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Maths 1202 to 1800 AD

Maths 1202 to 1800 AD

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Published by Jabra Ghneim

The Big Book of Mathematical Principles, Theories and Things PART II
History of mathematics from 1202 AD to 1800 AD.

The Big Book of Mathematical Principles, Theories and Things PART II
History of mathematics from 1202 AD to 1800 AD.

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Published by: Jabra Ghneim on Jan 11, 2013
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Maths 1202 to 1800 AD

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Fibonacci number Perspective (geometry) Perspective (visual) Quartic function Lodovico Ferrari Gerolamo Cardano Ars Magna (Gerolamo Cardano) Nicolaus Copernicus Copernican heliocentrism Copernican Revolution Mathematical induction Equations for a falling body Galileo Galilei Johannes Kepler Logarithm John Napier Tessellation Platonic solid Mechanical calculator Analytic geometry Formula for primes Probability theory Probability Pascal's triangle Binomial distribution Bernoulli trial Bernoulli distribution Pascal's Wager Derivative Integral Isaac Newton Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Fundamental theorem of calculus Newton's laws of motion 1 17 18 20 33 34 39 41 69 77 79 87 90 118 138 158 162 169 179 197 204 210 215 221 235 243 245 247 256 271 292 315 336 344

Gravitation Axial precession Law of large numbers Normal distribution Seven Bridges of K€nigsberg Goldbach's conjecture Leonhard Euler Euler characteristic Gambler's fallacy Complex number Natural logarithm Heptadecagon Carl Friedrich Gauss Arithmetic progression Geometric progression Fundamental theorem of algebra

353 361 376 382 411 416 422 434 442 449 466 475 478 489 491 496

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Fibonacci number


Fibonacci number
In mathematics, the Fibonacci numbers or Fibonacci series or Fibonacci sequence are the numbers in the following integer sequence: (sequence A000045 in OEIS) or, alternatively,[1]
A tiling with squares whose sides are successive Fibonacci numbers in length

By definition, the first two numbers in the Fibonacci sequence are 0 and 1 (alternatively, 1 and 1), and each subsequent number is the sum of the previous two. In mathematical terms, the sequence Fn of Fibonacci numbers is defined by the recurrence relation with seed values[2]

in the first form, or
A Fibonacci spiral created by drawing circular arcs connecting the opposite corners of squares in the Fibonacci tiling; this one uses squares of sizes 1, 1, 2, 3, 5, 8, 13, 21, and 34. See golden spiral.

in the second form.

The Fibonacci sequence is named after Leonardo of Pisa, who was known as Fibonacci. Fibonacci's 1202 book Liber Abaci introduced the sequence to Western European mathematics,[3] although the sequence had been described earlier in Indian mathematics.[4][5][6] (By modern convention, the sequence begins either with F0€=€0 or with F1€=€1. The Liber Abaci began the sequence with F1€=€1, without an initial 0.) Fibonacci numbers are closely related to Lucas numbers in that they are a complementary pair of Lucas sequences. They are intimately connected with the golden ratio, for example the closest rational approximations to the ratio are 2/1,€3/2,€5/3,€8/5,€...€. Applications include computer algorithms such as the Fibonacci search technique and the Fibonacci heap data structure, and graphs called Fibonacci cubes used for interconnecting parallel and distributed systems. They also appear in biological settings,[7] such as branching in trees, phyllotaxis (the arrangement of leaves on a stem), the fruit sprouts of a pineapple,[8] the flowering of artichoke, an uncurling fern and the arrangement of a pine cone.[9]

Fibonacci number


The Fibonacci sequence appears in Indian mathematics, in connection with Sanskrit prosody.[5][10] In the Sanskrit oral tradition, there was much emphasis on how long (L) syllables mix with the short (S), and counting the different patterns of L and S within a given fixed length results in the Fibonacci numbers; the number of patterns that are m short syllables long is the Fibonacci number Fm€+€1.[6] Susantha Goonatilake writes that the development of the Fibonacci sequence "is attributed in part to Pingala (200 BC), later being associated with Virahanka (c. 700 AD), Gop•la (c. 1135), and Hemachandra (c. 1150)".[4] Parmanand Singh cites Pingala's cryptic formula misrau cha ("the two are mixed") and cites scholars who interpret it in context as saying that the cases for m beats (Fm+1) is obtained by adding a [S] to Fm cases and [L] to the Fm€1 cases. He dates Pingala before 450 BCE.[11] However, the clearest exposition of the series arises in the work of Virahanka (c. 700 AD), whose own work is lost, but is available in a quotation by Gopala (c. 1135): Variations of two earlier meters [is the variation]... For example, for [a meter of length] four, variations of meters of two [and] three being mixed, five happens. [works out examples 8, 13, 21]... In this way, the process should be followed in all m€tr€-v•ttas [prosodic combinations].[12]

A page of Fibonacci's Liber Abaci from the Biblioteca Nazionale di Firenze showing (in box on right) the Fibonacci sequence with the position in the sequence labeled in Roman numerals and the value in Hindu-Arabic numerals.

The series is also discussed by Gopala (before 1135 AD) and by the Jain scholar Hemachandra (c. 1150). In the West, the Fibonacci sequence first appears in the book Liber Abaci (1202) by Leonardo of Pisa, known as Fibonacci.[3] Fibonacci considers the growth of an idealized (biologically unrealistic) rabbit population, assuming that: a newly born pair of rabbits, one male, one female, are put in a field; rabbits are able to mate at the age of one month so that at the end of its second month a female can produce another pair of rabbits; rabbits never die and a mating pair always produces one new pair (one male, one female) every month from the second month on. The puzzle that Fibonacci posed was: how many pairs will there be in one year? ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ At the end of the first month, they mate, but there is still only 1 pair. At the end of the second month the female produces a new pair, so now there are 2 pairs of rabbits in the field. At the end of the third month, the original female produces a second pair, making 3 pairs in all in the field. At the end of the fourth month, the original female has produced yet another new pair, the female born two months ago produces her first pair also, making 5 pairs.

At the end of the nth month, the number of pairs of rabbits is equal to the number of new pairs (which is the number of pairs in month n€€€2) plus the number of pairs alive last month (n€€€1). This is the nth Fibonacci number.[13] The name "Fibonacci sequence" was first used by the 19th-century number theorist ƒdouard Lucas.[14]

Fibonacci number


List of Fibonacci numbers
The first 21 Fibonacci numbers Fn for n€=€0,€1,€2, ..., 20 are:[15]
F0 F1 F2 F3 F4 F5 F6 F7 F8 F9 F10 F11 F12 F13 F14 F15 F16 0 1 1 2 3 5 8 13 21 34 55 F17 F18 F19 F20

89 144 233 377 610 987 1597 2584 4181 6765

The sequence can also be extended to negative index n using the re-arranged recurrence relation which yields the sequence of "negafibonacci" numbers[16] satisfying

Thus the bidirectional sequence is
F€8 F€7 F€6 F€5 F€4 F€3 F€2 F€1 F0 F1 F2 F3 F4 F5 F6 F7 F8 €21 13 €8 5 €3 2 €1 1 0 1 1 2 3 5 8 13 21

Occurrences in mathematics
The Fibonacci numbers occur in the sums of "shallow" diagonals in Pascal's triangle (see Binomial coefficient).[17]

The Fibonacci numbers can be found in different ways in the sequence of binary strings. ‚ The number of binary strings of The Fibonacci numbers are the sums of the "shallow" diagonals (shown in red) of Pascal's length n without consecutive 1s is triangle. the Fibonacci number Fn+2. For example, out of the 16 binary strings of length 4, there are F6 = 8 without consecutive 1s • they are 0000, 0100, 0010, 0001, 0101, 1000, 1010 and 1001. By symmetry, the number of strings of length n without consecutive 0s is also Fn+2. ‚ The number of binary strings of length n without an odd number of consecutive 1s is the Fibonacci number Fn+1. For example, out of the 16 binary strings of length 4, there are F5 = 5 without an odd number of consecutive 1s • they are 0000, 0011, 0110, 1100, 1111. ‚ The number of binary strings of length n without an even number of consecutive 0s or 1s is 2Fn. For example, out of the 16 binary strings of length 4, there are 2F4 = 6 without an even number of consecutive 0s or 1s • they are 0001, 1000, 1110, 0111, 0101, 1010.

Fibonacci number


Relation to the golden ratio
Closed-form expression
Like every sequence defined by a linear recurrence with constant coefficients, the Fibonacci numbers have a closed-form solution. It has become known as Binet's formula, even though it was already known by Abraham de Moivre:[18]


is the golden ratio (sequence A001622 in OEIS), and

To see this,[20] note that „ and … are both solutions of the equations

so the powers of „ and … satisfy the Fibonacci recursion. In other words


It follows that for any values a and b, the sequence defined by

satisfies the same recurrence

If a and b are chosen so that U0€=€0 and U1€=€1 then the resulting sequence Un must be the Fibonacci sequence. This is the same as requiring a and b satisfy the system of equations:

which has solution

producing the required formula.

Computation by rounding

for all n ‚ 0, the number Fn is the closest integer to

Therefore it can be found by rounding, or in terms of the floor function:

Fibonacci number


Or the nearest integer function:

Similarly, if we already know that the number F > 1 is a Fibonacci number, we can determine its index within the sequence by

Limit of consecutive quotients
Johannes Kepler observed that the ratio of consecutive Fibonacci numbers converges. He wrote that "as 5 is to 8 so is 8 to 13, practically, and as 8 is to 13, so is 13 to 21 almost", and concluded that the limit approaches the golden ratio .[21]

This convergence does not depend on the starting values chosen, excluding 0, 0. For example, the initial values 19 and 31 generate the sequence 19, 31, 50, 81, 131, 212, 343, 555 ... etc. The ratio of consecutive terms in this sequence shows the same convergence towards the golden ratio. In fact this holds for any sequence which satisfies the Fibonacci recurrence other than a sequence of 0's. This can be derived from Binet's formula. Another consequence is that the limit of the ratio of two Fibonacci numbers offset by a particular finite deviation in index corresponds to the golden ratio raised by that deviation. Or, in other words:

Decomposition of powers of the golden ratio
Since the golden ratio satisfies the equation

this expression can be used to decompose higher powers Fibonacci numbers as the linear coefficients: This equation can be proved by induction on This expression is also true for Fibonacci rule .

as a linear function of lower powers, which in turn can and 1. The resulting recurrence relationships yield

be decomposed all the way down to a linear combination of

if the Fibonacci sequence

is extended to negative integers using the

Fibonacci number


Matrix form
A 2-dimensional system of linear difference equations that describes the Fibonacci sequence is

The eigenvalues of the matrix A are and , are in the ratios and


, and the elements of the eigenvectors of A,

Using these facts, and the properties of eigenvalues, we can derive a

direct formula for the nth element in the Fibonacci series as an analytic function of n:

The matrix has a determinant of €1, and thus it is a 2†2 unimodular matrix. This property can be understood in terms of the continued fraction representation for the golden ratio:

The Fibonacci numbers occur as the ratio of successive convergents of the continued fraction for formed from successive convergents of any continued fraction has a determinant of +1 or €1. The matrix representation gives the following closed expression for the Fibonacci numbers:

, and the matrix

Taking the determinant of both sides of this equation yields Cassini's identity

Additionally, since

for any square matrix A, the following identities can be derived:

In particular, with


Recognizing Fibonacci numbers
The question may arise whether a positive integer z is a Fibonacci number. Since , the most straightforward, brute-force test is the identity is the closest integer to

which is true if and only if z is a Fibonacci number. In this formula,

can be computed rapidly using any of the

previously discussed closed-form expressions. One implication of the above expression is this: if it is known that a number z is a Fibonacci number, we may determine an n such that F(n) = z by the following:

Fibonacci number


Alternatively, a positive integer z is a Fibonacci number if and only if one of square.


is a perfect are

A slightly more sophisticated test uses the fact that the convergents of the continued fraction representation of ratios of successive Fibonacci numbers. That is, the inequality

(with coprime positive integers p, q) is true if and only if p and q are successive Fibonacci numbers. From this one derives the criterion that z is a Fibonacci number if and only if the closed interval

contains a positive integer.[23] For

, it is easy to show that this interval contains at most one integer, and in

the event that z is a Fibonacci number, the contained integer is equal to the next successive Fibonacci number after z. Somewhat remarkably, this result still holds for the case , but it must be stated carefully since appears twice in the Fibonacci sequence, and thus has two distinct successors.

Combinatorial identities
Most identities involving Fibonacci numbers can be proven using combinatorial arguments using the fact that Fn can be interpreted as the number of sequences of 1s and 2s that sum to n € 1. This can be taken as the definition of Fn, with the convention that F0 = 0, meaning no sum will add up to €1, and that F1 = 1, meaning the empty sum will "add up" to 0. Here the order of the summand matters. For example, 1 + 2 and 2 + 1 are considered two different sums. For example, the recurrence relation

or in words, the nth Fibonacci number is the sum of the previous two Fibonacci numbers, may be shown by dividing the F(n) sums of 1s and 2s that add to n€1 into two non-overlapping groups. One group contains those sums whose first term is 1 and the other those sums whose first term is 2. In the first group the remaining terms add to n€2, so it has F(n€1) sums, and in the second group the remaining terms add to n€3, so there are F(n€2) sums. So there are a total of F(n€1)+F(n€2) sums altogether, showing this is equal to F(n). Similarly, it may be shown that the sum of the first Fibonacci numbers up to the nth is equal to the n+2nd Fibonacci number minus 1.[24] In symbols:

This is done by dividing the sums adding to n+1 in a different way, this time by the location of the first 2. Specifically, the first group consists of those sums that start with 2, the second group those that start 1+2, the third 1+1+2, and so on, until the last group which consists of the single sum where only 1's are used. The number of sums in the first group is F(n), F(n-1) in the second group, and so on, with 1 sum in the last group. So the total number of sums is F(n)€+€F(n€€€1)€+€...€+€F(1)+1 and therefore this quantity is equal to F(n€+€2) A similar argument, grouping the sums by the position of the first 1 rather than the first 2, gives two more identities:


Fibonacci number


In words, the sum of the first Fibonacci numbers with odd index up to F2n-1 is the (2n)th Fibonacci number, and the sum of the first Fibonacci numbers with even index up to F2n is the (2n+1)th Fibonacci number minus 1.[25] A different trick may be used to prove

or in words, the sum of the squares of the first Fibonacci numbers up to Fn is the product of the nth and (n€+€1)th Fibonacci numbers. In this case note that Fibonacci rectangle of size Fn by F(n€+€1) can be decomposed into squares of size Fn, Fn€€€1, and so on to F1=1, from which the identity follows by comparing areas.

Other identities
There are numerous other identities which can be derived using various methods. Some of the most noteworthy are:[26] (Catalan's identity) (Cassini's identity) (d'Ocagne's identity)

where Ln is the n'th Lucas Number. The last is an identity for doubling n; other identities of this type are by Cassini's identity.

These can be found experimentally using lattice reduction, and are useful in setting up the special number field sieve to factorize a Fibonacci number. More generally,[26]

of which a special case is

Doubling identities of this type can be used to calculate Fn using O(log€n) long multiplication operations of size n bits. The number of bits of precision needed to perform each multiplication doubles at each step, so the performance is limited by the final multiplication; if the fast Sch‡nhage•Strassen multiplication algorithm is used, this is O(n€log€n€log€log€n) bit operations.

Fibonacci number


Power series
The generating function of the Fibonacci sequence is the power series

This series has a simple and interesting closed-form solution for


This solution can be proven by using the Fibonacci recurrence to expand each coefficient in the infinite sum defining :

Solving the equation


results in the closed form solution. ,[28] or more generally

In particular, math puzzle-books note the curious value

for all integers More generally,


Reciprocal sums
Infinite sums over reciprocal Fibonacci numbers can sometimes be evaluated in terms of theta functions. For example, we can write the sum of every odd-indexed reciprocal Fibonacci number as

and the sum of squared reciprocal Fibonacci numbers as

If we add 1 to each Fibonacci number in the first sum, there is also the closed form

and there is a nice nested sum of squared Fibonacci numbers giving the reciprocal of the golden ratio,

Fibonacci number


Results such as these make it plausible that a closed formula for the plain sum of reciprocal Fibonacci numbers could be found, but none is yet known. Despite that, the reciprocal Fibonacci constant

has been proved irrational by Richard Andrˆ-Jeannin. Millin series gives a remarkable identity:[29]

which follows from the closed form for its partial sums as N tends to infinity:

Primes and divisibility
Divisibility properties
Every 3rd number of the sequence is even and more generally, every kth number of the sequence is a multiple of Fk. Thus the Fibonacci sequence is an example of a divisibility sequence. In fact, the Fibonacci sequence satisfies the stronger divisibility property

Fibonacci primes
A Fibonacci prime is a Fibonacci number that is prime. The first few are: 2, 3, 5, 13, 89, 233, 1597, 28657, 514229, ƒ (sequence A005478 in OEIS). Fibonacci primes with thousands of digits have been found, but it is not known whether there are infinitely many.[30] Fkn is divisible by Fn, so, apart from F4 = 3, any Fibonacci prime must have a prime index. As there are arbitrarily long runs of composite numbers, there are therefore also arbitrarily long runs of composite Fibonacci numbers. With the exceptions of 1, 8 and 144 (F1 = F2, F6 and F12) every Fibonacci number has a prime factor that is not a factor of any smaller Fibonacci number (Carmichael's theorem).[31] 144 is the only nontrivial square Fibonacci number.[32] Attila Peth‰ proved[33] in 2001 that there are only finitely many perfect power Fibonacci numbers. In 2006, Y. Bugeaud, M. Mignotte, and S. Siksek proved that only 8 and 144 are non-trivial perfect powers.[34] No Fibonacci number greater than F6 = 8 is one greater or one less than a prime number.[35] Any three consecutive Fibonacci numbers, taken two at a time, are relatively prime: that is, gcd(Fn, Fn+1) = gcd(Fn, Fn+2) = 1. More generally, gcd(Fn, Fm) = Fgcd(n, m).[36][37]

Fibonacci number


Prime divisors of Fibonacci numbers
The divisibility of Fibonacci numbers by a prime p is related to the Legendre symbol follows: which is evaluated as

If p is a prime number then For example,


It is not known whether there exists a prime p such that would be called Wall•Sun•Sun primes. Also, if p „ 5 is an odd prime number then:[40]

. Such primes (if there are any)

Examples of all the cases:

For odd n, all odd prime divisors of Fn are …€1€(mod€4), implying that all odd divisors of Fn (as the products of odd prime divisors) are …€1€(mod€4).[41] For example, F1 = 1, F3 = 2, F5 = 5, F7 = 13, F9 = 34 = 2†17, F11 = 89, F13 = 233, F15 = 610 = 2†5†61

Fibonacci number All known factors of Fibonacci numbers F(i) for all i < 50000 are collected at the relevant repositories.[42][43]


Periodicity modulo n
It may be seen that if the members of the Fibonacci sequence are taken mod€n, the resulting sequence must be periodic with period at most€n2-1. The lengths of the periods for various n form the so-called Pisano periods (sequence A001175 in OEIS). Determining the Pisano periods in general is an open problem, although for any particular n it can be solved as an instance of cycle detection.

Right triangles
Starting with 5, every second Fibonacci number is the length of the hypotenuse of a right triangle with integer sides, or in other words, the largest number in a Pythagorean triple. The length of the longer leg of this triangle is equal to the sum of the three sides of the preceding triangle in this series of triangles, and the shorter leg is equal to the difference between the preceding bypassed Fibonacci number and the shorter leg of the preceding triangle. The first triangle in this series has sides of length 5, 4, and 3. Skipping 8, the next triangle has sides of length 13, 12 (5€+€4€+€3), and 5 (8€€€3). Skipping 21, the next triangle has sides of length 34, 30 (13€+€12€+€5), and 16 (21€€€5). This series continues indefinitely. The triangle sides a, b, c can be calculated directly:

These formulas satisfy

for all n, but they only represent triangle sides when€n€>€2.

Any four consecutive Fibonacci numbers Fn, Fn+1, Fn+2 and Fn+3 can also be used to generate a Pythagorean triple in a different way[44]:

Example 1: let the Fibonacci numbers be 1, 2, 3 and 5. Then:

Since is asymptotic to , the number of digits in is asymptotic to . As a consequence, for every integer there are either 4 or 5 Fibonacci numbers with d decimal digits. More generally, in the base b representation, the number of digits in is asymptotic to .

