;tr

'121

Furth 1891,
;

p.

26:

p"n2 Cams'? ]:npi x^n

n-iicrsi nrsx

'sn

'11

Luzzatto,

Kerem Chewed,
nina itrip

WU, 7: inv nanai m^n c'si

Cipn '2n3
c^diqs

nin'2

IKipaC

CH CH
D^s^nani

C2in2ni

cnrsis

i2 cn'Syi

minna

IOkS; comp. also Bacher, Die Bthclexegcse dcr jildischcn Rcligiousphilosophcn,

p.

93,

n.

4.
i,

83) Jerem. 84) This

Ethics,
II,
I,

5.

and

the

following

sentences

are
p.

quotations
11510,
H-

from

Aristotle's

beginning;
tiie

comp.

VII,

8,

ii-i5-

I"

ni'^Vrsn
t?p2f2,

69
8a.

f.,

Palquera quotes

same under the name of Aristotle; comp.

occurring
there,
also

The

additional
parts

sentence,
the

comparing
i7).,

bad

habits

with

paralysed

of
n.

body
is

(JkSc,

see

43,

and

Steinsclincider,
I,

Hcbr. Vbers., 843,

p.

417)

also taken
/,

from the Xiconuicheait Ethics,

f.

13,

11026,

11.

18-21; comp. 6azzali,

c, 76

85) See

above,

note

10. in.

86) See above, notes

20.

484
D-x
b:2

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

3^d rnix
::x;nni
ni<-i:

(87

n^nn icni
tj':n

n>

;3

bv'\

irinNo
::j;n^

nnown
::5;nm

ni'etrn

i^vk n^nx xinty non

.nnnnn

bv

im

Dit^3

tiin^

Dni?

t^^t^

ntj^in

^:

n:vi'j;n ti^:n ::vr\r\)

[74^] ni^:m nnt^nr^n n:iD^nn

^:3''i

tj^s^n^

mriD
b::^

tj^Jjtj'n

hS'n^

Qip^n: D^^<

-not^n

nyn."-!

nio^nn
tj'^

^f2

cnni nnn^

Dnm
cni
i<in

D^*^t^'K-l^D

Dm n^mnn nixnn Dn:iD i^^ dhd d^dv!: om nvj^i i3:nni'i ixcnn!' dhj^d
n!2i<n

inxtti

.inn t^hm toyn Dni

iiiv^
i^i'K

nyn> Dn:n
ni'^o

i'stj'

^c

^mnn

n!5t:ni5

Dixn mnrin
S^n
t^'i^^tj'

im

pi^tr

10

ywcn ninnn n^xo nnx

ynton
ij'cjn

p
i'D

^y
^3

i2vyo

p^n

nioi'tj^i'

yyi^no Dvyn ^pl^nn

pijn

^:c ni^y^

n^:DyDn

niyvoxi noDnn.
dixiI

mniDn

t^a^

myvcxi .Dvyn
[75^]
15

D^ji:ynno
n^i'vnm

k^iis:

nvn nixnon niyv^Ki mn:n

t^i^x

(ss

n^v ^myn Nip:n xim nivn ^3

is

D^'':2i:n.

87)
I

The same
not

quoted

in

mSj;?2n
in

lo,

in

the

name
For

of the

Aristotle.

have

found

the

passage

the

latter's

Works.

following
,

sentences and for the division of

47,

men
,

into three classes see

f

niSyon
37,

37, 43-

70;

Isaac Israeli's

nmDn

*1BD

57

6azzali, Ethics,

61;

Abraham

Ibn Ezra on Ex.

p.

24, 25;

Abraham Ibn Daud,

5,

nf21

n31f3K, beginning of III,

98;

Maimonides, Comm. on Abot,

iL

21;

see above,
to

notes

10,

54.

88)

iP

which

is

the

equivalent

the

Aristotelian
is
(

autpfWGviTj.

The author adds here

sion
vitz,

the Arabic

term because there

of

no adequate expresdSiJ,*
,

in

Hebrew.

The

translators

Ibn

addik
n.

|t:p

ed.

Horo-

38;

comp. Horovitz, Psychologic, 198,

(

165),

of 6azzali
,

{Ethics, 92),

and Palquera himself

(/.

mS5,*0n

28,

45)

use

mjj,'

those

of

Ibn

Daud
nil'riT
in

c, 98) and Maimonides (Eight Chapters,

4) have

mpenDn
of these

and

respectively,

while
,

Hillel

b.

Samuel
uses

of

Italy
.

(thirteenth

century)

CEjn

*Slf3.!iri

42a&,

45&,

mK"30

None

translations
1.

expresses the Greek

gives the

(^(oOpoaivff.

Al-Jorjani, Ta'rifat, ed. Fliigel, 156,

20

f.,

following definition of the Arabic term:

^ -aU

'^-...ft

4 d.M

ciJl

.i>*r^J

'oy^^

-^

\p\j\

^6^

C^-ill

j^^\

CX^^

iL.'^jZ*

4)^^i.i\

"Temperance

is

condition in

the

appetitive

faculty which

keeps the

mean

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

mniroSi ni^Dnn pDynni' innvjn
)b

MALTER
dik ^:n^

485

tonr:^^'

^:

ivyi ni^pni'

n nv
"'^n

t> -ii^^d i^n:! ^ni'x

in

nnnnxi n^^^nn
xin dn
(so i'i^'2

-inn
i:in-nn3

.:i'2:n.

mtrDm n^n^n nnnxi !? dn id nnxn^ rncni nmton nnon ^n ^d inn

ii*:^tr

[75^] n"r

mj<nn

fi^Dim n"y D^x^n^n

nnini n^Mpn

^n^xn
between
excess,

(90

^c^:i2n

iimn n^x
(

tj^^tj*

^:s:d

.''ru*n

"iyt:*n

licentiousness

aKo7.aaia),
(

which
),

is

the
is

latter's
its

going

into

and

insensibility

avaia^7]aia

which

deficiency.

The

temperate

man

then

is

he

who

acts

in

conformity with the demands of law

'Ujiin
*)

and manhood."

Ibn Kutaiba

(ninth century),
(jrjj

al-'Ahbar,

ed.

Brockel-

mann, 375

relates:

^ai

(jrj.'.lx^n

4.:^^)

t ^1^2

v-i* Jai^

jU

"Said Almutarraf to
that
is

his

son,

O my

son!

the

good

lies

between two
all

evils,

between excess and deficiency; the noblest part of

is

things

is

their

mean, and the worst kind of procedure

II,
7,

running."

Comp. Nicom.
al-nafs,

Ethics,
6azzali,

p.

1107^?,

11.

4-8;,

Goldziher,

Kitdb

ma'dni

i8-2o;

Ethics, 92; comp. also Sifre,

imS^n^,
n.
p.

beginning, and

Talmud Men. 986;

see

my

article

JQR., 1910,

p.

160,

15.

To
f.;

the references given there are to

be added Ibn Aknin,

"iDlfS

*1ED,

26

Moses Ibn IJabtb on nSiy n3n3

24b; Simon Duran

jc, lib, 3sb, 4gd.

m2X

jJO, 4806;

Shemtob Ibn Shemtob, mC^IT (Venice),

etc., is

The immediately following passage DIN '330 n'S^fOm,

in

found verbatim

Cp3f3, 24b,

mSyOH,

47,

and

is

probably adopted by Pal-

quera from the "P>rethren of Purity"; comp. Dieterici, Die Abhattdlitngcn der
Ichivan
Ef-$afd,
p.

614,

bottom:

i^\\,

^^
jX**

la.'^

'\\

OoVaJiAh--^
portion
in

"t-'q

-4JI

Jy*Vl
was

iv' Vl^r
translated

-T^J'^'

-J^-^J

'T'^^

respective

the

Cp2f3

into

German by M.

Sachs,

Die

religiose Poesic der

Juden
89)

in Spanien, Berlin

1845, p. 345.

See Job
163,
'h,
is

33,

3.

The usage
'a
.

is

peculiar;

see,

however, Hadassi, 73CJ*,

Alphab.

164,

90) That

truth
78.

in
1.

thought; comp. above,

25.

p.

462,

and mSyiSn.
II,

35.

Ibn

Aknin,
II,
3,

IDIQ
claims

lED,
that

Maimonides, Eight Chapters.

D"^2'';

msSn,
of

riglit

or

wrong
are

thinking
to

and

opining
in

even
the

when not
category
is

followed
lawful
cable

by any actual
or
sinful

deed,

also

be

included or

actions,

though

no

command
Das

proiiibitiun

appli-

to

such

actions;

comp.

Scheyer,

psychologischc

System

dcs

486
1212
nnSrin

THK JEWISH OUARTKRIvY REVIEW

ncxn nsrxin
Dnytj^

':^^

lyi^^n

nr

pbib

nn-iv^n

nnonD

nbv^b nip^ no pc!: .irvn iTi^nn n:xn

iw

^"vio D^n^tj^
[r.

'':L'*ni

mn^v^]
i^'trn
(ai ip:;^

ntj'!'

[n]y>nx

IV) ivb \)2n

nox

nr:tr

.f^tr'N-in

nTDHo pmji noK im:^^ iminn n^yn^ i^j^m i:i^; noN!] PI)!! ioni^ i^)^n ^)ii:iy) pnnn np^'' imo
i!'

(92 n,:K3
(93

nM> piv

[r.

r^i]

rn

(94 ^'t

n^xi ?min p-v p-v

i^^i p-^v
-i^j>t

C95

n^jv^ yn>n niDiij^sm

.p-t^
i<in

ni^tj'

n^n>K^

vi'yci D^3
^3

nvr^b^n prnn
ipan

[76a] it^vn ioi^ pivni nox

D^t<^r::

m,yai

mnn

n:D'i3nD

inr d>n^: n^^ys

?i'^r\

10

nipmni nnn
nii'iynn

npmn loi!?^ nnon ion )n2ii^^

n.^tj'D
i'xi

n-cn
i^b)

,3"y nr2b^ ibv^

njioxn

nm
n^i?

n^^tr n!:^^

^xn DDn iniK bv

ittHi

(96 iioxtj^ 10:3 n^i^yn

i^^: nbrr,, bv ni^oi

[r.
Ti!:i<

nnm

nin k^ No^y ^^^n

.^nO D3n>
(97

ian.i irjNn

npT>n i^i'>n^ ^"vio

^b)!^

noxn

ddhh

15

DnDioi iiHo ^^jn

1:^<v,'Dt^MCD

D-K ^:no
qd^^I,]

Er>i

.inbyin nipntj' "yNi

ncNH

[r.

noiizb

n^

:-in^

D'::vy

nr Dn^b ^ini pki

Moimon/^^j,
Frankf.

n"y
a.

d^t<>3:n'i

nuxn
PP. 103,

nxt^ni n"y D.-naxn

106;

M.
p.

1845,
55,
n.

Rosin,

Die
,

Ethik
49,
1.

des
f..

Maimonides, Breslau 1876,

P-

i;

Ibn Aknin, nD1?3

Ill,

1ED

p.

25

50,

1.

5;

Simon Duran,
12,
7.

nux

p.':,

37a,

48a.

91) Prov.

19.

92) Ex. 23,

93) Deuter.

16,

20.

94) Baba Mez.

49a.

95) Refers to the

Stagirite;

comp. above
called
11.

p.

467.

The passage
occurs

to

which
in

Dr.

Husik

of

the

Gratz
p.

College

my

attention

the

Nicomachean Ethics, VI,

T(ov

1129^

27-31:

nal 6ia tovto nO/MKL^- KpariGTri

aperuv elvac 6oKel y

(SiKaioaiwy,
to

kciI

ob^' ka-epoq arre fwof ^av/uaarog...

Kal

reliia ndliara aperr/. It seems

be a quotation
J.

from Homer which

have not investigated any further; comp.

Ethics
of
Aristotle,
99,

E-

C.
n.

Welklon, The Nicomachean

i;

London

1892,

p.

137,

see

also

A. Ibn

Daud,

noi HiiOK,

loi:

nnon mSyo
to

c'xi

icvm.
slight

96) Baba
97)
the
I

Mez. 49a; Sanh. 97a with

variants.
I

do not know

whom

he

refers

nor have

found a parallel

in

other works of our author.

PALQUERA'S
bv^r])
^ni^x

''treatise:

of the dream"
nr-ib

MALTER
fc<^K

487

bv^ in

nnb [7^^] n^^n>i

bv^n

(99
"in

11DND
n:n^

n^vi'Vii
^d

no^nn

Sjn

riDnvc n^xn
1'2i:ii

nmm

(os

n^K
ni^n

(loo

nni< icni

N"ipn n!:Dn x^n

nnoHD
doi
,v'<n

im

m^iycn.

nnono
ne&<ri

no&<n nmtj^ lo^i

no"it<n

nci^

nc^i

/nnx
iJ^Ntj^

Dit^
^^i

irN i^k^ v^yni niyn:n

Dni<n
""^n

i^Dn
niin

n^K nniD
Dmpi

^py

^d

1N.1PJ

hjidj

D^y^^in ^cn

t'NtJ^

^:2o ^d

nt^^<'l

"im
n:n

iptj^n
t^'ti^n

nnnn
(104

(los iokjij'

non ni

(102

d^do
n^^
&?!?

Dn^^nn
onptj^

10

imx
njm
hd

n^n
npii^

hd^sj'i

^ry lyjb

lyi D^niD n>Q>

^"^

ny d^3td n^c^
nT::^!'

(105 not^T
"infc<

'n xjtr

nnym

doe ioni ip^ ny

nt^^iyn

[77a]NiPi
hjidk

\':v^v^

.n:int^n
nj:iinn

nti^iytj^

b'"))

iJivn

't^yi iptj'

^nz^
^5

nvyn

in!'iT^

imjn

^d

hdn ly

mtJ'Dj ^^vn (107 ioni

,nmn inix hdidi

.nn"!o

nntj^ ^o iDsni

itj^a:

^^vo

naxn imoi

li^

n^v^

p^'n

rrai

vdi
p:y
51-

x::^'^

ipti^

pt?'^

P^ys in^Do xin

rj-iS

"inon iny*i n^^:

mx

^3

(loo

Dn^cixn

ns^i Cios

98) Comp.
99) Prov.
100) lb.,
1

mSj,'an,
8,
8,
I.

7-8.

01)

Source unknown
Berakot
50.

to

me; comp., however, ^Maimonides, Guide,

/.

I,

42.

102)

186,

Maimonides,

c. ;

see

particularly

Goldziher,

Kitab

ma'ani al-nafs,
Batlayusi,
'^'i'>^,7\

To
27

the interesting references given there

may be added
IHK I^NI

mSuy,
loi,
6,

and 52:

1CS21

-^:C'

C'tTiSn

mmn

>^'';2'^

inn.
7.

103) Ps.

104) Prov.

18.

105) lb., 106) lb., 107) 108)

//?.,

6,

19.

12, 14,

22.
25. 28.

7/7.,

26,

109) Palquera

seems
is

to

have made a mistake

section

here.
II,

The passage
14,
it

to

which
Lev.

he
19,

alludes
14.

in

Sifra,

D'CHp
his

c.

referring to
in

The author, misled

by

memory,

brought

connec-

488

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

^i\^ nr^n ^3
t^'^i

Dnmn

(in

Dsnn

'\f2io

'invy2 ^!'^t^O!:n

(no

^jjynn ^jdd ntD!:

(n2 i^^?i .D^^?^3J^ cvp p-ivm D^uin

[77^] D3nn nnxi .nu> n:n V2^b x^

^d

mon

nn

'd ^^rD

(na

limn
yi

nT3n

t<in

'3

^jnno
Djni

mo inr ^r^om
.i^ysni

(n-jc^jvi?

yn^n

inv in nnn

nmn
"i2iy

2TDo

^jnni 13^3

.n:t<n

bv

D^iyn d (no

^"T

^D

ioi (no
Jj^t^

ixn^

D^pnv
"'t^'iJt^n

>>!?

-lyc'n nr /jt:*" n>**urn

10

DTX

1031

(nr

^^tj^n
t<!?x

ntoD '2vvr] ^3co

no^n

10D xin

no lyT x^Dntr
Dn:i3
n^i^Ni

cnji3 vi'Ni nron ^n

rtj^n!?

msn^

n^y^^n^ k^x
^Kti^tJ'

noxn

iixn^

c^r^yon an
dinhi D^oyo
15

103
^D

M^N

yi>D^

noxn
^3

n;tj'nn 1"idvo

ini

>yti'^

>n^x

nnx

^:io^i

moNn
b.

"-^Dn-n (ns ti-

tion with

Deuter. 27, 24; comp., however, Jacob

27,
18,

Asher

D'lVjn

Sj,*2

on Deuter.

who quotes
for
,

the

same interpretation
I

in

connection with

the verse last

mentioned,
349.

which
350,

do not know the source; comp. also

Hdassi, S^tt'X
1

letter 'i 24.

'3.

10)

Deuter.

27,

111)

Comp. Nicom. Ethics,

is

7,

p.

11270,

1.

28

ff.

112) This
10-20,

short

rendition

of

Aristotle,

Ethics,

I.

c,

p.

1127b,

11.

where also occurs the exemplification

,

(nov /uavrn', Go<p6v^ tarpov; comp.

typ20

15b.
full.

In

ni7>i3, 59, Aristotle

is

quoted directly and the passage given

more

in

113) Job

13,

16;

comp.
I.

b.
c.

Sotah 416, 42a.

I

114) Nicom. Ethics,

have corrected the text of the quotation

in
ni7j,*f2n
,

in

accordance
eliminating

with
the
8;

the

parallel

passage

59,

adding

HSTI

and
Duties
Sj,'!

word

7h\

which

gives
I,

no

sense.

Comp.

Babya,

y, 4;

\'II,

Honein's Apophthegms,
-ino
I,

5: S\i^^\^

2T3n

DS"J:rjD"lS

CDin

mnx

S3

lenSi

Sa

e]itrnS
b.

nno

'nc.

115) Abot,
1

17;
20.

comp.

Taan. 7b; Baba Batra 78b; Pes. 66b.

16)

Ps.

18,

117)

Comp. Ihn ^addik,

la
5.

pp

oSlJ,'

(ed.

Horovitz),

67,

1.

8-10;

^lehren,
p.

Lcs raf forts dc

118) Ps.
25,

fhHosofhic

d' Aviccnuc

avcc I'lshim, Louvain 1883,

13.

PALQUERa's "treatise of the dream"

nDi<n

M ALTER
b'z

489

^^^

^n T\n^ 't^^i

r^'-in

d^nhi [78] Dvn

'n^ip

mQI

minn nyn^
Kin
>:2

N^n

nr:i<^ iip'ii

ipyi t^n^

t^^nti^

n:iti^N-in
i'^^:^^'

mnn
DTK

inn

otj^n mfc<^v:D

nvncxn niynn^ na
D^KV'::n
it^i^'^

^{i^^xn

inn;t^'m "nynnir^

inKv^m
^:^>22\
^^2

n^ ^y ynton inirt^'i ^:vr\\

n^trni D^Kin:n ikk^

(no

HDi

miNii*:.'!

niy-in

ni'^i'

ncnt^'

n2i

ri^yr:
v'r

nvi^ti'

nm
DDnn

nyn^i niinn uoi:Er ncD nnc

nT2yn
^d
(120
1^

c^'^Dnn
r\"v

'n^^ati^

tj^npn

nnn D^-imom

D^K^n:n
10

nrni^K

nniD

tno

nxnn^ cnnn- [78^]nnDs

>y ^nr:t<n

nnn

nm.'Dn

b^^

iD1

npncn ^csnn ny^': nvn:x niym

inninD
nix!'-::
^^

D^iy^ pnv

inpnv
(123

(121

nD^n^i ^ry

b:^

^^\>n

n^nny pnv
[r-

nn^ ipnv d^n*

^os'^r: (122

n^x

nnnm
^5

niinn pn^VNJiny'Ti:nrDNn^3nDxn'i.(i24 n^n^i ^:r2n ub^vb

K^n ^3
^<^^]

n^n

n>:

ynr* nrtj'cm

(120

nbwb n^npK'
ti^s::

D^rn^^ni D^^iy^ i:nir^ n^i pnv cn^^ on n^

ipnvi
t^yn

nnyni
[r.

nn"'tj>n

noN

nnti^

D^toEtj^cm D^iy!5
(120

itj^s:

n^nn

nrntDm]

nxnn
K^ti^

xin

on

n2 M:tJ^ nSji

D^iy^ ntn cnn pxi vnn"'

nn^>

(127 nr:j<

nnnn

D^:iK^m [79'^]

n':^

Dnti^

^3K^n

119)

The change
15.

in

the

expression

*i'f22

'"''S^

is

significant;

see

above,

note

120) See 121)

Ps.

note 82.
119, 119,
19,
18.

122) lb.,

142.
10?

123) lb.,

124) lb.,
125) Pes. 126)
repetition

119,
54fl,

144.

Ned. 39^.
is

The

text
1.

in disorder.

The words CH HQ seem

is:
it

to

be an erroneous
of
19,

from

16.

The sense

He who
is

grasps the meaning

the

the
8)

Torah

n^'tTfSn)

and knows what

precepts

"restoring

soul"

(Ps.
.will

and
it

what
is

its

"righteous are
10,

and unchangeable"

realise

that

Truth.

127)

phrase taken from Dan.

21.

490
.DON nnS' ton

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

(128

inx nyn^

i:]!:

D>^nr:Nn

nnnin

^3i nb)vb

m!5Dt^Ton

onnai nncx

i^y

om.^n cno

d^^d^n,-;

(129

i:iDxn nijcnn roi: nr

iTv^tj^

bi<

'rj

Dn^^iN

tr>

d: (130

d-n^
r:in

i'Dtj'n

HD Dnnnno ^np^

{'"n nb2p)
D^i&?
tJ'^N

nmnn
b\i^

nmn
inns:]

^ini ts ^y

nvi Dixb

[nnx]
vl^y

nniD

i:^ni ni!?3t^"i^n
-^^

rmx
:k

[79^]

Dn!?

mntJ' D^:iE^*K-in

->,'21Ni

(132 K^ipn

nnn

Dnmom
Dt^^n

n"y

D^Nn:n^

ibip)
t^'^N

(m
^e'd

10

D^DHDm

^jKEj' fc<in

inn

no"f bv n^^i^v rni

(133 [^^-

ipn,^n ^3n
r\''pio

nm5
Dn!5ti>

D>::itDV^

vn x^

d^dh^ mnxt^]
t^y >a
(134

t)no3

D"'jnnt<n ^ax

noxn D^xn vn pyn

DHD nvnn ddik

nicij^n -inyt^^m m!?:!n

nixn dddd:!

n^n nix^vcn nvncxn Dn^nrxi

im^tjc nyt^'3 nii^b n^bi<w\^

^y n^y^i D^^n^^n npn'^n ncxti'

icd',

(135 !?":

mn^i

'n>

128) Eccl.
alludes.

12,

11;

comp.

Talm.

Hag.

3^,

to

which passage the author

129)

Refers
6,

mainly
n.

to

peripatetic

philosophers;

comp.

Steinschneider,

Hebr.

C'bcrs.,

43.

130) 131)

See

above

note

10.

Erubin 53a; comp.

ni7J,r3
p.

66;
49.

6azzali,

Ethics,

153;

Maimonides,

naC'Qn
132)
133)
136.

nOipn,
See

ed.

Hamburger,
note
158^7;

above,

82.

Baba Batra

comp.

Kiisari,

II,

22,

and Palquera, mifSn

ni1f3,

134) Erubin,
133)

/.

c; comp. Maimonides,

/.

c,

and Guide,

I,

71.

Shabb.

31a; comp.

cpso

326,

top:

n^msH mrsmn
nrss

nyn'tr ':eoi

nScSc minS

D'n;

nynp ]nn nvn

Guide,
III,

DnS
54,
,

d>'?icc V't

mn mcSca
is

nosnn
comp.
18.

Maimonides,
Profiat

whence

the

whole

taken;
3,

also

Duran, IBX

nc^a

4;

Simon Duran, Comm. on Abot,

PALQUERa's
[80a]
by

''treatise:

of the dream"
r]i<v\^

MALTER
nmo
nb

49I

nm

iniD xin:^

Dnnmo

n^i

.n^Dnn b^b^ nx
in niinn

ini'y^

bi<)

n^it^'^

bx ^'t ircsn

nni

tiDn i^N*o '1 (137 y'T D-TDi^a (i36

i'Nit^'^n^i^

m^ixn*: n^xn
.pit in^-'i'p

y:tj'^i

Dn^Dnn i^sn inn

^'r

it^

>3n iDin nvo

-lun nnx
iin^ai

nnD ""ODnD duii

D>riN:n n^pr:^
r^snti'
-t:i:D

ii^irin
^"t

nniD
li^'^

nriDi

nvin
^D::n
t^'^

ncxn fyo
n^Di
ni''pnn
[

D"3^in

npnon

.i:min

Dntj'

no ipn^^n ^oDn
nbyin onn

1DD DHK^

DHD

in

i^y

n^^n

i^tj'nn
^Dti^b

liDVM nvnc^'n

r.

m:3nD]

ni^sna
tj^n

inm
yr!?

r^v)in

ncxn

i^y

^dk^h

nnmo
nincxn

nn^ dho
n^:^^vr2^

.ib:)^

c-xn

lo

D''Ninjn
n"'''nS'Nn

[8o&]

dh^i

.ir^nn

nDD

Dnmn
nriDi

D^j^^yotj^
.Di'Vi^

dhdi

.ynon

nD3

D^>^^^y21

(i38

D"aoin

n^b^nri nni

mn^xn

nt:3n nsrcD
:^tj^ni'

pDynni' niDnn

no^^

^k^ijsh

nio!?K^n n^ijDn

nvnni
15

nnxi TiDH by nrnv^bn

"Dsn

nsDi

(139 [r-

iN3 ny]

p p

"int^i

tr;nn nD^bca nbnn

by

nvnbxn

inxi nrynt:^

lo^DDnti^

noo
iN^TD

D^i^jyn.
ini"'

nbxn d^^don
d-'dij

nnnm nn^
(sic) it:viN

iphdh
n*n
nn.
[

DnsDH
[r.

n!2Nn bx

nn^ "ipncn^cDn

iin in] iinin

^d

in^D

>tr-in

ncDi

nsD

nn3i] inDT vjsib vn:r ipn^n ^csn

nm

b^*: n:s<r:

r.

20

136)
I,

See

my

article J QR.,
4,

1910,

p.

168, n. 31, also

Simon Duran, ni2N

43a-

p?2,

2a,

and on Abot

25;

Shemtob Ibn Shemtob, mtyiT,

137) Hagigah 138) Guide,

riivn,
66.
I,

156.