The Fibonacci numbers are important in the computational run-time analysis of Euclid's algorithm to determine the greatest common divisor of two integers: the worst case input for this algorithm is a pair of consecutive Fibonacci numbers.[45] Yuri Matiyasevich was able to show that the Fibonacci numbers can be defined by a Diophantine equation, which led to his original solution of Hilbert's tenth problem. The Fibonacci numbers are also an example of a complete sequence. This means that every positive integer can be written as a sum of Fibonacci numbers, where any one number is used once at most. Specifically, every positive

Fibonacci number integer can be written in a unique way as the sum of one or more distinct Fibonacci numbers in such a way that the sum does not include any two consecutive Fibonacci numbers. This is known as Zeckendorf's theorem, and a sum of Fibonacci numbers that satisfies these conditions is called a Zeckendorf representation. The Zeckendorf representation of a number can be used to derive its Fibonacci coding. Fibonacci numbers are used by some pseudorandom number generators. Fibonacci numbers are used in a polyphase version of the merge sort algorithm in which an unsorted list is divided into two lists whose lengths correspond to sequential Fibonacci numbers • by dividing the list so that the two parts have lengths in the approximate proportion „. A tape-drive implementation of the polyphase merge sort was described in The Art of Computer Programming. Fibonacci numbers arise in the analysis of the Fibonacci heap data structure. The Fibonacci cube is an undirected graph with a Fibonacci number of nodes that has been proposed as a network topology for parallel computing. A one-dimensional optimization method, called the Fibonacci search technique, uses Fibonacci numbers.[46] The Fibonacci number series is used for optional lossy compression in the IFF 8SVX audio file format used on Amiga computers. The number series compands the original audio wave similar to logarithmic methods such as Š-law.[47][48] Since the conversion factor 1.609344 for miles to kilometers is close to the golden ratio (denoted „), the decomposition of distance in miles into a sum of Fibonacci numbers becomes nearly the kilometer sum when the Fibonacci numbers are replaced by their successors. This method amounts to a radix 2 number register in golden ratio base „ being shifted. To convert from kilometers to miles, shift the register down the Fibonacci sequence instead.[49]


In nature
Fibonacci sequences appear in biological settings,[7] in two consecutive Fibonacci numbers, such as branching in trees, arrangement of leaves on a stem, the fruitlets of a pineapple,[8] the flowering of artichoke, an uncurling fern and the arrangement of a pine cone.[9] In addition, numerous poorly substantiated claims of Fibonacci numbers or golden sections in nature are found in popular sources, e.g., relating to the breeding of rabbits, the seeds on a sunflower, the spirals of shells, and the curve of waves.[50] The Fibonacci numbers are also found in the family tree of honeybees.[51] Przemys‹aw Prusinkiewicz advanced the idea that real instances can in part be understood as the expression of certain algebraic constraints on free groups, specifically as certain Lindenmayer grammars.[52]

Yellow Chamomile head showing the arrangement in 21 (blue) and 13 (aqua) spirals. Such arrangements involving consecutive Fibonacci numbers appear in a wide variety of plants.

Fibonacci number

14 A model for the pattern of florets in the head of a sunflower was proposed by H. Vogel in 1979.[53] This has the form

where n is the index number of the floret and c is a constant scaling factor; the florets thus lie on Fermat's spiral. The divergence angle, approximately 137.51Œ, is the golden angle, dividing the circle in the golden ratio. Because this ratio is irrational, no floret has a neighbor at exactly the same angle from the center, so the florets pack efficiently. Because the rational approximations to the golden ratio are of the form F(j):F(j€+€1), the nearest neighbors of floret number n are those at Illustration of Vogel's model for n=1€... 500 n€•€F(j) for some index j which depends on r, the distance from the center. It is often said that sunflowers and similar arrangements have 55 spirals in one direction and 89 in the other (or some other pair of adjacent Fibonacci numbers), but this is true only of one range of radii, typically the outermost and thus most conspicuous.[54]

The bee ancestry code
Fibonacci numbers also appear in the description of the reproduction of a population of idealized honeybees, according to the following rules: ‚ If an egg is laid by an unmated female, it hatches a male or drone bee. ‚ If, however, an egg was fertilized by a male, it hatches a female. Thus, a male bee will always have one parent, and a female bee will have two. If one traces the ancestry of any male bee (1 bee), he has 1 parent (1 bee), 2 grandparents, 3 great-grandparents, 5 great-great-grandparents, and so on. This sequence of numbers of parents is the Fibonacci sequence. The number of ancestors at each level, Fn, is the number of female ancestors, which is Fn€1, plus the number of male ancestors, which is Fn€2.[55] (This is under the unrealistic assumption that the ancestors at each level are otherwise unrelated.)

The Fibonacci sequence has been generalized in many ways. These include: ‚ Generalizing the index to negative integers to produce the Negafibonacci numbers. ‚ Generalizing the index to real numbers using a modification of Binet's formula.[26] ‚ Starting with other integers. Lucas numbers have L1 = 1, L2 = 3, and Ln = Ln€1 + Ln€2. Primefree sequences use the Fibonacci recursion with other starting points in order to generate sequences in which all numbers are composite. ‚ Letting a number be a linear function (other than the sum) of the 2 preceding numbers. The Pell numbers have Pn = 2Pn • 1 + Pn • 2. ‚ Not adding the immediately preceding numbers. The Padovan sequence and Perrin numbers have P(n) = P(n • 2) + P(n • 3). ‚ Generating the next number by adding 3 numbers (tribonacci numbers), 4 numbers (tetranacci numbers), or more. The resulting sequences are known as n-Step Fibonacci numbers.[56] ‚ Adding other objects than integers, for example functions or strings†one essential example is Fibonacci polynomials.

Fibonacci number


[1] [2] [3] [4] See for example Beck and Geoghegan (2010), or Bona (2011), page 180. Lucas p. 3 Sigler (trans.) (2002), Chapter II.12, pp. 404•405. Susantha Goonatilake (1998). Toward a Global Science (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=SI5ip95BbgEC& pg=PA126& dq=Virahanka+ Fibonacci). Indiana University Press. p.€126. ISBN€978-0-253-33388-9. . [5] Singh, Parmanand (1985). "The So-called Fibonacci numbers in ancient and medieval India". Historia Mathematica 12 (3): 229•244. doi:10.1016/0315-0860(85)90021-7. [6] Donald Knuth (2006). The Art of Computer Programming: Generating All Trees€History of Combinatorial Generation; Volume 4 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=56LNfE2QGtYC& pg=PA50& dq=rhythms). Addison•Wesley. p.€50. ISBN€978-0-321-33570-8. . quote: it was natural to consider the set of all sequences of [L] and [S] that have exactly m beats. ... there are exactly Fm+1 of them. For example the 21 sequences when m€=€7 are: [gives list]. In this way Indian prosodists were led to discover the Fibonacci sequence, as we have observed in Section 1.2.8 (from v.1) [7] S. Douady and Y. Couder (1996). "Phyllotaxis as a Dynamical Self Organizing Process" (http:/ / www. math. ntnu. no/ ~jarlet/ Douady96. pdf) (PDF). Journal of Theoretical Biology 178 (178): 255•274. doi:10.1006/jtbi.1996.0026. . [8] Jones, Judy; William Wilson (2006). "Science". An Incomplete Education. Ballantine Books. p.€544. ISBN€978-0-7394-7582-9. [9] A. Brousseau (1969). "Fibonacci Statistics in Conifers". Fibonacci Quarterly (7): 525•532. [10] Donald Knuth (1968). The Art Of Computer Programming, Volume 1 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=MooMkK6ERuYC& pg=PA100& dq=knuth+ gopala+ fibonacci#v=onepage& ). Addison Wesley. ISBN€81-7758-754-4. .quote: "Before Fibonacci wrote his work, the sequence Fn had already been discussed by Indian scholars, who had long been interested in rhythmic patterns... both Gopala (before 1135AD) and Hemachandra (c.1150) mentioned the numbers 1,2,3,5,8,13,21 explicitly. [See P. Singh Historia Math 12 (1985) 229•244]" p. 100 (3d ed)... [11] [Agrawala. V. S. 1969]. P€‚inik€lƒna Bh€ratavar„a (Hn.). Varanasi-I: TheChowkhamba Vidyabhawan. [12] Velankar, H. D. (1962.). •V•ttaj€tisamuccaya‚ of kavi Virahanka. Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute, Jodhpur. p.101. [13] Knott, Ron. "Fibonacci's Rabbits" (http:/ / www. maths. surrey. ac. uk/ hosted-sites/ R. Knott/ Fibonacci/ fibnat. html#Rabbits). University of Surrey Faculty of Engineering and Physical Sciences. . [14] Martin Gardner (1996). Mathematical Circus. The Mathematical Association of America. ISBN€0-88385-506-2.quote: "It is ironic that Leonardo, who made valuable contributions to mathematics, is remembered today mainly because a 19th-century French number theorist, Edouard Lucas ... attached the name Fibonacci to a number sequence that appears in a trivial problem in Liber abaci." p.153 [15] The website (http:/ / www. maths. surrey. ac. uk/ hosted-sites/ R. Knott/ Fibonacci/ fibtable. html) has the first 300 Fn factored into primes and links to more extensive tables. [16] Knuth, Donald. "Negafibonacci Numbers and the Hyperbolic Plane" Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Mathematical Association of America, The Fairmont Hotel, San Jose, CA. 2008-12-11 <http://research.allacademic.com/meta/p206842_index.html> [17] Lucas p. 7 [18] Weisstein, Eric W., " Binet's Fibonacci Number Formula (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ BinetsFibonacciNumberFormula. html)" from MathWorld. [19] Ball p. 156 [20] Following Ball p. 155-156 [21] Kepler, Johannes (1966). A New Year Gift: On Hexagonal Snow. Oxford University Press. p.€92. ISBN€0-19-858120-3. Strena seu de Nive Sexangula (1611). [22] Gessel, Ira (October 1972). "Fibonacci is a Square" (http:/ / www. fq. math. ca/ Scanned/ 10-4/ advanced10-4. pdf) (PDF). The Fibonacci Quarterly 10 (4): 417-419. . Retrieved April 11, 2012. [23] M.€M‡bius, Wie erkennt man eine Fibonacci Zahl?, Math. Semesterber. (1998) 45; 243•246. [24] Lucas p. 4 [25] Vorobiev, NikolaŽ Nikolaevich; Mircea Martin (2002). "Chapter 1". Fibonacci Numbers. Birkh•user. pp.€5•6. ISBN€3-7643-6135-2. [26] Weisstein, Eric W., " Fibonacci Number (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ FibonacciNumber. html)" from MathWorld. [27] Glaister, P.. Fibonacci power series. The Mathematical Gazette, 1995, p. 521. [28] K‡hler, G•nter (February 1985). "Generating functions of Fibonacci-like sequences and decimal expansions of some fractions" (http:/ / www. fq. math. ca/ Scanned/ 23-1/ kohler. pdf) (PDF). The Fibonacci Quarterly 23 (1): 29•35. . Retrieved December 31, 2011. [29] Weisstein, Eric W., " Millin Series (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ MillinSeries. html)" from MathWorld. [30] Weisstein, Eric W., " Fibonacci Prime (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ FibonacciPrime. html)" from MathWorld. [31] Ron Knott, "The Fibonacci numbers" (http:/ / www. maths. surrey. ac. uk/ hosted-sites/ R. Knott/ Fibonacci/ fibtable. html). [32] J H E Cohn (1964). "Square Fibonacci Numbers Etc" (http:/ / math. la. asu. edu/ ~checkman/ SquareFibonacci. html). Fibonacci Quarterly 2: 109•113. . [33] A. Peth‰, Diophantine properties of linear recursive sequences II, Acta Math. Paedagogicae Ny…regyh†ziensis, 17(2001), 81•96. [34] Y. Bugeaud, M. Mignotte, S. Siksek: Classical and modular approaches to exponential Diophantine equations. I. Fibonacci and Lucas perfect powers. Ann. Math. (2), 163(2006), 969•1018. [35] Ross Honsberger Mathematical Gems III (AMS Dolciani Mathematical Expositions No. 9), 1985, ISBN 0-88385-318-3, p. 133. [36] Paulo Ribenboim, My Numbers, My Friends, Springer-Verlag 2000.

Fibonacci number
[37] Su, Francis E., et al. "Fibonacci GCD's, please." (http:/ / www. math. hmc. edu/ funfacts/ ffiles/ 20004. 5. shtml), Mudd Math Fun Facts. [38] Paulo Ribenboim (1996), The New Book of Prime Number Records, New York: Springer, ISBN 0-387-94457-5, p. 64. [39] Franz Lemmermeyer (2000), Reciprocity Laws, New York: Springer, ISBN 3-540-66957-4, ex 2.25•2.28, pp. 73•74. [40] Lemmermeyer, ex. 2.28, pp. 73•74. [41] Lemmermeyer, ex. 2.27 p. 73. [42] Fibonacci and Lucas factorizations (http:/ / mersennus. net/ fibonacci/ ) collects all known factors of F(i) with i<10000. [43] Factors of Fibonacci and Lucas numbers (http:/ / fibonacci. redgolpe. com/ ) collects all known factors of F(i) with 10000<i<50000. [44] Koshy, Thomas (2007). Elementary number theory with applications. Academic Press. p.€581. ISBN€0-12-372487-2. [45] Knuth, Donald E. (1997). The Art of Computer Programming, Volume 1: Fundamental Algorithms (3rd ed.). Addison•Wesley. ISBN€0-201-89683-4. (p. 343). [46] M. Avriel and D.J. Wilde (1966). "Optimality of the Symmetric Fibonacci Search Technique". Fibonacci Quarterly (3): 265•269. [47] Amiga ROM Kernel Reference Manual, Addison•Wesley 1991. [48] IFF • MultimediaWiki (http:/ / wiki. multimedia. cx/ index. php?title=IFF#Fibonacci_Delta_Compression). [49] Zeckendorf representation (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofmath. org/ index. php/ Zeckendorf_representation). [50] "Fibonacci Flim-Flam" (http:/ / www. lhup. edu/ ~dsimanek/ pseudo/ fibonacc. htm). . [51] "Marks for the da Vinci Code: B•" (http:/ / www. cs4fn. org/ maths/ bee-davinci. php). Computer Science For Fun: CS4FN. . [52] Prusinkiewicz, Przemyslaw; James Hanan (1989). Lindenmayer Systems, Fractals, and Plants (Lecture Notes in Biomathematics). Springer-Verlag. ISBN€0-387-97092-4. [53] Vogel, H (1979). "A better way to construct the sunflower head". Mathematical Biosciences 44 (44): 179•189. doi:10.1016/0025-5564(79)90080-4 [54] Prusinkiewicz, Przemyslaw; Lindenmayer, Aristid (1990). [[The Algorithmic Beauty of Plants (http:/ / algorithmicbotany. org/ papers/ #webdocs)]]. Springer-Verlag. pp.‡101ƒ107. ISBN‡978-0-387-97297-8. . [55] The Fibonacci Numbers and the Ancestry of Bees (http:/ / www1. math. american. edu/ newstudents/ shared/ puzzles/ fibbee. html). [56] Weisstein, Eric W., " Fibonacci n-Step Number (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ Fibonaccin-StepNumber. html)" from MathWorld.


‚ Ball, Keith M. (2003). "Chapter 8: Fibonacci's Rabbits Revisited". Strange Curves, Counting Rabbits, and Other Mathematical Explorations. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press. ISBN€0-691-11321-1. ‚ Beck, Matthias; Geoghegan, Ross (2010). The Art of Proof: Basic Training for Deeper Mathematics. New York: Springer. ‚ B‘na, Mikl‘s (2011). A Walk Through Combinatorics (third ed.). New Jersey: World Scientific. ‚ Lucas, ƒdouard (1891). Thˆorie des nombres. 1. Gauthier-Villars. ‚ Sigler, Laurence E. (2002). Fibonacci‚s Liber Abaci: A Translation into Modern English of Leonardo Pisano‚s Book of Calculation. Sources and Studies in the History of Mathematics and Physical Sciences. Springer. ISBN€0-387-95419-8(hardback), 978-0-387-40737-1 (paperback).

External links
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Fibonacci numbers" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index. php?title=p/f040020), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Fibonacci Sequence (http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b008ct2j) on In Our Time at the BBC. ( listen now (http://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/console/b008ct2j/In_Our_Time_Fibonacci_Sequence)) ‚ " Sloane's A000045 : Fibonacci Numbers (http://oeis.org/A000045)", The On-Line Encyclopedia of Integer Sequences. OEIS Foundation. ‚ Periods of Fibonacci Sequences Mod m (http://www.mathpages.com/home/kmath078/kmath078.htm) at MathPages ‚ Scientists find clues to the formation of Fibonacci spirals in nature (http://www.physorg.com/news97227410. html) ‚ Implementation to calculate Fibonacci sequence in Lisp (http://wikinternet.com/wordpress/code/lisp/ fibonacci-number/)

Perspective (geometry)


Perspective (geometry)
In geometry, two triangles are perspective (or homologic) if, when the sides of each triangle are extended, they meet at three collinear points. The line which goes through the three points is known as the perspectrix, perspective axis, homology axis, or axis of perspectivity. The triangles are said to be perspective from the line.[1] The point at which the lines joining the vertices of the perspective triangle intersect is called the perspector, perspective center, homology center, pole, or center of perspectivity. Karl von Staudt introduced the notation for the relation of triangles ABC and abc.[2]
A diagram of perspective triangles

[1] Weisstein, Eric W., " Perspective Triangles (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ PerspectiveTriangles. html)" from MathWorld. [2] Coxeter 1942 21,2

‚ H. S. M. Coxeter (1942) Non-Euclidean Geometry, University of Toronto Press, reissued 1998 by Mathematical Association of America, ISBN 0-88385-522-4 .

Perspective (visual)


Perspective (visual)
Perspective, in context of vision and visual perception, is the way in which objects appear to the eye based on their spatial attributes; or their dimensions and the position of the eye relative to the objects. There are two main meanings of the term: linear perspective and aerial perspective. The development of new forms of geometric projection in the construction of perspective corresponds with the invention of novel pictorial art forms of visual representation in the Italian Renaissance, since the fourteenth century and up till the end of the sixteenth century, A sharpened pencil in extreme perspective. Note and specifically within the circles of architectural and artistic the shallow depth of field. experimentation and design. Treatises were composed on perspective by eminent theorists of art and architecture, including figures like Leon Battista Alberti, Lorenzo Ghiberti, and Piero della Francesca, aided also by experimental uses of optical devices through the installations of Filippo Brunelleschi. The investigations and writings of these Renaissance theorists of architecture and visual art were informed by the studies in classical optics of thirteenth-century Franciscan perspectivists like Roger Bacon, John Peckham, and Witelo, who all were directly inspired and influenced by the translation into Latin from Arabic of the Book of Optics (known in Latinate renditions as Perspectiva, and in Arabic as Kitab al-manazir) of the eleventh-century Arab polymath and optician, Alhazen (Ibn al-Haytham).[1]

Linear perspective
As objects become more distant they appear smaller because their visual angle decreases. The visual angle of an object is the angle subtended at the eye by a triangle with the object at its base. The greater the distance of the object from the eye, the greater is the height of this triangle, and the less the visual angle. This follows simply from Euclidean geometry.[2] The Sun and the Moon appear to be roughly the same size because the Sun, although much larger, is also much farther away. The relationship between distance and apparent height of objects is an inverse-linear function:

where h is the apparent height, d is the distance of the object, and a is the actual size of the object. So if you want to find the true height of an object in the distance, multiply the apparent height with the distance the object is from you.

Railway tracks appear to meet at a distant point.

Hypothetically, if an object were positioned at the focal point of the light entering the eye (i.e., at the single point in space that the rays of light cross over), it would appear infinitely tall.

Perspective (visual)


Perspective is also seen in the way the parallel lines of railway tracks appear to meet at a distant point, the vanishing point. This point lies on a line, called the geometrical horizon, at the level of the viewer's eye. Because the Earth's surface is curved, the true horizon (the line dividing the ground and the sky) is lower than this apparent horizon. The difference is imperceptibly small when standing on the surface, but noticeable from great height (a person standing on a mountain can see further than someone at ground level). (See horizon for more information.)

A flat road approaching the horizon shows a similar effect when observed obliquely.

In graphic representation, an artist uses intuitive, artistic, scientific, or technical skills to represent the phenomenon of the visual perception of perspective. In simpler terms, these skills are used to add a suggestion of depth to what is ultimately a flat image or drawing. See Perspective (graphical). Forced perspective can be used to deliberately misrepresent an object's size, making something appear larger or smaller than it really is. This is common in film, where a distant castle in the background may in fact only be a cardboard model a few feet high (and much closer to the camera). These are forms of optical illusions.

Aerial perspective
Aerial perspective refers to the effect on the appearance of an ordinary object (i.e., other than a self-luminous object) of being viewed through the atmosphere. In daylight, as an ordinary object gets further from the eye, its contrast with the background is reduced, its colour saturation is reduced and its colour becomes more blue.

Film, television and video games
Perspective in film, television and video games can include first-person view, third-person view and other camera field of view effects.

[1] See: Nader El-Bizri, 'A Philosophical Perspective on Alhazen's Optics', Arabic Sciences and Philosophy (Cambridge University Press), Volume 15 (2005), pp. 189-218; Nader El-Bizri, 'Ibn al-Haytham et le probl’me de la couleur', Oriens-Occidens: Cahiers du centre d'histoire des sciences et des philosophies arabes et mˆdiˆvales, Volume 7 (2009), pp. 201-226. [2] Burton, H. E. (1945). The optics of Euclid. Journal of the Optical Society of America, 35, 357-372.

External links
‚ handprint.com elements of perspective (http://www.handprint.com/HP/WCL/tech10.html) Largest online treatment of linear perspective ‚ Harold Olejarz's Drawing in One-Point Perspective (http://www.olejarz.com/arted/perspective/) Educational Resource

Quartic function


Quartic function
In mathematics, a quartic function, or equation of the fourth degree, is a function of the form

where a is nonzero; or in other words, a polynomial of degree four. Such a function is sometimes called a biquadratic function, but the latter term can occasionally also refer to a quadratic function of a square, having the form

or a product of two quadratic factors, having the form

Setting form:

results in a quartic equation of the
Graph of a polynomial of degree 4, with 3 critical points.

where a „ 0. The derivative of a quartic function is a cubic function. Since a quartic function is a polynomial of even degree, it has the same limit when the argument goes to positive or negative infinity. If a is positive, then the function increases to positive infinity at both sides; and thus the function has a global minimum. Likewise, if a is negative, it decreases to negative infinity and has a global maximum. The quartic is the highest order polynomial equation that can be solved by radicals in the general case (i.e., one where the coefficients can take any value).

Lodovico Ferrari is attributed with the discovery of the solution to the quartic in 1540, but since this solution, like all algebraic solutions of the quartic, requires the solution of a cubic to be found, it couldn't be published immediately.[1] The solution of the quartic was published together with that of the cubic by Ferrari's mentor Gerolamo Cardano in the book Ars Magna (1545). It is reported that even earlier, in 1486, Spanish mathematician Paolo Valmes was burned at the stake for claiming to have solved the quartic equation. Inquisitor General Tom“s de Torquemada allegedly told him that it was the will of God that such a solution be inaccessible to human understanding.[2] However, attempts to find corroborating evidence for this story, or for the existence of Paolo Valmes, have not succeeded.[3] The proof that four is the highest degree of a general polynomial for which such solutions can be found was first given in the Abel•Ruffini theorem in 1824, proving that all attempts at solving the higher order polynomials would be futile. The notes left by ƒvariste Galois prior to dying in a duel in 1832 later led to an elegant complete theory of the roots of polynomials, of which this theorem was one result.[4]

Quartic function


Polynomials of high degrees often appear in problems involving optimization, and sometimes these polynomials happen to be quartics, but this is a coincidence. Quartics often arise in computer graphics and during ray-tracing against surfaces such as quadric or tori surfaces, which are the next level beyond the sphere and developable surfaces. Another frequent generator of quartics is the intersection of two ellipses. In computer-aided manufacturing, the torus is a common shape associated with the endmill cutter. To calculate its location relative to a triangulated surface, the position of a horizontal torus on the Z-axis must be found where it is tangent to a fixed line, and this requires the solution of a general quartic equation to be calculated. Over 10% of the computational time in a CAM system can be consumed simply calculating the solution to millions of quartic equations. A program demonstrating various analytic solutions to the quartic was provided in Graphics Gems Book V.[5] However, none of the three algorithms implemented are unconditionally stable. In an updated version of the paper,[6] which compares the 3 algorithms from the original paper and 2 others, it is demonstrated that computationally stable solutions exist only for 4 of the possible 16 sign combinations of the quartic coefficients.

Solving a quartic equation
The 4 roots ( ) for any quartic equation;


are equal to those of





. However, this formula is too unwieldy for general use, hence other methods or simpler formulas (given below) are generally used.[7]

The roots in terms of these 4 coefficients are given by the formula in the image below:

Quartic Formula

Special cases
Consider the quartic

Degenerate case If a0 = 0 then Q(0) = 0, and so x = 0 is a solution. It follows that Q(x) may be factorised as Q(x) = x”(a4x3 + a3x2 + a2x + a1). The remaining three roots (see Fundamental Theorem of Algebra) can be found by solving the cubic equation a4x3 + a3x2 + a2x + a1 = 0.

Quartic function Evident roots: 1 and €1 and €k If When is a root, we can divide then that is, by and get , so then is a root. Similarly, if


is a root.


is a cubic polynomial, which may be solved to find

's other roots. Similarly, if

is a root,

where If

is some cubic polynomial. then €k is a root and we can factor out ,

And if

then both


are roots Now we can factor out

and get

To get Q 's other roots, we simply solve the quadratic factor. Biquadratic equations If then

We call such a polynomial a biquadratic, which is easy to solve. Let Then Q becomes a quadratic q in



be the roots of q. Then the roots of our quartic Q are

Quasi-symmetric equations
Steps: 1. Divide by x€2. 2. Use variable change z = x + m/x.

The general case, along Ferrari's lines
To begin, the quartic must first be converted to a depressed quartic.

Quartic function Converting to a depressed quartic Let


be the general quartic equation we want to solve. Divide both sides by A to produce a monic polynomial,

The first step should be to eliminate the x3 term. To do this, change variables from x to u, such that . Then

Expanding the powers of the binomials produces

Collecting the same powers of u yields

Now rename the coefficients of u. Let

The resulting equation is

which is a depressed quartic equation. If If then we have a biquadratic equation, which (as explained above) is easily solved; using reverse . and the other roots can be found by dividing by , and solving the then one of the roots is

substitution we can find our values for resulting depressed cubic equation,

Using reverse substitution we can find our values for


Quartic function Ferrari's solution Otherwise, the depressed quartic can be solved by means of a method discovered by Lodovico Ferrari. Once the depressed quartic has been obtained, the next step is to add the valid identity


to equation (1), yielding The effect has been to fold up the u4 term into a perfect square: (u2€+€•)2. The second term, •u2 did not disappear, but its sign has changed and it has been moved to the right side. The next step is to insert a variable y into the perfect square on the left side of equation (2), and a corresponding 2y into the coefficient of u2 in the right side. To accomplish these insertions, the following valid formulas will be added to equation (2),


These two formulas, added together, produce

which added to equation (2) produces

This is equivalent to

The objective now is to choose a value for y such that the right side of equation (3) becomes a perfect square. This can be done by letting the discriminant of the quadratic function become zero. To explain this, first expand a perfect square so that it equals a quadratic function:

The quadratic function on the right side has three coefficients. It can be verified that squaring the second coefficient and then subtracting four times the product of the first and third coefficients yields zero:

Therefore to make the right side of equation (3) into a perfect square, the following equation must be solved:

Multiply the binomial with the polynomial, Divide both sides by €4, and move the €‰2/4 to the right,

This is a cubic equation for y. Divide both sides by 2,

Quartic function Conversion of the nested cubic into a depressed cubic Equation (4) is a cubic equation nested within the quartic equation. It must be solved to solve the quartic. To solve the cubic, first transform it into a depressed cubic by means of the substitution


Equation (4) becomes

Expand the powers of the binomials,

Distribute, collect like powers of v, and cancel out the pair of v2 terms,

This is a depressed cubic equation. Relabel its coefficients,

The depressed cubic now is

Solving the nested depressed cubic The solutions (any solution will do, so pick any of the three complex roots) of equation (5) are computed as (see Cubic equation)


and V is computed according to the two defining equations


, so

Quartic function Folding the second perfect square With the value for y given by equation (6), it is now known that the right side of equation (3) is a perfect square of the form


(This is correct for both signs of square root, as long as the same sign is taken for both square roots. A • is redundant, as it would be absorbed by another • a few equations further down this page.) so that it can be folded: . Note: If ‰ „ 0 then Š + 2y „ 0. If ‰ = 0 then this would be a biquadratic equation, which we solved earlier. Therefore equation (3) becomes . Equation (7) has a pair of folded perfect squares, one on each side of the equation. The two perfect squares balance each other. If two squares are equal, then the sides of the two squares are also equal, as shown by: . Collecting like powers of u produces . Note: The subscript s of and is to note that they are dependent.

Equation (8) is a quadratic equation for u. Its solution is

Simplifying, one gets

This is the solution of the depressed quartic, therefore the solutions of the original quartic equation are

Remember: The two sign, while the sign of

come from the same place in equation (7'), and should both have the same is independent.

Quartic function Summary of Ferrari's method Given the quartic equation


its solution can be found by means of the following calculations:



Otherwise, continue with

(either sign of the square root will do)

(there are 3 complex roots, any one of them will do)

As stated above, Cardano credited Ferrari as the first to discover one of these labyrinthine solutions. The equation he solved was:

which was already in depressed form. It has a pair of solutions that can be found with the set of formulas shown above.

Quartic function Ferrari's solution in the special case of real coefficients If the coefficients of the quartic equation are real then the nested depressed cubic equation (5) also has real coefficients, thus it has at least one real root. Furthermore the cubic function and where • and – are given by (1). This means that (5) has a real root greater than Using this root the term real coefficients.[8] Obtaining alternative solutions by factoring out complex conjugate solutions It could happen that one only obtained one solution through the seven formulae above, because not all four sign patterns are tried for four solutions, and the solution obtained is complex. It may also be the case that one is only looking for a real solution. Let x1 denote the complex solution. If all the original coefficients A, B, C, D and E are real † which should be the case when one desires only real solutions † then there is another complex solution x2, which is the complex conjugate of x1. If the other two roots are denoted as x3 and x4 then the quartic equation can be expressed as , and therefore that (4) has a real root greater than . where P and Q are given by (5) has the properties that


in (8) is always real, which ensures that the two quadratic equations (8) have

but this quartic equation is equivalent to the product of two quadratic equations:





so that equation (9) becomes

Also let there be (unknown) variables w and v such that equation (10) becomes

Multiplying equations (11) and (12) produces

Comparing equation (13) to the original quartic equation, it can be seen that

Quartic function




Equation (12) can be solved for x yielding

These two solutions are the desired real solutions if real solutions exist.

Alternative methods
Factorization into quadratics One can solve a quartic by factoring it into a product of two quadratics.[9] Let

By equating coefficients, this results in the following set of simultaneous equations:

This can be simplified by starting again with a depressed quartic where substituting for , then , and:

, which can be obtained by

It's now easy to eliminate both


by doing the following:

If we set

, then this equation turns into the resolvent cubic equation

which is solved elsewhere. Then:

Quartic function The symmetries in this solution are easy to see. There are three roots of the cubic, corresponding to the three ways that a quartic can be factored into two quadratics, and choosing positive or negative values of for the square root of merely exchanges the two quadratics with one another. The above solution shows that the quartic polynomial with a zero coefficient on the cubic term is factorable into quadratics with rational coefficients if and only if the resolvent cubic has a root which is the square of a rational; this can readily be checked using the rational root test. Galois theory and factorization The symmetric group S4 on four elements has the Klein four-group as a normal subgroup. This suggests using a resolvent cubic whose roots may be variously described as a discrete Fourier transform or a Hadamard matrix transform of the roots; see Lagrange resolvents for the general method. Suppose ri for i from 0 to 3 are roots of If we now set


then since the transformation is an involution we may express the roots in terms of the four si in exactly the same way. Since we know the value s0 = -b/2, we really only need the values for s1, s2 and s3. These we may find by expanding the polynomial

which if we make the simplifying assumption that b=0, is equal to This polynomial is of degree six, but only of degree three in z2, and so the corresponding equation is solvable. By trial we can determine which three roots are the correct ones, and hence find the solutions of the quartic. We can remove any requirement for trial by using a root of the same resolvent polynomial for factoring; if w is any root of (3), and if


We therefore can solve the quartic by solving for w and then solving for the roots of the two factors using the quadratic formula.

Quartic function Algebraic geometry An alternative solution using algebraic geometry is given in (Faucette 1996), and proceeds as follows (more detailed discussion in reference). In brief, one interprets the roots as the intersection of two quadratic curves, then finds the three reducible quadratic curves (pairs of lines) that pass through these points (this corresponds to the resolvent cubic, the pairs of lines being the Lagrange resolvents), and then use these linear equations to solve the quadratic. The four roots of the depressed quartic the intersections of the two quadratic equations substitution may also be expressed as the x coordinates of i.e., using the


that two quadratics intersect in four points is an instance of Bˆzout's theorem. Explicitly, the and thus there is a

four points are for the four roots of the quartic. These four points are not collinear because they lie on the irreducible quadratic

1-parameter family of quadratics (a pencil of curves) passing through these points. Writing the projectivization of the two quadratics as quadratic forms in three variables:

the pencil is given by the forms and

for any point

in the projective line • in other words, where

are not both zero, and multiplying a quadratic form by a constant does not change its quadratic curve of

zeros. This pencil contains three reducible quadratics, each corresponding to a pair of lines, each passing through two of the four points, which can be done different ways. Denote these Given any two of these, their intersection is exactly the four points. The reducible quadratics, in turn, may be determined by expressing the quadratic form as a 3†3 matrix: reducible quadratics correspond to this matrix being singular, which is equivalent to its determinant being zero, and the determinant is a homogeneous degree three polynomial in and and corresponds to the resolvent cubic.

[1] O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Lodovico Ferrari" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/ Ferrari. html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews, . [2] P. Beckmann (1971). A history of ‹ (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=TB6jzz3ZDTEC& pg=PA80). Macmillan. p.€80. . [3] P. Zoll (1989). "Letter to the Editor". American Mathematical Monthly 96 (8): 709•710. JSTOR€2324719. [4] Stewart, Ian, Galois Theory, Third Edition (Chapman & Hall/CRC Mathematics, 2004) [5] http:/ / www. acm. org/ pubs/ tog/ GraphicsGems/ gems. html#gemsv [6] http:/ / www-staff. it. uts. edu. au/ ~don/ pubs/ solving. html [7] http:/ / planetmath. org/ QuarticFormula. html, PlanetMath, quartic formula, 21st October 2012 [8] Carstensen, Jens, Komplekse tal, First Edition, (Systime 1981), ISBN 87-87454-71-8. (Danish) [9] Brookfield, G. (2007). "Factoring quartic polynomials: A lost art". Mathematics Magazine 80 (1): 67•70.

Further reading
‚ Cardano, Gerolamo (1545), Ars magna or The Rules of Algebra, Dover (published 1993), ISBN€0-486-67811-3 ‚ Faucette, William Mark (1996), "A Geometric Interpretation of the Solution of the General Quartic Polynomial", The American Mathematical Monthly 103 (1): 51•57, doi:10.2307/2975214, CiteSeerX: (http:// citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi= ‚ Nickalls, R. W. D. (2009). "The quartic equation: invariants and Euler's solution revealed" (http://www.nickalls. org/dick/papers/maths/quartic2009.pdf). Mathematical Gazette 93: 66•75. ‚ Carpenter, W. (1966). "On the solution of the real quartic". Mathematics Magazine 39: 28•30. ‚ Shmakov, S.L. (2011). "A Universal Method of Solving Quartic Equations" (http://www.ijpam.eu/contents/ 2011-71-2/7/7.pdf). International Journal of Pure and Applied Mathematics 71: 251•259.

Quartic function


External links
‚ Quartic formula as four single equations (http://planetmath.org/encyclopedia/QuarticFormula.html) at PlanetMath ‚ Ferrari's achievement (http://members.tripod.com/l_ferrari/quartic_equation.htm) ‚ Calculator for solving Quartics (also solves Cubics and Quadratics) (http://www.freewebs.com/brianjs/ ultimateequationsolver.htm)

Lodovico Ferrari


Lodovico Ferrari
Lodovico Ferrari
Born Died Bologna, Italy October 5, 1565

Nationality Italian Fields mathematics

Known€for quartic equations Influences Gerolamo Cardano

Lodovico Ferrari (February 2, 1522 • October 5, 1565) was an Italian mathematician. Born in Bologna, Italy, Lodovico's grandfather, Bartholomew Ferrari, was forced out of Milan to Bologna. Lodovico settled in Bologna, Italy and he began his career as the servant of Gerolamo Cardano. He was extremely bright, so Cardano started teaching him mathematics. Ferrari aided Cardano on his solutions for quadratic equations and cubic equations, and was mainly responsible for the solution of quartic equations that Cardano published. While still in his teens, Ferrari was able to obtain a prestigious teaching post after Cardano resigned from it and recommended him. Ferrari eventually retired young (only 42) and quite rich. He then moved back to his home town of Bologna where he lived with his widowed sister Maddalena to take up a professorship of mathematics at the University of Bologna in 1565. Shortly thereafter, he died of white arsenic poisoning, allegedly murdered by his greedy sister.

Further reading
Jayawardene, S. A. (1970•80). "Ferrari, Ludovico". Dictionary of Scientific Biography. 4. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons. pp.€586-8. ISBN€0684101149.

External links
‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Lodovico Ferrari" [1], MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews.

[1] http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/ Ferrari. html

Gerolamo Cardano


Gerolamo Cardano
Gerolamo Cardano

Gerolamo Cardano Born 24 September 1501 Pavia 21 September 1576 (aged€74) Rome Italian Mathematics Medicine


Nationality Fields

Alma mater University of Pavia Known€for Algebra

Gerolamo (or Girolamo, or Geronimo) Cardano (French: JˆrŒme Cardan; Latin: Hieronymus Cardanus; 24 September 1501 • 21 September 1576) was an Italian Renaissance mathematician, physician, astrologer and gambler.[1] He wrote more than 200 works on medicine, mathematics, physics, philosophy, religion, and music.[2] His gambling led him to formulate elementary rules in probability, making him one of the founders of the field.

Early life and education
He was born in Pavia, Lombardy, the illegitimate child of Fazio Cardano, a mathematically gifted lawyer, who was a friend of Leonardo da Vinci. In his autobiography, Cardano claimed that his mother had attempted to abort him. Shortly before his birth, his mother had to move from Milan to Pavia to escape the Plague; her three other children died from the disease. In 1520, he entered the University of Pavia and later in Padua studied medicine. His eccentric and confrontational style did not earn him many friends and he had a difficult time finding work after his studies ended. In 1525, Cardano repeatedly applied to the College of Physicians in Milan, but was not admitted owing to his combative reputation and illegitimate birth. Eventually, he managed to develop a considerable reputation as a physician and his services were highly valued at the courts. He was the first to describe typhoid fever. In 1553 he cured the Scottish Archbishop of St Andrews of a disease that had left him speechless and was thought incurable. The diplomat Thomas Randolph recorded the "merry tales" rumoured about his methods still current in Edinburgh nine years later.[3] Cardano himself wrote that the Archbishop had been short of breath for ten years, and after the cure was effected by his assistant, he was paid 1,400 gold crowns.[4]

Gerolamo Cardano


Today, he is best known for his achievements in algebra. Cardano was the first mathematician to make systematic use of numbers less than zero.[5] He published the solutions to the cubic and quartic equations in his 1545 book Ars [6] Magna. The solution to one particular case of the cubic equation (in modern notation), was communicated to him by Niccol— Fontana Tartaglia (who later claimed that Cardano had sworn not to reveal it, and engaged Cardano in a decade-long fight), and the quartic was solved by Cardano's student Lodovico Ferrari. Both were acknowledged in the foreword of the book, as well as in several places within its body. In his exposition, he acknowledged the existence of what are now called imaginary numbers, although he did not understand their properties (described for the first time by his Italian contemporary Rafael Bombelli, although mathematical field theory was developed centuries later). In Opus novum de proportionibus he introduced the binomial coefficients and the binomial theorem. Cardano was notoriously short of money and kept himself solvent by being an accomplished gambler and chess player. His book about games of chance, Liber de ludo aleae ("Book on Games of Chance"), written in 1526, but not published until 1663, contains the first systematic treatment of probability, as well as a section on effective cheating methods. Cardano invented several mechanical devices including the combination lock, the gimbal consisting of three concentric rings allowing a supported compass or gyroscope to rotate freely, and the Cardan shaft with universal joints, which allows the transmission of rotary motion at various angles and is used in vehicles to this day. He studied hypocycloids, published in de proportionibus 1570. The generating circles of these hypocycloids were later named Cardano circles or cardanic circles and were used for the construction of the first high-speed printing presses.[7] He made several contributions to hydrodynamics and held that perpetual motion is impossible, except in celestial bodies. He published two encyclopedias of natural science which contain a wide variety of inventions, facts, and occult superstitions. He also introduced the Cardan grille, a cryptographic tool, in 1550.
Portrait of Cardano on display at the School of Mathematics and Statistics, University of St Andrews.