34;

comp.

Ibn

Aknin,

*1D1D

1CD,

116;

Senior Sachs,

139) This
copyist.

is

an

instance

of

the

thoughtlessness
the

or
3"j,*

ignorance
,

of

our
read
the

His
all

original
]2

doubtless
.

had

abbreviation

whicli

he
in

against

sense

Sj,'

He
i:;V1K

repeats the same mistake three

is

times
account.

following.

The

spelling

also

to

be charged

to

his

492
iDVis
nEiDT

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

(141

'

D"2r:in

nrDi

(140

insDa

nn\i<

i:m r^cn >d "nyi -ivip> 'b nijm Jr. .^.^ -y] Q"cvi^ V2i2n [r. ncDn^] nona nipaon ^3 iroi^ (142 ^nj DDm .nn
y^T

140)
p.
2,

Abraham Ibn Hisdai

in

his

introduction to 6azzali's

piS
npi

'2TXJ2,

has the same praise for Aristotle

(from Al-Mas'udi?)

V-D1S.

D'mn
'nn

}>y

in

nx

mnc*'?!

nn'' D'p:n D3*nn nnx nnxS

iSc?3

::pS

nSoen

I'Strni
is'rfs

I'Dxm

nirsroi

moDn ncsa
n021.

isa
too,

ci^Dim

iS^cra

nnc^

n::

maStyn
as

ni5,nn inia'^rrC*

He,

adds the opinion of Maimonides.

quoted in the following by Palquera without, however, criticising ISIaimonides,

does our author;
141)
see the

following note.

D"nonn
in
this

nmC^n
quotation
the

Y2^p,
is

Leipzig

1859,

n,

sSd.
in

The
the

text
]*-^p

of

Palquera
agrees

more correct

than that

^"d

more with

one
39,

quoted
n.
i.

from a manuscript by Kaufmann, Die

Palquera
D'S'Si,
in
cites the

Spur en des Al-Batlajusi,

in

same passage verbatim

as
in

miDH nmO
even harsher
]1tJ'S

107,

where read

yEtT,
the
last

V^sh,

the

present
p.

treatise.
is

His criticism of Maimonides

than
.

mentioned work,

io6,

it

appears

here: -nDIK tS^QDI V'T 13-110 Jl'SerT ;K32

SsK

'M2n
not

intt*

It

shows Palquera's independence of mind that he did

criticising

shrink back
if,

from

his

master,

whom

he otherwise

so

greatly

admirers,

as in the case before us, he did not share his views.

142) This SnJl

DDn
I

is

none other than

Cazzali.

The passage occurs

in

his Mak&fid-'ul-Falasifat, a

work

in three parts treating of logic, metaphysics,

and
in

physics,

which

have

prepared

for

publication

from a

manuscript

the

Royal

Library of
\^et>

Berlin.

6azzali

begins
"i

his

metaphysics with the

A.'

following remark:

^Ju.Tb ji ".X!^
/^*
to

la."

^Aiol)

5^?- ^-'A.jlc-

lf^\
first,

i^j
but
I

v^ vi^\
to

^*V
and
It

'

'^^
first

'^

customary
of

to

treat

physics
it

preferred

treat

metaphysics,
in in

because

is

more
differ

subject

doubts

the

opinions

metaphysical
passing
deviation
f.,

problems
Cazzali
the

more
censured

widely;"

may
of

be
this

noted

that

was

on

account

abritrary

from

accepted rule; comp. Steinschneider, Hebr. Bibl.. X, 72

31,

and Hebr. Cbcrs.,

note.

310,

especially

Kaufmann,
(in

T/ico/ogi<7

des BacJija,
of

24,

Two

pages

further 6azzali says

the

Hebrew

translation

Judah Nathan Bongodas,

manuscript of the same library, the Arabic original offering here a lacuna):
triatt'n

n^v^-n nrsDnsi nnioSn s'n mr:3nn nc^Sra ciacn

npim

-invni

PAI^QUKRA's ''treatise O^

the dream"
bv

MALTER
n^snm
nra nvrin

493

pED

r^i<i

.[r. iND

-y]

13

D^ni

nin^Nn

N^ntJ^

nv^^^n niinn nvc

poN^trvCi43

yn^tJ^ nts

^n iicd!'

inn

DODcn DHD
niD''
xi'i

vini ^y d'zv'^ *inv

-ipR!:n i^;*:

D>x^n:n

nm

rj-iyn n^^^ i^b^ i^b^) 'i:n:"i^N

'^pv:!

oy
5

nmn!' Nvn my^D^n

v'^t^'^i

1123^ nm^i nn2>

i^b^
'<^b
n'^p^ii^

is:

n^^^

naixi.(i44 iDDDn^
njtj'ion^

imin d^p^
^d
n!?

10a ny-i

b:i2

nnxn

^r^^n^
:^5^n5'

[816]

cD-n^cn

nmn
n^Nn
i^t^tj^

Tiptt N^ntj'

n:i^Nin n^t<n
mai? K^ni
vi<)

nn^^^m nn n:i3n Dn^-in

i'^i'

1DD DttK

riDX
in!''iT

nox
^<)'l^

i'yn

ncNn

n:m:i-n

noK
i^b

nox DMi^x

^"^v(i45 N^3:n

10

D^KVo^HD
iKtJ^.
ini'iT

)r\b)\b

'n^ Kins' i<in D^^pn

niN^v^n
]):n
^:^c

!?"ii

inSjiTD

nDNH
inS'iT!'

Kintr

niN^vcn ntra
!?^yiD
i<intj'

^nr xim
D^^<v^:^

mj^^v^i
(i46

niK^v:n

Vi<^
ni^npn
(sic)

ipnnn ^DDnn nvp ncN

inn

nr

^yi
i^i^x

^iSri

yiT

imn

nt

i^ni

)i2b n^yn^

Ninn
L82a]

m{<^vr:n

15

-|nvn

ncwyn ni^pnm.ipncn ivc ;no

Nin Ni'N in^3

-ipn:n'

inxo

"lODi^h

mm
am
first

nrn nnin^

^f22nb
^2

nvTif27n

einn^ nrn

oniincnS nrpn
in

p
part

mpini nvyaan
to

inv na.
by

He

expresses himself

similarly

the

introduction
the

his

work,
logic

which was

published Beer,

with

the

chapter

of

treating

of

Georg
p,

under the

title

Al-dazsdli's

Makafid Al-Falasifat, Leiden

1888,

4:

"As
the
right

to

meta])hysics

most

of

their
in
is is

dogmas
logic

are

contradictory

to

truth,

correct

being an

exception;
false

most of the doctrines are on the

exception.
thereof
.

way
with
is

ancP
error
say,

the

an
correct
is

.In

physics
the

truth

is

mixed
(that

and

what

resembles

erroneous'
in

to

the

true doctrine

not discernible from the

false

want

of proper criteria).

This passage was made use of by Palquera, {yp20, 33^

the
source.

without

reference to

143) Refers to Aristotle.

144)

Comp. Abot
10,

III,
10.;

9.

145) Jerem.

see above,

note

10.

146)

May

refer

to

Ratlayusi,

see

above,

note

10.

454
SSD3
,

REVIEW THE JEWISH QUAKTERLV

OT

ri'^''

juts

, noHn
n.,vn

y.n .nn== ..n >= n^.v. n yn^n n=nn ... n ,^ .Pnc- ,n:n., ur ny>T n>:vyn n.nn
,

n^^ya

^n [nlyn^n n>^=n, n.n

nn^^=nc

n>n=.n. onP^on nni xv.'^ ,,n^ nann .n. nmn,

,',

nA=^nn^yyn=^=nn"^^^^^"='"=^''^^'=":^
D,n.. nn.-

nnmn

1:^'^

n^y

nab

onnnn ^. ht ,n^^^^m on. .' ='nn nann [82b] n'bna t.m .^cnni obt^ni
n,.,.nn
n!>yn ^n

nna n^bn= n'.^i -.'^vni .o

Kin
inio'nt.i Dyic

njo^.nn n^nn. n^^nn^ ,=^y. nno n^nn Dn=nn n^y H^nt. nn bi 0^. n:n nnv Kin nni^

mn

ification of

God

note lo) as Truth (see above,

c. I,

.s

taken

physics

aarro. endof

p.

993^

II-

9-3.:

Heir.

Obcrs..

beg.nn.ng
Aristotle's

of
text

tn

Qi 8

Rc" 85_

or o

on tne
accou

j^uhk

^"
paphras,ic

which

gives of
is

full.

Thrs

^^^

character

the

translation

as

compared

thought

rendered

of the however, a whole sentence inserted also after , ,) ought to be to the Gree importance, correspond.ng
essential
I. seems,

J^
Greek

so

"
a
,s

.th

the

^^^
"^

J
ri^r'oS,.
^^_^^

(.
.^

.^

^,_

^^

'^^J": J\,,
C

,.. ip.dc
^^^ ^^^^._^^

of however, that the e,u,valent

for
,t

tn .he

fi

translation, already in the Arabic

om.tted

also

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

ion^ na
n^n^t^ nr^ n-i^nnn

M ALTER
nn-n mix
ni^y

495

nmn
j<in

1nl^53 1:^:^1
n^^t^

icDi

.n^xn

Dti^n

ti:n

inr

Dntr

Dnn-^

niN^vron

n^^^nn c^xv2:n.

cnmn

ni!?nnn

vn^i^

n^^nn^

Dnvni
rn DH
ij^jy^
[^*-

nijy

cn^

j<v2n i^bi^ ^2^^ n2N

rnrnn n^y nnb x^^^n

^D

n^N Dnvnn

noj^n ij^jy
13
!?y

Dnnn it^trb r^bv nn b2i< mxv^: Dnmno inx d^nv^: Dnrnn n^yn
5531

rto ly]

n^xn

iJ\*yD

mx^v^n

ir:yi

mx^v:3
.(l48

n^l^^nm n^iD^n x^n n^^^^n [83a] n:trn

n^t^n rtrn^ ny:^n
xin Dyivr^i D^:j'y:n

>3

iNnnn njm
xin^^

10

-itj^r

pivm
"onni

Kin pin T)^wr2 n^:fib

n^^n
(i.jO

duidh
(149

D^try':n n^^j^y xin^r

-iiDT^a "i!DNJ pi
iPti':

D^Nin:n DVp nc^ diScm nao

ynim

(151

cii'c^i

piv

ic'is:

ncxi ion

'1:1

-tv"ii<

^"'>

ioi!'3 Di^tj'm *TDnn

ipt^*:

pi D^inn lu^n nstr^ PiNm

"-in

(152

ncKH
of

niN"in

^2^*2)

.din
(not

n^^Dn
of

nri

nrn

nr

ipmtr
as

Moses

Ibn

Tibbon
it;

"Hillel

Verona,"

Kaufmann,

Attributenlehre, 334, has

13), in

see Steinschneider, Introduction to

CEiH

7ir2J!n,

nnjJl

men,
also

/.

Z2a,

see

with

reference

to

that
174.

passage
n.

above,

note

10;

comp.

Steinschneider,

Hchr.
sSl

Cbcrs.,.

498.
'3
(1.

For
4)
it

m5?0:
ought
nj?
to

in the phrase

C^E

mx:fr22

D^E mx:fr3:
/.

p\y

be in both places

nmas

Moses Ibn Tibbon,

so

c, has correctly
also

xSn

ny nvnrSS

;3^Str

>th=^<>>' y(ip ^rorf a/J/^pir,

Moses

Ibn

Habib,

Comm. on oSiy n^TlS, Ferrara

p.

1552, fol. 86b; comp. also

Kaufmann,

Attributenlehre,
148)

^34, end of note 204,

139.

See above, note

149)
iN!fr2'c*2i

Mishnah Abot

I,

end;

comp.

Maimonides,

ad locum:

1i1K2 1221
'in
5,

nnfsn mSyrs Kin DiScni

iS

nvSzcn

niSyrsn Kin nrsKnc

iSk; comp.
i6.,

p-iE2
21.

pED kSs

icekc
2.

nrs'^ci mK'V?2n nn'

ncScn

150) Ps. 85.

151) /b., verse 152) lb., verse

ii.

i.

496

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

nnvn

DTDt^'D ^i)^:^)

nno nox
J?:ib

(153

^dk

nxn

tern inixn
pi-^n

D^Ki: vn^K^

"i?21^d

[83^]

WV2

D"ix xiin^

n"3pn N3tr nyt^n

(155

'nt:t<

.piosn nrn (154

5

DnDi DHDi
i50i:i

in^

DnciK nn^ ninD mn3 mtrn ^3n^

itj^acj

NintJ^

xin^ idik ion

n^^pii^

nr:Ni

ion

-i"nn Kin^

i'N

xia> noiK piv

^o

xint?^

in^ ^k "ioin d^^ni

ci^tri

dhdh
K^ntj'
n^j^y

no HDtDp [nl^i^m

N"in>

^k icix

nipiv
I^d:

x^.ro

ncK

i^tiTi")

(i56 i"nr]

nvnx

n^^i'tj^ni

noxn

n^nn

ni<n

I'D.

nfc<

n^yn

i^tJ'

r-

n^>D3>D^t<

d^ddh] pD^iD!'i<i

153)

7t.,

verse

12.

5-

154) Chapter VIII,

155) The manuscript
156) Dan.
8,

erroneously

repeats

CnO

after

C^DIX.

12.

PALQUERA

TREATISE OF THE DREAM

MALTER

497

APPENDIX
IBN HISDAI

PALQUERA
iDDa ^^jnr'n pnv^
ariDi

[84a]

mt^^^ nt^nn nytoi (157

nniD^n
^d

inati^nD

no^n inyni:

id

dj<

n:^i

nnpo n:itrKin mivn

r2

^^:r2 n^iio
xtj'ijn

Dixn
niD^

^3

DTi^n^
121:1
?ii:i

c-t<n
i"i:i

nr

iD^n inn^n Dvy

in^ni

^^i:*!

\i^^:^ nDiiro

dinh

^d

i'yn

Drpi imiv
^D

iti^EJi

inmv
iro

t^'E:ni

imiv

it^:i

n^ni niD^-

Kvn

n-ipD

n:rN

K^D:ni

yn^ Dvy
']>2i^')

t<^n

ix

mpo nrx
nv
N^nt?^

nrt^'na^ dni ^3t:'n

^vn yn^Dvy
i*:k"''i

HT t^^ns^ CN1 33:^'n

x^ntj'

K^nt^ "luyn nnpo N^itJ'

m-i:
Nint^'

myn mpo
"ns::
^3tJ^

he:
p^t^'
i!?

^^^j'

nti'm ^):n id

m-iJ

*imo

^rni

""jco

nipn xin

imo

n:n> mp,r:n pitr ^^2^ n-pa

ion: M<^)jf2 ii^r]b i-npon

n"ip,*o

n"'i2n^

i^rx
nt^^

mp^ntj'

men
nmn
of
Uiis

"inx

nDsnb mp!2
nixr:
above,
,

nsj^

nDn^ mpo
tj'c^m

nb)i<) in^i:*^

it<tj'i:o

mn

in^

ins
see
*1ED

rr^^^p

157)

For

general

discussion
that in

appendix

p.
is

468
in

f.

The

text as

compared with
I

Israeli's

nmCTI
omitted
is

12,

many
and
on
b.

instances
inserted

corrupt. entire

have

corrected

obvious
evidently

grammatical

mistakes
the
copyist

phrases

which

were

by

account of homoioteleuta.

The whole passage

596
6;
(ed.

quoted also by Gerson

8211),

Solomon,

C'QCn

lytT,

58a,
c.

Rodelheim, Boa,
/.

and Meir Aldabi,

the

niTOK
for the

'S2C,

end of

see

Fried.

c,

51-53.

Of

three

proofs

immortality of the soul the third

is

used also by Joseph Ibn Aknin,

in

the noted disciple of

C"3?3"in
,

Maimonides,
II,
45''-

in

the

fragment printed
Ibn
$addilj:,

m21t?ri ]*2ip
j'jp
cSlJ,'
,

Leipzig
first

1859,

Joseph

34,

has the
gic
etc.,

proof,
n.

but

in

different
ib.,

form; comp. Ilorovitz, Die Psycholo166,

n.

169,

64-65;

see also

58;

comp.

Aaron

b.

Elijah,

498

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

n:^^t^^^

nt

bv

nsicm
n"2 ^M

.t^iino

npb''

n:m

.^i:in'

p misn

nnx

mpD
[

nn\n

)bt^

tr:nt^'

d^*2

[r. nsv^i] sv^i

m^y
iUDD

n"n

pii:

mny

nipn nriM i^k

84^^ ]

in^n

^N

Yvb
tD
N^iij^

^tJ'iDn

nnnti'

nK^v"'3

tj^:n

PK1

(i58

Dijusn
Kij

nj^K

ti^:ni

nsrm

.n''n

n^'un

fc<VDn
^bi<

x^ntj'

nnpc nn;n
niptt

':^r\

nsioni

DK nn^n mp,^ nn^n

hn:i

li^x

n-i2:i

IK

pm

[mp.r:
n''n

dk nn^n]
"^ki

nt^NT

mp^
^d

dn

pm
n^n^^

iSn^n^cis"!

nn^jt^D nr

nnn

nn^ 10:3^

vnnn niDr^
n^n"*"!

'd
:iid

rnnn

iiDrtJ'

i^

i53::T

iDK^n kip:

nnx

n>m in
iT-ni

:iD

nnn

in^ idjd^
112^2

nnx ncKDi
1JK
k!?

n^itj^

rn^i li^nn
\2^br^

ii'n:in

^n::i

xipj

PK1

nnntrm
niion

ics

1JK

PK1

inx

^D^?Dn

d^k^

i:n:K ^3 ^^^2
!5Ki:i

D^K^i.ri

ti3tj^^:i'

ni^

kvd:
?iin

pacj'^K^

miDm

i^xi:

nb Nvn:

DS1

.ijon

n-ncn'
(159
'\b

"ihk

nnnK Kn
KDH Kin niontr idik id^
DK^ni
niDHtj^

nintj^

ncK

nn^n

li'K

iok:

nDsn sin

n>nnn
i!?

noiyn

nnnx
ion^
iS'k

nnK n-^Kcn

Dn-'it?^

wnpj
i^n:

tn

ntt:
tj'cjn

n^cn

Dtoo
{i'C^ntr

Dt5^

i^3pi

nnK
pki

nnn

W3p:
i>nj
"li^nj

TK

in n^n
iDNtsn

p imn
(iGi

(leo Di'n:"!

nnn nnx
D^S^Dtj^

Dn^jtj'

^^^D S'yn ^ynt: nian D^i^trr)

Dvy

nc n^

li^npi

nnx

niom

n^n

^n

(y^''^)

158)

Ebony wood;

see

Fried, ad locum; Horovitz,

/.

c.

159) In the manuscript this

word

is

followed by

miEC
it

with two dots

above the
160)

letters

which

is

to

indicate that the scribe wrote

it

by mistake.

The

text seems to be corrupt;

is

perhaps to be read:

07730
T
:

i6i) This

is

the

well

known

Aristotelian

definition

of

the

soul

(^hyTe/JxcKi

//

~()<'.)TT/

ai,)fiaro^ <pv(7iKov

bpyaviKov)^

which

was

accepted

by

nearly

all

Jewish philosophers of the Middle Ages; see Steinschneider, Magazin

PALQUERA's ''treatise of the dream"

Dvy Nin ^^:r]^

MALTER
mns

499

p Drx Dm

N^n

DK

ti'CM

[85a]

mna

in

niDm n^n nvn

i:n

^^^ti'n

ni':ni
tj'i::n

.(162

ni^n

ni:D iniy

bv^ d^nv^o

n:oo
b^'D^n)

D^fc^vvn
i:"innn
D^K/^^vn.

onmn
[n]Nvcj

bn
^d

DnmH'

!5N

nciio iniy

tj's^n

ni:tt
^!5no

Dnnin
^y

ntj^yni
"ly

nitrnn nxvo:
D-ifc^vvn

o n:Do D>pinin Dnmn -nsj^ym nmni

^lnynL^'

DnnoK
DNi
n"i>l

moynti'

^y&
[ r.

n!?vK
ici:!

[cvnpntr]

Dnn^K

i'V

ny n^i^D

mny^
ni^'2

K'Cin

pini dipd!?
i:tto
553

(-y^'^)

Nvn

Kvn

nai:

iny^

^jn
i^x

HDvyti^ ^":i
nr!?

ncvy
[r-

iDsin ^^5^0

nocn ^^30 pm:K^ no

^"1X1

^iKi

*inv

Kin]

K^n

ntn

inr xin
iib

n.^vytj'

ptr

nnv nn^iys n^nn

npt^Ti
|tti

n^

n^^

HMD
101

TK

DN1

nni5ij;!3

ncvyo]

masj
n^nnu^

novyn inr rnn^j

ni^iycn

nni'iya

[m3DJ

nnr n^iycn

inr
D

nnntr

ipk^h

niJiyEn. ^3

myn
'320

^yin Dvyna

nnyn

^y^cn Dvyno
nfc<o

mnDj
n^iysn
i'yicn

i'yicn i^b l^yiEH dn.o

nxn K^n

Ni'i

i^yicn

nxn

Dvy ^yisnc^

n^iysn

nsD
inv
"inv

>:2,o

n5>iyn

nxD

Dvynr pQD
K'Djn

psi]

nipD nbiysm
"132:

t^Ni

mpn

nSjiycni

Dvy bv)^n^

p DN [mpDHD
nn!5iyED
and

mpono
f.

inDj inv Dvyn:^' pd

1892,

DK1
p.

mn^:
article

d.

Wissenschaft des Judentums,

256,

my
/.

D'SavJDIK

in

the

Hebrew
Zion,
1.

Encyclopaedia Sxit?' 1S1X, II, 209, 213; see also Moses Ibn
159,
last

Ezra,
p.

II,

line;

Joseph
'n

Ibn

Aknin,

c, and in 1D1f3 1CD, 249;

172,

30;
11,

LeVi
13a.

ben

Gerson,

fnan'?0

(1866),

Simon Duran,

m2K

]Jf2,

Avicenna, following Aristotle, gives the same definition

{ZDMC. XXIX,
'^^^^:

346;

Landauer,

ib.,

380):

^,.-J-

J*J^

J^
are

(T^O

Jt^ tiS
The words

'J

*^;:^.
in
Il)ii

162)

trc:."!

ICH kS

Hisdai's

text

of

essential

importance and seem to be omitted here only by the fcribc.

also in

They arc found

the quotations of Gerson

b.

Solomon and Mcir Aldabi.

500

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

"iDn ^ijnn
ncii!

iinyn nn^iys
K^nc' nsRi ^p

[85^]

n^it^i

.IND

ny

.Pii:n^

CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS

M ALTER
Literatiir,
p.

5OI

CORRECTIONS AND ADDITIONS TO THE ARTICLE "SHEM TOB BEN JOSEPH PALQUERA" (in this volume, p. 151 ff.).
P.
152,

note
line 6,

i:

see also

Steinschneider, Arab.

XII.

P. 1 53,
in Spain.

from bottom ("There

also appeared...")

read: There and

P. P.

156, line 159,

5.

from bottom read S^EI for

T

S'^EI.

note
first

13:

the

epigram

quoted
s.

there
a.

occurs

with
26.

some variants
Zabara does

only in the

edition,

Constantinople
to,

(1577),
it

fol.

not seem to be the author, because he,

introduces

by TUB^On i!2X v'?V1

(communication
P. P.
163, 163,

of

Dr.

Israel

Davidson).
for

note 21

read

DTin^

D'nnS.
comp.
Stein2.

note 22:

on the phrase hSs^H DiC^O B*e:n I'^nS

die

schneider,
P.

Magasin

fi'ir

Wissenschaft des Judentums, XIX, 258, No.

is

165,

note 24: the fourth line of that note

an erroneous repetition
it

of the preceding seccond line, and should read "far be

that the

Torah should

contain anything that

is

contradicted by sense-perception."

For other authors,

who expressed
schrift
f.

the

same view see the references given by H. Jaulus, Monatsd. Jud.,

Gesch. u. Wiss.

1874, P- 455. n. 2, p. 459, last line.

in that note
p.

P.

169, note 31:

on the sentences discussed

comp. Goldziher,
3,

Le

livre

de

Mohammed

Ibn Toumert, Introduction,

75,

n.

and

p.

106;

for the sentence of 'Ali see Ya'kubi, Historiae, ed.

I

Houtsma,

II, 248,

bottom.

owe
P. P.

this

reference to the kindness of Prof. Goldziher.

D'>h^pv
for

171, last line read

'SipC

177,

note 50; according to Moses Rieti, Judah Halevi, regretting his

with
line

previous

occupation
11,

poetry,
12.

burned

his

poems;

comp.

Simon

Duran,

nnS
P.

JJIO,

ssb,

178:

The

lines

in

the

epigram No.

were mixed up

in

print

and

should read:
If
sin

thou

wouldst

avoid,

then

speak

but

once,

And

listen

twice,

thus
in

speech with silence season!

just

For the Creator gave thee

But gave thee
Palquera's epigram
is

one mouth,

tzvo

cars for that very reason

a

found

more elaborate form

IJisdai,

in

Joseph l^im^i's
]2,
c.

tripn

hpv

(Zion, II, 99); see also

Abraham Ibn
I,

TTini iSrSH

26;

Simon Duran, Commentary on Abot,

P.

16.

179:

To

the

list

of

authors,

who quote PaKjuera,

Alfdrdbi,
,

are

to
col.

be
2,

added
line
5

Moses

Botarel

(1409);

see

Steinschneider,
(died
ITI^fS

252,
300,

(dubious),

and Simon Duran

1444'),
(p.

ni-K ]J0
7)
in

II,

who quotes

passage from Pal<iuera's

HTIOH

the

name

of the author.

THE ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

IN

TALMUD AND MIDRASH

By Jacob
Z.

Lautebbach, Hebrew Union College

(Concluded)

The

Dorshe Hamiirot are

to be distinguished strictly

from the Dorshe Reshumot.

and had a

Likewise

allegorists,

they

were, however, of another kind, and they used an altogether

different method,
dift"erent

tendency from the

former.

Their peculiar method and tendency can be learned

the

from a few sayings of

preserved.
It

Dorshe Hamurot that have been

may

properly be assumed a priori that the

meaning of the name "Hamurot" must express and characterize this peculiar

method and tendency.

the

In determining

the

meaning of the name of

Dorshe Hamurot and the

character of their interpretation, the interpretations of scriptural passages that are described in the

Talmud

as ton poD

must

also be considered

they will be found of the

same kind

and character as the interpretations of the Dorshe Hamurot.

The phrase "ion

ing to the

|^DD

actually

means

"in the style or accord-

method of the Dorshe Hamurot" (comp. Weiss.

IMekilta

Midddot Soferim, on
Terminologie,
s.

Mishp.. 83
is

/'.

and

lu'icher.

r. "ion).

This
?>.

satisfactorily

proven by the
"ion

fact that a saying in Tosefta

is

K. described as being

poD

in

another place ascribed to the Dorshe Hamurot (Scmahot

It niav,

viii).

therefore, be

assumed with ccrtaintv

that

non

503

504
is

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

form of milDn, and both have, of course, the
This meaning we must estabhsh
in

the singular

same meaning.
and the method

order to

arrive at a correct definition of the

it

name Dorshe Hamurot

and

characterizes.

In trying to find the meaning of the words iDn

nnicn

we must

consider only the reading with n

is

homer

and hamurot, which

the correct one, and leave out of ac-

count the various readings giving the form of these words

as

homer or hamurot, with

n, as there is

no

reliable au-

thority in support of the latter."

As

in

the case of the

Dorshe Reshumot, we must

reject the definitions

of the

word ion and

nnion given by some of the old com(/.

mentators" and accepted by Bacher

these definitions "ion, like the

c).

According

to

Aramaic NiDin or
'*a

smoin,

means

"3.

string of pearls" or

bunch of
is

spices."

An

in-

terpretation characterized
as pearls or as racy

non pOD

therefore as precious

and delicious

in taste as a cluster of

aromatic spices.

The Dorshe Hamurot,

whose

then,

would be a

class of interpreters

interpretations of scriptural pas-

sages are as precious and valuable as jewels, or as pungent

and

fine as the pleasant

fragrance of spices.

But

this characterization of these ancient interpreters

is

of the Scripture and their interpretations

satisfactory.
It is true,
is

vague and unthat a very

as,

we

find in the

Talmud

good interpretation

figuratively called

a pearl,

for

instance, in the phrase

masi' Dntyp2i DDn^3 nn\n nnio

n^!5:ino

" Bacher,
the Aruk, but

/,

c,

62,

n.

3,

says that in interpreting the

latter is

word "^On

one

must ignore the reading withH, although the

endorsed by Saadia and

we

shall

see

that

it

is

at

least

doubtful whether Saadia and

the

Aruk had
38

the reading with H.

s.

Rashi in ^Ciddushin 22,

v.

1f2n

V^^
ion

says

-111X1

nvS:i1Cn

111^
of R.

U'tTDnS
Hiiiei

1K1X3 I'^n

DCian.

Similarly Tosafot Sotah 15a, in the

'i tri'c

name

DC12 inx p^y dvSjiio hhn

]'D3.

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

^iC
,

LAUTERBACH
is,

505

"You had

valuable pearl

[that

a very gooa
it

interpretation],

and you wanted

also

to withhold
123^1).

from

me"

(Hagigah 3a; comp.

not
call

Baba Batra

But one can-

a whole class of exegetes "interpreters of pearls,"

because their interpretations are choice, for other interpreters

may

also give excellent interpretations,

in general are not

and goodness

and excellency
acterize a

terms with which to char-

whole

class as distinguished

from another

class.

Besides, as appears
interpretations
rabbis.
sec.
8,

from some remark

in the

Midrash, these'

were not considered unexceptional by the

ix. 39,

In Midrash Bemid. Rabba

and in Sifre Num.,

as

where the saying of R. Gamaliel characterized

is

"ion

PD3

mentioned, the words hnij bm,

''but

it

seems cor-

rect," or "it is plausible," follow after the

words

nn p^D.

If

ion pC3

is

meant

to characterize this interpretation as ex-

ceptionally good, "precious"

and valuable "as a jewel," what

seems
to be plausible?
is

need

is

there to add that

it

It

does

not sound coherent to say

it is

"This explanation
it

excellent,

as precious as a jewel,

and

appears also to be correct."

it

The expression

nsii ^as, "but

seems plausible," follow-

ing the words ion poD, indicates rather that the interpretations of the "kind of their value

homer" were not considered very good,

^3S "but
to

and correctness were rather doubtful, so that the

nx"i:
it is

commendatory phrase,
correct,"

plausible,

it

seems

had to be added,

make an

interpretation of the

kind acceptable.
It is evident, then, that

ir^n

expresses a peculiar char-

acteristic of the interpretations of the DorsJic

Hamurot and

their

method, not merely the vague description "like a pearl,"

or "like spices."

And whatever

this peculiar characteristic

in

may
as

be,

it

must be actually found

the sayings and in-

terpretations ascribed to the DorsJic

Hamurot, or described

iDn pD3.

For, as said above (p. 292). any tho(^ry about

506
the

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Dorshe Hamurot must have the support of
all all

the evi-

dence derivable about them from

of information.

the different sources

Judged by

this standard, all the theories

about the Dorshe

Hamurot advanced by modern

scholars

prove to be either absolutely

false or, at least, unsatisfactory.

Weiss' theory, that the characteristic of the Dorshe

rot

HamuniD
any

was

that they interpreted the Scriptures according to

the rule or

method of ''measure

for measure,"

mo njiS
in

(Middot Soferim on Mekilta Mishp., 836), does not

way
the

explain

interpreters

name nmon ^LJ'Tn was given to these and how the word "ion or nnion indicates

why

the

method of ''measure for measure."

Besides, as will be

seen from the quoted sayings of the Dorshe Hamurot, they

are not at

all

conceived according to the rule "measure for

in those sayings described as

measure." Even
at
first

ion

j^DD,

which

sight

resemble

interpretations
rule, there is

according to the

"measure for measure"

something peculiar to
latter,

the former that distinguishes

them from the

to the

and

in

Sotah 15a an interpretation according

"ion|''03,is in direct contrast to

homer method,

an interpretation according
p.

to the

method "measure for measure" (see below,

514

f.).

Kohut's" theory, that the Dorshe Hamurot were those

terpreters of the

in-

Scriptures
is

who

applied the method of

analogy, Gezerah Shazvah,

absolutely without foundation.

There
used

is

not the slightest resemblance between the method

in the interpretations of the

Dorshe Hamurot and the

single

Gezrah Shawah method, and not a

one of the sayBesides,

instead

ings described as "ion pDD can support this theory.

this

theory

is

based upon the incorrect reading ion

Aruch Compictum,

s.

v.

"if2n:

"iCK

D'lcnn

'h";'!

nn

nn'.o"!

^cin

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

of

LAUTERBACH
i8iff.).

507

ion, and upon a doubtful etymolo^^ of the

I,

word from

the Persian (see Briill, Jahrbiicher,

Isidor Weil's theory

(RBJ.,

Ill,

276

ff.)

that the

Dorshe Hamurot were those interpreters who

plain the secrets of the law,

tried to ex-

and

find reasons for the

com-

mandments, niVDn
tions preserved.

^Dyo,

is

not supported by the interpreta-

For, as will be shown, the explanations

given by the Dorshe

Hamurot
min

are altogether different in

character from those so often found in the Talmud, that

seek to give the reason,

mON

no

^J20,

"why

the law

has

commanded
109
ff.)
is

this

or that."

And

while Joseph Perles

{ibid.,

correct in considering the

Dorshe Hamurot
he
fails to define

allegoristic interpreters of the Scriptures,

their peculiar
allegorists,

method, and

identifies

them with the other

Besides, he does not

the

Dorshe Reshumot.

explain the

name Hamurot,
niiicn"',

as he bases his theory on the

it

incorrect reading

taking

to be like

nmrDn.

*<*

This

theory

is

also

held

by

Weiss

in

his

Dor,
to

I,

202,

where

he

describes the Dorshe

Hamurot
note
8.

as those

who seek

give a reason for the

law;

see
**

above

p.

297,

The reading
Saadia,
reading.

milfSn
but
It
it

and
at

lOn

is

supposed

to

be

supported by the

Aruk and
had
this

is

least
in

doubtful whether
5.

Saadia and the Aruk

is

true,

the Aruk,

:.

"I^sn,

we read

as

follows:

Di

Kif3.T

n^ciK pc'72

ncyfsn
'K?3)

]mp pc
TlQnK
'Xr3

7\^\':2

rrsD

''ei

n"r\2

nrsin

(in manuscripts, however,

flDn

n^nnS lOIX
.

HT

nx

HT ir^E^

(see

Kohut footnote) |'CVf2

is

n?21 l^'t:

'SQI finJX X0 nOl'^D

III,

This responsum of
\\Hi

Saadia
nifsn

also

mentioned

in

Eshkol,

ma:

'l

D"l^

n^l^D

2*11

nc'ycn
in

;mp

'any ]ic^2i ncv^tr nc'van

j'rss

;>trinr trn"e

nmon;
On
''C

and

Saadia's

commentary on Bcrakot (edited by Solomon Aaron Wert5668,

9)

heimer, Jerusalem,
the other hand,

on Berakot 240 the reading

is

also

given.

Saadia and the Aruk are quoted in Tosafot as having read

nmran

and inn.

Thus, in yuiiin 134^

'o-ix

s.

z:

nmr^n

'C"in

cc2 "inya
in

Itr^'O 'f2
s.

Tion
]'03:

m?3

pcSsn nr^^n

;'f32 px::

nnvD

21

Sotah 150.

V.

nan

loix n^oix prS2n

r\'v^;^T\

prss

pxJ nnyD

2-itr"i'c

nnx piy

508

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

We
tiated

thus see that no satisfactory theory has been ad-

vanced about the DorsJic Hamurot, which could be substanboth by the correct reading of the name, Dorshe
their interpretations.

Hamurot, and by the character of

attempting to give such a theory,
ItrVfi
'i<f3

In

we
in

must, therefore, seek

j. '^.

101^3 1*lOn 'KO

n'2nS

mX

and

Kiddushin 22&,

irSH

\>'!22:

TlOn no
thorities

iS "lOIK

IC'VO-

Thus
and

we
for

see

that

there

are

as

reliable

au-

for
their

the

Aruk's

Saadia's

having

read
if

"homer"
had

as

for

for

having

read

"homer."
of

Moreover,
the

they
as

had

the

reading

homer,
or
as

their

explanation

term,
or

derived
"thing,"

from

some
be

Arabic
incorrect,

Aramaic
neither

word
in

meaning
nor

"action"
in

would
be
that

Aramaic

Arabic
But,
if

can

there

found a word hamr or niDn with such a meaning.

we assume

they had the reading homer, as testified by Tosafot, their explanation would be correct.
l^'ta

For,

as

we have

seen,

they explain

TlCn 'KO

as

Aramaic

for

'KD

and

"^CVO 'WO
but
,

The word
"significance,"

2a

means "essence," "nature,"

"object,"
in

"real

character,"

also

"purpose,"
108&,

as

in

the

expression

]2'U
in
v.).

HD

Berakot
59i

22a;

Sanhedrin

and

the

expression
s.

DDS'U no
Aruch,
s.

B.

M.

(Eevy,
ntrj,*0

Ncuhehr'disches

Worterbuch,

v.,

and

The word
"^CJ^'O

has the meaning "fact," "essence," "object,"

is

and the phrase

is

*N0

means "what
is

your action?", and also "what

of

your

object?",

or

"what
since

the

purpose

your

action?"

And

lOn

which means
of
its

"significance,"

"importance,"
the

"essence,"
object

has also the

of
a

meaning
indicates

"purpose,"
significance.

"object,"

purpose and

thing
in

In

this

meaning the

word

lOn

is

used

the

phrase

n^'IOinS

n'S

n^COl, "and he

will reach his purpose, the object

s.

he alms at"

(^Abodah zarah ga, see Levy, Neiihebrdisches Worterbuch,

sion

v.).

The

expres-

1"lOn ^KO

in
is

Aramaic
the

has,

therefore,

like

]3'U K0 and ItyyO 'WO. the

of

meaning,
is

"what

meaning and
is

significance

your actions?",

"what
R.

your object?",

"what

your

purpose?".

The explanation given by

Tam,
fore

the Aruk, and Saadia, to

not,

*lOn
it,

j'OD, as meaning ntT^On

^03,
the

is

thereinterto

as

Bshkol understood
law
according

nCJ^JC
the

nC^On ^03,
action
of

that

they

preted

certain

to

preceding
the rule

person

whom
It

the law

refers,

which would be

like

"measure for measure."

simply means that the Dorshe ftamurot interpreted the law according to
significance

the
fact

and
it;

real

meaning of the action described

the "lOn,

in

it

or

of

the
its

narrated

in

they explained

the

object

of

the

law

and

purpose.

This definition
R'hich

of

the
in

Dorshe liamurot

is

correct,

and

it

is

the

same

we have given

the text.

ANCIDNT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

to find the characteristic

LAUTERBACH

509
as

method of the DorsJie Hamurot

and
in the etymological
"ion
,

shown

in their interpretations,

mean-

ing of the
the

word Hamurot-

The term
means
and

often used in

Talmud

as a contrast to bp,

''grave," "important,"

"weighty," "significant," "essential."

ing attaches to the terms
"ion
I'on

And

the

same meancom-

niilDH
,

in the phrase

pD3

and

in the

name

miion

^cnn

as

some

old

mentators,"" quoted by Saadia

and the Aruk, have explained.

The Dorshc Hamurot

terpreters of the law
find the

were, therefore, those allegoristic in-

whose method and tendency were

its

to

importance and significance of the law,

since
it is

real

meaning and purpose,

this,

the real

meaning and

purpose, that gives the law weight and importance, and they

considered the importance and significance of the law,

-iDn
,

its

to

lie,

not in the plain meaning of the letter of the law,

its

but in the spirit of the law and

they would read into
it.

allegorical meaning,

which

They are

distinguished from the

Dorshe Rcshiimot, who interpreted the words as symbols, as

signs, in that they

would seek

to find, in the action enjoined

by the law or
ing,

in the story narrated,

some symbolic meanupon

us, this

some idea

that the law wants to impress

idea being the sole purpose of the

narrative,
in

and giving

it its

commandment or the significance. The historical facts

in

themselves as narrated

the biblical story are of no

their

significance; they
real

must not even be taken as true;

meaning

is

the idea they suggest.

The

actual fulfilment
it

of the

commandment,
is

the performance of the action

preis

scribes,

of

little

or no importance.

The main

thing

to

*^

Aruk,

*.

V.

"i?3"in:

vSy
and

I'^nn'?

]'trnE?2i
it

-irain

vd^u
the

tr*,

Seme
as
tlie

commentators
verb

read
"to

homer,

interpret

to

mean

same
and

TOnnS

make

more

important,"

"more

weighty,"

"more

significant."

510

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

it,

realize the idea expressed in

which

is

its

true

meaning

and purpose.
Herein Hes the fundamental difference between the
terpretations of the
in-

Dorshe Hamurot and the interpretations

"IJ:3

according to the rule ''measure for measure," niD

or similar reasons for the laws, niv^n
^oyo.

mo,
latter

For the

do not
as

in

any way

affect the necessity of observing the

law

commanded and prescribed. why the law has ordained this

has

They
or that

try to give a reason

commandment, and

they also assume, that, after the law, for whatever reason,

commanded
is

us to do this or that,

we must do

it.

The
The
ex-

strict

observance of the law and the fulfilment of the comabsolutely

mandment
son

necessary

and important.

Dorshe Hamurot, on the contrary, do not

try to give a rea-

why

a certain

commandment was
it

enjoined.
it

They

plain to

what end

was

given,

what purpose
it

serves, as-

suming that the end and the purpose

serves,

and not the

commandment in itself, is the -ion, is of weight and importance. The commandment thus becoming a mere means
to an end,
its

actual fulfilment
It

is

not so important,

if
it

the
its

end

is

reached otherwise.

can be dispensed with,

true significance,
is

allegorical meaning,

which

is its

realized

by

us.

Thus
neglecting,

the tendency of the

if

Dorshe Hamurot

led to the

not the abrogating, of the practical observance

it

of the law, and

was

this

tendency that brought them into

disfavor with the teachers of the traditional law, so that but few of their interpretations have been preserved; even

few were looked upon with suspicion, so that when they were mentioned, the rabbis felt the need of occasionthese
ally

adding

a
it

special

recommendation,

in

the
p.

words,

HNiJ ?3N, "but

seems probable (see above,

505).

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLKGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

51I

We
they are
the

shall

now
the

quote

all

the sayings of the

Dorshe
if

Hamiirot, as well as those characterized asncn po^, and see

all in

method and of the character peculiar

to

to

Dorshe Hamiirot, according

the

definition

given

above.
b.

Hullin 134&; also Sifre Deut, 165, ed. Friedmann,

1066

The Dorshe Hamiirot

shoulder corresponds
priest, as
it

said [interpreting Deut. 18, 3],

to,

The
of a
in
to,

or

is

a symbol for, the

arm

is

said of Phinehas,
25, 7).

"and he took a javelin

his

hand" (Num.

The two cheeks correspond

it is

or are a symbol for, the praying of the priest, as

(Ps. 106, 30), ''Then stood

said,

up Phinehas and prayed"

bb^^),

[this

being their interpretation of the word

instead of

"executed judgment"].

The

maw

in its literal
it

meaning of
said,

the stomach [represents the appetites], as the

is

"And

woman

through her belly,"

(Num

25, 8).
is

The mean-

ing of this saying of the Dorshe

Hamurot

not, as usually

understood, that

it

was

as a reward for the exploits of their

ancestor Phinehas that the priests receive" these three por-

*^

Sifre

has
is

the

reading

niOICI
It

'Cin
is

instead

of

nnifsn

'tTin,
Rasiii

but the latter

the correct reading.

also

given by the Yalljut.

remarks
difficult

here

also,

D'OinO
tne

niKlpQ DTllDn
as

'C^in,

those

who

interpret

passages in

Scripture,

he explains the name

p.

niDICI 'C*m
296,
n.
7.

with

whom
**

he identifies the Dorshe Ifamurot; see above

is

But

the passage Deut. 18, 3

in

no way
...S

difficult

or unclear in
,

its

meaning.

For they do not say

or

n3T
this

....13C3
or
that

which phrase would express

a

that

they deserved

received

as

reward for

this

or
it

that;
is

comp. yullin 886-990.

...V:n 13T ..."li'2

i;ii3

Dn"l2K lOWC 13tr3. Here

to," or

said

TH
of,"

njl33

yTltn
is

and the term

means "corresponding

"reminding

and

used to express the purpose and tendency of a law (see Bacher,

I,

Terminologic,

115).

512

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

They
rather wanted to

tions of the animal as their gifts.

explain the ir^n

significance, purpose,

and meaning of the

three portions assigned to the priests, which, according to

their interpretation,
his duties, duties

were symbols to remind the

priest of

which

his ancestor, the ideal priest, Phinerest

has,
is

had

fulfilled,

and which

upon every
shoulder
is

priest, for

he

spiritual heir to Phinehas.

The

a symbol for

his

arm, and

is

to

remind him that he must use the strength

of his hand in the service of God, as Phinehas did.

cheek, or jaw-bone,
is

The
his

to

remind him that he must use

God,
in

mouth and

his speech in the service of

praying [or
is

teaching], as Phinehas did.

The maw, or
belly, as

the stomach,

to

remind him that he must suppress and

animal desires represented by the
against lewdness.

fight against

lower

Phinehas fought

The main importance of

to the priest,
is

the law assigning these gifts

that the priest should

gifts.

remember

his duties,

symbolized by these

The

fulfilment of the law, bidding

is

the people give these portions to the priest,

portance..
treatise.

of minor im-

The same
the

interpretation

is

given by Philo in his

iv.

On

Rewards of

the Priests, ch.

That these

three portions were given to the priest, the

arm being
called

symbol of strength and manly vigor, the jaw-bone being a

symbol of uttered speech, and that which
(an excrescence of the belly),
spise all gluttony
is

is

paunch

taken as a reminder to deappetites.

and whatever excites the

ch. xvii,

Comp.
that
his
all

also Philo,

On

Drunkenness,

where he says

Phinehas did not receive any physical advantages for

great exploit, but that most important and valuable of
things, the rank of priesthood, the office of serving

and pay-

ing honor to God.

the

This proves that the interpretation of

Philo, alike,

Dorshc Hamurot, and

was not

to consider

these gifts to the priest simply rewards for Phinehas' action,

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

513

for the typical priest received no material reward.

They

are symbols of the duties of the priest, which Phinehas, the

ideal priest, fulfilled in
b.

an exemplary manner.

Pesahim 54a

The Dorshe Hamurot

said that

Anah was

a bastard, and

therefore he brought bastard creatures into the world.

This saying of the Dorshe Hamurot has been preserved

in a

condensed or abridged form.

in B. B.

It

presupposes a knowl-

edge of the saying

115^, that Zibeon

became the
her, so

hubsand of

his

own mother and

in incest.

begot

Anah with

that the latter

was born

The

allegorist sought to

extract the real

in

meaning and
that

significance

from the passage

mules
in

Gen. 36, 24, ''Anah

found

the

the

wilderness, as he fed the asses of Zibeon, his father."

The
Alex-

Dorshe Hamurot, who, as we

shall see,

were

like the

andrian allegorists, had the same rule as Philo (comp. Siegfried,

/.

c, 166), that

when

the literal meaning of a scrip-

tural passage conveys but a trivial thought

unworthy of
to

the Scriptures, an allegorical

it.

meaning should be given

They thought
It can,

it

unworthy of the Scriptures

to tell us

of so trivial a thing as that

ness.

Anah found mules

in the wilder-

therefore, not be taken in a simple sense.

The
tell-

Scripture must have yet another, a higher purpose, in

ing the story,
evil,

and the purpose

is

to teach us that evil begets

and uncleanness causes more uncleanness.

born
in incest, naturally

Anah, him-

self

brought mules into the world,

bastard creatures, supposed to be born of an unnatural union

**

the

reading

instead Some manuscripts liave miQin nmrsn, but the correct reading

of
is

miQIl nmfSn
in

and one has

Here again
134
(see

Rashi says:
38),

Cf3inD

niK"l|:0

JiniOn
24,
is

r"in

as

HuUin

note

but the passage,

Gen.

36,

very clear.

514

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

This idea, that
evil

between two different kinds.

only comes

from

evil,

is

the

ir^n

the significance,

and importance of

the story.
b.

Sotah

ic^ab

n^^ ncn p^^

n^tj^-nj^i

^b

)n>:n

DniD

D^^sni? y'l

tn^

ir:K

R. Gamaliel said to the teachers,

The

scribes left"

it

for

me
like

to explain
is

[why the offering of the suspected woman,

method of the
iron, that
is,

Sotah,

to be of barley], in the

the

Dorshc Hamnrot,

that,

as her actions

were the

actions of a beast, so
beasts.

must her offering be of the food of

This saying

is

found also

in Sifre

Num.

8, ed.

Fried-

mann,
nxij

4a,

and
"but

in
it

Num.
is

R., xiv. 39; in

both places the words

S:is
.

plausible," are
this

added to the words pDD

is

ion

The meaning of

saying

not that because her

actions were beastlike shall her offering be of animal food.

This would be according to the method of "measure for

measure."
Gamaliel
is

And

in

the

Talmud

this

interpretation of R.
to,

mentioned as directly opposed

and contrastis

ing with, the interpretation of R. Meir," which

^c

expressly
n3n )and

Perhaps

it

is

to

be

read
let

in^Uri

OnCID

(not

>h

it

means: "teachers of the law,

me

[allow

me

to

use this method rejected

by you]

and

will

explain

this

law in the method of the Homer."

allegoristic
b.

This
to
to

would be another proof, that

the
rabbis,
it.

this

method was objectionable

had
to

so

that

Gamaliel

or

Simeon

Gamaliel

ask

leave

use

*''

R.
R.

Gamaliel

is

said

to

have

given

his

interpretation

after

he

had

heard

Meir explain, that because she [the suspected woman]

had given
explanation

her lover dainties, her offering should be animal food.

R.

To

this

Gamaliel objected that

in

it

would only hold

in case of a rich

woman, but

not

case

of

poor

woman, who could not feed her lover on dainty

cSi^
>z'\'';^

dishes:

Sdko

r\z::'^p

']i>2'^

inS>3xn x'n nraspn

ra'''^

n'^f^CT
7\:27\i

nry?3 n^cj-'QC dc*3 Sk

ira^rsS

ss^x

'xra

rr^jy nn^cy na^nn nS "iok

nana Ssko

7\i^'\^

-\2

t\^7^i.

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH
is,

515

characterized as being according to the rule ''measure for

measure."

The

interpretation of R. Gamaliel

therefore,

fundamentally different from the interpretation according

to

the

rule

''measure

for
is

measure."
barley,
to

The
in

offering

of

the
in

faithless

woman
it

of

the food
that
is

of

animals,

order to bring

home
the

her,

her conduct

she

was
Philo,

like

beast.

This

idea

clearly

expressed
the

by

who

gives

same explanation
In the treatise

as

one

described

here as iron poD.

to the Sixth
:

On

Special

Laws Referable
ment, ch.
be
X,

and the Seventh Command-

he says

''And the reason

why

the flour

is

to

made of barley is perhaps because the food which is made of barley is of a somewhat ambiguous character, and
is

suited to the use both of irrational animals and of needy

is,

man, and

therefore, a sign that a

dift"ers in

woman who

has com-

mitted adultery

no respect from the

beasts,

whose

connections with one another are promiscuous and incessant."

The
then,
is

ion, significance and real importance of this law,

merely to make the

is

woman and

the people realize,

if

that adultery

the action of beasts, and,

this

could be
is

reached

in

another way, the actual fulfilment of the law

from
])assage

We
the

see

this

that
1).

this

R.

(lamaliel

was not Gamalitl

(/.

II,

contemporary of R.
him,

Johanan
(/.

Zakkai,

as

Hamburger
For

c,

53)
II

ami,

following not have

Bacher,

c,

61-63)
to

assumed.

Gamaliel
Meir,
is

could
lived

referred and objected

later.

an interpretation by R.
reading Gamaliel here
I,

who

about a hundred years

R.

If

the

correct,

then

Gamaliel
in

III,

tiie

son of Judah

is

meant.

Many
also
is

of

his

sayings are

found
to

the

Mishnah,

and

his

brother
22h.
it

Simeon
But
it

interpreted

according
that

the

method of
i"")

lOn
is

Isiddushin

more probable
,

the
it.

reading

here

incorrect,

and

should be

i"2C*"l

as

Sifre has

The two names i"^ and i"3C*1 were

for

easily

mistaken for each other.