Someone also assigned to Cardano the credit for the invention of the so-called Cardano's Rings, also called Chinese Rings, but it is very probable that they are more ancient than Cardano. Significantly, in the history of education of the deaf, he said that deaf people were capable of using their minds, argued for the importance of teaching them, and was one of the first to state that deaf people could learn to read and write without learning how to speak first. He was familiar with a report by Rudolph Agricola about a deaf mute who had learned to write.

De Subtilitate 1552
As quoted from Charles Lyell's Principles of Geology: The title of a work of Cardano's, published in 1552, 'De Subtilitate' (corresponding to what would now be called Transcendental Philosophy), would lead us to expect, in the chapter on minerals, many far fetched theories characteristic of that age; but when treating of petrified shells, he decided that they clearly indicated the former sojourn of the sea upon the mountains.[8]

Gerolamo Cardano


Later years
Cardano's eldest and favorite son was executed in 1560 after he confessed to having poisoned his cuckolding wife. His other son was a gambler, who stole money from him. He allegedly cropped the ears of one of his sons. Cardano himself was accused of heresy in 1570 because he had computed and published the horoscope of Jesus in 1554. Apparently, his own son contributed to the prosecution, bribed by Tartaglia. He was arrested, had to spend several months in prison and was forced to abjure his professorship. He moved to Rome, received a lifetime annuity from Pope Gregory XIII (after first having been rejected by Pope Pius V) and finished his autobiography. It appears that he was still practicing medicine up to his death in 1576.[2] The date of his death is disputed, most probably he was still alive in 1577.

References in literature
Richard Hinckley Allen tells of an amusing reference made by Samuel Butler in his book Hudibras: Cardan believ'd great states depend Upon the tip o'th' Bear's tail's end; That, as she wisk'd it t'wards the Sun, Strew'd mighty empires up and down; Which others say must needs be false, Because your true bears have no tails. Alessandro Manzoni's novel I Promessi Sposi portrays a pedantic scholar of the obsolete, Don Ferrante, as a great admirer of Cardano. Significantly, he values him only for his superstitious and astrological writings; his scientific writings are dismissed because they contradict Aristotle, but excused on the ground that the author of the astrological works deserves to be listened to even when he is wrong. English novelist E M Forster's Abinger Harvest, a 1936 volume of essays, authorial reviews and a play, provides a sympathetic treatment of Cardano in the section titled 'The Past'. Forster believes Cardano was too absorbed in "self-analysis that he often forgot to repent of his bad temper, his stupidity, his licentiousness, and love of revenge" (212).[9]

‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ De malo recentiorum medicorum usu libellus, Venice, 1536 (on medicine). Practica arithmetice et mensurandi singularis, Milan, 1539 (on mathematics). Artis magnae, sive de regulis algebraicis (also known as Ars magna), Nuremberg, 1545 (on algebra).[10] De immortalitate (on alchemy). Opus novum de proportionibus [11] (on mechanics) (Archimedes Project). Contradicentium medicorum (on medicine). De subtilitate rerum, Nuremberg, Johann Petreius, 1550 (on natural phenomena). De libris propriis, Leiden, 1557 (commentaries). De varietate rerum, Basle, Heinrich Petri, 1559 (on natural phenomena). Neronis encomium, Basle, 1562. De Methodo medendi, 1565 Opus novum de proportionibus numerorum, motuum, ponderum, sonorum, aliarumque rerum mensurandarum. Item de aliza regula, Basel, 1570. ‚ De vita propria, 1576 (autobiography); a later edition, De Propria Vita Liber, Amsterdam, (1654) [12] ‚ Liber de ludo aleae, ("On Casting the Die")[13] posthumous (on probability).

Gerolamo Cardano ‚ De Musica, ca 1546 (on music theory), posthumously published in Hieronymi Cardani Mediolensis opera omnia, Sponius, Lyons, 1663 ‚ De Consolatione, Venice, 1542


[1] Patty, Peter Fletcher, Hughes Hoyle, C. Wayne (1991). Foundations of Discrete Mathematics (International student ed. ed.). Boston: PWS-KENT Pub. Co.. p.€207. ISBN€0-53492-373-9. "Cardano was a physician, astrologer, and mathematician.... [He] supported his wife and three children by gambling and casting horoscopes." [2] Westfall, Richard S.. "Cardano, Girolamo" (http:/ / www. webcitation. org/ 69HDd2llY). The Galileo Project. rice.edu. Archived from the original (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ Catalog/ NewFiles/ cardano. html) on 2012-07-19. . Retrieved 2012-07-19. [3] Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol.1 (1898), p.592: Melville, James, Memoirs of his own life, Brookman, (1833), 21, 73 [4] Cardanus, Gerolamo, De Propria Vita Liber: His Own Life, Amsterdam, (1654) (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=blA9AAAAcAAJ& source=gbs_navlinks_s), pp.136-7, (Latin) [5] Issac Asimov, "Asimov On Numbers", published by Pocket Books, a division of Simon & Schuster, Inc. 1966, 1977, page 119. [6] David Burton, The History of Mathematics: An Introduction, 7th edition. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2010. [7] "Jerome Cardan: A Biographical Study (Dodo Press) Summary" (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books/ about/ Jerome_Cardan. html?id=GNpEPgAACAAJ& redir_esc=y). . [8] Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mmIOAAAAQAAJ& ), 1832, p.29 [9] Forster, E. M. [10] http:/ / www. filosofia. unimi. it/ cardano/ testi/ operaomnia/ vol_4_s_4. pdf An electronic copy of his book Ars Magna (in Latin) [11] http:/ / archimedes. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ cgi-bin/ toc/ toc. cgi?dir=carda_propo_015_la_1570;step=thumb [12] http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=blA9AAAAcAAJ& source=gbs_navlinks_s [13] p963, Jan Gullberg, Mathematics from the birth of numbers, W. W. Norton & Company; ISBN 0-393-04002-X ISBN 978-0393040029

‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Cardano, Girolamo, Astrological Aphorisms of Cardan, The. Edmonds, WA: Sure Fire Press, 1989. Cardano, Girolamo, The Book of My Life. trans. by Jean Stoner. New York: New York Review of Books, 2002. Ore, ˜ystein: Cardano, the Gambling Scholar. Princeton, 1953. Cardano, Girolamo, Opera omnia, Charles Sponi, ed., 10 vols. Lyons, 1663. Dunham, William, Journey through Genius, Chapter 6, Penguin, 1991. Discusses Cardano's life and solution of the cubic equation. Sirasi, Nancy G. The Clock and the Mirror: Girolamo Cardano and Renaissance Medicine. Princeton University Press,1997. Grafton, Anthony, Cardano's Cosmos: The Worlds and Works of a Renaissance Astrologer. Harvard University Press, 2001. Morley, Henry The life of Girolamo Cardano, of Milan, Physician 2 vols. Chapman and Hall, London 1854. Ekert, Artur "Complex and unpredictable Cardano. International Journal of Theoretical Physics, Vol. 47, Issue 8, pp.‡2101ƒ2119. arXiv e-print (arXiv:0806.0485). Girolamo Cardano "Nero:an Exemplary Life" Inckstone 2012, translation in English of the Neronis Encomium.

Gerolamo Cardano


External links
‚ A recreational article about Cardano and the discovery of the two basic ingredients of quantum theory, probability and complex numbers. (http://www.arturekert.org/Site/Varia_files/NewCardano.pdf) ‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Gerolamo Cardano" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Cardan.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. ‚ http://it.wikisource.org/wiki/Categoria:Testi_in_cui_%C3%A8_citato_Girolamo_Cardano ‚ Linda Hall Library History of Science Collection (http://www.chlt.org/sandbox/lhl/dsb/page.64.php) ‚ Jerome Cardan, a Biographical Study (http://www.gutenberg.org/etext/19600), 1898, by William George Waters, from Project Gutenberg ‚ "Girolamo Cardan" (http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/03332a.htm). Catholic Encyclopedia. ‚ Girolamo Cardano, Strumenti per la storia del Rinascimento in Italia settentrionale (in Italian) (http://www. filosofia.unimi.it/cardano/index.php) and English (http://translate.google.com/translate?hl=en&sl=it& u=http://www.filosofia.unimi.it/cardano/index.php?page=biblio&sa=X&oi=translate&resnum=2& ct=result&prev=/search?q=http://www.filosofia.unimi.it/cardano/index.php&hl=en&sa=G) ‚ Online Galleries, History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries (http://hos.ou.edu/ galleries//16thCentury/Cardano/) High resolution images of works by and/or portraits of Gerolamo Cardano in .jpg and .tiff format. ‚ Forster, E.M. (1936) 'Cardan' in Abinger Harvest. Middlesex,UK: Penguin Books Ltd. pp. 208-221.

Ars Magna (Gerolamo Cardano)


Ars Magna (Gerolamo Cardano)
The Ars Magna (Latin: "The Great Art") is an important book on Algebra written by Girolamo Cardano. It was first published in 1545 under the title Artis Magn•, Sive de Regulis Algebraicis Liber Unus (Book number one about The Great Art, or The Rules of Algebra). There was a second edition in Cardano's lifetime, published in 1570. It is considered[1] one of the three greatest scientific treatises of the early Renaissance, together with Copernicus' De revolutionibus orbium coelestium and Vesalius' De humani corporis fabrica. The first editions of these three books were published within a two year span (1543•1545).

In 1535, Niccol— Fontana Tartaglia became famous for having solved cubics of the form x3€+€ax€=€b (with a,b€>€0). However, he chose to keep his method secret. In 1539, Cardano, then a lecturer in mathematics at the Piatti Foundation in Milan, published his first mathematical book, Pratica Arithmetic• et mensurandi singularis (The Practice of Arithmetic and Simple Mensuration). That same year, he asked Tartaglia to The title page of the Ars Magna. The full title is Artis Magn•, explain to him his method for solving cubic equations. Sive de Regulis Algebraicis Liber Unus (Book number one about The Great Art, or The Rules of Algebra). After some reluctance, Tartaglia did so, but he asked Cardano not to share the information until he published it. Cardano submerged himself in mathematics during the next several years working on how to extend Tartaglia's formula to other types of cubics. Furthermore, his student Lodovico Ferrari found a way of solving quartic equations, but Ferrari's method depended upon Tartaglia's, since it involved the use of an auxiliary cubic equation. Then Cardano become aware of the fact that Scipione del Ferro had discovered Tartaglia's formula before Tartaglia himself, a discovery that prompted him to publish these results.

The book, which is divided into forty chapters, contains the first published solution to cubic and quartic equations. Cardano acknowledges that Tartaglia gave him the formula for solving a type of cubic equations and that the same formula had been discovered by Scipiano del Ferro. He also acknowledges that it was Ferrari who found a way of solving quartic equations. Since at the time negative numbers were not generally acknowledged, knowing how to solve cubics of the form x3€+€ax€=€b did not mean knowing how to solve cubics of the form x3€=€ax€+€b (with a,b€>€0), for instance. Besides, Cardano, also explains how to reduce equations of the form x3€+€ax2€+€bx€+€c€=€0 to cubic equations without a quadratic term, but, again, he has to consider several cases. In all, Cardano was driven to the study of thirteen different types of cubic equations (chapters XI•XXIII).

Ars Magna (Gerolamo Cardano) In Ars Magna the concept of multiple root appears for the first time (chapter I). The first example that Cardano provides of a polynomial equation with multiple roots is x3€=€12x€+€16, of which €2 is a double root. Ars Magna also contains the first occurrence of complex numbers (chapter€XXXVII). The problem mentioned by Cardano which leads to square roots of negative numbers is: find two numbers whose sum is equal to 10 and whose product is equal to 40. The answer is 5€+€‡€15 and 5€€€‡€15. Cardano called this "sophistic," because he saw no physical meaning to it, but boldly wrote "nevertheless we will operate" and formally calculated that their product does indeed equal 40. Cardano then says that this answer is ˆas subtle as it is useless‰. It is a common misconception that Cardano introduced complex numbers in solving cubic equations. Since (in modern notation) Cardano's formula for a root of the polynomial x3€+€px€+€q€ is


square roots of negative numbers appear naturally in this context. However, q2/4€+€p3/27 never happens to be negative in the specific cases in which Cardano applies the formula.[2]

[1] See, for instance, the foreword that Oystein Ore wrote for the English translation of the book, mentioned at the bibliography. [2] This does not mean that no cubic equation occurs in Ars Magna for which q2/4€+€p3/27€<€0. For instance, chapter€I contains the equation x3€+€9€=€12x, for which q2/4€+€p3/27€=€€175/4. However, Cardano never applies his formula in those cases.

‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Calinger, Ronald (1999), A contextual history of Mathematics, Prentice-Hall, ISBN€0-02-318285-7 Cardano, Gerolamo (1545), Ars magna or The Rules of Algebra, Dover (published 1993), ISBN€0-486-67811-3 Gindikin, Simon (1988), Tales of physicists and mathematicians, Birkh•user, ISBN€3-7643-3317-0 GIROLAMO cardano "Nero:an exemplary life" Inkstone, 2012. First English translation of the Neronis Encomium.

External links
‚ .pdf of Ars Magna (http://www.filosofia.unimi.it/cardano/testi/operaomnia/vol_4_s_4.pdf) (in Latin) ‚ Cardano's biography (http://www-gap.dcs.st-and.ac.uk/~history/Biographies/Cardan.html)

Nicolaus Copernicus


Nicolaus Copernicus
Nicolaus Copernicus

Portrait, 1580, Toru™ Old Town City Hall Born 19 February 1473 Toru™ (Thorn), Royal Prussia, Kingdom of Poland 24 May 1543 (aged€70) Frombork (Frauenburg), Prince-Bishopric of Warmia, Royal Prussia, Kingdom of Poland Mathematics, astronomy, canon law, medicine, economics



Alma mater Krak‘w University Bologna University University of Padua University of Ferrara Known€for Heliocentrism Copernicus' Law Signature

Nicolaus Copernicus (German: Nikolaus Kopernikus; Italian: NicolŽ Copernico; Polish: Miko•aj Kopernik) (19€February 1473 • 24€May 1543) was a Renaissance astronomer and the first person to formulate a comprehensive heliocentric cosmology which displaced the Earth from the center of the universe.[1] Copernicus' epochal book, De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres), published just before his death in 1543, is often regarded as the starting point of modern astronomy and the defining epiphany that began the scientific revolution. His heliocentric model, with the Sun at the center of the universe, demonstrated that the observed motions of celestial objects can be explained without putting Earth at rest in the center of the universe. His work stimulated further scientific investigations, becoming a landmark in the history of science that is often referred to as the Copernican Revolution. Among the great polymaths of the Renaissance, Copernicus was a mathematician, astronomer, jurist with a doctorate in law, physician, quadrilingual polyglot, classics scholar, translator, artist,[2] Catholic cleric, governor, diplomat and economist.

Nicolaus Copernicus


Nicolaus Copernicus was born on 19 February 1473 in the city of Toru™ (Thorn), in the province of Royal Prussia, in the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland.[3][4] His father was a merchant from Krak‘w and his mother was the daughter of a wealthy Toru™ merchant. Nicolaus was the youngest of four children. His brother Andreas (Andrew) became an Augustinian canon at Frombork (Frauenburg). His sister Barbara, named after her mother, became a Benedictine nun and, in her final years (she died after 1517), prioress of a convent in Che‹mno (Kulm). His sister Katharina married the businessman and Toru™ city councilor Barthel Gertner and left five children, whom Copernicus looked after to the end of his life.[5] Copernicus never married or had children. "Towards the close of 1542, he was seized with apoplexy and paralysis." He died on 24 May 1543, on the day that he was presented with an advance copy of his De revolutionibus orbium coelestium.[6]
Toru™ birthplace (ul. Kopernika 15, left). Together with the house at no. 17 (right), it forms the Muzeum Miko•aja Kopernika.

Father's family
The fatherŠs family can be traced to a village in Silesia near Nysa (Neiše). The village's name has been variously spelled Kopernik,[7] K‡ppernig, K‡ppernick, and today Koperniki. In the 14th century, members of the family began moving to various other Silesian cities, to the Polish capital, Krak‘w (Cracow, 1367), and to Toru™ (1400). The father, likely the son of Jan, came from the Krak‘w line.[8] Nicolaus was named after his father, who appears in records for the first time as a well-to-do merchant who dealt in copper, selling it mostly in Danzig (Gda™sk).[9][10] He moved from Krak‘w to Toru™ around 1458.[11] Toru™, situated on the Vistula River, was at that time embroiled in the Thirteen Years' War (1454•66), in which the Kingdom of Poland and the Prussian Confederation, an alliance of Prussian cities, gentry and clergy, fought the Teutonic Order over control of the region. In this war Hanseatic cities like Danzig and Toru™, the hometown of Nicolaus Copernicus, chose to support the Polish king, who promised to respect the cities' traditional vast independence, which the Teutonic Order had challenged. Nicolaus' father was actively engaged in the politics of the day and supported Poland and the cities against the Teutonic Order.[12] In 1454 he mediated negotiations between PolandŠs Cardinal Zbigniew Ole›nicki and the Prussian cities for repayment of war loans. In the Second Peace of Thorn (1466), the Teutonic Order formally relinquished all claims to its western provinces, which as Royal Prussia remained a region of Poland for the next 300 years. The father married Barbara Watzenrode, the astronomer's mother, between 1461 and 1464. He died sometime between 1483 and 1485. Upon the fatherŠs death, young NicolausŠ maternal uncle, Lucas Watzenrode the Younger (1447•1512), took the boy under his protection and saw to his education and career.

Nicolaus Copernicus


Mother's family
NicolausŠ mother, Barbara Watzenrode, was the daughter of Lucas Watzenrode the Elder and his wife Katherine (nˆe Modlib‘g).[13][14][15] Not much is known about her life, but she is believed to have died when Nicolaus was a small boy. The Watzenrodes had come from the Schweidnitz (œwidnica) region of Silesia and had settled in Toru™ after 1360, becoming prominent members of the cityŠs patrician class.[16] Through the Watzenrodes' extensive family relationships by marriage, they were related to wealthy families of Toru™, Danzig and Elbl•g (Elbing), and to the prominent Czapski, Dzia‹y™ski, Konopacki and Ko›cielecki noble families.[17] The Modlib‘gs (literally, in Polish, "Pray to God") were a prominent Polish family who had been well known in Poland's history since 1271.[15] Lucas and Katherine had three children: Lucas Watzenrode the Younger, who would become Copernicus' patron; Barbara, the astronomer's mother; and Christina, who in 1459 married the merchant and mayor of Toru™,

Copernicus' maternal uncle, Lucas Watzenrode the Younger

Tiedeman von Allen. Lucas Watzenrode the Elder was well regarded in Toru™ as a devout man and honest merchant, and he was active politically. He was a decided opponent of the Teutonic Knights and an ally of Polish King Casimir IV Jagiellon.[18] In 1453 he was the delegate from Toru™ at the Grudzi•dz (Graudenz) conference that planned to ally the cities of the Prussian Confederation with Casimir IV in their subsequent war against the Teutonic Knights.[5] During the Thirteen Years' War that ensued the following year, he actively supported the war effort with substantial monetary subsidies, with political activity in Toru™ and Danzig, and by personally fighting in battles at žasin (Lessen) and Malbork (Marienburg).[19] He died in 1462. Lucas Watzenrode the Younger, the astronomer's maternal uncle and patron, was educated at the University of Krak‘w (now Jagiellonian University) and at the universities of Cologne and Bologna. He was a bitter opponent of the Teutonic Order,[20][21] and its Grand Master once referred to him as ˆthe devil incarnate.‰[22] In 1489 Watzenrode was elected Bishop of Warmia (Ermeland, Ermland) against the preference of King Casimir IV, who had hoped to install his own son in that seat. As a result, Watzenrode quarreled with the king until Casimir IVŠs death three years later.[23] Watzenrode was then able to form close relations with three successive Polish monarchs: John I Albert, Alexander Jagiellon, and Sigismund I the Old. He was a friend and key advisor to each ruler, and his influence greatly strengthened the ties between Warmia and Poland proper.[24][25] Watzenrode came to be considered the most powerful man in Warmia, and his wealth, connections and influence allowed him to secure CopernicusŠ education and career as a canon at Frombork Cathedral.