Thus,

instance,

in

Pesabim asb,

i"'\

flH

(see
for

Dikduke Soferim, ad locum);

jl"3C*1.

in

iSwcnsS, where it should be i"2V'\ many other places JJ"1 occurs by mistake
Mcir,
Meir's interpretation.

Simeon

b.

Gamaliel,

however, was a contemporary of R.

and he could well liave heard an<l discussed R.

5l6

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Thus such
interpreta-

superfluous and of no importance.

tions lead to a possible neglect of the practical observance of

the law, and the rabbis looked with suspicion upon them.

For

this

reason
it is

it

was necessary

to

add the words

"iron,

nK"i:

Sas

"although
tion
is

in the

method of the

yet this interpreta-

plausible" (see above, p. 505).

:

Kiddushin 22h
S>DD ITK njntr:

n ion i^^d

nr

xnpc

ti'-in

hm

^jot

i:nv

im

:yvi^

ittvyij

ins<

njpi

nr li^m Dnayi?

Dnny

Si

Dnay
6,

R. Johanan

b.

Zakkai interpreted
shall

this verse

[Exod. 21,

"And
the

his

master

bore his ear through"] according to

method of the homer.

all

Why

has the ear been distin-

guished from

other organs of the body to be bored

blessed be He, said.

through
heard

The Holy One,

The

ear that
the chil-

My

voice on Sinai, saying, "For unto

Me

dren of Israel are servants" [Lev. 25, 55, which, according

to the beginning of chapter 25,

was spoken on

Sinai],

and

should not be servants to other servants, and yet went and

bought a master for

itself, it shall
vii.

be bored through.
saying of Johanan

In the Tosefta B. K.
b.

3 this

Z.

is

found
Mekilta

in

an enlarged and modified form."

ed.
to

There
form of
such
for

**

In

Mishp.,
it

Weiss,
the
2i;)i

836,

there

is

still

another
sold

this

saying,

and

refers

slave

who had been

>i>u

as

stealing:

^n^^N S^o y^in

that

KM
Sinai,

i^m mijn vh
shalt

in Sy nj?airc px.
and yet went and
shall

The
stole

ear

heard
to

on
be

"Thou
a

not

steal,"

[and

had

sold

as

slave

in

consequence],

be
this

bored
saying

through.

We

can see from the

many

different

forms

in

which

has been preserved, that the Isomer interpretations, not being in favor with
the
rabbis,

were
the

not

carefully

transmitted

in

their
is

original

and
in

correct
all

form,

yet

main

idea

of

these
It
is

intrepretations

preserved

the

various forms of their sayings.

tation

should also be noticed that this interprealso

of R.

Johanan

b.

Zakkai

found
below

in
p.

p.

lyiddnshin, but

it

is

not

characterized as being

lOPI

p?2D

(see

531)-

ANCIENT JEWISH AELEGORISTS

it

LAUTERBACH

517

closes with the.

r\r2

words:

b)V

"i^^V

"['b^rA D^^C^ blV "IJCO PIDI

fc<nn

nyctJ'tJ'

n^to^ i<b^

yvim

itx

nin^n i^n i"a, ''This

one has thrown off the yoke of Heaven and taken upon himself the

yoke of

flesh

and blood.

Therefore says the Scriptit

ure, Let the ear be

bored through, for

did not keep and

observe what

it

heard."
is

This interpretation
first sight,

not, as

it

would appear

to be at

"measure for measure" explanation

because
"itDn,

he did not heed what he heard, therefore shall his ear be

bored through.

The meaning

is

rather this, that the

is

the significance and importance of this law,

merely to

bring

home

to the slave the lesson of freedom,

which he has

not learned, or which he has forgotten, to remind him that

he did not use the sense of hearing properly, and since he

did not

make

the right use of this sense, he need not have

it

it,

and he deserves to be deprived of

the

by having, not merely

external
(see

upper
as

or
the

lower

part

of

his

ear

bored

through,
2ib,

traditional

law requires

Kiddushin

and Bekorot 37 ab), but rather the tympanic membrane, so that no sound may be transmitted to him.

Of
to

course,

as

the

whole

ceremony
and
not
its

has

merely
is

symbolical

significance, iron,

purpose
to

mainly

show
it

that

the

slave

did

listen
if

the

word of
is

God,

must not be

actually observed,

the

same idea

brought home to him by other means.

observance of this law
neglected.
is

Thus

the practical

of

little

importance, and

may
''For

be
ch.
if

Philo, in his treatise

On
I

Cain and His Birth,

21. G.

xxii, gives the

same interpretation of Exod.

the servant shall answer and say,

free,

shall not depart

and be
had

he shall surely have what he asked, having

first

his ear

bored through, that ho

of soul."

may

not hear the words of

God about freedom

Although Philo explains the

5l8

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

allegorically,

whole law

as referring to the slave of pas-

sions, yet the interpretation of the act of perforating the

ear

is

the

same

as that given by the

homer method

in

regard

to the real slave.

Kiddushin 22b

nn^nn ony

vntj^nnT?2i nbi r]"2vr]

icn n'22^

n^b::

b^r2 nriTtti

n:p^

nr

li^ni

mnn^ minya D^n^vim Dnnyi? Dnny

t<^i

Dnny

R. Simeon, the son of Rabbi (Judah I), interpreted this

passage [Exod. 21,

6,

''His master shall bring

him

to the

door or unto the door-post"] according to the method of

homer.

To what purpose have

all

the

door and door-post

been distinguished from

of the house?

the other fixtures

and furniture

The Holy One,

lintel

blessed be He, said.

in

The door

and the door-post were witnesses

I

Egypt, at the time when

passed over the

and the two side-posts [of the Jewand

I

ish house, see

Exod.

12, 23],

said.

The

children of

Israel shall be

My

servants and not servants unto servants,

and
this

brought them forth from slavery unto freedom.

Yet

one went and bought himself a master,

[his ears] shall

therefore be bored through in the presence of these [witnesses].

Here, again, the significance and the purpose of the

law, that the slave

whose ear
is

is

to be bored through be

brought near the door,

declared to be symbolic, since door

role
.in

and door-post, having played a

Israel

the deliverance of
at that time,

and

in the principles of
l^e

freedom taught

are well suited to

reminders to him of the lesson of free-

dom which
his

he has forgotten, and to help to impress upon

mind

that he

was wrong

in

choosing to be a slave.

As

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

the whole law has but a

LAUTERBACH
it

519

symboHc
if

significance, its actual

observance becomes superfluous,

the idea

is

to suggest
as, for in-

can be impressed upon the mind by other means,

stance, by

mere words expressing these

ideas.

Thus

the

practical observance of the law

may

be altogether neglected.

In

Semahot

viii,

the following four sayings are

men-

tioned in the

name

of the Dorslie
n^?

Hamurot:
:D^n*:^iX nrii^^n ^{r-in

D^^axi D^vy iNon

HD Dmnnr^
^,!:n

Dnvn:i
T\b\>r\

nm

Dnvnr,

ninsn

dh^^

bv

dik^ hn^i^

^^b

x^x

.Dnvn:i

min mr^x w^^b Dnn^

^y ni^pn n^Dtr bv

ny-i

j^i^i

nn-.u

DID "im^ D>^n

Kton

m^D
m^ ^y HT bv

inooi n^sn

nx

5<^Dnn^

nm;

x-in^^

dik
^y

niK CN
^<^t^'

.n:n3n nxi v.z'^n

nx

n:ini

.nc:n n^D

nnx

nonn xnn
\"v>
i'y

nyi
'^li'C

n'^xi'

nxsc^^s:^

n>x nxnnn'::
p^t^'n

r\^?^2

Dnm
nyi
KintJ'

^-iHi

^pd:^?' ntinn

n anciNi
p&<:^'

m^iy

k^^i

nniD n^i

nmn

n^i

msr
n"i:N

k^ n^
ni^

n'rna Di< n^oi

Dni:

Dnxn ^pcn minn

^y

n^pn d-n^ nxntr

"n^nn riN N^onn^
idi

.no3i H'^a

nnx

^y nin i-n^ D^^n iinr:

iro:'i

Kin nnx Dip?2ni ijnn Dn^^y 5i>:nx^ nnr^^n ^:3K3 idik n^h
nnTDij ^ic

nvn^

^rin n:nirj

n^ n^^nm

n^^^y n5::n in-in ^d

-'I'iiK

pn^ny?2i ms:: i^^d nnit:! ni^^p id'-d nnnti' '^b niDnr: ^rr: ^^'o

D^:nK niTD
niSj^D^tr ^y

H'^i

i^p

D>-i3T

nm

.hied

im

^^^nt^'n

n^^p
k!'

i:^d

mmti' k^i di^dik ^b^

n!?

nnm?o

k^i

niNn

ij^n'^
u\b*:;

^nn

Dn^i'y n^'n

n-nn ni^^x

D^:tr3ti'
!?y

Dn-inx^ ^kic'^

V2

D^jnK "iDiK Kin

131

nc3i nt:D

nnx

n^iyi' n-i3 Dntj'

nnin ^:n
r\'[^'^b^

nni D^iyn
vh'\

di^k^ ni^^D^ti^ d^:2k i^p^k 'n nsr*:

n!?!

dn n:3n

nnnT^

niyt:iK^ vh^ niNin s^

irxc^ d^:2n n^i i"p

^y nini:r k^i
^:!?

onDi
fiiI'dik

D>otj^35y

Dn^nKi? b\r\\^^
ci'iyi'

pn

di!'::' ni!5^rD:*kr

noD nnx bv

nn^a

nntj'

nnin ^:3

.n3"pn

d^c^'U'

vn^
n'^Di

:n''3pn ^:tb D^'2^^:^ vn^

The
3),

Dorslic

Hamurot
shall

said (regarding the passage Dcut. 12,

altars."

"And ye

overthrow their

IIow have the

520

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

the stones sinned that they should be destroyed?

wood and
It
is

merely because some mishap came to

that the Scripture orders

man through
Now,
evil,

them
if

them

to be destroyed.
stones,

the law orders that pieces of

wood and

which can

possess neither merit nor guilt, neither goodness nor

only because they have caused some moral

harm
is

to

man,
to be

should be destroyed, then,

how much more

sin,

man

punished

who

causes his fellow-man to

and leads him

away from

the path of life unto the path of death?

interpretation the

The same

Dorshc Hamurot gave

kill

to

the passage in Lev. 20, 16:

''Thou shalt

the

woman
has the

and the beast."

beast sinned?

If the

woman

has sinned,

how
to a

But because some mishap came

it,

human

being through

etc.

Here, again, the Dorshc Hamurot seek to explain the

"ion
,

significance

and

real

purpose of the law.

They
V'V,

reject
idols

the idea, accepted by the traditional law, that

nduo
no,

and

all

connected with them, are

in

themselves defiling, and

should be destroyed, for D^^nxi

ofifense

D^vy

iNCn

can stones and

they be condemned?

wood be found guilty, The purpose and significance

upon
moral

Of what and why should

of the
us, that
evil to

law

is,

therefore, merely to impress the idea

everything that helps in some

way

to cause

man, should be destroyed, that man may not be harmed by

it,

that he forget the evil, not being

reminded of

it

by

its

accessories,

and never repeat

it,

and that we should learn

try to

the lesson to

remove from our midst such beings as

sin.

mislead others and cause them to

Of

course, once
its

we
not
for

know
there

the

meaning of the law and

realize

idea,

it is

necessary actually to destroy the altars of the

is

idols,
in
tlie

no defilement or uncleanness inherent

im-

plements of idolatry as the traditional law assumes.

AXCIEXT JEWISH ALLKGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

52

The same meaning and purpose

bid us
kill

they found in the law

of Lev. 20, 16, which, according to them, does not actually-

we should remove from our midst anything that may remind man of a moral evil, lest, being reminded of the evil, man repeat it.
the beast, but merely suggests that

The

third

and fourth sayings about the

altar stones,

which are

cited here in the

name of

the Dorshe

Hamurot,

are mentioned, in the Tosefta B. K.

ings of R.

vii,

among

the five say-

Johanan
prD3,

b.

Zakkai conceived in the method of the

shall

homer, iDn

which we

now

quote and discuss one

by one.

icn

i^DD n^ix ^&<DT

five sayings

\:nv

im

r]^r\

nnm

ntr^n

The following
in the

R. Johanan

b.

Zakkai has uttered

homer method
:-:

Dni2K n>ntr
p^n!?

ti^iD

nivixn
r^^'^b

I^dq

inr bi^b
b^t2

b^^\^^

"h:^

r\>2

^:rD

n^yn bv

?h\>W^'^

-."nc!?

iS^b^c

D5^o

r^^r]

Dn^nx

I.

Why

was

Israel exiled to Babylon,

and not to any other

country?
in

Because their father Abraham's house originated

It
is

Babylon.

as

when

woman becomes
was
in

faithless to

her husband

he sends her back

to her father's house. to

The

significance of the exile to Babylon

realize that they

make

the people
faithless

committed a wrong
like a faithless

becoming

to

God, that they acted

woman, and

for this

reason their fate has been that of a faithless woman, namely,

to be sent
r\^):i:i

back to her father's house.

r\v:^i\r\^r\

D^i'^nuTo mmS'n'n^iN

s<'in m:^t^fc<-".^

nin-^s

lotrn nNi vin nxi

ci:i5ipn

nxi

'^bibr]

nx x^no

Kin

r\*^'v^r\

nx

522
2.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

the
first

work God" (Exod. 32, 16), while the second tables were the work of Moses, and only the writing was God's (Exod.
it is

Of

tables

said,

"And

the tables were the

of

wife. He furnishes the scribe, the pen, the ink, the paper, and the witnesses [for the marriage contract]. But if she becomes faithless
It is like

34, i).

King who betroths a

to

him, and later they renew the marriage contract, she has to furnish all that is necessary for it, it is enough if the

King
ond

gives his signature. The purpose of having the sec-

made by Moses was to demonstrate to the people how wrong they had been in making the golden calf, and
tables

thus becoming faithless to God, and they did not deserve

that
if

God should

give them the second tables,

it

is

enough

He

writes His writing

7,6,

upon them. This

i.

is

the significance

of the passage Exod.

3.

''And his master". ...

as in Kiddushin 22b; see above, p. 516.

The same

mnm

i:2d

n^v^ mnntj^ ^^20

nnn^ ^r^
i<b)

i^^o

nnr bn^n

riN

n
^Dn

n-iD
>jn

ni^>toDL^'

bv

nnm^
i<b

niycit;^

n^i

mxn
nb)vb

i<b

r-Nj^
i^N-it^'^

min

bn^ nn^bv
inn
v:'b

^':r\
i<bi^^

nin^n i:k c^ct^ncr nn'2i<b

n^:^

nnN

n^3i

nnx

bv

men

nr^^

4-

It is

said (Deut. 27, 5), "Altar of stones, thou shalt not

tool upon them." \\1iy has the law forbidden the use of tools of iron and not those of any other metal? Because the sword is made of iron, and the sword
IS
is

lift

up any iron

the symbol of punishment and revenge, while the altar a symbol of forgiveness and conciliation. The symbol of
for-

punishment should be kept away from the symbol of

ANCIKNT JEWISH ALLKGORISTS

giveness.

LAUTERBACH

523

Now

stones cannot see nor hear nor speak, yet

because they bring about conciHation between the people of

Israel

and

their Father in
tool

Heaven, the law forbids us

to lift

up an iron

upon them.

How much

less

should any-

thing harmful be allowed to

come

to the students of the law,

who

bring forgiveness to the world.

The

significance

and

the purpose of the law are to suggest to us to keep

away
rec-

whatever may cause injury from that which stands for

onciliation
is
;

and our

ideal of forgiveness, of

which the

altar

a symbol, should be free from ideas of punishment and

revenge.

We

should seek not to hurt those

real

who

bring us

forgiveness.

These ideas are the

meaning of the law,

lift

the actual fulfilment of the law; not to

an iron tool

upon the
neglected,
hibition

altar
if

is

of

little

or no importance, and

may

be

once

we know what

the true intent of the pro-

is.

Dn^nxi'
D^Jiyn

^KiK^""

V2 n)b^

nii^^DotJ^

bv

nnn-ic

xh

niy^itj'

t<b)

n^b^

\r\^

nnn

^:2 ':^b n'^'ob^ vr\^

dipdh

"i^in n'f2^*2^

5."

It is said,

"Thou

shalt build the altar of the

Lord thy

*^

It

is

evident that 4 and

passage,
27,
it

are two different sayini?s.

f.pecial

Each interprets
interprets
in

different

containing

law.

The one

(4)

the

passage Deut.
altar,

5,

which forbids the use of an iron

built

tool

building the

even

if

be
6,

of

whole

stones.
that

The other
the

(5)

interprets

the
altar

passage
is

Deut.
be

27,

which

commands
have
been

stones

of

which
even

the
if

built,

whole,

not

broken,

and not cut by any

contracted

tool,

not

of

iron.

These

two

sayings
92c/,

into

one

(comp.
It

Sifra

IJedoshim, ed. Weiss,

that
in

where they appear as but one saying).

have been
R.

seems
out

the

Tosefta
five,

they

taken
b.

as

one saying, and

interpreting

to

fill

the

number
4,

the

saying of
inserted.

Joh.
this

Zakkai

the

passage

Lev.
this

22,
it

has been
is

But

interpretation

does not belong to

five,

class,

not
is

in

the

homer method.
if

The number,
between
as,

mentioned

in

the

beginning,
-'7,

completed,
6,

we

distinguish

the

interpretation

of Deut.

and

and count them as two sayings,

indeed,

they are.

524

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

of whole stones" (Deut. 27, 6). That means stones that

God

bring about peace.

talk, yet,

Now

stones do not see nor hear nor

because they bring about peace and reconciliation

in

between the people of Israel and their Father

Heaven,

God wants them

that they be

to be whole.

stand for peace in the world,

As the students of the law how much more is it necessary

whole and perfect before God?

The
ly to

"iDn, significance

and purpose, of

this law, is

mere-

symbolize the perfect agreement and harmony between

Israel

and God, and to suggest that those who seek

and harmony
in the

to es-

tablish peace

world must be of a whole,

altar stones,

and

perfect,

and harmonious character, as the

the symbols of peace, are whole, not broken and not cut.

But

if

once

we

realize the ideas

it is

which the law wants

to

impress upon us,

of very

little

importance whether the

stones of the altar be really whole or not.

The important

thing

is

not the practical observance of the law, but the

it

understanding of what

means

to teach us.

From

all

these sayings of the Dorshc Hamiirot and

"in p03,

those characterized as

we

can see that the name

DorsJie Hamnrot, which, according to our definition,

means

"interpreters of the importance and significance of the law,"

was

justly given to these ancient allegorists.

It

expresses

adequately their peculiar method and tendency, to seek the

important element of a law or a story and to explain

nificance
in

its sig-

and purpose. This peculiar characteristic

is

found

every one of their sayings that have been transmitted

to us,

and

in those sayings

which are characterized as behave also found that they did

ing like them, "ion pDD.

We

not ascribe any real importance to the plain meaning of the

law or to a story.

They sought

to find

some

idea or truth

suggested or expressed in the law or the narrative of the

Scripture, and this underlying idea or truth was, according

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

to

LAUTERBACH

525

them, the main purpose for which the law was comtold.

manded, or the story was

nificance

They alone could

law or the
story.
It

give sig-

and importance

to the

This method did not originate in Palestine.

like the

was

not,

method of the Dorshe Reshumot, a Jewish product,

and outgrowth of a Jewish
religious

the necessary result

principle.

To

the Palestinian

Jew

the

main

significance of

the laws lay in the fact that they were Divine

commandif

ments, and, as such, they were important, even

not suggest any philosophical idea, and even
if

they did

human

un-

derstanding could not grasp their meaning and find their

purpose.

The tendency

to seek

some philosophical idea or

truth, which, if contained in

and expressed by the law, would

give the latter importane and significance, originated

the

among

Alexandrian Jews,

who

were

influenced

by Greek

thought.

And

the

method they employed

in reading philo-

sophical ideas into the law,

was

also an imitation of the

Greek method of

interpretation.

As

the Greek sought, by

means of

allegoristic interpretations, to find all

wisdom

in

Homer,

so the Greek

Jews sought

to find all

wisdom con-

tained or indicated in their law, and their

allegoristic interpretation,

method was an some recondite

/.

which made the laws and narra-

tives of the Scriptures express or suggest

ideas and philosophical truths (comp. Siegfried,

c, p. 25).

In the Dorshe Hamnrot, therefore,

we

recognize the

Alexandrian'^ allegorists or some of their Palestinian fol^^

The
to

origin

of

the

Hellenic

allegorist

method,

which

served

as

model

the Alexandrian allegorists, was the interpretation of the narratives

and

myths

of

Homer
of

(comp.
"lOn
it

Siegfried,

/.

c,

16).

If,
is

therefore,

the
a

reading
misprint

lOH
for

instead
"1?2n,

has

any

foundation,

and

not

merely

then
it

would designate the method of the Alexandrian

allegorists

by referring
}'f33

to its origin

and

to the

model they followed.

Interpret
is

The

phrase
as
if
it

"lOH

would,
in

therefore,
the

mean

simply:
as

the

Scripture

were Homer, or

same way
is

Homer

interpreted.

But we

have

found that the correct reading

*1f2n.

526
lowers.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Accordingly,
it

appears that the two ancient classes

or schools of allegorists, the Alexandrian and the Palestinian, are

both mentioned in the talmudic-midrashic

liter-

ature,
latter

the former under the

name Dorshc Hamurot,

the

under the name Dorshc Reshumot.

We

have seen

that to the sayings of the

Dorshc Reshumot,

as well as those

of the Dorshc Hamurot, there are parallels in the interpretations of Philo,

which

is

not at

all

strange, since Philo

was

influenced by both the Palestinian and the Alexandrian allegoristic

methods (see above,

III," p.

p.

328,

and

Schiirer, Gcschichte

dcs Volkes Israel,

701

ff.),

and

his rules

were a com-

bination of the rules of Palestinian teachers

and the hermen-

eutic rules of the Stoic philosophers (comp. Siegfried, 165).

From

the fact that the Alexandrian allegoristic method, ion,

it,

and they that used

nm^n

^t^in

are mentioned in the

see that just as the

Talmud and

the Midrashim,

we can

Jewish or Palestinian method found

its

way

to Alexandria,

and was applied by method found

its

Philo, so the Hellenic or Alexandrian

to the Palestinian schools,

way

and was

occasionally, though only reluctantly, applied by the Palestinian teachers of the law.

The

latter

method, however,
for, as

carried with
seen,
it

it

grave dangers for Judaism,

we have

tends to

make

the actual fulfilment of the law and

the practical observance of religious ceremonies superfluous

and unnecessary, since the purpose of the laws and

m.andments
is

co:n-

merely to suggest ideas and teach philo-

sophical truths.

Even
it,

in Alexandria,
it

where

it

originated,

some objected
Philo,

to

seeing in
I,

a danger to Judaism (comp.

De

somnis,
did,

16-17).

The danger was

real,

for

some Jews

indeed,

draw

the feared conclusion

from
to the

the allegoristic interpretations of the law, and

went

extreme of neglecting altogether the practical observance

of Jewish religious laws and ceremonies.

And

they con-

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

LAUTERBACH

527

tented themselves with the understanding of the ideas sug-

gested or expressed by these laws or ceremonies

Philo,
this

(comp.

De Migrationc Ahrahami^
a

i6).

In Palestine, where
it

method was

foreign product, the objections to

were much stronger.

that because of
its

We

have seen (above

p.

329

ff.),

abuse, the Palestinian teachers objected

allegoristic

even

to

their

own

method,

the

method of

niDlCJ'").

But

their opposition to the

origin,

Alexandrian method,
es-

which was not of Jewish

pecially

was much stronger,

of
it

when

the Christians

made use

to

show the

irrelevance of the practical observance of the law.

We

find

some utterances of the teachers of

some people habitually use

the traditional law that

express the strongest condemnation of the manner in which

this allegoristic

method

in their

interpretation of the Scripture.

terpretations,"
"sn

Thus

the ''slanderous into

hv nnJn, ascribed

Manasseh, the

son of Hezekiah, which the rabbis condemn (in Sanhedrin ggb,

and Sifre Num.

112. ed.

Friedman, 33a), were such

allegoristic interpretations, given

by some heretic of their on a

level

own

times,

whom

they considered

with

the

wicked King Manasseh.

are not given to us
;

The

interpretations

themselves

the

rabbis apparently did not care

it

even to repeat them.

For

is

evident that the questions

tniti^n

D^Nin

xv'o^i

d^dh i^vp

^r:^^

uini
.

i!?^!

\t'b\^b

c*:^?:

do not constitute interpretations,

nn^n

These questions

are merely introductory remarks to interpretations given

to the passages,

Gen. 30, 14; 36, 22.

12.

showing how ablit-

surd
eral

it

would be

to take these passages in their simple,

meaning, to think that Moses did not have anything

in

better to write

the

Torah

than

such

trivial

stories.

These

stories are, therefore, not to be taken literally; they

5^8

THi:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

are to be interpreted in an allegorical way, to demonstrate that they contain some higher ideas, which make them

worthy of having been written by Aloses in the law, as the Dofshe Hamurot invested the story of Anah and the mules with a recondite truth, for the reason that the literal

meaning of the story

is
it

too trivial to have been re-

corded in the law unless

conveyed another meaning.

considered
slanderous,

Such

interpretations

the

rabbis

since they imply that the stories of the Scriptures, in their

literal

meanings, are not true and not worthy of being

In Sifre,
:

told

and recorded.

/.

c, these interpretations

are repudiated with the remark

:DlPcn^ "'D11 DTi lij^n
,

^^-n^

^^^

nnx

"lUD^
like

You

think the Divine

ways are

human ways. You assume to judge the Divine law by your human standards, and dare judge what is or what is not
worthy of having been recorded
in

God's law.

Another protest against the

in the

allegoristic interpretations
is

method of the Dorshe Hamurot

contained in the
:

following passage of the Mishnah Berakot (v. 3)

Whoever
sage
to

says, ''To the birds' nest

extend

Thy mercy,"

is

to be silenced.

was not
it.

The known

exact meaning of this Mishnah pasto the

Amoraim;

they merely tried

guess at

But the various explanations given by them

In the Palestinian

are not satisfactory.

Talmud two
is

ex-

planations are given, one by R. Phinehas

like a

that

it

sounds

complaint against God, as

if

one were to say:

Thy

mercies reach to the birds' nest, but to

reach, for
iniK
ijyi

man

they do not

Thou

allowest

man

to suffer

i^om

iy>:n ii>^ tp bvT\"'2\>r]

b\i^

vnntt bv

"i:in

kiip^

The

other explanation, by R. Simeon,

is,

that

is

sounds

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

as
if

LAUTERBACH

529

the

Divine mercy were limited to the birds' nest

alone

In

b.