Nicolaus Copernicus


Copernicus is postulated to have spoken Latin, German, and Polish with equal fluency. He also spoke Greek and Italian.[26][27][28][29] The vast majority of CopernicusŠ surviving works are in Latin, which in his lifetime was the language of academia in Europe. Latin was also the official language of the Roman Catholic Church and of Poland's royal court, and thus all of CopernicusŠ correspondence with the Church and with Polish leaders was in Latin. There survive a few documents written by Copernicus in German. Martin Carrier mentions this as a reason to consider CopernicusŠ native language to have been German.[30] Other arguments are that Copernicus was born in a predominantly German-speaking town and that, while studying law at Bologna in 1496, he signed into the German natio (Natio Germanorum)†a student organization which, according to its 1497 by-laws, was open to students of all kingdoms and states whose mother-tongue ("Muttersprache") was German.[31] However, according to French philosopher Alexandre German-language letter from Copernicus Koyre, this in itself does not imply that Copernicus considered himself to Duke Albert of Prussia, giving medical advice for George von Kunheim (1541) German, since students from Prussia and Silesia were routinely placed in that category, which carried certain privileges that made it a natural choice for German-speaking students, regardless of their ethnicity or self-identification.[31][32][33][34][35][36]

In CopernicusŠ day, people were often called after the places where they lived. Like the Silesian village that inspired it, CopernicusŠ surname has been spelled variously. Today the English-speaking world knows the astronomer principally by the Latinized name, "Nicolaus Copernicus." The surname likely had something to do with the local Silesian copper-mining industry,[37] though some scholars assert that it may have been inspired by the dill plant (in Polish, "koperek" or "kopernik") that grows wild in Silesia.[38] As was to be the case with William Shakespeare a century later,[39] numerous spelling variants of the name are documented for the astronomer and his relatives. The name first appeared as a place name in Silesia in the 13th century, where it was spelled variously in Latin documents. Copernicus "was rather indifferent about orthography."[40] During his childhood, the name of his father (and thus of the future astronomer) was recorded in Thorn as Niclas Koppernigk around 1480.[41][42] At Krak‘w he signed his name "Nicolaus Nicolai de Torunia."[14] At Bologna in 1496, he registered in the Matricula Nobilissimi Germanorum Collegii resp. Annales Clarissimae Nacionis Germanorum of the Natio Germanica Bononiae as Dominus Nicolaus Kopperlingk de Thorn ƒ IX grosseti.[43][44] At Padua, Copernicus signed his name "Nicolaus Copernik", later as "Coppernicus."[40] He signed a self-portrait, a copy of which is now at Jagiellonian University, "N Copernic."[45] The astronomer Latinized his name to Coppernicus, generally with two "p"s (in 23 of 31 documents studied),[46] but later in life he used a single "p". On the title page of De revolutionibus, Rheticus published the name as (in the genitive, or possessive, case) "Nicolai Copernici".

Nicolaus Copernicus


Copernicus' uncle Watzenrode maintained contacts with the leading intellectual figures in Poland and was a friend of the influential Italian-born humanist and Krak‘w courtier, Filippo Buonaccorsi.[47] Watzenrode seems first to have sent young Copernicus to the St. John's School at Thorn where he himself had been a master. Later, according to Armitage (some scholars differ), the boy attended the Cathedral School at W‹oc‹awek, up the Vistula River from Thorn, which prepared pupils for entrance to the University of Krak‘w, Watzenrode's alma mater in Poland's capital.[48]
Collegium Maius, Krak‘w In the winter semester of 1491•92 Copernicus, as "Nicolaus Nicolai de Thuronia," matriculated together with his brother Andrew at the University of Krak‘w (now Jagiellonian University). Copernicus began his studies in the Department of Arts (from the fall of 1491, presumably until the summer or fall of 1495) in the heyday of the Krak‘w astronomical-mathematical school, acquiring the foundations for his subsequent mathematical achievements. According to a later but credible tradition (Jan BroŸek), Copernicus was a pupil of Albert Brudzewski, who by then (from 1491) was a professor of Aristotelian philosophy but taught astronomy privately outside the university; Copernicus became familiar with BroŸek's widely read commentary to Georg von Nicolaus Copernicus Monument Peuerbach's Theoric• nov• planetarum and almost certainly in Krak‘w attended the lectures of Bernard of Biskupie and Wojciech Krypa of Szamotu‹y and probably other astronomical lectures by Jan of G‹og‘w, Michael of Wroc‹aw (Breslau), Wojciech of Pniewy and Marcin Bylica of Olkusz.[49]

Copernicus' Krak‘w studies gave him a thorough grounding in the mathematical-astronomical knowledge taught at the university (arithmetic, geometry, geometric optics, cosmography, theoretical and computational astronomy), a good knowledge of the philosophical and natural-science writings of Aristotle (De coelo, Metaphysics) and Averroes (which later would play an important role in shaping his theory), stimulated his interest in learning, and made him conversant with humanistic culture. Copernicus broadened the knowledge that he took from the university lecture halls with independent reading of books that he acquired during his Krak‘w years (Euclid, Haly Abenragel, the Alfonsine Tables, Johannes Regiomontanus' Tabulae directionum); to this period, probably, also date his earliest scientific notes, now preserved partly at Uppsala University.[50] At Krak‘w Copernicus began collecting a large library on astronomy; it would later be carried off as war booty by the Swedes during the Deluge and is now at the Uppsala University Library. Copernicus' four years at Krak‘w played an important role in the development of his critical faculties and initiated his analysis of the logical contradictions in the two most popular systems of astronomy†Aristotle's theory of homocentric spheres, and Ptolemy's mechanism of eccentrics and epicycles†the surmounting and discarding of which constituted the first step toward the creation of Copernicus' own doctrine of the structure of the universe.[50] Without taking a degree, probably in the fall of 1495, Copernicus left Krak‘w for the court of his uncle Watzenrode, who in 1489 had been elevated to Prince-Bishop of Warmia and soon (after November 1495) sought to place his nephew in a Warmia canonry vacated by 26 August 1495 death of its previous tenant. For unclear reasons†probably

Nicolaus Copernicus due to opposition from part of the chapter, who appealed to Rome†Copernicus' installation was delayed, inclining Watzenrode to send both his nephews to study law in Italy, seemingly with a view to furthering their ecclesiastic careers and thereby also strengthening his own influence in the Warmia chapter.[50] Leaving Warmia in mid-1496†possibly with the retinue of the chapter's chancellor, Jerzy Pranghe, who was going to Italy†in the fall (October?) of that year Copernicus arrived in Bologna and a few months later (after 6 January 1497) signed himself into the register of the Bologna University of Jurists' "German nation," which also included Polish youths from Silesia, Prussia and Pomerania as well as students of other nationalities.[50] It was only on 20 October 1497 that Copernicus, by proxy, formally succeeded to the Warmia canonry, which had been granted to him two years earlier. To this, by a document dated 10 January 1503 at Padua, he would add a sinecure at the Collegiate Church of the Holy Cross in Wroc‹aw, Silesia, Bohemia. Despite having received a papal indult on 29 November 1508 to receive further benefices, through his ecclesiastic career Copernicus not only did not acquire further prebends and higher stations (prelacies) at the chapter, but in 1538 he relinquished the Breslau sinecure. It is uncertain whether he was ordained a priest; he may only have taken minor orders, which sufficed for assuming a chapter canonry.[50] During his three-year stay at Bologna, between fall 1496 and spring 1501, Copernicus seems to have devoted himself less keenly to studying canon law (he received his doctorate in law only after seven years, following a second return to Italy in 1503) than to studying the humanities--probably attending lectures by Filippo Beroaldo, Antonio Urceo, called Codro, Giovanni Garzoni and Alessandro Achillini--and to studying astronomy. He met the famous astronomer Domenico Maria Novara da Ferrara and became his disciple and assistant. Copernicus was developing new ideas inspired by reading the "Epitome of the Almagest" (Epitome in Almagestum Ptolemei) by George von Peuerbach and Johannes Regiomontanus (Venice, 1496). He verified its observations about certain peculiarities in Ptolemy's theory of the Moon's motion, by conducting on 9 March 1497 at Bologna a memorable observation of Aldebaran, the brightest star in the Taurus constellation, whose results reinforced his doubts as to the geocentric system. Copernicus the humanist sought confirmation for his growing doubts through close reading of Greek and Latin authors (Pythagoras, Aristarchos of Samos, Cleomedes, Cicero, Plutarch, Philolaus, Heraclides, Ecphantos,


Via Galliera 65, Bologna, site of house of Domenico Maria Novara. Plaque on portico commemorates Copernicus.




Nicolaus Copernicus


Plato), gathering, especially while at Padua, fragmentary historic information about ancient astronomical, cosmological and calendar systems.[51] Copernicus spent the jubilee year 1500 in Rome, where he arrived with his brother Andrew that spring, doubtless to perform an apprenticeship at the Papal Curia. Here, too, however, he continued his astronomical work begun at Bologna, observing, for example, a lunar eclipse on the night of 5•6 "Here, where stood the house of Domenico Maria Novara, professor of the ancient November 1500. According to a later Studium of Bologna, NICOLAUS COPERNICUS, the Polish mathematician and account by Rheticus, Copernicus astronomer who would revolutionize concepts of the universe, conducted brilliant also†probably privately, rather than at the celestial observations with his teacher in 1497•1500. Placed on the 5th centenary Roman Sapienza--as a "Professor of [Copernicus'] birth by the City, the University, the Academy of Sciences of the Institute of Bologna, the Polish Academy of Sciences. 1473 [†] 1973." Mathematum" (professor of astronomy) delivered, "to numerous... students and... leading masters of the science," public lectures devoted probably to a critique of the mathematical solutions of contemporary astronomy.[52] On his return journey doubtless stopping briefly at Bologna, in mid-1501 Copernicus arrived back in Warmia. After on 28 July receiving from the chapter a two-year extension of leave in order to study medicine (since "he may in future be a useful medical advisor to our Reverend Superior [Bishop Lucas Watzenrode] and the gentlemen of the chapter"), in late summer or in the fall he returned again to Italy, probably accompanied by his brother Andrew and by Canon B. Sculteti. This time he studied at the University of Padua, famous as a seat of medical learning, and†except for a brief visit to Ferrara in May•June 1503 to pass examinations for, and receive, his doctorate in canon law†he remained at Padua from fall 1501 to summer 1503.[52] Copernicus studied medicine probably under the direction of leading Padua professors†Bartolomeo da Montagnana, Girolamo Fracastoro, Gabriele Zerbi, Alessandro Benedetti†and read medical treatises that he acquired at this time, by Valescus de Taranta, Jan Mesue, Hugo Senensis, Jan Ketham, Arnold de Villa Nova, and Michele Savonarola, which would form the embryo of his later medical library.[52] One of the subjects that Copernicus must have studied was astrology, since it was considered an important part of a medical education.[53] However, unlike most other prominent Renaissance astronomers, he appears never to have practiced or expressed any interest in astrology.[54] As at Bologna, Copernicus did not limit himself to his official studies. It was probably the Padua years that saw the beginning of his Hellenistic interests. He familiarized himself with Greek language and culture with the aid of Theodorus Gaza's grammar (1495) and J.B. Chrestonius' dictionary (1499), expanding his studies of antiquity, begun at Bologna, to the writings of Bessarion, J. Valla and others. There also seems to be evidence that it was during his Padua stay that there finally crystallized the idea of basing a new system of the world on the movement of the Earth.[52] As the time approached for Copernicus to return home, in spring 1503 he journeyed to Ferrara where, on 31 May 1503, having passed the obligatory examinations, he was granted the degree of doctor of canon law. No doubt it was soon after (at latest, in fall 1503) that he left Italy for good to return to Warmia.[52]

Nicolaus Copernicus


Having completed all his studies in Italy, 30-year-old Copernicus returned to Warmia, where • apart from brief journeys to Krak‘w and to nearby Prussian cities (Thorn, Danzig, Elbing, Graudenz, Malbork Marienburg, K‡nigsberg (Kr‘lewiec) • he would live out the remaining 40 years of his life.[52] The Prince-Bishopric of Warmia enjoyed substantial autonomy, with its own diet (parliament), army, monetary unit (the same as in the other parts of Royal Prussia) and treasury.[55] Copernicus was his uncle's secretary and physician from Matejko. In background: Frombork Cathedral. 1503 to 1510 (or perhaps till that uncle's death on 29 March 1512) and resided in the Bishop's castle at Lidzbark (Heilsberg), where he began work on his heliocentric theory. In his official capacity, he took part in nearly all his uncle's political, ecclesiastic and administrative-economic duties. From the beginning of 1504, Copernicus accompanied Watzenrode to sessions of the Royal Prussian diet held at Malbork and Elbl•g and, write Dobrzycki and Hajdukiewicz, "participated... in all the more important events in the complex diplomatic game that ambitious politician and statesman played in defense of the particular interests of Prussia and Warmia, between hostility to the [Teutonic] Order and loyalty to the Polish Crown."[52] In 1504•12 Copernicus made numerous journeys as part of his uncle's retinue†in 1504, to Toru™ and Danzig, to a session of the Royal Prussian Council in the presence of Poland's King Alexander Jagiellon; to sessions of the Prussian diet at Malbork (1506), Elbl•g (1507) and Sztum (Stuhm) (1512); and he may have attended a Pozna™ (Posen) session (1510) and the coronation of Poland's King Sigismund I the Old in Krak‘w (1507). Watzenrode's itinerary suggests that in spring 1509 Copernicus may have attended the Krak‘w sejm.[52] It was probably on the latter occasion, in Krak‘w, that Copernicus submitted for printing at Jan Haller's press his translation, from Greek to Latin, of a collection, by the 7th-century Byzantine historian Theophylact Simocatta, of 85 brief poems called Epistles, or letters, supposed to have passed between various characters in a Greek story. They are of three kinds†"moral," Copernicus' translation of Theophylact offering advice on how people should live; "pastoral," giving little pictures of Simocatta's Epistles. Cover shows shepherd life; and "amorous," comprising love poems. They are arranged to coats-of-arms of (clockwise from top) Poland, Lithuania and Krak‘w. follow one another in a regular rotation of subjects. Copernicus had translated the Greek verses into Latin prose, and he now published his version as Theophilacti scolastici Simocati epistolae morales, rurales et amatoriae interpretatione latina, which he dedicated to his uncle in gratitude for all the benefits he had received from him. With this translation, Copernicus declared himself on the side of the humanists in the struggle over the question whether Greek literature should be revived.[56] Copernicus' first poetic work was a Greek epigram, composed probably during a visit to Krak‘w, for Johannes Dantiscus' epithalamium for Barbara Zapolya's 1512 wedding to King Zygmunt I the Old.[57] Some time before 1514, Copernicus wrote an initial outline of his heliocentric theory known only from later transcripts, by the title (perhaps given to it by a copyist), Nicolai Copernici de hypothesibus motuum coelestium a se constitutis commentariolus†commonly referred to as the Commentariolus. It was a succinct theoretical description
Astronomer Copernicus, or Conversations with God, by

Nicolaus Copernicus of the world's heliocentric mechanism, without mathematical apparatus, and differed in some important details of geometric construction from De revolutionibus; but it was already based on the same assumptions regarding Earth's triple motions. The Commentariolus, which Copernicus consciously saw as merely a first sketch for his planned book, was not intended for printed distribution. He made only a very few manuscript copies available to his closest acquaintances, including, it seems, several Krak‘w astronomers with whom he collaborated in 1515•30 in observing eclipses. Tycho Brahe would include a fragment from the Commentariolus in his own treatise, Astronomiae instauratae progymnasmata, published in Prague in 1602, based on a manuscript that he had received from the Bohemian physician and astronomer Tade“ H“jek, a friend of Rheticus. The Commentariolus would appear complete in print for the first time only in 1878.[57] In 1510 or 1512 Copernicus moved to Frombork, a town to the northwest at the Vistula Lagoon on the Baltic Sea coast. There, in April 1512, he participated in the election of Fabian of Lossainen as Prince-Bishop of Warmia. It was only in early June 1512 that the chapter gave Copernicus an "external curia"†a house outside the defensive walls of the cathedral mount. In 1514 he purchased the northwestern tower within the walls of the Frombork stronghold. He would maintain both these residences to the end of his life, despite the devastation of the chapter's buildings by a raid against Frauenburg carried out by the Teutonic Order in January 1520, during which Copernicus' astronomical instruments were probably destroyed. Copernicus conducted astronomical observations in 1513•16 presumably from his external curia; and in 1522•43, from an unidentified "small tower" (turricula), using primitive instruments modeled on ancient ones†the quadrant, triquetrum, armillary sphere. At Frombork Copernicus conducted over half of his more than 60 registered astronomical observations.[57]


Copernicus' tower at Frombork, where he lived and worked; rebuilt recently

Having settled permanently at Frombork, where he would reside to the end of his life, with interruptions in 1516•19 and 1520•21, Copernicus found himself at the Warmia chapter's economic and administrative center, which was also one of Frombork Cathedral mount and fortifications. In foreground: statue of Warmia's two chief centers of political life. In the Copernicus difficult, politically complex situation of Warmia, threatened externally by the Teutonic Order's aggressions (attacks by Teutonic bands; the Polish-Teutonic War of 1519•21; Albert's plans to annex Warmia), internally subject to strong separatist pressures (the selection of the prince-bishops of Warmia; currency reform), he, together with part of the chapter, represented a program of strict cooperation with the Polish Crown and demonstrated in all his public activities (the defense of his country against the Order's plans of conquest; proposals to unify its monetary system with the Polish Crown's; support for Poland's interests in the Warmia dominion's ecclesiastic administration) that he was consciously a citizen of the Polish-Lithuanian Republic. Soon after the death

Nicolaus Copernicus of uncle Bishop Watzenrode, he participated in the signing of the Second Treaty of Piotrk‘w Trybunalski (7 December 1512), governing the appointment of the Bishop of Warmia, declaring, despite opposition from part of the chapter, for loyal cooperation with the Polish Crown.[57] That same year (before 8 November 1512) Copernicus assumed responsibility, as magister pistoriae, for administering the chapter's economic enterprises (he would hold this office again in 1530), having already since 1511 fulfilled the duties of chancellor and visitor of the chapter's estates.[57] His administrative and economic dutes did not distract Copernicus, in 1512•15, from intensive observational activity. The results of his observations of Mars and Saturn in this period, and especially a series of four observations of the Sun made in 1515, led to discovery of the variability of Earth's eccentricity and of the movement of the solar apogee in relation to the fixed stars, which in 1515•19 prompted his first revisions of certain assumptions of his system. Some of the observations that he made in this period may have had a connection with a proposed reform of the Julian calendar made in the first half of 1513 at the request of the Bishop of Fossombrone, Paul of Middelburg. Their contacts in this matter in the period of the Fifth Lateran Council were later memorialized in a complimentary mention in Copernicus' dedicatory epistle in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium and in a treatise by Paul of Middelburg, Secundum compendium correctionis Calendarii (1516), which mentions Copernicus among the learned men who had sent the Council proposals for the calendar's emendation.[58] During 1516•21, Copernicus resided at Olsztyn (Allenstein) Castle as economic administrator of Warmia, including Olsztyn (Allenstein) and Pieni¡Ÿno (|Mehlsack). While there, he wrote a manuscript, Locationes mansorum desertorum (Locations of Deserted Fiefs), with a view to populating those fiefs with industrious farmers and so bolstering the economy of Warmia. When Olsztyn was besieged by the Teutonic Knights during the Polish•Teutonic War (1519•21), Copernicus directed the defense of Olsztyn and Warmia by Royal Polish forces. He also represented the Polish side in the ensuing peace negotiations.[59]