Berakot 33, two other explanations are given

One

says, It

is

forbidden because in saying

the created beings, as
if

so,

we

create

jealousy

among

God had mercy

only upon the birds, and not upon His other creatures.

The

other says.
the

Such

saying as the Mishnah forbids,

love,

declares

rules

and laws of God as mercy or

while they are decrees.

not

The

fact

is

that the

Mishnah did

mean

to forbid a

man

to appeal in his prayers to the

6,

Divine mercy, by referring to the law of Deut. 22,

as an expression of
is

His love for His creatures, and there

laws of

no harm

in seeing in the

God merely
nest,

expres-

sions of love.

And when
shown mercy

a rabbi once uttered the prayer

to

"Thou

hast

the

birds'
:

show Thy
bv

mercy and Thy compassion

)ybv Dnii
Din,

to us also"

"iiV IP

nDn nnx

he gained the admiration of Rabbah,

:

who
with

expressed himself thus

nnN^i?

''ivi^ p3i?D

'sn

m' n^3,

''How
his

well

this

rabbi

knows

how
''^mb

to

plead

Master."

These words were said

(

in all sincerity, not

merely to sharpen Abaye's wits

nnnS

and

to

rouse his protest against this prayer, as explained in Tal-

mud Berakot ple who deny

22,
6,

33a.

The Mishnah here

refers to the peo-

that

God meant
it

us to

fulfil

the law of Deut.

to

in

declaring

to be

beneath

God

extend His
in

mercies to such insignificant creatures as birds

a nest.

We
in

can find similar interpretations by Philo and by Paul.

i,

Phi^o (Dc somiiis.

16) explains the law in Exod. 22, 26,

an allegorical way.

He

says.

It

cannot mean a real

530
garment, as

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

God would
I

not concern himself about a garit.

ment, and would not think of prescribing a law for

And

Paul, in

Corinthians

9, 9- 10,

in explaining the

law

(in Deut. 25, 4), says:

It is

written in the law of Moses,

''Thou shalt not muzzle the mouth of the ox that treadeth

out the corn."

Doth God take care of the oxen? or doth

For our
sakes,

He

say

it

altogether for our sakes?

is

uo

doubt, this

written.

He

therefore explains the law to

mean

that the teachit

ers of religion be supported

and provided

for, for

would

be unworthy of
care of them.

God

to concern himself with

oxen and take

To

such allegoristic interpretations of the

in the saying
:

law the Mishnah refers

?"I^Dm

ly^r "iiDV |p bv "icixn

Whosoever says
nest?
is

the

birds'

"Do God's mercies extend to Can God concern Himself with such
to

trivial

things?"

be silenced.

We

should not listen

to such interpretations of the law,

sity of fulfilling
it

which deny the necespractically.

and observing

it

This resentment against the allegoristic method grew

greater in Palestine, where there were frequent disputes

with the Jewish Christians,

who

used such allegoristic

in-

terpretations of the Scripture in their arguments for the

superiority of their

new
use,

religion.

The

later

Palestinian
it.

teachers rejected

its

and

tried to suppress

They
They
being

could not reject the method of the Dorshc Reshumot altogether, since the latter

was
of

a purely Jewish product.

its

therefore merely restricted

use,

but the Alexandrian

method,
a

the

method

the

Dorshe

Hamurot,
wholly.

foreign
the

product,
fact

could
in

be
the

rejected

This
not

explains

that

Palestinian
is

Talmud
ion
the

one
not

saying

of

the

Dorshe. Hamurot
characterized

mentioned;
poD
ex-

even

those
in

sayings

as

are found

the

Palestinian

Talmud,

with

ANCIENT JEWISH ALLEGORISTS

ception

LAUTERBACH
B.

53

of

the

saying of

R. Johanan
is

Zakkai

(Kid-

dushin 22b) which, however,

mentioned

in the parallel

passage in the Palestinian Talmud, without being characterized as

ion

pDD (see above, note 48).

In Babylonia,

however, where they had no religious disputes with Jewish

Christians, and, therefore, did not have occasion so often
to note the dangerous side of the allegoristic method, they

did not object so strongly to the allegorists, not even to

the

Dorshe Hamurot.

It is

due to

this fact that the

few

sayings of the Dorshe

Hamurot and
"ion p03,

those belonging in the

same category with them,

posterity.

have been preserved to

THE SUPPRESSED PARTS OF A SHABU'OT

PIYUT
By a. Mishcon, London
*'Eve:rything

so

goes the Zoharic saying

depends
Yea,

on good luck, even the Sepher-Torah

in the ark."

we may
century)

add, even the piyut in the Mahzor.

There are

two piyutim by Rabbi Simeon ben Isaac the Great (x

based on one and the same theme.
soon allotted prominent places in the
the one headed
'ijp

xi

Both were
for
myiat^':

mnnp
day,

'n

on the

first

and the
day

other,

commencing
festival.

UV DV

V)^Vi^,

on

the

second

of

the

Considerable parts of each of these piyutim were

regarded objectionable and were banned by some overzealous scribes.

Yet how different was the

fate of the one

to that of the other.

No

sooner did the printer take the

place of the copyist, than the second piyut

its

was restored

to

original form.

It

has thus been published ever since in

the Ashkenazic Mahzor, in the latest English edition' of

which

it

has been admirably rendered into English verse.

to this

But the parts deleted from the other poem have

not gained re-admission to the Mahzor.

day

Heidenheim was

apparently the

first

who undertook

to give

them publication
in

and, with that object, included

them among others

n>*10 '?n

mi2y

'na, ed.

by a.

Davis and others.

533

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

.nnon .U=. separate pamphlet entitled
has never seen the
It
is

But the pamphlet

written

light.
first

thus for the

time that those

lines,

are here some nine hundred years ago. piyutim is the Torah. The subject treated in these two Moses appeared on the scene, are told that long ere

being published.

We

daughter anxious for this beloved the Heavenly Father was earth from among the sons of the of His to choose a spouse to the children of she might be introduced

through

whom

men

Adam. Noah, and

thus the patriarchs were

men-

points but the celestial maiden tioned as probable suitors, her put each of them beneath out grave defects which progenwhich the faults of our It is the lines in dignity and were considered offensive are enumerated that
itors

were accordingly suppressed. altogether eliminated from That the piyutim were not comdue to the great respect the Mahzor is undoubtedly who was celebrated as a schoUr manded' by their author,

Even thos of his people. and famous as a benefactor an< writings of Ibn Gabirol who denounced the poetical

mysticism) did rays of wisdom (= Ibn Ezra because "the his poetry as could not fail to regard not illumine them,"* manner. the proper (= mystic) "having been written in finger-tips. author a Kalirian to his For not only was our
mystic of no mean order. but he was also a come across one Mahzor The writer has only another .\ .V,Prp the '33P '" is replaced by tne

(Romagna

rite)

where

jji^

ed. 1805. IV. See note in his Matizor.

Oi-

>

C.raetz

(Eng. Edition), HI, 252-

o'D'n

man

ito,

p-

29-

,., ,S.C.

ed. Venice, Oa:

D-D^ n=,^D

H-HS-

Sn.n n-<=^

H.

A SHABU OT PIYUT
piyut.

MISHCON

535

In

all

other

Mahzorim examined

the objectionable

passages only are omitted and in the two or three where

they are wholly or partly retained, they are left unvocalized.

Since, as mentioned above, the other

poem

is

printed

completely in our Mahzor, only the suppressed parts of the

one just named are presented here as selected from some

fourteenth century

MSS.

in

the

British

Museum.

They

are given under the headings of the respective paragraphs

which they supplement.

About him
the

(Adam)
reply
to

did
the

DIN IDV

Torah
:

Only One
one,

When
man

he

was
is

Thou
alone,"

didst say,
that

"It

nn^ Dyjin

nnx

n'7]

nya

not good

should
give

nns ySv ijdd

9\b^':^^\

be

and

didst

him a help-mate.
with
three

Yet even
nnx3
2^:

her
of

he

transgressed

nv pbn\

2::r\ iib

isn

Thy

commands
not

'Thou
stolen

shalt

steal"
in"

mtJ'N
-ipc>

uv

'^'Vri)

njyn kS tan

by sharing that which was

;

nny

''Thou

shalt

not

bear false witness"

for

he
"ins nv )b ^b

hud nsinm

and

his
;

wife

gave
shalt

false

evidence
covet"

''Thou

not

for
He

they both covthe^

eted and ate

fruit.

forbidden
therefore

shall

not be crowned with glory.

She

retorted
:

as

to

him
just

(Noah)

If

he

be

and perfect so

that he dealt

536
with
every

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

animal
in

the

nTnj3

D-'oni sin

pnv ds

ark according to

Thy

wish,

wherefore was he so heedless

on coming forth?
excess

He
was
the

nnnn

\jo

idnvd inr: sb nob

drank to
drunken.
ed
all

and

He who
waters
not

resist-

the did

of

b2D i6 ^UDH ^D2 bnon

niNn DDD

flood,

resist
!

the
the
lay

tempting
sight

drop
his

In

of

sons

he

naked and disgraced.

Then
ed

the

Torah exclaimbeloved
is

about

the

one
well
yniD "1313 pKJK nniv
y"ii:

(Abraham)

that he

known to her as was known to

lacked

the

Lord

him.

He
and

ynin ids

^d

understanding

ymnj

yn^''

"loe^ i3i

questioned:
shall
I

''Wherefore

v^'b) \'2r\b yntDD ^obit: i^x

know?"
know."

He was
"Thou
wilt

then answered:
surely

yix
ynn
yn^

nttn

yno

^ba fsi

He

thus

vian ^y Tti'pni

suffered his descendants to

be enslaved without knowing for

yi^^D YP vy:b nii)

how

long.

Of
(Isaac)
forth
in

the

only

son

did the law break

poetry

True he
fit

m^n2

n^n^ ^y

n^m

^ip

was found perfect and

for
a
sacrifice.

min nnn

n^:;'

kvoj d^ck

He

gave

himself up willingly to the

A SHABU OT PIYUT
knife,

MISHCON

537

the altar,

and

to

be

nn?^^ n^DNcij vet: n'ber\)

bound,

and he was saved

fire.

from sword and

in his old

Yet,

age he called the

didst

one

whom Thou
said

de-

7M)pz^ nvb) njpr ny*^

ik

spise.

''Take thy weapons,"

to

he

him and thus

mon

nonn ^^:)eb Nip

permitted

him the use of

after;
*'thy

them for ever

quiver and thy
thus

bow"

and

m^nsn
HTyon

)b pl:^c' "int^'pi

yhn
nvt
'b)b

gave

him

dominion;
field"

iniN nsis^

rM^n
n^ip

"and go out to the

mi^n

nc;\s

and
uous

conferred
It

kingdom
virt-

upon him.

was the
that
to

miyna Dnb nmvi

woman

ordered

nmyD

t;Ti N3^i np^i

-^h')

the perfect one

prepare

venison for his father,

who

when
and
his

he was scarce gone

brother came back

min nim
miyn

nisn

'r2

d:i

from,

hunting
then
to
in

exclaimed,
he?"

^^nx 3L"v bh?b

L*'p3i

"Who
wanted
dwelt

is

and
niv) bnp "11^3 n'n*

curse
the

him who

inn

n: n:)

tents

of

learning.

But for the voice

that
said
:

came from above, he

"He,
too,

shall

he

blessed."

His
evil

(Jacob's)

sons

did

mi"

L"\s

pnn

in

selling their brother

to

Eg}'pt

because

of

the

misc

'\2r2b

'nib i^c: yn

The word

is

evidently DhS,
T
!

see Ps. 78, 51. etc.

538
distinguished

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

coat
that

he

n-i2iJDn DJiriD

man

bv

made
of

him.

Also because
that

the

dreams
they

he

dreamed

hated

him
being

exceedingly.

On

asked to recognize that coat

he

was overwhelmed with

''He
is

grief.

surely rent,"

n-io^ nSinj

npyv pyv

Pi"it: ^iir:

cried he bitterly.
spirit

The holy
from
wrath
his misery, his

nnD ibns ^JSD c^npn nni

had

departed

him because of
and he said
'My way
Lord."
is

in

hid

from the

commentator

asserts

that

the

two piyutim under

consideration are versified renderings of a Midrash which

contained

the

entire

legend.

The

writer's

painstaking

search has failed to trace such Midrash.

passage,

The following
is

however,
:

in

nnn cmo,

I,

24,

very close
said unto
will

approach
them,
I

"When
who

Israel

stood at Sinai,

God

will give

you

My Law

on condition that you

its

bring sureties
they,

should warrant

observance.

Said

Our

Patriarchs will pledge for us.

in their disfavor:

Whereupon He

said, I

have aught to say

Abraham
'My way

doubt-

ed

My

word and
Esau

asked,
I

'Whereby
;

shall

know?'; Isaac preis

ferred

whom
"

disliked

Jacob

said,

hid

from the Lord.'

OESTERLEY'S "THE PSALMS IN THE JEWISH

CHURCH"
The Psalms
in the

Jewish Church.
1910.

By

W,. O. Oesterley.

London:

Skeffingtox & Sons,

Mr. Oesterley belongs
while
conservative
to

pp. 267.

that class of English

scholars who,

adherents

of

the

Christian

Church,

approach

Jewish subjects with commendable fairness and sympathy and endeavor to do justice to the Jewish view voiced by Jewish authorities.

His writings, therefore, are always welcomed with a certain

by the Jewish student, however he
us,

gratification
ticulars.

may

differ in par-

The work before

in

written in simple style for the aversubjects,

age

reader interested

Biblical
in

deals

chiefly

with the

liturgical use of the

Psalms

both the Temple and the Synagogue.

for both of these which Stanley
is

Whether

the

name Jewish Church

in

and others brought into use

is

England

correct or well-chosen

not for discussion here.

The author
it

certainly

knows how
first

to eluci-

date his subject and render

are devoted to

interesting.
in general.

The

two chapters

Hebrew music

While making good use

of what has been written on Jewish Music from old Ugolino

to

down

Benzinger,

the
its

author throws

new

light

on

its

characteristic

features and

relationship to that of primitive tribes and of the

Oriental nations and the

particularly

more

refined one of the classical nations,

the

Greek.

On

the

whole he follows Benzinger

quite

m
in-

maintaining that the ancient

Hebrew music came

near the

Bedouin and modern Egyptian music about which Lane gives

teresting
detail,

which
is

music,

while

lacking

harmony and

little

pleasing to our ear,

yet not without peculiar

charm and power.

But he also thinks that ancient Egyi)t influenced the pre-exilic, and

Babylonia the

post-exilic,

period,

whereas the more refined Greek

last

music

left

certain

imprints

upon the

Temple

period.

In

al-

539

540

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Herodotus that "the song
with the song of Linos
it

hiding, however, to the fact mentioned by

of

Maneros sung

in

Egypt was

identical

heard alike
ent

in Phoenicia,

Cyprus, and Greece, as

went by a

differ-

name

in

each race," he failed to realize the importance of this

the. tracing of

information for
gical music.

the history and origin of

all

litur-

For both the Linos song

sung
at the

corruption of the Oi lanu,

all

"Woe
world

to us!"

Adonis

rite

spread

over the ancient

and
for

the

Maneros song

from

Mama

"our lord" another

folk-

name

Adoni

became

the keynote for the religious and

songs of Egypt and Babylonia, Syria and Phoenicia, Phrygia and

Greece.

And

in all likelihood the

Greek elegos (song of mourning)

eli

was

also originally the Semitic song of wailing

and

elut,

while

the Canaanite vintage cry hcdad, so often mentioned in the Scriptures,

had also

its

origin in the cry hoi dod

("Alas,

friend!")
fact

uttered over the dead

Adonis-Tammuz.
its

Hence the singular

that the whole Semitic music with

prevalence of the minor key

echoes, exactly as does the

Hebrew

song, the kinah melody (comp.

Kohler, "The Psalms in the Liturgy" in Publications of the Gratz

College, 1897, 182
f.).

The

third chapter treats of the Musical Instruments used in the

Temple, which are divided into Percussion, Wind, and String Instruments.

The

author, however, fails to indicate to which of the

four periods of music

named

at the close of the

preceding chapter

the use of these instruments

may

with some degree of certainty be

ascribed, nor does he state that

most of the headings of the Psalms,

which refer to these musical instruments, point to the time of the

author of the Book of Chronicles whose terminology offers the key
to the

musical terms found in the various Psalm headings.

In re-

gard to the Maccabean period the author might have mentioned that
the terms kitJiaris and pesanterin in Daniel indicate that these in-

struments were imported from Greece over Syria.

pays too
little

Altogether he

attention

to

the

results

of

historical

and

critical
light.

Bible research and he leaves us in the dark

It is

where we want

rather surprising that he did not consult Franz Delitzsch's most

valuable

commentary on

the

Psalms.

He would

have found that

thv^

already Delitzsch took the words al alauiot as signifying "After

oe:sterle:y's ''psalms"

kohler
many new
c, 183).

541

manner of maidens,"
Oesterley adduces on

in the sense of
p.

soprano voices, although Mr.

116
/.

56-59 comp.

instances in

favor of this explanation (comp. Kohler,

He

might have

used also to great advantage the numerous historical notices, culled

by Delitzsch

in his Introduction,

from the Talmud.

Another valuable source of information escaped the notice of

our author
in

not having become acquainted with Prof. Graetz's

the Psalms, the best and
historical

Commentary on
which
is

most instructive part of

critical

the

rich

material and In

analysis

of the

Psalms given

in the Introduction.

many

instances Mr. Oesterley

would have changed or modified

his views

regarding the musical

Psalms, had he

terms and instruments or the character of the

availed himself of Graetz's studies on

Psalmody during the second

the

Temple

period.

Graetz

rejects

and

writer

of

this

thinks

quite correctly

the

view taken by mediaeval and modern exegetes

that in headings such as al tashhet, ayyelet ha-shahar, or yonat elim

rehokim we have the

he
finds
in

titles

of ancient popular songs and instead

clerical

them

merely

corruptions

of

terms

denoting

musical instruments.
In

Chapter

IV which

deals

with

"The Antecedents of the

Psalms" our author refers especially to Robertson Smith as authority for the

statement that the folk-songs gave the musical tunes to

is,

the sacred songs of the liturgy; the question

guilds of the

whether the Levite

Temple would ever have dared

to select
that,

well-known
it

secular tunes for their sacred songs.

that the tune of a vintage-song

Aside from

is

unlikely
it

known

as al tashhet

("Destroy
57,

not!") should have been chosen four times for the Psalms
59,

58,

and

75,

whereas a comparison of the heading of

the last

Psalm 9

al

mut labben and

words of Psalm 48

al miit plainly

show

that these musical annotations on the margin of the various Psalms

had become

illegible

or unintelligible for the copyists.

The

classi-

fication of the types of

songs which preceded the composition of the

(p.

Psalter

is

according to our author

64-76)

the

following:

i.

Songs of praise either of the Deity or of the heroic ancestor;

2.

Songs
4.

in

memory

of great events;

3.

Harvest and vintage songs;

Meditations or Individual Prayers. This classification can scarcely

542

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

first

be called a good one, as the

cal,

and second

class are really identifestival day.

clustering as they do around

some memorial or

In speaking of the Constituent Elements of the Psalter in Ch.

(p.

78-95),

Oesterley dwells at some length, without however

subject,
is,

fully elucidating the

on the most important point

the composite character of

in

the
of

study of the Psalter, that

many

the Psalms, and the original type as well as the date of the other

Psalms.

It

almost seems as

if

the ultra-conservatism of our author

is

embarrasses him whenever he

critical analysis of the Psalter.

forced to concede a point in the

Rabbinical tradition

knows only

of

147 Psalms, and

to

it

is

a mistake on the part of the author (p. 79)

refer to Kiddushin

30a

for a

different

opinion.

Strange that

Samuel should be mentioned

as collector

and editor of the Psalms

(Realin

due to a mistaken remark of the unreliable Hamburger

Encyclopaedie).

Owing
the

to

a
p.

strange

remark of Briggs
the

his

Commentary on
one")
tions
in the

Psalms

lxviii, that
is

Ani ("the

afflicted

heading of Psalm 102

pseudonym, the author men-

Oni alongside of Asaph, the Korahites, Moses, Solomon, He(p. 80).

man, and Ethan as writers of Psalms

In principle Mr. Oesterley
the
is

right

when he

says

(81

ff.)
;

that

Psalms underwent changes when put to

liturgical

use

some
10,

which belonged together, forming one Psalm, such as

Ps. 9

and

or 42 and 43, were separated, while others, which were originally

different Psalms,

were combined into one.

Comp.

Ps.

108 with

57,

8-12 and 60, 7-14; or 40, 13-17 with Ps. 70; 31, 1-13 with 71, 1-3;

and
19,

115, 4-18

with 134, 15-31.

He

might have mentioned also

Ps.

1-6

and
/.

7-15, or Ps. 24, 1-6

and 7-10 as composite Psalms (comp.

Kohler,

c, 187 f.)

It is

rather surprising that the author has but a few words to

p.

say about individual psalms (p. 93 and

174) which

forms one of

the most important questions regarding the character and origin ol

most of the Psalm,

outset
to

viz.,

whether the Ego of the Psalms was

at the

be

the

Israelitish

held by the majority of

which opinion Commentators.' or whether the

community
composer who voiced
his

is

to-day

Ego was

originally that of the individual

own

feel-

ings of anguish, or thanksgiving, in the song, and only

when

trans-

OESTERLEy's "psalms"
formed
into a liturgical

KOHLER
(see

543

hymn, the Psalm voiced the feelings and

experiences

of

the

religious

community
Psalms

Kohler,

/.

c.).

closer examination of the various

in the older collections,

or the

first

three books, shows that

many have undergone

to

a process

of transformation

from individual outpourings

Congregational

or Temple songs.

That the headings stating the occasion on which

David are of a
late origin

certain Psalms were written by

and

alto-

gether without foundation in fact or in the text, our author obviously hesitates to say.

What
may

is

said in Ch.

VI on

the Poetical Structure of the Psalms

little

suffice

for the average

student but takes

to
(p.

cognizance of
subject.

what recent writers have contributed

this

interesting

When

speaking of the Acrostic

Poems

198) he might have re-

ferred also to Lamentations and at the same time pointed out the
fact that, like Ps. 9

and

10,

Ps. 25

and 37 have been tampered with,

it

whether owing to
rather

clerical

errors or to intentional alterations

is

difficult to say.

Ch.

VII which

treats

of the

Psalms

in

the

Temple Worship,

begins with the correct observation that the statement often

that the Psalter
strictly

made
is

was the Hymn-book of

"for
it

the Second

Temple
it

not
a
be,

accurate,

is

reasonably certain that

not,

contains

good many Psalms which were

sung
at public

and were never intended to

worship."
in

While the author

his lack of critical

acumen

is

inclined to

believe in the Davidic authorship of the Psalms, taking the description of the

Temple worship given

in

the

Book

of Chronicles not

as a reflection of the cult of the

historical
fact,

Second Temple but as an actual

he at the same time relies on the information deto the second

rived

from Talmudfc sources which refers exclusively

period,

Temple

and,

we may

add,

to

the

post-Herodian

period.

Frequently the selection of Psalms for the week-days or the sabbath and festival days was

made without regard

to their contents

and inner relation

to the day.
in

While speaking

Ch. VIII on the Psalms in the Ancient Synpossibility of a

sucli

agogue worship, Mr. Oesterley never considered the

large

number of

the

Psalms having originated

in

circles

as

544

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

would regard prayer and song the only proper form of worship
and therefore make the Synagogue their rallying place instead of
the

Temple with

its

sacrificial

cult.

The

fact

is

that the Hasldim,

the predecessors of the Pharisees and Essenes, were the authors of

many

of the Psalms

hence the

anti-sacrificial spirit voiced in

some,

such as Ps. 40 and others.

The remark

of Mr. Oesterley that the

of,

Synagogue was primarily a place for the study

in,

and instruction
is
it

the

Law

(p.

132)

is

altogether erroneous.

Nor

true that

"the earliest elements of synagogal worship were developed from

the

Temple

service."

The Temple

service

is

compromise between

the priestly and the ancient Hasidean form of worship (see Kohler,

"Urspriinge

und

Grundformen

der

Synagogalen

Liturgie"

in

MGWJ.,

1893,

441-451; 489-497; comp. also Kohler,

fif.).

"The Psalms
average

in the Liturgy," p. 193

Ch.

IX

treating of the Psalms in the

Modern Synagogue
The same

contains interesting material

for the

reader with especial reference to the Sefardic and Ashkenazic rituals.

useful eclecticism of our author

in

is

shown

also in

Ch.

in

which the Psalms

Private Use are spoken of.

Ob-

viously the article on Psalmomancy, "the magic use of the Psalms,"

in

the Jeimsh Encyclopedia, X, 240,

directed his attention to the

extracts,

Sefer Shimmush Tehillim of which he gives

superstitious practice

as

if

this

was

characteristic of the Jewish

Church and

not equally indulged in by the Syrian and the mediaeval Christian

world of Europe, as Blau

in the article

quoted and the

art. "Bibli-

omancy"

in the

JE. show.

How much
is

Mr. Oesterley

is

fascinated

by this sort of mystic lore

shown by

the fact that he devotes a

whole chapter to Psalm 91

called,

by the rabbis "The song of Evil

Encounters," but his conservatism induces him so to interpret the

Psalm

as

if its

author wanted to counteract the belief in incantation

to Sliaddai,

and the fear of demons by referring the worshipper

"the

Most High,"

in contrast to the Sliedim.

It

can hardly be said,

in

however, that Mr. Oesterley was very felicitous

tation.

his

interpreto

As

a matter of fact, the

Psalm
it

is

an Incantation Psalm
to

be recited by different persons, and

was ascribed

Moses

(see

Num.
is

r.,

12, 3).

The XI

Chapt. on Jewish Exegesis of the Psalms

of value to Christian readers only.

That the

"artificial''

enumera-

tions in the

Midrash on

Ps.

of twenty Beatitudes (Ashre) to cor-

OESTERLEy's "psalms
respond with the twenty
parallel in ley

KOHLER
its

545
exact

Woes

in the

book of Isaiah has

5,

Luke

6,

21-26 and

Matthew

ff-

23, 13

ff-,

Mr. Oester-

failed to

see,

and so he might

in

many

other instances have

found

the

New

Testament

exegesis

influenced

by the

Jewish

Midrash.