Olsztyn Castle

Copernicus worked for years with the Royal Prussian diet, and with Duke Albert of Prussia (against whom Copernicus had defended Warmia in the Polish-Teutonic War), and advised King Sigismund, on monetary reform. He participated in discussions in the Ducal Prussian diet about coinage reform in the Prussian countries; a question that concerned the diet was who had the right to mint coin. Political developments in Prussia culminated in the 1525 establishment of the Duchy of Prussia as a Protestant state in vassalage to Poland. In 1526 Copernicus wrote a study on the value of money, Monetae cudendae ratio. In it he formulated an early iteration of the theory, now called Gresham's Law, that "bad" (debased) coinage drives "good" (un-debased) coinage out of circulation†70 years before Thomas Gresham. He also formulated a version of quantity theory of money. Copernicus' recommendations on monetary reform were widely read by leaders of both Prussia and Poland in their attempts to stabilize currency.[60][61]

Nicolaus Copernicus

51 In 1533, Johann Widmanstetter, secretary to Pope Clement VII, explained Copernicus' heliocentric system to the Pope and two cardinals. The Pope was so pleased that he gave Widmanstetter a valuable gift.[62] In 1535 Bernard Wapowski wrote a letter to a gentleman in Vienna, urging him to publish an enclosed almanac, which he claimed had been written by Copernicus. This is the only mention of a Copernicus almanac in the historical records. The "almanac" was likely Copernicus' tables of planetary positions. Wapowski's letter mentions Copernicus' theory about the motions of the earth. Nothing came of Wapowski's request, because he died a couple of weeks later.[62]

Following the death of Prince-Bishop of Warmia Mauritius Ferber (1 July 1537), Copernicus participated in the election of his successor, Johannes Dantiscus (20 September 1537). Copernicus was one of four candidates for the post, written in at the initiative of Tiedemann Giese; but his candidacy Thorvaldsen's Copernicus Monument in was actually pro forma, since Dantiscus had earlier been named coadjutor Warsaw bishop to Ferber.[63] At first Copernicus maintained friendly relations with the new Prince-Bishop, assisting him medically in spring 1538 and accompanying him that summer on an inspection tour of Chapter holdings. But that autumn, their friendship was strained by suspicions over Copernicus' housekeeper, Anna Schilling, whom Dantiscus removed from Frombork in 1539.[63] In his younger days, Copernicus the physician had treated his uncle, brother and other chapter members. In later years he was called upon to attend the elderly bishops who in turn occupied the see of Warmia†Mauritius Ferber and Johannes Dantiscus † and, in 1539, his old friend Tiedemann Giese, Bishop of Che‹mno (Kulm). In treating such important patients, he sometimes sought consultations from other physicians, including the physician to Duke Albert and, by letter, the Polish Royal Physician.[64]

Copernicus with medicinal plant

In the spring of 1541, Duke Albert summoned Copernicus to K‡nigsberg to attend the Duke's counselor, George von Kunheim, who had fallen seriously ill, and for whom the Prussian doctors seemed unable to do anything. Copernicus went willingly; he had met von Kunheim during negotiations over reform of the coinage. And Copernicus had come to feel that Albert himself was not such a bad person; the two had many intellectual interests in common. The Chapter readily gave Copernicus permission to go, as it wished to remain on good terms with the Duke, despite his Lutheran faith. In about a month the patient recovered, and Copernicus returned to Frombork. For a time, he continued to receive reports on von Kunheim's condition, and to send him medical advice by letter.[65] Throughout this period of his life, Copernicus continued making astronomical observations and calculations, but only as his other responsibilities permitted and never in a professional capacity.

"Nicolaus Copernicus Tornaeus Borussus Mathemat.", 1597

Some of Copernicus' close friends turned Protestant, but Copernicus never showed a tendency in that direction. The first attacks on him came from Protestants. Wilhelm Gnapheus, a Dutch refugee settled in Elbl•g, wrote a comedy in Latin, Morosophus (The Foolish Sage), and staged it at the Latin school that he had established there. In the play,

Nicolaus Copernicus Copernicus was caricatured as a haughty, cold, aloof man who dabbled in astrology, considered himself inspired by God, and was rumored to have written a large work that was moldering in a chest.[47] Elsewhere Protestants were the first to react to news of Copernicus' theory. Melanchthon wrote: Some people believe that it is excellent and correct to work out a thing as absurd as did that Sarmatian [i.e., Polish] astronomer who moves the earth and stops the sun. Indeed, wise rulers should have curbed such light-mindedness.[47] Nevertheless, in 1551, eight years after Copernicus' death, astronomer Erasmus Reinhold published, under the sponsorship of Copernicus' former military adversary, the Protestant Duke Albert, the Prussian Tables, a set of astronomical tables based on Copernicus' work. Astronomers and astrologers quickly adopted it in place of its predecessors.[66]


Some time before 1514 Copernicus made available to friends his "Commentariolus" ("Little Commentary"), a forty-page manuscript describing his ideas about the heliocentric hypothesis.[68] It contained seven basic assumptions (detailed below).[69] Thereafter he continued gathering data for a more detailed work. About 1532 Copernicus had basically completed his work on the manuscript of De revolutionibus orbium coelestium; but despite urging by his closest friends, he resisted openly publishing his views, not wishing†as he confessed†to risk the scorn "to which he would expose himself on account of the novelty and incomprehensibility of his theses."[63] In 1533, Johann Albrecht Widmannstetter delivered a series of lectures in Rome outlining Copernicus' theory. Pope Clement VII and several Catholic cardinals heard the lectures and were interested in the theory. On 1 November 1536, Cardinal Nikolaus von Sch‡nberg, Archbishop of Capua, wrote to Copernicus from Rome:
Mid-16th-century [67] portrait

Some years ago word reached me concerning your proficiency, of which everybody constantly spoke. At that time I began to have a very high regard for you... For I had learned that you had not merely mastered the discoveries of the ancient astronomers uncommonly well but had also formulated a new cosmology. In it you maintain that the earth moves; that the sun occupies the lowest, and thus the central, place in the universe... Therefore with the utmost earnestness I entreat you, most learned sir, unless I inconvenience you, to communicate this discovery of yours to scholars, and at the earliest possible moment to send me your writings on the sphere of the universe together with the tables and whatever else you have that is relevant to this subject ...[70] By then Copernicus' work was nearing its definitive form, and rumors about his theory had reached educated people all over Europe. Despite urgings from many quarters, Copernicus delayed publication of his book, perhaps from fear of criticism†a fear delicately expressed in the subsequent dedication of his masterpiece to Pope Paul III. Scholars disagree on whether Copernicus' concern was limited to possible astronomical and philosophical objections, or whether he was also concerned about religious objections.[71]

Nicolaus Copernicus


The book
Copernicus was still working on De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (even if not certain that he wanted to publish it) when in 1539 Georg Joachim Rheticus, a Wittenberg mathematician, arrived in Frombork. Philipp Melanchthon, a close theological ally of Martin Luther, had arranged for Rheticus to visit several astronomers and study with them. Rheticus became Copernicus' pupil, staying with him for two years and writing a book, Narratio prima (First Account), outlining the essence of Copernicus' theory. In 1542 Rheticus published a treatise on trigonometry by Copernicus (later included in the second book of De revolutionibus). Under strong pressure from Rheticus, and having seen the favorable first general De revolutionibus, 1543. Click reception of his work, Copernicus finally agreed to give De revolutionibus to his on image to read book. close friend, Tiedemann Giese, bishop of Che‹mno (Kulm), to be delivered to Rheticus for printing by the German printer Johannes Petreius at Nuremberg (N•rnberg), Germany. While Rheticus initially supervised the printing, he had to leave Nuremberg before it was completed, and he handed over the task of supervising the rest of the printing to a Lutheran theologian, Andreas Osiander.[72] Osiander added an unauthorised and unsigned preface, defending the work against those who might be offended by the novel hypotheses. He explained that astronomers may find different causes for observed motions, and choose whatever is easier to grasp. As long as a hypothesis allows reliable computation, it does not have to match what a philosopher might seek as the truth.

Copernicus died in Frombork on 24 May 1543. Legend has it that the first printed copy of De revolutionibus was placed in his hands on the very day that he died, allowing him to take farewell of his life's work. He is reputed to have awoken from a stroke-induced coma, looked at his book, and then died peacefully. Copernicus was reportedly buried in Frombork Cathedral, where archaeologists for over two centuries searched in vain for his remains. Efforts to locate the remains in 1802, 1909, 1939 and 2004 had come to nought. In August 2005, however, a team led by Jerzy G•ssowski, head of an archaeology and anthropology institute in Pu‹tusk, after scanning beneath the cathedral floor, discovered what they believed to be Copernicus' remains.[73] The find came after a year of searching, and the discovery was announced only after further research, on 3 November 2008. G•ssowski said he was "almost 100 percent sure it is Copernicus."[74] Forensic expert Capt. Dariusz Zajdel of the Polish Police 1735 epitaph, Frombork Central Forensic Laboratory used the skull to reconstruct a face that closely Cathedral. A 1580 epitaph had been destroyed. resembled the features†including a broken nose and a scar above the left eye†on a Copernicus self-portrait.[74] The expert also determined that the skull belonged to a man who had died around age 70†Copernicus' age at the time of his death.[73]

Nicolaus Copernicus


The grave was in poor condition, and not all the remains of the skeleton were found; missing, among other things, was the lower jaw.[75] The DNA from the bones found in the grave matched hair samples taken from a book owned by Copernicus which was kept at the library of the University of Uppsala in Sweden.[76][77] On 22 May 2010 Copernicus was given a second funeral in a Mass led by J‘zef Kowalczyk, the former papal nuncio to Poland and newly named Primate of Poland. Copernicus' remains were reburied in the same spot in Frombork Cathedral where part of his skull and other bones had been found. A black granite tombstone now identifies him as the founder of the heliocentric theory and also a church canon. The tombstone bears a representation of Copernicus' model of the solar system†a golden sun encircled by six of the planets.[78]

Casket with Copernicus' remains, St. James' Cathedral Basilica, Allenstein, March 2010

Copernican system
Philolaus (c. 480•385 BCE) described an astronomical system in which a Central Fire (different from the Sun) occupied the centre of the universe, and a counter-Earth, the Earth, Moon, the Sun itself, planets, and stars all revolved around it, in that order outward from the centre.[79] Heraclides Ponticus (387•312 BCE) proposed that the Earth rotates on its axis.[80] Aristarchus of Samos (310 BCE • c. 230 BCE) identified the "central fire" with the Sun, around which he had the Earth orbiting.[81] Some technical details of Copernicus's system[82] closely resembled those developed earlier by the Islamic astronomers Na¢£r al-D£n al-¤¥s£ and Ibn al-Sh•¦ir, both of whom retained a geocentric model. The prevailing theory in Europe during Copernicus' lifetime was the one that Ptolemy published in his Almagest circa 150 CE; the Earth was the stationary center of the universe. Stars were embedded in a large outer sphere which rotated rapidly, approximately daily, while each of the planets, the Sun, and the Moon were embedded in their own, smaller spheres. Ptolemy's system employed devices, including epicycles, deferents and equants, to account for observations that the paths of these bodies differed from simple, circular orbits centered on the Earth.
Frombork Cathedral

Copernicus' 2010 grave, Frombork Cathedral

Nicolaus Copernicus


Copernicus' major theory was published in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres), in the year of his death, 1543, though he had formulated the theory several decades earlier. Copernicus' "Commentariolus" summarized his heliocentric theory. It listed the "assumptions" upon which the theory was based as follows: "1. There is no one center of all the celestial circles or spheres. 2. The center of the earth is not the center of the universe, but only of gravity and of the lunar sphere. 3. All the spheres revolve about the sun as their mid-point, and therefore Copernicus' vision of the universe in De revolutionibus orbium coelestium the sun is the center of the universe. 4. The ratio of the earth's distance from the sun to the height of the firmament (outermost celestial sphere containing the stars) is so much smaller than the ratio of the earth's radius to its distance from the sun that the distance from the earth to the sun is imperceptible in comparison with the height of the firmament. 5. Whatever motion appears in the firmament arises not from any motion of the firmament, but from the earth's motion. The earth together with its circumjacent elements performs a complete rotation on its fixed poles in a daily motion, while the firmament and highest heaven abide unchanged. 6. What appear to us as motions of the sun arise not from its motion but from the motion of the earth and our sphere, with which we revolve about the sun like any other planet. The earth has, then, more than one motion. 7. The apparent retrograde and direct motion of the planets arises not from their motion but from the earth's. The motion of the earth alone, therefore, suffices to explain so many apparent inequalities in the heavens."[83] De revolutionibus itself was divided into six parts, called "books": 1. General vision of the heliocentric theory, and a summarized exposition of his idea of the World 2. Mainly theoretical, presents the principles of spherical astronomy and a list of stars (as a basis for the arguments developed in the subsequent books) 3. Mainly dedicated to the apparent motions of the Sun and to related phenomena 4. Description of the Moon and its orbital motions 5. Concrete exposition of the new system 6. Concrete exposition of the new system

Nicolaus Copernicus


Georg Joachim Rheticus could have been Copernicus' successor, but did not rise to the occasion.[62] Erasmus Reinhold could have been his successor, but died prematurely.[62] The first of the great successors was Tycho Brahe[62] (though he did not think the earth orbitted the sun), followed by Johannes Kepler,[62] who had worked as Tycho's assistant in Prague. Despite the near universal acceptance today of the basic heliocentric idea (though not the epicycles or the circular orbits), Copernicus' theory was originally slow to catch on. Scholars hold that sixty years after the publication of The Revolutions there were only around 15 astronomers espousing Copernicanism in all of Europe, "Thomas Digges and Thomas Hariot in England; Giordano Bruno and Galileo Galilei in Italy; Diego de Zuniga in Spain; Simon Stevin in the Low Countries; and in Germany, the largest group • Georg Joachim Rheticus, Michael Maestlin, Christoph Rothmann (who may have later recanted),[84] and Johannes Kepler."[84] Additional possibilities are Englishman William Gilbert, along with Achilles Gasser, Georg Vogelin, Valentin Otto, and Tiedemann Giese.[84] Arthur Koestler, in his popular book The Sleepwalkers, asserted that Copernicus' book had not been widely read on its first publication.[85] This claim was trenchantly criticised by Edward Rosen,[86] and has been decisively disproved by Owen Gingerich, who examined every surviving copy of the first two editions and found copious marginal notes by their owners throughout many of them. Gingerich published his conclusions in 2004 in The Book Nobody Read.[87] The intellectual climate of the time "remained dominated by Aristotelian philosophy and the corresponding Ptolemaic astronomy. At that time there was no reason to accept the Copernican theory, except for its mathematical simplicity [by avoiding using the equant in determining planetary positions]."[88] Tycho Brahe's system ("that the earth is stationary, the sun revolves about the earth, and the other planets revolve about the sun")[88] also directly competed with Copernicus'. It was only a half century later with the work of Kepler and Galileo that any substantial evidence defending Copernicanism appeared, starting "from the time when Galileo formulated the principle of inertia...[which] helped to explain why everything would not fall off the earth if it were in motion."[88] It was not until "after Isaac Newton formulated the universal law of gravitation and the laws of mechanics [in his 1687 Principia], which unified terrestrial and celestial mechanics, was the heliocentric view generally accepted."[88]

Only mild controversy (and no fierce sermons) was the immediate result of the publication of Copernicus' book. At the Council of Trent neither Copernicus' theory nor calendar reform (which would later use tables deduced from Copernicus' calculations) were discussed. The first notable to move against Copernicanism was the Magister of the Holy Palace (i.e., the Catholic Church's chief censor), Dominican Bartolomeo Spina, who "expressed a desire to stamp out the Copernican doctrine."[89][90] But with Spina's death in 1546, his cause fell to his friend, the well known theologian-astronomer, the Dominican Giovanni Maria Tolosani of the Convent of St. Mark in Florence. Tolosani had written a treatise on reforming the calendar (in which astronomy would play a large role), and had attended the Fifth Lateran Council to discuss the matter. Copernicus, astronomer He had obtained a copy of De Revolutionibus in 1544. His denouncement of Copernicanism appeared in an appendix to his work entitled On the Truth of Sacred Scripture.[91][92] Emulating the rationalistic style of Thomas Aquinas, Tolosani sought to refute Copernicanism on philosophical arguments. While still invoking Christian Scripture and Tradition, Tolosani strove to show Copernicanism was absurd because it was unproven and unfounded on three main points. First Copernicus had assumed the motion of the Earth but offered no physical theory whereby one would deduce this motion. (No one realized that the

Nicolaus Copernicus investigation into Copernicanism would result in a rethinking of the entire field of physics.) Second Tolosani charged that Copernicus' thought processes was backwards. He held that Copernicus had come up with his idea and then sought phenomena that would support it, rather than observing phenomena and deducing from that the idea of what caused it. In this Tolosani was linking Copernicus' mathematical equations with the practices of the Pythagoreans (whom Aristotle had made arguments against, which were later picked up by Thomas Aquinas). It was argued that mathematical numbers were a mere product of the intellect without any physical reality, and as such "numbers could not provide physical causes in the investigation of nature."[89] (This was basically a denial of the possibility of mathematical physics.) Some astronomical hypotheses at the time (such as epicycles and eccentrics) were seen as mere mathematical devices to adjust calculations of where the heavenly bodies would appear, rather than an explanation of the cause of those motions. (As Copernicus still maintained the idea of perfectly spherical orbits he relied on epicycles). This "saving the phenomena" was seen as proof that Astronomy and Math could not be taken as a serious means to determine physical causes. Holding this view, Tolosani invoked it in his final critique of Copernicus, saying his biggest error was that he started with "inferior" fields of science to make pronouncements about "superior" fields. Copernicus had used Mathematics and Astronomy to postulate about Physics and Cosmology, rather than beginning with the accepted principles of Physics and Cosmology to determine things about Astronomy and Math. In this way Copernicus seemed to be undermining the whole system of the philosophy of science at the time. Tolosani held that Copernicus had just fallen into philosophical error because he hadn't been versed in physics and logic - anyone without such knowledge would make a poor astronomer and be unable to distinguish truth from falsehood. Because it had not meet the criteria for scientific truth set out by Thomas Aquinas, Tolosani held that Copernicanism could only be viewed as a wild unproven theory. Tolosani recognized that the Ad Lectorem preface to Copernicus' book wasn't actually by him. Its thesis that astronomy as a whole would never be able to make truth claims was rejected by Tolosani, (though he still held that Copernicus' attempt to describe physical reality had been faulty), he found it ridiculous that Ad Lectorem had been included in the book (unaware that Copernicus hadn't authorized its inclusion). Tolosani wrote "By means of these words [of the Ad Lectorem], the foolishness of this book's author is rebuked. For by a foolish effort he [Copernicus] tried to revive the weak Pythagorean opinion [that the element of fire was at the Ptolemy and Copernicus, ca. center of the Universe], long ago deservedly destroyed, since it is expressly contrary 1686, at King Jan Sobieski's to human reason and also opposes holy writ. From this situation, there could easily library, Wilan‘w Palace: an arise disagreements between Catholic expositors of holy scripture and those who early Copernicus depiction might wish to adhere obstinately to this false opinion. We have written this little work for the purpose of avoiding this scandal."[92] Tolosani declared "Nicolaus Copernicus neither read nor understood the arguments of Aristotle the philosopher and Ptolemy the astronomer."[92] He wrote that Copernicus "is very deficient in the sciences of physics and logic. Moreover, it appears that he is unskilled with regard to [the interpretation of] holy scripture, since he contradicts several of its principles, not without danger of infidelity to himself and the readers of his book. ...his arguments have no force and can very easily be taken apart. For it is stupid to contradict an opinion accepted by everyone over a very long time for the strongest reasons, unless the impugner uses more powerful and insoluble demonstrations and completely dissolves the opposed reasons. But he does not do this in the least."[92] He declared that he had written against Copernicus "for the purpose of preserving the truth to the common advantage of the Holy Church."[92] Despite the efforts Tolosani put into his work it remained unpublished and it "was likely shelved in the library of the Dominican order at San Marco in Florence, awaiting its use by some new prosecutor" (it is believed that Dominican Tommaso Caccini read it before delivering a sermon against Galileo in December 1613).[92]