Hebrew Union

College

K. Kohler

SOME RECENT PUBLICATIONS DEALING WITH THE BIBLE

The Temple Dictionary of
the Bible.
J.

Written and edited by Rev.

W. EwiNX,
J.

M.A., and Rev.

Ltd.

E. H.

Thompson, D.D. London:

E. P.

M. Dent Sons,
lix

(New York:

Dutton

Co.), 1910.

pp.

1012.

The volume which

will

is

neatly printed and profusely illustrated

meet the wants of those classes for

clergyman,
the
local

whom
the

it

is

intended

"the
the

working

preacher,

class

leader,

Sunday School
It
is

teacher,

and the ordinary reader of the Bible."

its

popular in style and compact in

useful

contents.
is

present
possible
able,

summaries;

the

purely

technical

The articles as much as

are
service-

eliminated.

The
;

bibliographical

references

though not copious

it

where a popular treatment of a sub-

ject is available

is

naturally given precedence; nevertheless, the

references are up-to-date.

onical
special

The Dictionary
section
;

is

divided into a Canis

and

an

Apocryphal

the

former
Bible,

preceded by
its

articles

dealing with the English

the
;

and

influence

on

English

literature;

Apocrypha of the

New
the

Testament;
of
the

Apocalyptic
Scriptures
Palestine
the
;

Literature

the
;

Targums
Josephus
Jesus

the
;

Versions

Philo

Jud?eus

Flavins

language
article

of

during the

time

of

an

introductory

on

Apocrypha of the Old Testament precedes the

latter

section.

Eight
editors

maps are appended

and contributors
S.
is

to

the

volume.

The

attitude

of the

(among whom we

notice

Dalman, Mrs.
to the "higiicr

Gibson, D.
criticism"

]\Iargoliouth, Orr, Robertson, Sayce)

a conservative and cautious one;

while acknowledg-

ing the fulness of information which criticism has laid bare, they

shrink back from following

its

conclusions of the more advanced

547

548

THE JEWISH QUARTERI.Y REVIEW

type and express a mild doubt as to the cogency of the argument

from

internal evidence.

On

the other hand, the Dictionary

emthe

bodies the latest results of

research along the lines of history,

geography,
right

and archaeology.

The
all

editors
is

are

certainly

in

when they
shall

assert that "there

a place for a Dictionary of

is

the Bible which, leaving aside

speculative,

that

merely theoretical and

present

simply and clearly the state of ascer-

tained knowledge on the subjects dealt with, at a price [$4] which

shall bring the latest results of

scholarly investigation within the

reach of every earnest student of the Bible."

An

Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament.

R.

By

S.

Driver,

D.D.
plates.

from new
pp.

New edition, revised (1910) and printed New York Chari^es Scribner's Sons, 1910.
:

XXV

xi

577.

Binleitung in das Alte Testament.

Von

Dr. E. Selun.
i53-

Leipzig:

QuEivLE

& Meyer,

1910.

pp.

xv

Old Testament History and Literature.

don: Longmans, Green,

By

B. H. Aleord, Lon-

&

Co.,

1910.

pp.

xix

3i8.

The Story of

the Bible

from

the standpoint of

modern

scholarship.
S.

By Walter L. Sheedon. Second Burns Weston, 1909. pp. 187.

The
last

edition.

Philadelphia:

edition of Prof. Driver's "Introduction" appeared in

it

1898 practically in the form in which

had been published

in the

previous year

when

the entire

work was

re-set.

For the new

edition

which thus appears after an interval of twelve years re-setting was

deemed unnecessary, the

on the stereotyped
plates.

alterations

and additions being introduced

affect the biblio-

Most of these changes

graphical notices which have been brought up to date, while refer-

ences to older books which have been superseded by fresher publications

have been excised.

the
the

So far
Isaiah

as the matter of the

work

is

concerned,

most

important
of
of

modifications

and

additions

are

found

in

criticism

and Jeremiah where the more

is

recent analytical

work

Duhm, Cheyne, and Marti

duly re-

corded, without, however, receiving the author's support; then the

RECENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

linguistic matter

MARGOLIS
many

549

proceeding from the Assuan and Elephantine finds

bearing on the date of Daniel and Ezra-Nehepoints of

is estimated in its

miah, the net result being that while there are

contact

between
the

Egyptian
is

Aramaic and

the
It,

Aramaic of
therefore,

the

Scriptures

former

more

archaic.

becomes

impossible, on the

ground of language,

to vindicate for the literary

productions in question a higher date than the one warranted by

internal evidence.

Thus

it

will be seen that the

newest "Driver"

has remained

much
is

the same; for practically the bulk of the

work

has been

left unaltered.

The

vagaries of the "advanced school" are

rejected; there

a chariness in subscribing to the views of those

who
is

find

in

the prophetical books but

meager kernels belonging

frame-work; nor

to the pre-exilic seers, all else being post-exilic

meter accepted as an

all-sufficient

guide to distinguish the genuine

from the spurious

In
the
historical

after the fashion of

Duhm
in

and

his

followers.

works, but

notably

the

Hexateuch, Prof.

Driver has changed his position of twelve years ago in practically

no point

at

all.

Yet,

where the bibliography

it

at

least

has been

made
only

inclusive of

most recent works,

is

to be regretted that not

are

some notable contributions overlooked, but

deemed
fit

especially

that the author has not

to

modify

his opinions

somewhat

or at least to indicate his reasons for adhering to views so recently

challenged.

But

this

may

be said in passing on to the other

work
is

where

just those deficiencies are

made good

that Driver's

work

concerned mainly with problems of literary criticism, whereas the

historical criticism does not fall within its scope.
It is

true that

Driver
late

is

not blind to the fact that a literary document

institutions

and yet incorporate a knowledge of

is

may be much older

investigaliterary

than itself; but that

not quite what

we mean now by

tions into the history of literature as contrasted with

criticism.

mere

For

it

is

the merit of Gunkel and his school to have

emphasized the point that even the oldest source that has entered
into the

make-up of
is

document has

a long history behind

it

and

that there

a long road

from the

earliest record of a legend to

first

the period in

which that legend was

composed, orally per-

chance.

"Literarkritik" on the whole deals witii literary composi-

tions of larger

dimensions, the

first

Jahvist, or the
is

first

Elohist,
just

for

example; "Literaturgeschichte"

concerned

in

that

as

550
well, but in

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

much more
:

it

would trace even those works

to their

sources, and these

sources will naturally be oral in the end, but

they

may have

constituted by themselves literary documents long

before they were embodied in the great documents out of which

our historical works in the Scriptures have been constructed.

the

And
instiis

same holds good of the

of

legal
latest

documents
speaks

not merely the

tutions

which even the

may

be

old

that

granted by Driver
existed
extant.

but

even a literary record of them must have

long before the documents were composed that are

now
and

Another impetus came from the same school of Gunkel

his

(we need only think of

Gressmann's
eschatology)
notable

own
the

^'Schopfung
origins

und

Chaos"

work on
in

of

Judaeo-Israelitish

and consisted

the placing of the cultural history

of Israel within the larger frame-work of the cultural history of

Western Asia
futility

the net result has been an understanding of the

of determining the date of a thought or opinion merely on

the basis of

where we
is

first

meet with

it

in

the extant literature

of Israel.
fications

It

impossible to enter here into the manifold ramisuffice

it

of this subject;
in the

to

say that while

it

it

has been

abused by many,

hands of sober scholars

to

necessarily be-

comes

a formidable

weapon with which

combat the excrescences

latest edition

of the older school of criticism.

While both the

of

Driver's book and the smaller and less pretentious

work by
is

Sellin

were printed

in the

same year (1910),

it is

the latter that

really

up-to-date not merely on the bibliographical side, but principally

because of

its

adjustment to the newer principles.

in

We

feel

on

every page and

is

every paragraph an element of newness which

takes us into the very

refreshing.

The author

fray of con-

flicting opinions, but

he always knows

how

to impart his
is

own

view,

candid, sober, just.

In Pentateuchal criticism he

greatly under

the

influence

of

Klostermann

but

Eerdmans has been

equally

consulted, though not yet Wiener.

its

component elements are the

in

The Pentateuch is composite four well known "documents"

in

yet,

their

sources,

these

documents ascend

part

at

least
lit-

to high antiquity.

Thus

there are imbedded in the Pentateuch

9,

erary records of the pre-Mosaic (Gen. 14;

25-27;

4,

23

f.)
6,

and

Mosaic (Exod. 15,21

10,

17,

16; 20, 1-17 the

17
f.
;

Decalogue! Num.

24-26:

35

f.

21,

14

f.

21,

21,

27-29; Exod. 20, 23-23, 19 the

RKCENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

Book
of the Covenant!)
15,

MARGOLIS
2,3:

55

period;

from the period of the Judges

Exod.

proceed Exod.
34,

1-18;

Gen, 49 in substance; Deut.

10-27;

Deut. 27, 15-26; Gen. 48, 22 and

much

else;

from the
Kings 2)
;

era of David Gen. 49, 8-12;

Xum.

23 and 24; from the time of

I

Solomon
and the
Deut. 32

the redaction of the Jahvist (from Gen. 2 to

first
is

edition of the Elohist

(from Gen.

15 to Josh. 24)

placed about 850 and the second edition of the Elohist

15 to II

Kings 3) about 800; to the period of Hezekiah belongs the combination of the Jahvist with the Elohist and the

(from Gen.

kernel of Deuteronomy; in 622 occurred the finding (to be taken

literally)

of

Deuteronomy which was soon

i,

amplified, thus receiving

1-4, 4,

in particular the historical introduction

and then worked

into the Elohist; in the Exile the great

deuteronomic history (from

Gen. 2 to II Kings 25) arose by combination with JE; about 500

the Priests'

Code was composed

in

Babylon, the sources of which,

17-26), but also other parts,

notably the

Law

of Holiness

(Levit.
;

ascend into the times of Manasseh

Ezra's

Book
a

of the

Law

of

Moses comprised our Pentateuch.

Sellin's

Such

is

meager outline of
But
a similar
in

view concerning the genesis of the Torah.

coupled
with

conservatism

modernity

may

be

observed

his
his-

treatment of other problems outside the Pentateuch and the

torical

books.

The Messianic passages

are left to the pre-exilic

prophets, in agreement with Gressmann.

his
cies

Deutero-Isaiah intended

own work
the

to be ascribed to the older prophet to

whose prophe-

Babylonian seer appended his own.

court, Davidic

While Maccabrean
are pointed out,
In

Psalms are not ruled out of

and the bulk of the Psalter
is

hymns

derived from pre-exilic times.

two

brief appendixes the apocrypha

latest find of the

and pseudepigrapha, including the

described.

Odes of Solomon, are

The

small vol-

ume deals also Though written

it

with the constitution of the text and the canon.

with a view to serving the needs of "wider circles,"

will

prove an excellent guide even to more searching students.

e.

have come across a few errors (so

is

g.

the Samaritan Pentalatter

is

teuch

included
is
it

among

the

versions,

and among the

the

Vulgate
popular;
in

missing).

Alford's
a

book, on the other hand,

strictly

endeavors to present the literary history deductively

general history of the Jews, nuicli after
will

the

frame-work of

the fashion of Reuss.

The author

hardly lay claim to origin-

552
ality;

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

but he has used the critical literature to good advantage;
is

a learner himself, he

naturally committed to the views of a

school which, in the light of

my

previous remarks, must be actheir

counted as out of date.

While the masters are busy revising

opinions in the light of the latest and freshest research, the scholars
will
still

naturally lag behind.

a

What

has been said of Alford,

is

to

larger

extent true of
edition.

Sheldon's "Story of the Bible,"

posthumous second

History of Old Testament Criticism.

LL.D.

With illustrations. Putnam's Sons, iqio. pp.

By Archibald Duff, D.D., New York and London: G. P.

xiii

201.

The

New

Bible-Country.

York: Thomas Y.

By Thomas Franklin Day. Crowell & Co. (1910). pp. 32.

to

New

What Cheyne

set himself

do

in

1893 in his "Founders of

Old Testament Criticism," a book

full

of information but some-

what marred by a polemic against the more timid among English critics, is now attempted in a smaller compass and in more popular

form by Prof. Duff.

The author who

is

inscribes his

work

to

the

of

memory of his teacher Lagarde Duhm. His treatment of the history

after

largely under the influence

of criticism follows in of
the

main the beaten track

the

fashion

corresponding

chapters in Holzinger's "Introduction to the Pentateuch" or Reuss'

presentation of the subject in the introduction to his French (and

German)

translation of the Hexateuch, at least for the part dealing

with Hexateuchal criticism.

describing the

He

is

unconventional and novel in

period

during which the documents which enter

into the composition of the Pentateuch arose as one of criticism;

the point of view being that as the Elohist sought to place his

work

in the

room of

the Jahvist, he exercised his critical faculty,

just as the amplifiers

and editors of the Jahvist before him had

document, and just as the DeuterJahvist

freely criticised that literary

onomist freely handled the work of both

Similar freedom obtained later on in

and

Elohist.

handling the text

of

the

Pentateuch, as

is

evidenced by a comparison of the received text

This,

with that underlying the versions.

of course,

is

Geiger's

point of view, though the Jewish critic of the nineteenth century

RECI:NT BIBUCAI, PUBUCATIONS

is

MARGOLIS
take
well

553

nowhere mentioned.

Prof.

Duff

fails
is

to

cognizance of

Gunkel and Eerdmans.

little

Otherwise he

informed.
it

The

work

will serve its

purpose well enough; as such

it

deserves

the place which has been assigned to

Sciences."

in

the "History of the

portraits

The volume

is

illustrated

with

of

sixteen

leaders in the criticism of the

Old Testament; that of Lagarde

adorns the frontispiece.

lished the

doubt whether Lagarde would have rehis illustrious

company; the greater number of

contem-

poraries he

knew himself

at

war with;

his

strength lay in the

main

in fields other

than the "higher criticism."

The "New

Bible-

Country" of which Prof. Day speaks

an address delivered
fael,

in his booklet representing

in

the First Presbyterian Church,

San Ra-

California,

isf

the

new view
satisfied

of the Bible maintained by crit-

icism.

Those that are

to

with the old pre-critical views are

admonished
other hand,

leave criticism well

enough alone

those,

on the

who

feel the difficulties of the old traditions

need not

fear the results of the newer view so far as their love for the

Scriptures

is

concerned.

The

critics, it is true,

hold that
;

many

of

the books of the

Old Testament are composite

that the biblical

writers sometimes incorporated mythical and legendary materials;

that here and there they idealized the past
;

that

many

of the books

of the Old Testament have undergone revision at the hands of

later

editors;

that the

Hebrews were

indifferent to the

fame of

authorship, thus late works coming to be ascribed to famed

men

of an earlier day.

But then the Bible

is

not a cyclopaedia of inIt

is

formation, nor a text-book of science or history.

rather a

divine-human record of God's revelation

in progressive steps

with

the prophetic element predominating therein. the

"Prophecy prepares
predictions
details of

way

for Christ, not

by

uttering

verbal

of

His

coming (for the prophets nowhere predict the

life),

His earthly

but by doing

its

own work

in its

own day
Day
its

so grandly that

Jesus

when He came found

to

a godly remnant, trained in the school

of prophecy, ready to receive Him."

Prof.

apparently limited

himself

Old

Testament criticism and

bearing

upon the

Christian beliefs.
the territory of

Had

he included

in

his

"New

Bible-country"

New

Testament

criticism,

let

us say of the type

of Schmiedel's radical position to which Duff expressly adverts,

it

may

be reasonably doubted whether the alarms

felt

by his audi-

554

I'HE

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

ence and by the Christian community at large would be so easily

allayed.
It

must be owned that even

of

New
at

Testament

critics

of

the most advanced class

tial

know themselves
but

one with the substan-

doctrines

Christianity;

would an orthodox Christian

rest satisfied

with that residuum?

Alttestamentliche Studien.
position
Israels,

Von
pp.

B.

D. Eerdmans.

I.

Die

Kom-

der
pp.

Genesis,
58.

viii

95.

II.

Die Vorgeschichte
pp.
147,

III.

Das Buch Exodus,

Giessen

Verlag von Alfred ToepEi.mann, 1908-1910.

Essays in Pentateuchal Criticism.
LL.B.
Oberlin
:

By Harold M. Wiener, M.A.,

1909.

Bibuotheca Sacra Company,

pp.

xiv

239.

The Origin of
LL.B.
152.

the
:

Pentateuch.

By Harold M. Wiener, M.A.,

1910.

Oberlin

Bibliotheca Sacra Company,

pp. v

Das Deuteronomium.
Dr.

Eine

literarkritische

Untersuchung.
J.

Von

A.

FiLEMON

PuuKKO.
1910.
pp. ix

Leipzig:

C.

Hinrichs'sche

Buchhandlung,
As
analysis
is

303.

well

known,

the

starting-point
(in

of

the

Pentateuchal

was Astruc's discovery

first

1753)

of the divine

names

in

Genesis and the

chapters of

Exodus

as a clue to the docu-

ments or "memoires," as he called them, which entered into the

composition of the Pentateuch.

The

attack on this basic theory

it

and the gigantic

edifice that

has since been reared upon

in

comes

from two quarters which though they have much

the side of
sults
;

common on
and
re-

method are
however,

different in their preconceptions

both,

illustrate

that

regress

to

"first

principles"

by which questions seemingly disposed of are reopened, constituting as

it

does criticism's safest corrective when

in

forgetful-

ness of

its

own

origin

it

shows
a

itself

ready to relapse into dogof Kuenen's and

is

matism.
the

Prof.

Eerdmans was

pupil

now

occupant of the chair formerly held by the intrepid Leiden

critic.

Up

till

recently he found himself in accord with the Grafschool.

Kuenen-Wellhausen

Now,

however,

he

has

at

length

RECENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

emancipated himself, and
liche
in

MARGOLIS

555

the three parts of his "Alttestaiiietitafter

Untersiichiingen"

so

far issued,

demolishing the curis

rent "documentary hypothesis" which according to his judgment

based principally on the erroneous theory of Astruc, proceeds to

develop his

own
far

views.

According to Eerdmans, Astruc's discov-

ery has operated in throwing the critics off the scent.

The
as

divine

names are
trouble
is

from being the mark of disparate compilation.

the

The

that

Old Testament students have quite

much
less.

as the scribes of old read

monotheism
in the

into the texts of antiquity.

Elohim means "the gods"

plural,

no

more and no

Where
tions.

the

term occurs, we are confronted by polytheistic no-

Naturally passages in which the polytheistic ideas are disis

cernible even under their present cloak which

none too heavy

must of necessity be archaic.

posed
in post-exilic times.

They cannot

possibly have been

first

com-

One need only

think of the

chapter

of Genesis (comp. verse 26).

are

Moreover, the followers of Astruc

constrained to pin their faith to the received

Hebrew

text

but in no less than 49 places in the book of Genesis does the Septuagint differ

from the masoretic text

is

in

the reading of the divine

names.

This

an appeal to the "lower," or textual, criticism.

is

Similarly uncertain

the

current argument from vocabulary or

of the Old

phraseology.

The remains

Hebrew

literature are too

scanty to serve as a safe basis for such fine linguistic discriminations.

Recent archaeological finds are calculated rather to prove

latest

the high antiquity of texts usually placed in "the field of

times.

Thus

Abram" (comp. Gen.

list

23)

occurs as a place-name in

an Egyptian

of the tenth century (Breasted, Spiegelberg).

is

most frequent handle for detecting different "hands"

of coherence in contiguous parts.

the lack

Criticism thus reveals itself as

scalpel of criticism

an offshoot of interpretation.
used too freely, too readily
;

Rut the
and a

difficulty of

may be interpretation may

in
16,

be removed by ordinary exegetical processes.

Thus

1-3 nuich

depends upon the correct intcTprctation of

of verse 2

SpS

yCL"

at the

end
is

hence

a purely lexical question.

When
more

the phrase

correctly interpreted, verse 3 ceases to be a

cidentally

repetition.

In-

Eerdmans shows how

ad locum

a provision in the
in

Code of HamEhrlich

murabi throws much

iRandglosscn
I,

light on the episode

)

question.

equally

finds the

chronological notice

556
in

the:
far

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Criticism

verse 3

from superfluous.

operates too

freely
first

with supposed doublets.

What may
fuller

appear redundant at the

blush will in the light of

information prove a necessary

part of the context which cannot be removed therefrom without

destroying the sense.

fiillung")
fice
it

Elsewhere a supposed redundancy ("UberSufalong the Hne the "higher" criticism must

may
in

be due to scribal carelessness (dittography).

to say that all

go hand
tions

hand with the "lower" and the other subsidiary operainterpretation.

of

philological

To

this

extent
the

Eerdmans'
too
facile

anticritique

comes as

timely

warning
difficulties

against

methods of removing exegetical

knot.
It
is

by cutting the Gordian

difficulty.

frequently the easiest

his

way

out of the

But

Eerdmans follows up
in a

negative

destruction

of

the

current

analysis by one of his own.

The groundwork
still

of Genesis consists
polytheistic char(5,

"Book of Adam" or "Jacob rescension" of a

was compiled out of
7, 6-9.

acter which
1-32;
6,

older sources before 700

9,

9-22;
1-13.

17-22.

24;

8,

1-19;

8-29;
7-11.

II,

10-26.

27-32;

12;

13,

18;
33,

15,

7-12.
35,

17-21;
1-8.

23; 25,
16-20.

19-34;

27; 28.
2.

11-22; 25-27.
49, la.
is

32,

4-23;
34.

1-17;

23-29; 36, 1-14; 37,

28&.

35; 40; 41; 42; 45, 1-27; 46, 2h-7; 47, 6-12.
12.

28;

29-33; 50,

13).

As may be

readily seen,
is

currently reckoned to post-exilic

this

assigned
that a

much of what by Eerdmans

chronological

to

ancient pre-exilic source.

it is

The

fact

system runs through

no argument to the contrary.

"We

have

grown

into

the habit of looking upon anything of a systematic

character as necessarily late...

ceiving the pre-exilic
civilization.

We

should grievously err in con-

times

as a

period

devoid

of

the

higher

The
on

legislation contained in the

Book

of the Covenant

sets us right

that score.

The

chancellor at the court and the

frequently

mentioned

"scribes"

(soferim)

suffice

to

prove

the

existence of a class of learned men.

To

this class

we
is

naturally

owe

the transmission of the ancient traditions.

There

no reason

why

these pre-exilic soferim should have not possessed historical

post-exilic soferim."

knowledge quite as much as the

notions,

Polytheistic

according to Eerdmans, underlie

into

many

of the

elements

that entered

that

source.

the opinion that the

the

God

of

The compiler apparently was of Into Israel was but one among many.
still

groundwork was subsequently, but

in

pre-deuteronomic

RECENT BIBUCAI, PUBLICATIONS

times,

MARGOUS
in
:

557

worked another
to

recension, the Israel rescension, which ran

parallel

the

older

source in contents
the

and

spirit.

Herein

Eerdmans
historical

reverts to

"supplement theory"

the

supplementer
off the

took over from the parallel source just enough to round

picture.

The work thus

amplified

then underwent in

post-deuteronomic times a revision from a monotheistic point of

view.

The

process of revision went on for a considerable time

thereafter;

hence

the

post-exilic

additions,

some
1-2,

larger

(Hke

chapter 17), some smaller

(glosses).

Gen.

may and may

of the legends

not be older than chapter 17; on the other hand, Gen. 14 (with

minor exceptions)
in the

is

of pre-exilic origin.

The bulk

book of Genesis originated among the masses; the common

of

people accepted the monotheism of Deuteronomy with a strong

admixture
lieved
in

polytheistic

notions.

Even

post-exilic

Jewry be-

a multitude of spirits by the

side

of
a

the

One God.

"Should we not reasonably expect traces of

religion
in

polydsemonistic
will

the pre-exilic tradition?"

The reader

now

per-

ceive that, with

Eerdmans

as a guide, the current critical analysis

with three well-defined documents makes way for a series of revisions of an ancient groundwork, and that in the measure as the

greater part of the book of Genesis, including notably such pass-

ages as have hitherto been pronounced to be of exilic or postexilic origin, gains in the point of antiquity,
it

loses

on

its

relig-

ious

side,

being

reduced to the

low

level

of

pre-deuteronomic

polytheism.

Jewish monotheism dates from the time of Josiah and

Jeremiah

among

the

masses

it

is

of

still

later

date.

But the

literary composition of the bulk of the

book of Genesis ascends

into the

eighth century or even farther up.

The

fine

polish of

literary style obtained already then, albeit even with the cultured

classes the Lord,

If
if

was but one among many

lost
in

we have

Genesis an ancient record of monotheism,

Abraham,

Isaac,

and Jacob cease to be proclaimers of the One

personages? and arc the accounts

God, are they

at least historical

of the beginnings of the people of Israel contained in the book

of Genesis to be given credence?
critics

For

in the school

of the literary

there has hitherto prevailed an

attitude
ai)plied

of skepticism on

those very points.

the

The

exegctical

method
has

by the
clearlv

critics of

Graf-Kucncn-Wcllhausen

school

been

the

alio-

558

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

gorical one; not to be sure of the Philonian kind, but allegorical

nevertheless.

The

patriarchs have been pronounced to represent

(B.

humanized

deities

Luther,

Ed.

Meyer)

or

the

patriarchal

legends are said to have been originally myths which were then
translated
into
their

present

form

(Stucken,

Winckler,

Erbt.

Volter, Jensen), or to be reflexes of Israelitish life

and customs
Stade,

during
others).

the

period

of

the

monarchy

(Wellhausen,

and

To

these opinions as currently held by the one or the

his

other

Eerdmans opposes

own view which comes

pretty near

substantiating the historical character of the patriarchs.

Not

that

every detail of the patriarchal story can be verified: the legends

of Genesis, being folk-products, must be traced back to a variety of

motives and origins.

But the

historicity

of

tablished beyond doubt

in
is

from the mention of "the

Abraham is esfield of Abram"

an Egyptian

list

of the tenth century (see above).

And what
to

of equal importance the main fact that the ancestors of Israel

in

dwelt

Canaan previous
from

to

the

people's

migration

Egypt

equally receives confirmation at the hands of Egyptian

monuments.
in

We

know

the

stele

of

Meneptah

(discovered

1896^

that about 1230 B. C. Israel dwelt in Palestine.

Moreover, while

the other places and lands mentioned there receive the determinative indicative of a country, there is prefixed to Israel a

man and

a
a

woman

with plural strokes; that

but a tribe.
It

is

to say, Israel does not denote

territory,

appears also to be spoken of as an

sees in all this a reference to

agricultural population.