Nicolaus Copernicus It has been much debated why it was not until six decades after the publication of De revolutionibus that the Catholic Church took any official action against it, even the efforts of Tolosani had gone unheeded. Proposed reasons have included the personality of Galileo Galilei and the availability of evidence such as telescope observations. How entwined the pre-Copernican theory was in theological circles can be seen in a sample of the works of John Calvin. In his Commentary on Genesis he said that "We indeed are not ignorant that the circuit of the heavens is finite, and that the earth, like a little globe, is placed in the centre."[93] Commenting on Job 26:7 Calvin wrote "It is true that Job specifically says 'the north,' and yet he is speaking about the whole heaven. And that is because the sky turns around upon the pole that is there. For, just as in the wheels of a chariot there is an axle that runs through the middle of them, and the wheels turn around the axle by reason of the holes that are in the middle of them, even so is it in the skies. This is manifestly seen; that is to say, those who are well acquainted with the course of the firmament see that the sky so turns."[93] Calvin's commentaries on the Psalms also show a reliance on the pre-Copernican theory; for Psalms 93:1 "The heavens revolve daily, and, immense as is their fabric and inconceivable the rapidity of their revolutions, we experience no concussion • no disturbance in the harmony of their motion. The sun, though varying its course every diurnal revolution, returns annually to the same point. The planets, in all their wanderings, maintain their respective positions. How could the earth hang suspended in the air were it not upheld by God's hand? By what means could it maintain itself unmoved, while the heavens above are in constant rapid motion, did not its Divine Maker fix and establish it."[93] Commenting on Psalms 19:4 Calvin says "the firmament, by its own revolution draws with it all the fixed stars".[93] There is no evidence that Calvin was aware of Copernicus, and claims that after quoting Psalm 93:1 he went on to say "Who will venture to place the authority of Copernicus above the Holy Spirit", have been discredited and shown to originate with Frederic William Farrar's Bampton Lecture in 1885.[93] Unlike Calvin many theologians did become aware of Copernicus' theory which became increasingly controversial. The sharpest point of conflict between Copernicus' theory and the Bible concerned the story of the Battle of Gibeon in the Book of Joshua where the Hebrew forces were winning but whose opponents were likely to escape once night fell. This is averted by Joshua's prayers causing the sun and the moon to stand still. Martin Luther would question Copernicus' theory on these grounds. According to Anthony Lauterbach, while eating with Martin Luther the topic of Copernicus arouse during dinner on 4 June 1539 (as professor George Joachim Rheticus of the local University had been granted leave to visit him). Luther is said to have remarked "So it goes now. Whoever wants to be clever must agree with nothing others esteem. He must do something of his own. This is what that fellow does who wishes to turn the whole of astronomy upside down. Even in these thing that are thrown into disorder I believe the Holy Scriptures, for Joshua commanded the sun to stand still and not the earth."[88] These remarks were made four years before the publication of On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres and a year before Rheticus' Narratio Prima. In John Aurifaber's account of the conversation Luther calls Copernicus "that fool" rather than "that fellow", this version is viewed by historians as less reliably sourced.[88] Luther's collaborator Philipp Melanchthon also took issue with Copernicanism. After receiving the first pages of Narratio Prima from Rheticus himself, Melanchthon wrote to Mithobius (physician and mathematician Burkard Mithob of Feldkirch) on October 16, 1541 condemning the theory and calling for it to be repressed by governmental force, writing "certain people believe it is a marvelous achievement to extol so crazy a thing, like that Polish astronomer who makes the earth move and the sun stand still. Really, wise governments ought to repress impudence of mind."[94] It had appeared to Rheticus that Melanchton would understand the theory and would be open to it. This was because Melanchton had taught Ptolemaic astronomy and had even recommended his friend Rheticus to an appointment to the Deanship of the Faculty of Arts & Sciences at the University of Wittenberg after he had returned from studying with Copernicus. Rheticus' hopes were dashed when six years after the publication of De Revolutionibus Melanchthon published his Initia Doctrinae Physicae presenting three grounds to reject Copernicanism, these were "the evidence of the senses, the thousand-year consensus of men of science, and the authority of the Bible".[95] Blasting the new theory


Nicolaus Copernicus Melanchthon wrote "Out of love for novelty or in order to make a show of their cleverness, some people have argued that the earth moves. They maintain that neither the eighth sphere nor the sun moves, whereas they attribute motion to the other celestial spheres, and also place the earth among the heavenly bodies. Nor were these jokes invented recently. There is still extant Archimedes' book on The sand-reckoner; in which he reports that Aristarchus of Samos propounded the paradox that the sun stands still and the earth revolves around the sun. Even though subtle experts institute many investigations for the sake of exercising their ingenuity, nevertheless public proclamation of absurd opinions is indecent and sets a harmful example."[94] Melanchthon went on to cite Bible passages and then declare "Encouraged by this divine evidence, let us cherish the truth and let us not permit ourselves to be alienated from it by the tricks of those who deem it an intellectual honor to introduce confusion into the arts."[94] In the first edition of Initia Doctrinae Physicae, Melanchthon even questioned Copernicus' character claiming his motivation was "either from love of novelty or from desire to appear clever", these more personal attacks were largely removed by the second edition in 1550.[95] Another Protestant theologican who took issue with Copernicus was John Owen who declared that "the late hypothesis, fixing the sun as in the centre of the world' was 'built on fallible phenomena, and advanced by many arbitrary presumptions against evident testimonies of Scripture.'[96] In Roman Catholic circles, German Jesuit Nicolaus Serarius was one of the first to write against Copernicus' theory as heretical, citing the Joshua passage, in a work published in 1609•1610, and again in a book in 1612. In his 12 April 1615 letter to a Catholic defender of Copernicus, Paolo Antonio Foscarini, Catholic Cardinal Robert Bellarmine condemned Copernican theory, writing "...not only the Holy Fathers, but also the modern commentaries on Genesis, the Psalms, Ecclesiastes, and Joshua, you will find all agreeing in the literal interpretation that the sun is in heaven and turns around the earth with great speed, and that the earth is very far from heaven and sits motionless at the center of the world...Nor can one answer that this is not a matter of faith, since if it is not a matter of faith 'as regards the topic,' it is a matter of faith 'as regards the speaker': and so it would be heretical to say that Abraham did not have two children and Jacob twelve, as well as to say that Christ was not born of a virgin, because both are said by the Holy Spirit through the mouth of prophets and apostles."[97] Perhaps the strongest opponent to Copernican theory was Francesco Ingoli, a Catholic priest. Ingoli wrote a January 1616 essay condemning Copernicanism as "philosophically untenable and theologically heretical."[97] Though "it is not certain, it is probable that he was commissioned by the Inquisition to write an expert opinion on the controversy",[97] (after the Congregation of the Index's decree against Copernicanism on 5 March 1616 Ingoli was officially appointed its consultant). Two of Ingoli's theological issues with Copernicus' theory were "common Catholic beliefs not directly traceable to Scripture: the doctrine that hell is located at the center of Earth and is most distant from heaven; and the explicit assertion that Earth is motionless in a hymn sung on Tuesdays as part of the Liturgy of the Hours of the Divine Office prayers regularly recited by priests."[97] Ingoli also cited Genesis 1:14 where YHWH places "lights in the firmament of the heavens to divide the day from the night."[97] Like previous commentators Ingoli pointed to the passages about the Battle of Gibeon and dismissed arguments that they should be taken metaphorically, saying "Replies which assert that Scripture speaks according to our mode of understanding are not satisfactory: both because in explaining the Sacred Writings the rule is always to preserve the literal sense, when it is possible, as it is in this case; and also because all the [Church] Fathers unanimously take this passage to mean that the sun which was truly moving stopped at Joshua's request. An interpretation which is contrary to the unanimous consent of the Fathers is condemned by the Council of Trent, Session IV, in the decree on the edition and use of the Sacred Books. Furthermore, although the Council speaks about matters of faith and morals, nevertheless it cannot be denied that the Holy Fathers would be displeased with an interpretation of Sacred Scriptures which is contrary to their common agreement."[97] In March 1616, in connection with the Galileo affair, the Roman Catholic Church's Congregation of the Index issued a decree suspending De revolutionibus until it could be "corrected," on the grounds that the supposedly Pythagorean doctrine[98] that the Earth moves and the Sun does not was "false and altogether opposed to Holy Scripture."[99] The


Nicolaus Copernicus same decree also prohibited any work that defended the mobility of the Earth or the immobility of the Sun, or that attempted to reconcile these assertions with Scripture. On the orders of Pope Paul V, Cardinal Robert Bellarmine gave Galileo prior notice that the decree was about to be issued, and warned him that he could not "hold or defend" the Copernican doctrine.[100] The corrections to De revolutionibus, which omitted or altered nine sentences, were issued four years later, in 1620.[101] In 1633 Galileo Galilei was convicted of grave suspicion of heresy for "following the position of Copernicus, which is contrary to the true sense and authority of Holy Scripture,"[102] and was placed under house arrest for the rest of his life. At the instance of Roger Boscovich, the Catholic Church's 1758 Index of Prohibited Books omitted the general prohibition of works defending heliocentrism,[103] but retained the specific prohibitions of the original uncensored versions of De revolutionibus and Galileo's Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems. Those prohibitions were finally dropped from the 1835 Index.[104]


There has been discussion of Copernicus' nationality and of whether, in fact, it is meaningful to ascribe to him a nationality in the modern sense. Historian Michael Burleigh describes the nationality debate as a "totally insignificant battle" between German and Polish scholars during the interwar period.[105] Polish astronomer Konrad Rudnicki calls the discussion a "fierce scholarly quarrel in... times of nationalism" and describes Copernicus as an inhabitant of a German-speaking territory that belonged to Poland, himself being of mixed Polish-German extraction.[106] Rudnicki adds that Martin Luther, an opponent of Copernicus' theories, regarded him as Polish and referred to him as a "Sarmatic fool". (At the time, "Sarmatian" was a term for a nobleman of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland.)[106]

Bust by Schadow, 1807, Walhalla temple

According to Czes‹aw Mi‹osz, the debate is an "absurd" projection of a modern understanding of nationality onto Renaissance people, who identified with their home territories rather than with a nation.[107] Similarly historian Norman Davies writes that Copernicus, as was common in his era, was "largely indifferent" to nationality, being a local patriot who considered himself "Prussian".[108] Mi‹osz and Davies both write that Copernicus had a German-language cultural background, while his working language was Latin in accordance with the usage of the time.[107][108] Additionally, according to Davies, "there is ample evidence that he knew the Polish language."[108] Davies concludes: "Taking everything into consideration, there is good reason to regard him both as a German and as a Pole: and yet, in the sense that modern nationalists understand it, he was neither."[108] The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy describes Copernicus as a "child of a German family [who] was a subject of the Polish crown",[4] while others note that his father was a Germanized Pole.[109] Encyclop•dia Britannica,[110] Encyclopedia Americana,[111] The Columbia Encyclopedia[112] and The Oxford World Encyclopedia[113] identify Copernicus as a "Polish astronomer".

Nicolaus Copernicus


On 14 July 2009, the discoverers, from the Gesellschaft f•r Schwerionenforschung in Darmstadt, Germany, of chemical element 112 (temporarily named ununbium) proposed to the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry that its permanent name be "copernicium" (symbol Cn). "After we had named elements after our city and our state, we wanted to make a statement with a name that was known to everyone," said Hofmann. "We didn't want to select someone who was a German. We were looking world-wide."[114] On the 537th anniversary of his birthday the official naming was released to the public.[115]

Copernicus is honored, together with Johannes Kepler, in the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church (USA), with a feast day on 23 May.[116]

[1] Linton (2004, p.€39 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA39)). Copernicus was not, however, the first to propose some form of heliocentric system. A Greek mathematician and astronomer, Aristarchus of Samos, had already done so as early as the third century BCE. Nevertheless, there is little evidence that he ever developed his ideas beyond a very basic outline (Dreyer, 1953, pp.€135•48) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ historyofplaneta00dreyuoft#page/ 134/ mode/ 2up). [2] A self-portrait helped confirm the identity of his cranium when it was discovered at Frombork Cathedral in 2008. Krak‘w's Jagiellonian University has a 17th-century copy of Copernicus' 16th-century self-portrait. (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic-art/ 533435/ 1279/ Copernicus-17th-century-copy-of-a-16th-century-self-portrait) "Copernicus," Encyclop•dia Britannica, 15th ed., 2005, vol. 16, p.€760. [3] I‹owiecki, Maciej (1981). Dzieje nauki polskiej. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Interpress. p.€40. ISBN€83-223-1876-6. [4] "Nicolaus Copernicus" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ copernicus/ #1). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. . Retrieved 2007-04-22. [5] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, vol. XIV, 1969, p. 4. [6] [Great Books of the Western World, Book 16] [7] "The name of the village, not unlike that of the astronomer's family, has been variously spelled. A large German atlas of Silesia, published by Wieland in Nuremberg in 1731, spells it Kopernik." Stephen Mizwa, Nicolaus Copernicus, 1543ƒ1943, Kessinger Publishing, 1943, p.€36. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ZHDWSYV6pKoC& pg=PA36& lpg=PA36& dq=silesia+ copernicus& source=bl& ots=ZZDjIBncVQ& sig=BcJwqCjxc7rn2YLgDnC-OIQljQo& hl=en& ei=a0gES-jNBM6onQenuqF4& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5& ved=0CBwQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q=silesia copernicus& f=false)) [8] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, vol. XIV, 1969, p. 3. [9] Barbara Bie™kowska, The Scientific World of Copernicus, Springer, 1973 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=LQflKvEtYL8C& pg=PA15& dq=Copernicus+ father+ copper) [10] Eugeniusz Rybka for Polska Akademia Nauk (the Polish Academy of Sciences), The Review of the Polish Academy of Sciences: Nicolaus Copernicus' Relationship with Cracow, Ossolineum, 1973, p. 23. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=BjJFAAAAIAAJ& q=Copernicus+ father+ copper+ Gdansk& dq=Copernicus+ father+ copper+ Gdansk& pgis=1) [11] Josh Sakolsky, Copernicus and Modern Astronomy, Rosen Publishing Group, 2005, p. 8. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=0QC8ZSklbxYC& pg=PT11& dq=Copernicus+ father+ Torun#PPT11,M1) [12] Marian Biskup, Regesta Copernicana (calendar of Copernicus' papers), Ossolineum, 1973, p. 16. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3gkLAAAAMAAJ& q=Copernicus+ Olesnicki+ loan& dq=Copernicus+ Olesnicki+ loan& pgis=1) [13] "The mother of Barbara and Lucas was a Modlibog." Alexandre Koyre, Astronomical Revolution: Copernicus ƒ Kepler ƒ Borelli, Cornell University Press, 1973, ISBN 0-486-27095-5, p.€78. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=l0YRAZz2yU0C& pg=PA78& dq=modlibog+ + + copernicus& lr=& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=modlibog + copernicus& f=false)) [14] "Adrian Krzyzanowski and John Sniadecki: Copernicus and His Native Land," The Foreign and Colonial Quarterly Review, Smith, Elder & Co., 1844, p.€367. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ldwRAAAAYAAJ& pg=PA367& lpg=PA367& dq=copernicus+ modlibog& source=bl& ots=heDom9dv_y& sig=koaEdou1Jss4uaP4-HugEGBV3cs& hl=en& ei=WwoHS4PSGNHbnAeOlK25Cw& sa=X& oi=book_result& ct=result& resnum=5& ved=0CBYQ6AEwBA#v=onepage& q=modlibog& f=false)) [15] Stephen Mizwa: Nicolaus Copernicus, 1543ƒ1943. Kessinger Publishing, 1943, p.€38. [16] Czes‹aw Mi‹osz, The History of Polish Literature, University of California Press, 1983, p. 38. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=11MVdBYUX5oC& pg=PA38& dq=Watzenrode+ Teutonic& lr=) [17] Dobrzycki and Hajdukiewicz, Polski s•ownik biograficzny, vol. XIV, 1969, p. 4. [18] The Head Office of State Archives, Poland, "Copernicus' Biography", accessed 2009-05-22, (http:/ / www. archiwa. gov. pl/ memory/ sub_kopernik/ index. php?va_lang=en& fileid=004) [19] Jeremi Wasiuty™ski, The Solar Mystery: An Inquiry Into the Temporal and the Eternal Background of the Rise of Modern Civilization, Solum Forlag, 2003, p. 29. (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?q=Lasin+ Watzenrode& btnG=Search+ Books)