Eerdmans

the

conditions exactly as they are depicted in Genesis:

tribal ties but

a small

body of semi-nomadic folk held together by a country of their own, though they own
sions

without

land.

These conclu-

make

it

necessary for

Eerdmans

to

place the exodus at a

somewhat

later period that is currently

assumed, about 1130 B. C.

is

He
the

identifies the

'Apriw of

whom
the

mention

made

in the

monu-

ments of the intervening century with the Hebrews, and rejects

theory

which looks

for

Hebrews

in

the ^Jabiri of the

Amarna
There
is

tablets.

The
in

patriarchs were not

:

nomads (Wellhausen),
cattle
Init

but semi-nomads

(Ed. Meyer)
the

they

owned
of

also land.

no truth

current distinction between a nomadic

in

and an agricultural period

the

life

Israel
is

nor

in

the cus-

tomary deduction that the prophetic

religion

the resultant of a

RICCENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

MARGOLIS

559

clash between the Dionysiac civiHzation of the

monarchy and the

simple Bedouin traditions of antiquity.

soil,

If the patriarchs tilled the

then the Israelites were from the start an agricultural people.

The

effect of these deductions

on the dating of the

legal por-

tions of the

book of Exodus

is

obvious.

On

the assumption of

the purely nomadic civilization of Early Israel, no place could be

found for such a code of laws as the Book of the Covenant before
the times of the monarchy.
It
is

characteristic that in
(p.

foot-

note to the 1905 edition of his "Prolegomena"

gives expression to his

392) Wellhausen

conviction

that

the
i.

"peasant

code"

of

Exod. 21 and 22
pointedly

is in its

basis Canaanitic,

e.

pre-Israelitish.

He
they

adds

"The Laws of Hammurabi are

little

better
f.

edited,
;

but are just as

manufactured as those of Exod. 21

It

may
the

equally be very ancient.

fact

does not, however, follow from

to

that

they

are

ascribed

Hammurabi
is

that

they

were

really
this

promulgated by him.

In view of our experiences elsewhere

conclusion of the Assyriologists

said a
priori

not quite cogent.

It

may

be

that the

reverse

is

more probable."
the

Eerdmans

goes further; he sees no reason

why

Book
is
is

of the Covenant

could not come from Mosaic times.

the

Xor
but
it

he averse to placing
a

Decalogue

in

the

same period

Decalogue much

abbreviated and

much shorn

of the hallowed associations which

it.

both

Jews and Christians connect with

rendered
not

To

be

ancient,
First

the

Decalogue must not be positively monotheistic.

The

Com"I,

mandment
Jahveh,

is

"I

am

the

Lord thy God," but

am
;

thy

God."

The Second Commandment merely protaken most

prophets
as
literally.

scribes the adoration of the images of other gods in the sanctuary

of Jahveh current

"before Ale"
of

is

Incidentally the

conception
is

the

originators

of

"ethical

monotheism"
existed in

controverted.

An

ethical conception

of the Deity

much

earlier times (even

among
it

non-Israelites).

Otherfor the

wise the

Book

of the Covenant remains unexplainable.

suffice

As

rest of the

book of Exodus,
is

to

mention

that,

according
;

to

Eerdmans, Exod. 12
kernel
is

in

the main pre-deuteronomic

in

a pre-

cxilic

also

assumed

the

chapters
35-39)

dealing

with

the

description

of the tabernacle

(25-29;

which are currently

assigned as a whole to P.

560

THE JEWISH OUARTEREY REVIEW

A
from

reader with conservative leanings will naturally turn away

Eerdmans'

three

volumes

with

much shrugging

of

the

shoulder and feel safer with the two publications by Mr. Wiener,
a barrister-at-law in London.

Like Eerdmans, Wiener operates

criticism

with

the

"lower,"
It

or

textual,

versus the "higher," or

literary, species.

speaks well for the seriousness with which he

has approached his task that he has not shirked the labor of acquainting himself at
first

hand with the

literature bearing

upon

the correctness of the received text.

He

has consulted Kennicott

and De Rossi; Field's Hexapla and Lagarde's Lucian; the larger Cambridge Septuagint and the latest article on the grouping of
the codices in Genesis by

Dahse.

He

gives

tabulated

lists

of

variants for the divine

names

in Genesis.

He

endeavors to show

that in following up Astruc's clue scholars have adhered too closely

to the received text.

He

is

ready to concede that the latter must

occasionally be given up and that better readings are preserved

in

manuscripts not commonly accepted as trustworthy or in the

versions.

He

believes that the

same recourse

to the

Greek version
is

and especially to certain recensions thereof which

had

in

the

Books of
Pentateuch.

Samuel
It

for

example should be had likewise

in the

may
that

be safely presumed that Wiener's insistence

will

on constructing a better Hebrew text

critics,

not be challenged by

nor

for

matter his

canons of textual criticism so

far as they are general in character.

But Wiener,

believe, under-

estimates

a possibility

with which criticism has to reckon: the

introduced
conscious

ancient

translators

may have

changes

for

the sake of removing difficulties of contradiction or incongruity.

Harmonistic manipulation of the text

in the original or in trans-

lation precedes the harmonistic exegesis of

in

which examples abound

the

talmudic-midrashic literature and in the mediaeval Jewish

Lectio

commentaries.

ardua praestat.

A
Like

difficult
all

reading

is

al-

ways
this
thin,

to be preferred to an easy one.

canons of criticism,

one likewise must by no means be applied through thick and

but should be taken with a grain of
salt.

Wiener
But the

applies

textual criticism also

diversity of the divine

to other difficulties not proceeding

from the
crucial

names

with notable success.

I

problem

is

that of the divine names, and

am

free to say that

RECKNT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

MARGOLIS
A
is

56

neither a self-sufificient leaning on the received text nor an un-

reasonable measure of skepticism

the divine

is

in

place.

monograph on
It will

names

in the

Pentateuch would be timely.

in-

volve a grouping of the Greek codices which

no easy

task.

Wiener meets the

the textual

critics
it

on their own ground.

method where
in

will serve his purposes.

He applies He does not

lore.

shirk

delving
is

archaeological

and

anthropological

His

reading

extensive.

It includes for instance

Norden's Kunstprosa.
this

He
The

cites

passage which the

writer

of

review

has

long
style.

recognized as having a bearing on the question of biblical

difficulties

arising

from the laws with regard

to

place

of

sacrifice

or to the personnel of the temple he solves by theories

certainly

which

are

ingenious.

He

distinguishes

between

cus-

tomary

lay-sacrifices,

national

offerings,

and statutory individual

that

offerings.

He
is

pleads after the

manner of Hoffmann

does

not square with the post-exilic practice.

anticritique

The
is

net result

of his

the concession that

there

post-Mosaic material
establishes the pres-

in the Pentateuch; but at the

same time he

ence of pre-Mosaic material.

the bulk
fits

The

text needs re-constructing; but

the Alosaic period, and that only.

He

rehabilitates
it

Ezekiel

the prophet reverted to the Mosaic tradition because

fitted the circumstances of his time.

The presence
when

of a sanctuary

in

Elephantine proves to him the antiquity of the IMosaic legis:

lation

Moses framed a law

for Palestine

the exile

came

and the synagogue as a substitute for the temple worship had

not yet been evolved, each section of Jewry was free to adjust
the law to the changed conditions as best
that Wiener's
it

might.
to

It is

interesting

conclusions

come

pretty close

the

decisions

of

the

Pentateuch

commission

appointed

by

Pope Leo XIII

(see

Osservatore Romano, 1906, No. 164).

The Pope

likewise concedes

post-Mosaic glosses and textual modifications, just as he also as-

sumes pre-Mosaic material.

The papal commission grants

Torah and
arisen.

that

Moses may have

dictated the contents of the

that thus

the incongruities in language and style

aside Wiener's publications of which

may have

We

lay

"The Origin of
Sacra with

the Penta-

teuch"

is

the

more popular and which are being followed up by

this feeling:
critical

a series of articles in the Dibliotheca

The

Pentatcuchal question will bear reopening.

The

position

562

THE JEWISH OUARTEREY REVIEW

;

has become the orthodox one

is

but neither orthodoxy nor fashion

measure of

scientific

achievement.

Where

the issues are so

is

momentous, cool and unimpassioned judgment

cult.

exceeding

diffi-

But undignified expressions are as much out of place with

the traditionalists as they are with the critics.

The tone adopted by

will read his studies

Wiener
tion

is

not always a pleasing one.

But few

without learning something from this intrepid champion of tradi-

who

uses

many

untraditional
ill

weapons

not the least lesson

being that criticism can

afford to rest on

foundations which
solidity.

cannot stand a fresh

test

test

with regard to their

And

the

has been instituted by Wiener and Eerdmans.

side,

On

the nega-

tive

they

meet

on the positive, they are as far apart as

been.
literary crit-

Hoffmann and Wellhausen have ever

Puukko's volume moves along the tracks of the

icism current in the dominant school.

of the account of the finding of the

the hypercritics

(Havet, Vernes,

He establishes the historicity Law (II Kings 22) against Horst, Day, Cullen). Xo other
itself
is

of

the

extant codes will answer the description of the Josianic

Torah than Deuteronomy.

siders as the
tion

But Deuteronomy

composite.

In unraveling the process of composition

what

the author con-

"Urdeuteronomium" he

prints at the end in transla-

he

combats a variety of theories that have been propounded

by others, not the least important being that of Klostermann

who

by m^eans of a somewhat far-fetched analogy from Icelandic law

finds the essential part of the Moabitic

code

in

the hortatory frame-

work by which
code ascending
legal

it

is

enclosed no less than in the parenetic com:

ments which accompany the laws themselves

in

the

Deuteronomic
all

substance to Mosaic times was the type of

it

instruction which

was customary for the functionaries of

in the

law to give generation after generation

form of elucidation
as

and exhortation,
is

in short, after the

manner of an oration such

which
constitutes the bulk

the

great

oration

of

Moses

of

Deuteronomy.
writers

Puukko adopts
subject

a theory evolved by

two previous
to

on the

(Staerk

and

Steuernagel)

the

effect

that the "singularic" portions constitute the original of the

Deu-

teronomic
Josiah.

Code

as

promulgated

in

the

eighteenth

year of king

RKCENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharja.

MARGOLIS
Leipzig:
J.

563

Studien zur

Sacharjaprophetie

und zur
hundert.

jiidischen

Geschichte im ersten nachexilischen JahrJ.

Von

Dr.

W.

Rothstein.
pp.
ii

C.

Hin-

KICHS'SCHE BUCHHAXDLUXG, IQIO.

219.

Die

Biicher

Esra

(A

und B)
untersucht.

und Nehemja,
Mit einem

textkritisch

und

historisch-kritisch

Erklarung

der

einschla-

gigen

Prophetenstellen

und

Anhang uber
J.

hebraische
pp.

Eigennamen.
xci

Von

G. Jahn.

Leiden: E.

Brill, 1909.

289.

^;-a Studies.

By Charles
und

C. Torrey. pp.

Chicago
346.
in

The
1-6.
i.

University

OF Chicago Press, 1910.

Geschichtliche

xv

literarkritische

Fragen

Esra

Inaugural1910.

Dissertation
pp. vii

von

Johannes Theis.

Miinster

Westf.,

60.

Next
the

to the Pentateuchal question,

and indeed playing into

the
rise

it,

critical

and

historical

questions

connected with

literary
in

documents of the early post-exilic period have given

last fifteen

the

years to a number of special investigations; the appear-

ance of four works devoted to the same circle of related problems

or to

some

specific

problem within that

circle

shows how far the

subject keeps engrossing the attention of scholars and

how much

debated ground there

vious
publication

still

exists.

In close sequence upon a pre-

on

Haggai

entitled

"Juden

lind

Samaritaner"

(1908), Rothstein seeks to penetrate into the

meaning of the seven

After clearing the

nocturnal visions of

the

prophet

Zechariah.

text of glosses and corruptions by a process of subjective conjecture, the author arrives at the conclusion that all the visions to the prophet in

came

one night, the night or rather the dawn of the

in
is

twenty-fourth
Darius.

day of the eleventh month

the
that

second year of
the

Convinced as the author rightly

a.

innnediate

occasion of

prophetic utterance must be found in the occurrences

its

of the day and that

primary object

is

the me<;sagc

it

bears to

the seer's contemporaries with their actual present-day needs

and

problems, he draws the lines backward and

tliein
in

forward as he finds

the literary productions at both ends with the result that

they cotiverge to form a jiicture of the events external and internal

564
to

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

which an adjustment on the part of the new community was

imperative.

How
may

far the picture

still

when completed

really squares

with the facts

be a matter of doubt.
is

But then the

it

facts

are so scanty that a gauge

scarcely available, unless

be that

of inner probability; and the impression produced by Rothstein's

reasoning

is

that

his

conclusions

are

by no means improbable.
the

The two months which followed upon

message of Haggai

ending with the outlook into a purified community and with words
of encouragement to Zerubbabel were sufficient to produce in the heart of the
the selfsame pusillanimity and despair

new community

which had taken hold of them before Haggai arose.

New

intrigues

on the part of the enemies of Judah manifested themselves; and altogether the community was perplexed by a variety of problems

which required meeting.

To them
dawn

Zechariah addressed himself.

He saw
later.

the vision of the

of a better day; he was assured of

the Lord's great plans for the welfare of the

community then and

Statesmanlike he counseled the abandoning of the project

to build the walls of Jerusalem.

That was dangerous then; the

it

time had not yet come for that, though

did

come

later.

There

was an element in the community that operated with the Messianic

expectations

such

as

had

been aroused
for

by Deutero-Isaiah and

thought the

moment opportune
his

carrying
let it

them

to

fruition.

Not

so the prophet.

For the prophet,

be remembered again,

must see into the needs of

day; nothing was farther from

salvation applicable

the Jewish prophets than a fixed scheme of

to all times.

With reference to the farther and farthest outlook

of

they were
naturally,

all

one

mind;

they

differed,

and

had

to

differ

when

the questions uppermost for the

moment had
realizable,

to

be

answered.

Things may be expedient, that

one time and not
at

is

and

therefore
of
the

politic, at

an another.
the

The
With

salvation

new community demanded

the
seer,

that

extravagant political
the keen

notions of the

Messianists should be

deferred.

eye

of

Zechariah realized that only on the basis of

the constitution of the

Ezekiel's

programme could
constructed.

new community
practical,

be

effectively
it

And

that

programme was

because

was adjusted
to

to the

immediate conditions.
in

Thus

the

Messianic king had to be placed

subordinated
the
highpriest.

the background or at least

the

But

priesthood

required

RECE;NT BIBLICAI, publications

purification.

MARGOLIS

565

''Joshua

was clothed with fiUhy garments."

The

admixture with the populace had involved the priestly families.

The

purified

sons of Zadok were to constitute the leaders of a

purified
priests

community, much though the degraded Levites, the former

at

the highplaces,

intrigued against them.

Rothstein en-

deavors to show that not only in this central thought does Ezekiel's
influence

show

itself

in the visions of

Zechariah, but likewise in

some of the
Ezra with
stituted,
it

less

important points.

Zechariah thus becomes an

important link in the development of ideas between Ezekiel and

his Priests'

Code

when

the

new community was conDeuin the spirit

became apparent

to its spiritual leaders that the

teronomic Code required much modification

the lines of Ezekiel
if it

and along
Ezekiel's

were

to

become
in
its

operative.

Once

programme had become

least,

actual

most important

points

at

the

way was paved

as

for the activities of Ezra and

Nehemiah
emin-

some seventy-five years

later.

Unorthodox
ently orthodox
It
is

all this

may seem
two Ezra

to

some

readers,

it

is

compared with the radicalism of Torrey and Jahn.

critics

interesting that the

are Arabists of high

standing.

Jahn

has

of

late

years

turned his attention to

Old
I

Testament studies;
believe,

his

principles of textual construction have,

commended themselves to scholars no less brilliant, Torrey's first effort in Ezranic but perhaps a trifle more staid. criticism dates from the year 1894. The pamphlet entitled "The Composition and Historical Value of Ezra-Nehemiah" was, as we
not
are told by the

author in the preface to his "Ezra Studies," a

volume made up of papers that have appeared elsewhere (with

exception of the last chapter which
is

entirely

new), not

sufficiently

taken notice of by scholars; the reason for the neglect, he thinks,

lay in the circumstance that so

novel a position as his was was

presented in too succinct a manner and that

fuller treatment

much

that required
in short,

had been disposed of by the way,

Jahn

had

been taken for granted.

ness
to

(who acknowledges

his

indebteddis-

Torrey's

earliest

publication)

and Torrey, though

agreeing on a number of points, so for instance on the original

language of the Aramaic

principal

portions,

are

of

one

mind
no

in

their

contentions.
the large

Jahn

formulates his theses,

less
is

than

eighteen, in

Introduction the bulk of which

devoted

566
to

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

repudiation of the opinions of
less

a spirited

other scholars

who

though more or

at

variance

with each other stand on the

opposite side in this important debate; while thus the argumentation

in

the

Introduction

is

more of

negative character, the

positive proofs for his startling theories are developed in the

book

proper which takes on the

form of a running commentar}- on

Septuagint
reveal

Ezra-Nehemiah.
of
the

(Incidentally Jahn tries to prove that the forms

proper names in the

the

presence of

many
ism

heathen deities thus establishing the persistence of polythe-

down
in

to

post-exilic

times.)

Torrey,
;

on
a

the
series

other hand,
of

proceeds

more systematic manner

historical;
skill

in

chapters

he builds up his argument into which a variety of questions enter,

textual,
linguistic,
literary,
it

is

moreover,
;

presented
the

with consummate philological

destructive

and erudition

when thus
to

work

is

done, he winds up with a chapter which he

regards as constructive,
origin

wherein his positive opinions as

question

the

of the books in
to the

and the

history

of

the
set

times
forth

from 722

end of the second century B. C. are

with a clearness which leaves nothing to be desired.

the

In substance

novel theories
is

of
at
I

Torrey
one)

(with

whom,
to

as
less

has been noted, than this:

Jahn

in

the

main

amount

no
the

The

so-called

apocryphal

Esdras

contains

genuine

Septuagint

translation of

Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah,
underlying
Semitic

albeit in

a fragmentary
half-

form.

The

original

(half-Hebrew,

Aramaic)

constituted

one of the recensions of the Chronicler's

Story of the Three Youths
to

work

it

contained the interpolated

in

composed

Aramaic

(according
his
first

Jahn,
the

in

Hebrew).
of

The
and

Chronicler incorporated in
(the

work
six

"Words
of
4,

Xehemiah"
While

greater

part

of

the

chapters

Xehemiah)
8-6, 14).

an Aramaic Story of Samaritan Intrigues (Ezra

the

former was an ancient document which may

trustworthy,
the
latter

be accepted as nearly

historically

was
its

late

fabrication

contemporaneous with the Chronicler,

the history of the post-exilic Jewish
as
to

purpose being to present

in

community

such a maimer
in

show

that

its

antecedents were to be found

in

the exiled

Babylonian

community rather than

the

native

population

of

Palestine that remained on the soil after 586.

story

The
it

point of the

was directed against

the Samaritans who,

was represented,

RECENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

MARGOLIS

56/

were from the beginning rejected by the children of the Golah.

The Chronicler had before him

Code was compiled
of
the

the Pentateuch, but the Priests'

long

after

Nehemiah.

The

final

redaction

Pentateuch

must have preceded the Samaritan schism;

latter

hence the date of the

event

is

placed just a

trifle

ahead of

the advent of Alexander the Great,

Previous to that time Jews

and Samaritans lived

in tolerably

amicable relations.

The import"Pre-exilic"
exile,

ance of the Babylonian exile has been exaggerated.

and "post-exilic" are misleading terms.

Not

the

but the

Dispersion was the all-important event in the history of Israel.

The
in

dispersion

began

at

an

early

period,

and was

to

a
at

great

extent voluntary.
their

The Babylonian
;

exiles

made themselves
up
in

home
of

new environment
and
contributed

they became citizens of their adopted

its

country

to

building

the

capacity

traders and financiers.

They
an

neither longed for a return nor did

they

occupy
of
;

their

leisure-time
is

with

literary

productions.
B.

The
C.
;

Book

Ezekiel

apocryphon composed about

in

Palestine
Priests'

Deutero-Isaiah at an earlier time wrote in Palestine

the

Code was compiled in Palestine.

community was
Ezra
far

Jewish legalism and narfiellenistic

rowness dates from the beginning of the

early
post-exilic

period

the

more

tolerant

and univer;

salistic-prophetic.
is

There was no return under Cyrus

is

the

edict

fabrication.

fictitious

personality.

Long before

Nehemiah, Jerusalem had

under Darius
in

been

rebuilt

by

the

remnants of the

native population, those that had not emigrated.

rebuilt
I

The temple was

the

in the

times of Haggai and Zechariah (ac-

cording to Jahn,
city in a

the days of
;

Nehemiah).

Nehemiah found

weak

position

he rebuilt the walls.

All these extremely

novel and startling theories are presented with a degree of certainty

which

fairly takes one's breath

will

away.

doubt nevertheless

whether Torrey
than
dition

have more success with

in

his latest publication

was accorded him

1894.
is

The sweeping
too

distrust

of tra-

condemns
lightly.
It

itself.

There

much

falsification

to be as-

sumed
to

must, however, be granted that Torrey deserves

be

heard

before

he

is

brushed aside.

His work contains

tuimber of points which must be well weighed.

betray a solid aniouiU of painstaking study.
I

His investigations
call

particular at-

tention to his discussion of the Theo(l(-ti(>nic origin of the so-called

568
II Esdras.

the:

JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

His grouping of the Greek codices seems to be borne His

sallies against the indiscriminate,

out by the facts.

dilletantic

use of the Septuagint will merit approval.

difficulties that beset the

He
much

is

conscious of the

path of retroversion from the Greek, far

more conscious than Jahn.

construction of

The

latter is

too facile with his

Hebrew

sentences.

Contrast the retranslation of

a portion of

Esdras as done by both men.

Torrey has studied

the style of the Chronicler to great advantage.

What

he has to

say on the biblical Aramaic as compared with Eg>'ptian will on the

whole approve
into

itself,

though,

fear,

he does not take

of the

sufficiently

account the orthographic

peculiarities

later

scribes.

The Assuan and Elephantine

if

papyri are originals; the biblical texts

It
is

have been copied again and again.

quite

conceiveable that

we had

access to the autographs of the

Aramaic portions of
same as that of the

Ezra, their orthography would be

much

the

Egyptian documents.

The pronunciation
later
;

of the dentals in

Aramaic

must have fluctuated for some time, probably for centuries; both
the earlier

and the

orthography failed to square with the

side of archaism,

actual pronunciation

where the one erred on the

side

the

other was

faulty on the
to

of modernism.

Scholars that

have no particular theories

defend

may

still

maintain

with

good conscience that

to

all

intents

and purposes the Palestinian

and Egyptian Aramaic come very close to one another.

It is interesting to

add that in Theis' dissertation which cona larger

tains

but

part

of

work

to

appear

in

the

series

*'Alttestamentliche

Abhandlungen" edited by Prof. Nikel (himself

publication

the

author of a
in
I

dealing

with

the

vexed

problems
the

centering

Ezra-Nehemiah)
and
II

Torrey's

theories

concerning

character of
Sir

Esdras which in the main are also those of

are accepted in
full.

Henry Howorth

It

will

be instructive

to see

how

far they will be turned by the Catholic author to con-

servative uses.

Acgypten und

die

Bibel.

Die Urgeschichte Israels im Licht der

aegyptischen Mythologie.
beitete Auflage.

Von
:

Dr. Daniel Voelter.

Brill, 1909.
pp. viii

Neubear-

Leiden

E.

J.

135.

Israel

und Aegypten.

Die politischen Beziehungen der Konige von

Israel

und Juda zu den Pharaonen.

Nach den Quellen

unter-

RECENT BIBLICAL PL'BLICATIOXS

sucht von Lie. theol. Albrecht Alt.

MARGOLIS
Leipzig:
IO4.
J.

569
C.

Hix-

RICHS'SCHE BUCHHANDLUXG, I909.

pp.

Die Bedeutung des

suchung.

Namen
Lie.

Israel.

Eine quellen-kritische UnterSachsse.

Von

theol.

Eduard

Bonn

Carl

Georgi, 1910.

pp. iv

79-

Volter's work,
its

first
is

published in

1898 and
theor}'

now appearing
deities

in

fourth edition,

built

up on the

that the heroes of

;

Israel, the patriarchs

and Moses, are humanized

in contrast

with the Pan-Babjdonists, he looks for the originals in Egyptian

mythology.
is

See above the reference to Eerdmans' criticism.

Israel entered Palestine,
it

It

assumed by Volter that when

civilization

found

largely

permeated with Egyptian influences which

subsequent
centuries

increased through the

during

which

Israel

remained

in

close contact with Egy^pt.

To

the political relations

between the two nations Alt devotes a well-written monograph.

He

begins with Sheshonk

is

(Shishak)

and winds up with Necoh.

The study
story as

preceded by an enumeration of the sources.

The

developed by the author reveals the sad plight of the

the

two kingdoms between

treacherous

Egyptian

power which

was the

instigator of all

the foolhardy attempts at shaking off the

in the

Eastern yoke through trust

"broken reed" of Egypt and the

statecraft

overtowering strength and

the East.
conflict

political

of

the

powers

in

In consolation the writer demonstrates

how

that very

served to bring out the prophetic certainty which

runs

through the writings of the great seers from Hosea to Jeremiah

and Ezekiel that "the kingdom of God on earth should not be

built

on the tottering foundations of

faith."

politics,

but solely on the

unshakable ground of
tlie
is

Sachsse's study of the meaning of

Its
is

name

"Israel"

is

published only in part.

main conclusion

that Israel as the

name

of the patriarch

more recent than

as the designation of the collective

state.

body of the people or of the

The Early Religion of

D.D.
1910.

Israel.

By Lewis Bavles Patox,

Ph.D.,

Boston and
pp.
115.

Xew

York: Houghtov "Miffun' CoMrAxv,

570
Israel's

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Ideal,

or Studies

in

Old Testament Theology.

:

By Rev.
pp. xi

John Adams, B.D.

Edinburgh

T.

&

T. Clarke, 1909.

22,2.

The early religion of Israel means to Paton the pre-prophetic stage. The prophets, in particular those of the eighth century and
their

followers,

were the
had
its

reformers

of

the

religion

of

Israel.

Israel's religion

origin in Semitic polydaemonism based on

animistic conceptions.

Jahveh was unknown to the patriarchs.

deity

He

was

originally

non-Israelitish

with volcanic associations.

it

Moses adopted him.

people
of

When

Israel

entered Canaan,

found an

indigenous religion which was polytheistic.

Israel

Just as the historical

into

represents

^'hybrid

mass"

which

the

Canaanitic elements were absorbed, so did Jahveh gradually absorb the nature gods and departmental deities of the Canaanites

whose various functions he assumed.

Many

of

the

heathenish
right

conceptions of the Canaanites clung to Jahveh,

He demanded

conduct, but "the rules of conduct applied only to relations with

fellow-Israelites."

"Of such

virtues as modesty, temperance,

Israelite

and
con-

other

forms of self-restraint the early

Nevertheless, even in
its

had

little

ception."

pre-prophetic stage the religion

spiritual

of

Israel

"was a worthy foundation for the more

of
the

and

ethical

message

prophets,

just

as

their

message was a
religion

foundation for the gospel of Jesus."

The Old Testament

rooted in the primitive religion of the Semites, but at the same

time leading on to and coming to

the

its full

fruition in the religion of

New

Testament
in

such

is

also

the leading conception in

Mr.
this

Adams' "Studies
to be said
:

Old Testament Theology."

But there

is

the author's conception of

little

growth prevents him from

"reading too
is

into the

Hebrew
;

Scriptures."

"The

entire oaic
is

already rolled up in the acorn

and everything that

is

yet to

grow and
in

efflorese in the gospel age

already planted or sown

the

faith

of

Israel." to

Semitic monolatry leads to prophetic

the

monotheism, and that

writer

New
of

Testament Fatherhood.
his

The

devotes

the

greater

part

book

to

sympathetic

presentation of the doctrines contained in the Old Testament on

the

subjects

of

the

spirit,

sacrifice,

the

covenant,

prophecy, the

Messianic functions

(the prophetical and priestly, the function of

suffering), the divine wisdom, sin. salvation.

The

highest expres-

RKCENT BIBUCAL PUBLICATIONS

sion of Israel's ideal the author finds in

MARGOLIS
6,

57

Micah

8.

All through

the

volume which
attitude

is

written

in

pleasing

style

there

runs

sympathetic
of view
tion
in
is

toward that which from a Christian point

naturally only a preparatory stage for the

consummaso
far

easily

The writer overlooked by many that

the Gospels.
if

gives expression to a truth

great

religious

leaders
is

are

ahead of their times; and

the

the principle of

growth
to the

accepted,
past.

germ of
is

the future

must indeed be traced

hoary

Nor
the

he blind to the fact that even in the religion which has

its

Gospel as

basis

the masses have ever been prone to

fall

back into mechanical ceremonial.

likewise, the spiritual religion of

And

so in

Old Testament

times,
at

Moses and the prophets had

every turn to contend with the grosser conceptions of the masses.

Nevertheless
righteousness,
It is
it

was given

to

Israel

to

work out

the

ideal

of

loving-kindness,

and

spiritual

humble-mindedness.

certainly refreshing to see the religion of the

its

Hebrew

Script-

ures taken at

highest, the tendency of pure historical criticism

with

its

analytic dissection

and

its

regress to beginnings operating

for the most part in the opposite direction.

Isaias.

Diligenter

revisus

iuxta

massorah

(sic)

atque

editioncs

principes

cum

variis lectionibus e mss. atque antiquis versioni-

bus collectis a C.
SOCIETATIS

D. Ginsburg,

LL.D.

Londinii
ET

sumptibus

BiBLIOPHILORUM
pp.
93-

BrITANNICAE

ExTERXAE.

MCMIX.
Specimina

Codicum
de'

Graecorum
et

Vaticanonim.

Collegerunt

Pius
:

Franchi

Cavalieri
E.

Iohanxes Lietzmaxx.

Bonnae
et

A.

Marcus

et

Werer (Oxoniae: apud Parker

filium),

MCMX.
Mitteilungen

pp. xvi

tabb. 50.

des

'^

SeMiiaginta-Unternehmcus
JVissenscliaften

der

Koniyliclicn

Gesellschaft der

cu

Gottingcn..

Heft

I:

Der

Lukiantext

Von Ernst Hautsch. Weidmannsche Buchhandlunc, 1910. pp. 28.

des

Oktateuch.

Berlin:

Studicn zuy Geschichtc der Scptuaciinta.

O. Procksch.
1

Die Prophctcn.

X'on Dr.

Leipzig:

J.

C.

Hixrichs'sche Buchhandlunc,

910.

pp.

136.

572
The

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Octateuch
in

Ethiopic

according
of
five
I.

to

the text of the Paris

codex, with the variants

other manuscripts.

Edited

by Dr.

J.

Oscar Boyd.

Part

Genesis.

Leyden

E. J. Brill

(Princeton:

The University Library),

1909.

pp. xxii

158.

In a prospectus issued by the British and Foreign Bible Society

under whose auspices the new edition of the Hebrew Scriptures

by Dr. C. D. Ginsburg
is

to

appear the undertaking

is

rightly

compared
the

to that of Holmes-Parsons'

work on

the Septuagint.
lies

To
the

writer

of

this

review the point of comparison

variants.

in

bewildering mass of sigla accompanying the

In other

words, to judge from the specimen volume containing Isaiah, no

attempt
is

being

made
is

in the

grouping of the witnesses.

If

the

Masoretic Text
early
prints
call

primarily the text "found in manuscripts and

substantiated
(see

by that system of annotations which

this

we

Masorah"
its

volume,
be to

19),

then

the

first

duty of

editor

must

clearly

lay before the reader

an
re-

unambiguous statement

as to

which sources may properly be

garded as representing the Masorah.

the Masoretic

What
Much

future edition of

Text should look

(ibid.,

like

the writer has pointed out

on a previous occasion

21).

preliminary labor will

have to be done before that day will dawn.

safe to

Meanwhile,

it

will be

follow Norzi in refraining from registering the material

in the distant

which the versions may yield

present
is

future, but

which

at

hardly so constituted as to find a place in the apparatus

the Masoretic Text.

criticus of

The

references to the versions,

not be taken seriously, and

ornamental though they

may
I

be, will

should therefore be omitted entirely in the future instalments of

Ginsburg's

new

Bible.

would further recommend that

direct

in

the

matter of
ketib

variants

of

character

those

bearing on the

and involving the consonants should be separated from those

bearing on vocalization and accentuation.

in

Xor

is

there any place

an edition

like the present

for conjectural emendation.

While
of
the

the grouping of
future,

Hebrew manuscripts must

at

be left to the distant

the

two notable attempts

classifying

codices

Greek Bible deserve mention.

In a small pamphlet Hautsch pre-

sents the results of an examination of the text of the Antiochene

fathers

(Diodorus, Theodore of Mopsuestia, Theodoret, Chrysos-

RECENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

torn)

MARGOLIS
It

573
will

for the

Octateuch on the basis of quotations.

be

Lagarde long ago pointed out that the Bible of the Antiochene fathers will have been identical with Lucian's
that

remembered

recension.
tions

Legarde,

it

seems, paid attention solely to the quota-

from the

historical

books (Samuel, Kings).

He came

to the

conclusion that the text of those citations tallied with the group
consisting of 19. 82. 93. 108 and underlying his edition of Lucian.

Hautsch, on the other hand, finds that

at least for the

Octateuch
all,

the Antiochene quotations do not square with that group at

but with an entirely different group into which

54. 75 enter as

elements and which has hitherto been identified with the Hesychian
recension.
is

It

must be owned that an example

If Hautsch's theory

like
is

Josh.

10,

13

an exceedingly telling one.

19.

to be accepted,

then

108 will have to be counted out

from the group of manu;

scripts exhibiting Lucian's recension in the Octateuch

as a matter

of fact,

it

has come to the notice of the writer that in the book

19.

of Joshua at least

108 go frequently with Hexaplar codices like

or F; sometimes a reading of the Syrohexaplar can be found

in

only

those two

Greek

cursives.

As

for

118

which Lagarde
in

included
the
to

among

Lucianic codices, the writer has observed that

it

book of Joshua
note
that the
as
its

goes frequently with

54. 75.

It is

interesting

series

undertaken

by

the

Gottingen
of

academy
Hautsch's
Lagarde's

known

**Septuaginta-Unternehmen"
its

which

publication forms the beginning owes

initiative and, I believe, is

existence to

maintained by the same scholar's legacy.

!

Verily,

science

is

no respecter of persons
is,

The

story

of

the

Greek text of the Prophets

ingly complicated one. that does not

according to Procksch, an exceedis

Of

the extant manuscripts there

none

show

traces of revision.

By

the aid of the marginal

notes of the Marchalianus (Q) a large group of cursives (Group

I)

reveals itself as directly Hexaplaric, that

is

to say as a

more

or less faithful transrcipt of the Septuagint column in Origen's

Hexapla.

Hexaplaric readings have

found their way also into

the uncials, viz. the Vaticanus

(B), the Sinaiticus

also infected with

(N), and the

readings from

Venetus

(=

23)

the

latter

is

the Lucianic recension which in

cursives designated as III.

the

main underlies a group of

very complicated

affair.

The Lucianic recension was in itself a Lucian made use of the Hexapla and

574
more

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

directlv of the

Hebrew

text itself
to

moreover, he revised the

it

Greek of the
Atticistic

Septuagint

so as

bring

up
I

to

the
III,

level

ot

Greek.

Between the two groups

and

an

niter-

to designated as II may lay claim mediate group of cursives present form . text, though in its resent the pre-Hexaplaric

rep-

has

.n of the Hexapla (particularly undergone revision on the basis Isa.ah are Jeremiah the Twelve and Ezekiel, to a less extent in
:

on

of the prophetic books the whole, the Alexandrinus preference usually given the Vaticanus. The is a purer text than regretted -Vatican dogma." It is to be ,0 B rests on the pernicious English Septuagint. Over was not made the basis of the that remember that what is us, however, to against this it behooves books. Even not be true of the other true of the Prophets may Silberstory of the text differs. the prophetic books, the

the

whole

freest

but from Hexaplaric admixture),

also

of

Lucian

On

among

stein has

proved that

in the II

represents the purer text. Octateuch. se with other books of the

means and III Kingdoms B by all to be the Others have proved the same Both at G^ttingen and

of the unraveling the complex history Cambridge scholars are lusy Septuagint by the aid of the Oxford Greek text; what may be done Procksch.-We need a larger number has been demonstrated by requires work of grouping. Such labor of students to assist in the which is the abiUty to decipher not the least part of
training,

and
in

collate.

It

is

to Lietzmann enables young scholars publication by Cavalieri and The speciments are witha distance. learn Greek paleography at manuscripts; moreover, they

the various libraries

study the manuscripts not given to everybody to The where they are at present treasured.

out exception

taken

from Vatican

or Greek literature, the profane cover the entire range of

cal

classi-

included.
is

Nevertheless, a sufficient

number of
a

biblical

speci-

mens

included.

Thus

table

contains

specimen
It

from the
is

Marchalianus (Q). Vaticanus (B), table 4 from the

to be

But the aim of cursives are included. regretted that no biblical manuscripts, give specimens of the older the editors has been to The date may be readily ascertained. particularly of those whose decipher opportunity of learning to student is thus afforded the place to study place, and in the second cursive script in the first works small list of the principal .-\ the .cript of each century.

RECKNT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

dealing with Greek palaeography
is

MARGOLIS
is

5/5

appended to the Introduction

no library should be without them.

version
In
all is

Of

what value the Ethiopia

a matter of dispute.

for the student of the Septuagint

is

likelihood the case

not the same in the various parts of

in

Scripture.

That the Ethiopia manuscripts underwent revision

;

the course of time cannot be gainsaid

it

is

quite likely that the

Hebrew

text

had a more or

less

direct

influence

on the

later

manuscripts.

For

his edition of the Ethiopia Octateuch

all.

Dillmann

used four manuscripts in

The new

edition

of the Ethiopio

Octateuch which
first

is

being prepared by Dr. Boyd and of which the

far as

part

containing Genesis appeared last year rests so

the text goes on the oldest manuscript, a Paris codex designated

by the editor as Y, while

manuscript

in

the notes variants are given

from a

in the possession of

Haverford College (R)

in addition

to the readings
style

from the codices made use of by Dillmann.

is

The

of

the
;

publication

modeled after the larger Cambridge

peculiarities

Septuagint
the

minor orthographic

and

scribal errors of
text.
It
is

main codex are registered immediately below the

to be

hoped that the publication of the remainder of the Octateuch

will not be delayed too long.

The Authorize'd
Albert
iii

Version

of

the

Bible
G. P.

and

its

Influence.
1910.

By
pp.

S.

Cook.

New York:

Putnam's Sons,

80.

Randglossen zur herbrdischen Bibel.

Textkritisches,
B.
I.

Sprachliches
J.

und Sachliches.

Von Arnold
II.

Ehrltch.

Leipzig:

C.

HiNRicHs'scHE Buchhandlung.
pp. PP346.
iv

Genesis und Exodus. 1908.

1909.

424.
III-

Leviticus,

Xumeri, Deuterononiium.
I.

355-

Josua, Richter,

und

II.

Samuclis.

1910.

pp.

Die Heilige Schrift des Alten Testaments.

iibersetzt

In Verbindung mit...
Drittc, vollig

und herausgegeben von

mit

E.

Kautzsch.

neugearbeitete,

Einleitungcn

.und

Erkliirungcn
I

zu

den

einzelnen
J.

Biichern

versehene

Auflage.

&

II.

Tiibingen
viii

C.
-f-

B.

MoHR (Paul

Siebeck), 1909-1910.

pp.

952;

viii

629.

576

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

and
Exegetical

Critical

Commentary on
A. (Cantab.).
pp. Ixvii

Genesis.

By John

Skinner, D.D.,

Hon M.

New York: Charles

Scribner's Sons, 1910.

55 1-

Critical

and Exegetical Commentary on the Book of Chronicles.

Curtis, Ph.D., D.D., and Albert Alonzo

By Edward Lewis
Madsen, Ph.D.
pp. xxii

New

York: Charles Scribner's Sons,

1910.

534.

The Analyzed

Bible.

By

the Rev. G. 2

Campbell Morgan, D.D.

The

Prophecy of

Isaiah.

volumes.
;

New York

Fleming H.

Revell Company,

pp. 225

229.

The Hebrew Prophets for English Readers.

the

In the language of
in

Revised Version of the English Bible, printed

form, with headings and brief annotations.

their

metrical

Edited

by Francis H. Woods, B.D., and Francis E. Powell, M.A.

In

four volumes.
Vol.
II.

Micah.
miah.

Amos, Hosea, Isaiah (1-39), and Vol. Zephaniah, Nahum, Habakkuk, and JereI.

Oxford:

at the

Clarendon Press,

1909-1910.

pp. xxxii

192;

240.

The Book of
D.D.
xiv

By John Edgar McFadyen, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1910. pp.
the Prophecies of Isaiah.

423.

The Authorized Version

of the English Bible the tercentenary

is

of the publication of which occurs this year

of a small booklet by Prof. Cook.

made

the subject

The

great influence which the

is

older English version has exercised on English literature

traced

with expert

skill.

the version of 1611

it

The English was based on

It
its

Bible

was long

in

the making;

a long line of predecessors.

But

excelled

them

all.

possesses a rhythm and a swing peculiarly

its

own.

Of

course,

language was not the language of the

literary language squares with the

seventeenth century.
of the day.
tions.

No

idiom

The
is

biblical

phraseology had been shaped by genera-

Nor
is

the English of the Authorized Version obsolete to-day.

to older standards in the best literary
is

There

marked return
with
biblical

efforts of the hour.

There

no modern writer but

In
the
last

will

betray
the

acquaintance

phraseology.

resort

RKCDNT

BIBLICAI, PUBI^ICATIONS

MARGOUS
and
style

577

beauty of Bible language rests on the simplicity of the original.

And
New.

in

this

regard the Old Testament obviously transcends the

the
simplicity

With

of

construction

goes

the

simplicity

and universality of subject-matter.

Scriptures
the

Of
in

recent

learned

commentaries on the
International
singled out.
Critical

two new volumes of the

particular
to

Commentary

deserve

be

work on Genesis, Dr. Skinner has taken cognizance both of Eerdmans and Wiener whose strictures are met by a searching argument. In the work of Chronicles prepared
In his

by a colleague and a disciple of Torrey the influence of the

criticism

latter's

naturally

manifests

itself,

but

none

too

obtrusively.

Altogether the two volumes come up to the high standard of

some of
of

the best volumes of the series, notably that of Driver's

work on Deuteronomy or Moore's on Judges.

up-to-date

They
too

are

full

information,

and

nothing

is

trifling

to
first

merit
three
his

comment.
volumes

Of
have

Ehrlich's

great
It

German
represents

work
a

the

appeared.

revision

01
to

Hebrew
by

work.

No

matter

how
and

one

may
are

object

certain

mannerisms and
Jewish
to

especially the cynicism with

which things
handled,
into
It

hallowed
it

tradition

sentiment
great

is

gratifying

observe
is

that

Ehrlich's

insight

the
is

Hebrew language

coming

to be recognized

by scholars.

a great lifework which none can afford but to take seriously.

edition of the Kautzsch Bible has

The third
The
the

made

its

appearance.

learned editor has laid his pen

away

for ever; he died while

left to his

work was
in

in progress; the

work of completion was

edition
differs

colleague Rothstein.

The new
is

from the previous

ones

that the translation

accompanied by explanatory notes

which as far
in

as possible are free

;

from the

technicalities inherent

the larger commentaries

is'

a short preface precedes each book.

circles,
it

While the work

that
it

intended for wider

is

safe to say

will continue to be used by theological students.

Of

a dis-

tinctly

popular character are the various attempts to make the

accessible
to

Bible

the

English

lay

reader.

Rev.

Morgan's

"Analyzed Bible" of which Isaiah has appeared aims by minute

analysis
to
Its
is

bring the biblical literature

tone
is

home

to

every inquiring

mind.

conservative.
skill
;

The

spiritual force of the biblical

word

brought out with

historical

orientation

is

provided

578
for.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

The Oxford Prophets
Revised Version.
In the
is

for

English

readers
are

are

based
to

on
the
the

the

notes which

brief

and

point

much

elucidation

given.
;

The marginal The

notes

of

Revised Version are retained

renderings
will

but a preference for

indicated.

some of the
headings

there

contained

is

succinct

prove a great aid to understanding.

Short introductions are

prefixed to each book.

As

the chronological arrangement of the

is

books shows, the point of view

in

a critical one

the short lines

which the prophetic utterances are printed serve to bring out

the literary character of for

Hebrew prophecy.
first

The Macmillan

Bible

Home

and School of which the

volume contains Isaiah

by Dr. McFadyen differs from the Cambridge Bible and similar

publications in that the text adopted
is

that of the Revised Version

and that the notes, while

full,

deal

much

less

with the strictly

technical aspect of interpretation.

Selections

from

the

Old Testament.

Edited with introduction and

notes by Fred

Newton
pp.

Scott.

New

York: The Macmill.^x

Company,
7'he

1910.

xxvi

335.

Old Testament Narrative.

order, and edited by

Separated

out.

set

in

connected

Alfred Dwight Sheffield.

Mifflin Company,
1910.

Boston and
pp.

New York: Houghton

510.

xxi

-|-

The Narrative

Bible.

Edited by Clifton Johnson.

1910.
pp. 402.

New York:

The Baker & Taylor Company,

Bible

Stories

to

tell

children.

By William

D.

Murray.

New

York: Fleming H. Revell Company,

pp. 211.

To
to
all

those

who

regret the wide-spread ignorance of the Bible

will

on the part of the youth these works

is

prove welcome.
in

Common
its

the

retention

of

the

Authorized Version

main
Short

features.

The
is

Bible

word

is left

as a rule to explain itself.

notes and glossaries do the

for children
limit

rest.

Only

in

Murray's book intended

Scott and Sheffield
will
all

the biblical phraseolog}^ recast.

themselves to the Old Testament.

little

Jewish readers

find

Scott's
in

l)ook exceedingly serviceable

and freest from

bias;

Sheffield's

work, suitable as

it

is

in

general, the point of view

RECENT BIBLICAL PUBLICATIONS

is

MARGOLIS
may

579
still

critical

with this fact in mind, the Jewish father

it

unhesitatingly place
well printed.

within the reach of his children.

Both are

Dropsie College

Max

L.

Margous

MEYER'S "THE GRADED SUNDAY SCHOOL"

The
Graded

Sunday

School

in

Principle

and

Practice.

By

Henry H. Meyer.. New York: Eaton and Mains; Cincinnati: Jennings and Graham, 1910 (Modern Sunday School Edited by Charles Foster Kent in collaboration Manuals. with John T. McFareand). p. viii + 241.
If

good method and correct

which

discipline

are important in

the

management of
instruction,
to

the secular school, they are essential in religious

only

limited

time

is

allowed by most
j\Ir.

religious denominations.

Having

this in mind,

]\Ieyer

makes

a strong plea in this

little

book for

more general introduction

offers
It

of

the

graded system
suggestions

in

Sunday School work and

this
still

some
rapid

definite

how
is

could

be

carried
in

out.

appears

that

such

an

appeal
in

necessary,

spite

of the

advance made
cation.
]\Ir.

recent years in the theory and practice of edu-

]\Ieyer
first

judiciously

divides

his

book
the

into

three

parts,
its

discussing
historical

the

theoretical

aspect

of

question,

then

development

and

concluding

with

several

concrete

examples, proving the superiority of this method.

The

first

part

might

in

itself

form an excellent guide for

concisely

Sunday School
showing

teachers.

The author
each

but

clearly

pre-

sents here the relationship of the various elements of the school,

the

duties

of

and

the

way
(p.

for

harmonious

working for them.

tional

The author
religious

lays especial stress

7),
still

on the educanecessary in
to

element in
schools

instruction

many
species

where instruction

sometimes

tends

become

of evangelization or a means of conversion.

plan

of

organization

and grading covering the whole course of Sunday

is

School
detailed

work

presented
of
the

in

chapter VIII, supplemented by a

instruction

discussion

subject-matter of

given in

the

following chapter.

581

582

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

In the second part, ^Ir. Aleyer gives a resume of the historical

development of the graded

the International

system

through the conventions of

in

Sunday School Union and

several individual

church

organizations.
his

The author concludes

ation.

argument by giving several notable

in

examples of schools where the graded system has been

oper-

The

Model
College),

Sunday
the

School

of

Columbia

University

(Teachers'

University
Baptist
in

Congregational

School of

Chicago, and the

are

Hyde Park
treatment

Sunday School of Chicago

first

given

detailed

the

chapter,

while

other

typical

schools,

among them
are

the

School of

Temple

Emanu-Ei
last

of

New York

discussed in

another chapter.

The

few

chapters are devoted to some practical suggestions as to the intro-

duction of the graded system.

Considering that
of the
to

out

of

the

1,400,000

officers

and teachers

Sunday Schools
space

in the

United States, only 10,000 are known

have received any

training,

we pardon
details,

the author for giving

so

much

to

the

minutest

almost precluding any

initiative

on the part of teacher or superintendent.

is

The book
questions
for

provided

with

useful

summary, containing

review,

and also with a Selected Bibliography of

books that

will

prove useful to the earnest teacher.

Gratz College

Juuus H. Greenstone

BOOKS RECEIVED
The Book above every Book.
British

popular illustrated report of the

Society
1909-1910.

and

Foreign

Bible

The

Bible

House, Queen Victoria

Street,

London.

123 pp.

The Signs and Symbols of Primordial Man. Being the evolution of religious doctrines from the eschatology of the Ancient
Egyptians.
F.G.S.,

By Albert Churchard, M.D.,

P.Z.

M.R.C.P., M.R.C.S.,

F.M.,

London:
E. P.

Lim.

(New York:

Swan Sonnenschein & Co.. Button & Company), 1910. xv +

449 pp.

Time and Free

sciousness.

Will.

An

Essay on the Immediate Data of Conof

the
Institute,

By Henri Bergson, Member

at

Professor

the

College de

France.
:

Authorized translation
Co.,

by F. L. PoGsoN, M.A.
Lim.

London

Swan Sonnenschein &

1910.

(New York: The AIacmillan Company),

xxiii

252 pp.

Matter and Memory.

By Henri Bergson, Member

of the Institute,

Professor at the College de France.

Authorized translation

by

Nancy Margaret Paul and W. Scott Palmer. London, Swan Sonnenschein & Co., Lim. (New York: The ^VIacmil191 1.

LAN Co),
Step by Step.

XX

+
o-f

339 pp.
the Early

Story

Days of Moses Mendelssohn.

By Abram

S. Isaacs.

Philadelphia,
166 pp.

The Jewish Publication

Society oe America, 1910.

The History of a
Raffalovitch,
All," etc.
1

Soul.

An
of

attempt

at

Psychology.

By George
S.

author

"On

the Loose,"

"The Deuce and

Street,

London: The Equinox,

124, Victoria

W.,

910.

296 pp.

583

584
Anathema.

THE JEWISH QUARTERLY REVIEW

Tragedy

in

Seven Scenes.

By Leoxid Andreyev.

Authorized Translation by

Herman
1910.
vi

Bernstein.

New York:

The Macmillan Company,

Selections

211 pp.

for

Homes and
i.

Schools.

Compiled by ]\Iarion L.
of

MiscH.
America,
Die

Philadelphia:
191

The Jewish Pubucation Society

444 pp.
des

Entdeckungsreise
Ostjuden.

Herr Dr.
Segal.
5.

Theodor

Lessing
1910.

zu

den

Von Binjamin

Lemberg,

Verlag

"Hatikwa," Mickiewicgasse

Hungary

in the

Eighteenth Century.

By Henry

]\Iarczali.

With

an Introductory Essay on the Earlier History of Hungary by

Harold W. V. TemperlEY, M.A., Fellow of Peterhouse Cambridge.

2>77-

Cambridge

at

the University Press,

1910.

Ixiv

Darwin and
LL.D.,

the

Humanities.

By James Mark Baldwin, D.Sc,

of
the
Institute

Foreign

Correspondent

of

France.
Ltd.,

Second Edition.
25

London: Swan Sonnenschein &

Bloomsbury,

Co.,

High

Street,

W. C,

1910.

xi

125 pp.

The Ancient Therapeuts.

lecture delivered before the PsychoS.

Therapeutic Society, at The Caxton Hall, London,

W., on

December
Bovigny

6th, 1909,

by Her Excellency Princess Karadja (of

Castle,

Belgium).

London:

Messrs.

Kegan Paul,

Trench, Truebner &

1911.

Co., Ltd.,

Oerrard Street, London,

W. C,

19

pp.

END OF VOLUME

NEW

SERIES

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