Nicolaus Copernicus
[20] "In 1512, Bishop Watzenrode died suddenly after attending King Sigismund's wedding feast in Krak‘w. Rumors abounded that the bishop had been poisoned by agents of his long-time foe, the Teutonic Knights." Alan Hirshfeld: Parallax: The race to Measure the Cosmos. W.H. Freemand and Company, 2001, ISBN 0-7167-3711-6, p.€38. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=CW6tqdhVMJoC& pg=PA38& dq=watzenrode+ died+ suddenly& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=watzenrode died suddenly& f=false)) [21] "The Watzelrodes†or Watzenrodes†in spite of their rather Germanic name seemed to have been good Poles (enemies of the Teutonic Order)." Alexandre Koyre, Astronomical Revolution, Copernicus ƒ Kepler ƒ Borelli, New York, Cornell University Press, 1973, ISBN 0-486-27095-5, p.€38. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=l0YRAZz2yU0C& pg=PA78& dq=germanic+ names+ good+ poles& lr=& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=& f=false)) [22] "[Watzenrode] was also firm, and the Teutonic Knights, who remained a constant menace, did not like him at all; the Grand Master of the order once described him as 'the devil incarnate'. [Watzenrode] was the trusted friend and advisor of three kings in succession: John Albert, Alexander (not to be confused with the poisoning pope), and Sigismund; and his influence greatly strengthened the ties between Warmia and Poland proper." Patrick Moore: The Great Astronomical Revolution: 1534ƒ1687 and the Space Age Epilogue. Albion Publishing, 1994, ISBN 1-898563-18-7, pp.€52, 62 ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=guAUPMLcHyoC& pg=PA62& dq=watzenrode+ john+ albert+ sigismund& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=watzenrode john albert sigismund& f=false)). [23] Wojciech Iwanczak (1998). "WATZENRODE, Lucas" (http:/ / www. bautz. de/ bbkl/ w/ watzenrode. shtml). In Bautz, Traugott (in German). Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). 13. Herzberg: Bautz. col. 389•393. ISBN€3-88309-072-7. . [24] "Lucas was on more friendly terms with his successors, Johann Albert (Jan Olbracht) (from 1492 to 1501), and later Alexander (Aleksander) (from 1501 to 1506), and Sigismund (Zygmunt) I (from 1506)." Pierre Gassendi & Olivier Thill: The Life of Copernicus (1473ƒ1543): The Man Who Did Not Change the World. Xulon Press, 2002, ISBN 1-59160-193-2, p.€22. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=9r0RfQtpU6AC& pg=PA22& dq=lucas+ was+ in+ more+ friendly& lr=& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=lucas was in more friendly& f=false)) [25] "[Watzenrode] was also firm, and the Teutonic Knights, who remained a constant menace, did not like him at all; the Grand Master of the order once described him as 'the devil incarnate'. [Watzenrode] was the trusted friend and advisor of three kings in succession: John Albert, Alexander (not to be confused with the poisoning pope), and Sigismund; and his influence greatly strengthened the ties between Warmia and Poland proper." Patrick Moore: The Great Astronomical Revolution: 1534ƒ1687 and the Space Age Epilogue. Albion Publishing, 1994, ISBN 1-898563-18-7, pp.€52, 62. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=guAUPMLcHyoC& pg=PA62& dq=watzenrode+ john+ albert+ sigismund& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=watzenrode john albert sigismund& f=false)) [26] "He spoke German, Polish and Latin with equal fluency as well as Italian." Daniel Stone: The Polish-Lithuanian State, 1386ƒ1795. University of Washington Press, 2001, ISBN 0-295-98093-1, p.€101. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=LFgB_l4SdHAC& pg=PA101& dq=The+ Polish+ Lithuanian+ State+ 1386+ copernicus+ spoke#v=onepage& q=& f=false)) [27] "He spoke Polish, Latin and Greek." Barbara Somerville: Nicolaus Copernicus: Father of Modern Astronomy. Compass Point Books, 2005, ISBN 0-7565-0812-6, p.€10. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ODh9P4P3ElkC& pg=PA10& dq=copernicus+ somervill+ spoke+ latin#v=onepage& q=& f=false)). [28] "He was a linguist with a command of Polish, German and Latin, and he possessed also a knowledge of Greek rare at that period in northeastern Europe and probably had some acquaintance with Italian and Hebrew." Angus Armitage: Copernicus and Modern Astronomy. Dover Publications, 2004 (originally 1957), ISBN 0-486-43907-0, p.€62. [29] He used Latin and German, knew enough Greek to translate the 7th-century Byzantine poet Theophylact Simocatta's verses into Latin prose (Armitage, The World of Copernicus, pp. 75•77), and "there is ample evidence that he knew the Polish language" (Norman Davies, God's Playground, vol. II, p. 26). During his several years' studies in Italy, Copernicus presumably would also have learned some Italian. Professor Stefan Melkowski of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toru™ likewise asserts that Copernicus spoke both German and Polish. ( (http:/ / glos. uni. torun. pl/ 2003/ 05/ historia) "O historii i o wsp‘•czesno’ci" ("About History and Contemporaneity"), May 2003.]) [30] "Deutsch war f•r Kopernikus Muttersprache und Alltagssprache, wenn auch der schriftliche Umgang fast ausschliešlich auf Lateinisch erfolgte." Martin Carrier: Nikolaus Kopernikus. Beck'sche Reihe, C. H. Beck, 2001, ISBN 3-406-47577-9, ISBN 978-3-406-47577-1, p.€192. ( online (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=bYxhZt6BZCoC& pg=PA65& vq=Deutsch+ war+ f§¨r+ Kopernikus+ Muttersprache& source=gbs_search_r& cad=1_1))]) [31] Rosen (1995, p. 127 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=C_a1kTvuZ1MC& pg=PA127#v=onepage& f=false)). [32] "Although great importance has frequently been ascribed to this fact, it does not imply that Copernicus considered himself to be a German. The 'nationes' of a medieval university had nothing in common with nations in the modern sense of the word. Students who were natives of Prussia and Silesia were automatically described as belonging to the Natio Germanorum. Furthmore, at Bologna, this was the 'privileged' nation; consequently, Copernicus had very good reason for inscribing himself on its register." Alexandre Koyre: Astronomical Revolution, Copernicus ƒ Kepler ƒ Borelli. Cornell University Press, 1973, ISBN 0-486-27095-5, p.€21. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=l0YRAZz2yU0C& pg=PA21& dq=natio+ germanorum#v=onepage& q=natio germanorum& f=false)) [33] "It is important to recognize, however, that the medievel Latin concept of natio, or "nation," referred to the community of feudal lords both in Germany and elsewhere, not to 'the people' in the nineteenth-century democratic or nationalistic sense of the word." Lonnie Johnson, Central Europe: Enemies, Neighbors, Friends, Oxford University Press, 1996, ISBN 0-19-510071-9, p.€23. ( (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=e_m13Hk3AFEC& pg=PA23& dq=natio+ germanorum& lr=& as_brr=3#v=onepage& q=natio germanorum& f=false)) [34] Arthur Koestler, The Sleepwalkers (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=skMBAAAAMAAJ& q="natio+ germanorum"& dq="natio+ germanorum"& pgis=1), 1968, p. 129.


Nicolaus Copernicus
[35] Pierre Gassendi, Oliver Thill, The Life of Copernicus (1473ƒ1543) (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=9r0RfQtpU6AC& pg=PA38& dq=natio+ copernicus& sig=wZg0maLYGyn-N2P7-bO7_q6s0Jc#v=onepage& q=Nationis Germanorum& f=false), 2002, p. 37. [36] Nicolaus Copernicus et al., Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe. Documenta Copernicana I.: Briefe, Texte und “bersetzungen (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=aEZrYxkjLkIC& pg=PA39& dq="natio+ germanorum"& sig=Dsr0AwrAI75N3ndXb5wHXWJaL4Q#PPA39,M1), 1996, p. 39. [37] Melkowski, Stefan (May 2003). "O historii i o wsp‘•czesno’ci (On History and the Present Day)" (http:/ / glos. uni. torun. pl/ 2003/ 05/ historia/ ) (in Polish). . Retrieved 2007-04-22. [38] "Kopernik, Koperek, Kopr and Koprnik in Polish†also similarly in other Slavonic languages†means simply dill such as is used in dill pickling. Be it as it may, although the present writer is more inclined towards the occupational interpretation, it is interesting to note ..." Stephen Mizwa, Nicolaus Copernicus, 1543ƒ1943, Kessinger Publishing, 1943, p.€37 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ZHDWSYV6pKoC& pg=PA37& dq=dill+ + + copernicus& lr=& as_brr=0#v=onepage& q=dill + copernicus& f=false). [39] Armitage, p. 51. [40] Gingerich (2004), p.€143. [41] Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe: Urkunden, Akten und Nachrichten: Texte und “bersetzungen, p.€23 ff (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=aEZrYxkjLkIC& pg=PA23& vq=Koppernigk& source=gbs_search_r& cad=0_1). ISBN 3-05-003009-7. [42] Marian Biskup, Regesta Copernicana (Calendar of Copernicus' Papers), Ossolineum, 1973, page€32 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3gkLAAAAMAAJ& q=Koppernigk& pgis=1#search). [43] Biskup (1973), pp.€38, 82 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=3gkLAAAAMAAJ& dq=Kopperlingk& q=Kopperlingk& pgis=1#search). [44] Carlo Malagola, Della vita e delle opere di Antonio Urceo detto Codro: studi e ricerche, 1878, pp.€562•65 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=SzQGAAAAQAAJ& dq=author:"Carlo+ Malagola"+ Kopperlingk& q=Kopperlingk& pgis=1#search). [45] "Copernicus, Nicolaus" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 136591/ Nicolaus-Copernicus). Encyclop•dia Britannica Online. Encyclop©dia Britannica. 2009. . Retrieved 2009-11-21. [46] Maximilian Curtze, Ueber die Orthographie des Namens Coppernicus, 1879, (http:/ / de. wikisource. org/ wiki/ Nicolaus_Coppernicus_aus_Thorn_§¨ber_die_Kreisbewegungen_der_Weltk§ªrper/ Vorwort#Orthographie). [47] Czes‹aw Mi‹osz, The History of Polish Literature, p. 38. [48] Angus Armitage, The World of Copernicus, p. 55. [49] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, pp. 4•5. [50] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, p. 5. [51] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, pp. 5•6. [52] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, p. 6. [53] Rabin (2005). [54] Gingerich (2004, pp.€187•89, 201); Koyrˆ (1973, p.€94); Kuhn (1957, p.€93); Rosen (2004, p.€123); Rabin (2005). Robbins (1964, p.x), however, includes Copernicus among a list of Renaissance astronomers who "either practiced astrology themselves or countenanced its practice." [55] Sedlar (1994). [56] Angus Armitage, The World of Copernicus, pp. 75•77. [57] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, p. 7. [58] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, pp. 7•8. [59] Repcheck (2007), p. 66. [60] Copernicus, Nicolaus, Minor Works (Edward Rosen, translator), Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992, pp. 176•215. [61] Oliver Volckart, "Early Beginnings of the Quantity Theory of Money and Their Context in Polish and Prussian Monetary Policies, c. 1520•1550", The Economic History Review, New Series 50 (August 1997) 3, pp. 430•49. [62] Repcheck, Jack (2007). Copernicus' Secret. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster. pp.€79, 78, 184, 186. ISBN€978-0-7432-8951-1. [63] Jerzy Dobrzycki and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj", Polski s•ownik biograficzny, vol. XIV, 1969, p. 11. [64] Angus Armitage, The World of Copernicus, pp. 97•98. [65] Angus Armitage, The World of Copernicus, p. 98. [66] Kuhn, 1957, pp. 187•88. [67] Photograph of a portrait of Copernicus by an unknown painter. The original was looted†possibly destroyed†by the Germans in World War II. Jan œwieczy™ski, Katalog skradzionych i zaginionych d‘br kultury (Catalog of Stolen and Missing Cultural Property), Warsaw, O›rodek Informacyjno-Koordynacyjny Ochrony Obiekt‘w Muzealnych (Center of Information and Coordination for the Safeguarding of Museum Objects), 1988. [68] A reference to the "Commentariolus" is contained in a library catalogue, dated 1 May 1514, of a 16th-century historian, Matthew of Miech‘w, so it must have begun circulating before that date (Koyrˆ, 1973, p.85; Gingerich, 2004, p.32). Thoren (1990, p.99 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=GxyA-lhWL-AC& pg=PA99)) gives the length of the manuscript as 40 pages. [69] Goddu (2010: 245•6) [70] Sch‡nberg, Nicholas, Letter to Nicolaus Copernicus, translated by Edward Rosen (http:/ / webexhibits. org/ calendars/ year-text-Copernicus. html). [71] Koyrˆ (1973, pp. 27, 90) and Rosen (1995, pp. 64,184) take the view that Copernicus was indeed concerned about possible objections from theologians, while Lindberg and Numbers (1986) argue against it. Koestler (1963) also denies it. Indirect evidence that Copernicus was


Nicolaus Copernicus
concerned about objections from theologians comes from a letter written to him by Andreas Osiander in 1541, in which Osiander advises Copernicus to adopt a proposal by which he says "you will be able to appease the Peripatetics and theologians whose opposition you fear." (Koyrˆ, 1973, pp. 35, 90) [72] Dreyer (1953, p.319) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ historyofplaneta00dreyuoft#page/ 319/ mode/ 1up). [73] Easton, Adam (21 November 2008). "Polish tests 'confirm Copernicus'" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ world/ europe/ 7740908. stm). BBC News. . Retrieved 2010-01-18. [74] "Copernicus' grave found in Polish church" (http:/ / www. usatoday. com/ tech/ science/ discoveries/ 2005-11-03-copernicus-grave_x. htm). USA Today. 3 November 2005. . Retrieved 2012-07-26. [75] Bowcott, Owen (21 November 2008). " 16th-century skeleton identified as astronomer Copernicus (http:/ / www. guardian. co. uk/ science/ 2008/ nov/ 21/ astronomy-archaeology)" The Guardian. Retrieved 2010-01-18. [76] Bogdanowicz, W.; Allen, M.; Branicki, W.; et al., M.; Gajewska, M.; Kupiec, T. (2009). "Genetic identification of putative remains of the famous astronomer Nicolaus Copernicus". PNAS 106 (30): 12279•12282. Bibcode€2009PNAS..10612279B. doi:10.1073/pnas.0901848106. PMC€2718376. PMID€19584252. [77] Gingerich, O. (2009). "The Copernicus grave mystery". PNAS 106 (30): 12215•12216. Bibcode€2009PNAS..10612215G. doi:10.1073/pnas.0907491106. PMC€2718392. PMID€19622737. [78] Astronomer Copernicus Reburied as Hero (New York Times, 22 May 2010) (http:/ / www. nytimes. com/ aponline/ 2010/ 05/ 22/ world/ AP-EU-Poland-Copernicus-Reburied. html) [79] Dreyer (1953), pp. 40•52) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ historyofplaneta00dreyuoft#page/ 40/ mode/ 2up); Linton (2004, p. 20). [80] Dreyer (1953), pp. 123•35) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ historyofplaneta00dreyuoft#page/ 122/ mode/ 2up); Linton (2004, p. 24). [81] Dreyer (1953, pp.135•48 (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ historyofplaneta00dreyuoft#page/ 134/ mode/ 2up)); Heath (1913), pp.301•8) (http:/ / www. archive. org/ stream/ aristarchusofsam00heatuoft#page/ 301/ mode/ 2up) [82] Particularly his use of the Tusi couple and his models for the motions of Mercury and the Moon (Linton 2004, pp. 124 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA124#v=onepage& q& f=false), 137•38 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA137#v=onepage& q& f=false)). [83] Rosen (2004), pp.€58•59 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ceSnipu4MykC& pg=PA58)). [84] Danielson (2006). [85] Koestler (1959, p.191) [86] Rosen (1995, pp.187•192), originally published in 1967 in Saggi su Galileo Galilei . Rosen is particularly scathing about this and other statements in The Sleepwalkers which he criticises as inaccurate. [87] Gingerich (2004), DeMarco (2004) (http:/ / www. boston. com/ news/ education/ higher/ articles/ 2004/ 04/ 13/ book_quest_took_him_around_the_globe) [88] Copernicus and Martin Luther: An Encounter Between Science and Religion by Donald H. Kobe, American Journal of Physics, March 1998, Volume 66, Issue 3, pp. 190 [89] Rivka Feldhay (1995). Galileo and the Church. Cambridge University Press. [90] Rosen (1995, p.158) [91] Rosen (1995, pp.151•59) [92] Robert S. Westman (2011). The Copernican Question: Prognostication, Skepticism, and Celestial Order. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. [93] Calvin's Attitude Toward Copernicus by Edward Rosen, Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 21, No. 3 (Jul. • Sep., 1960), pp. 431•441 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press [94] Edward Rosen (2003). Copernicus and his successors. Hambledon Continuum. [95] I. Bernard Cohen (1985). Harvard College Press. [96] Exercitations concerning the Name, Original, Nature, Use, and Continuance of a Day of Sacred Rest, Exercitation II = An Exposition of the Epistle to the Hebrews, Exercitation XXXVI, section 16 (Works, London, 1850•1855; re-issued, Edinburgh, 1862, XIX, 310). [97] Maurice A. Finocchiaro (2010). Defending Copernicus and Galileo: Critical Reasoning in the Two Affairs. Springer Science & Business Media. [98] In fact, in the Pythagorean cosmological system the Sun was not motionless. [99] Decree of the General Congregation of the Index, 5 March 1616, translated from the Latin by Finocchiaro (1989, pp.148•149). An on-line copy (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#indexdecree) of Finocchiaro's translation has been made available by Gagnˆ (2005). [100] Fantoli (2005, pp.118•19); Finocchiaro (1989, pp.148, 153). On-line copies of Finocchiaro's translations of the relevant documents, Inquisition Minutes of 25 February 1616 (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#inqminutes) and Cardinal Bellarmine's certificate of 26 May 1616 (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#certificate), have been made available by Gagnˆ (2005). This notice of the decree would not have prevented Galileo from discussing heliocentrism solely as a mathematical hypothesis, but a stronger formal injunction (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#specinj) (Finocchiaro, 1989, p.147-148) not to teach it "in any way whatever, either orally or in writing", allegedly issued to him by the Commissary of the Holy Office, Father Michelangelo Segizzi, would certainly have done so (Fantoli, 2005, pp.119•20, 137). There has been much controversy over whether the copy of this injunction in the Vatican archives is authentic; if so, whether it was ever


Nicolaus Copernicus
issued; and if so, whether it was legally valid (Fantoli, 2005, pp.120•43). [101] Catholic Encyclopedia (http:/ / www. newadvent. org/ cathen/ 04352b. htm). [102] From the Inquisition's sentence of 22 June 1633 (de Santillana, 1976, pp.306•10 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=RABIZBnf_y4C& pg=PA306); Finocchiaro 1989, pp.€287•91) (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#sentence) [103] Heilbron (2005, p. 307); Coyne (2005, p. 347). [104] McMullin (2005, p. 6); Coyne (2005, pp.€346•47). [105] Burleigh, Michael (1988). Germany turns eastwards. A study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich. CUP Archive. pp.€60, 133, 280. ISBN€0-521-35120-0. [106] Rudnicki, Konrad (November•December 2006). "The Genuine Copernican Cosmological Principle" (http:/ / southerncrossreview. org/ 50/ rudnicki1. htm). Southern Cross Review: note 2. . Retrieved 2010-01-21. [107] Mi‹osz, Czes‹aw (1983). The history of Polish literature (2 ed.). University of California Press. p.€37. ISBN€0-520-04477-0. [108] Davies, Norman (2005). God's playground. A History of Poland in Two Volumes. II. Oxford University Press. p.€20. ISBN€0-19-925340-4. [109] Manfred Weissenbacher, Sources of Power: How Energy Forges Human History, Praeger, 2009, p. 170. [110] "Copernicus, Nicolaus" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ eb/ article-9105759). Encyclop•dia Britannica Online. Encyclop©dia Britannica. 2007. . Retrieved 2007-09-21. [111] "Copernicus, Nicolaus", Encyclopedia Americana, 1986, vol. 7, pp. 755•56. [112] "Nicholas Copernicus" (http:/ / www. encyclopedia. com/ topic/ Nicholas_Copernicus. aspx), The Columbia Encyclopedia, sixth edition, 2008. Encyclopedia.com. 18 July 2009. [113] "Copernicus, Nicolaus", The Oxford World Encyclopedia, Oxford University Press, 1998. [114] Fox, Stuart (2009-07-14). "14 July 2009 • Element 112 shall be named ˆcopernicium‰, http" (http:/ / www. popsci. com/ scitech/ article/ 2009-07/ element-112-named-copernicum). //www.popsci.com/. . Retrieved 2012-08-17. [115] Renner, Terrence (20 February 2010). "Element 112 is Named Copernicium" (http:/ / www. iupac. org/ web/ nt/ 2010-02-20_112_Copernicium). International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry. . Retrieved 2010-02-20. [116] "Calendar of the Church Year according to the Episcopal Church" (http:/ / satucket. com/ lectionary/ Calendar. htm). Satucket.com. 2010-06-12. . Retrieved 2012-08-17.


‚ Armitage, Angus (1951). The World of Copernicus. New York, NY: Mentor Books. ‚ Barbara Bie™kowska (1973). The Scientific World of Copernicus: On the Occasion of the 500th Anniversary of His Birth, 1473ƒ1973. Springer. ISBN‡90-277-0353-1. ‚ Coyne, George V., S.J. (2005). The Church's Most Recent Attempt to Dispel the Galileo Myth. In McMullin (2005, pp.340•59). ‚ Danielson, Dennis Richard (2006). The First Copernican: Georg Joachim Rheticus and the Rise of the Copernican Revolution. New York: Walker & Company. ISBN€0-8027-1530-3. ‚ Davies, Norman, God's Playground: A History of Poland, 2 vols., New York, Columbia University Press, 1982, ISBN 0-231-04327-9. ‚ DeMarco, Peter (13 April 2004). "Book quest took him around the globe" (http://www.boston.com/news/ education/higher/articles/2004/04/13/book_quest_took_him_around_the_globe/). Boston Globe. Retrieved 2008-01-14. ‚ di Bono, Mario (1995). "Copernicus, Amico, Fracastoro and ¤¥s«'s Device: Observations on the Use and Transmission of a Model". Journal for the History of Astronomy xxvi: 133•54. Bibcode€1995JHA....26..133D. ‚ Dobrzycki, Jerzy, and Leszek Hajdukiewicz, "Kopernik, Miko‹aj," Polski s•ownik biograficzny (Polish Biographical Dictionary), vol. XIV, Wroc‹aw, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1969, pp.€3•16. ‚ Dreyer, John Louis Emil (1953) [1905]. A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler (http://www.archive. org/details/historyofplaneta00dreyuoft). New York, NY: Dover Publications. ‚ Fantoli, Annibale (2005). The Disputed Injunction and its Role in Galileo's Trial. In McMullin (2005, pp.117•49). ‚ Finocchiaro, Maurice A. (1989). The Galileo Affair: A Documentary History. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN€0-520-06662-6. ‚ Gagnˆ, Marc (2005). "Texts from The Galileo Affair: A Documentary History edited and translated by Maurice A. Finocchiaro" (http://web.archive.org/web/20070930013053/http://astro.wcupa.edu/mgagne/ess362/

Nicolaus Copernicus resources/finocchiaro.html). West Chester University course ESS 362/562 in History of Astronomy. Archived from the original (http://astro.wcupa.edu/mgagne/ess362/resources/finocchiaro.html) on 2007-09-30. Retrieved 2008-01-15. (Extracts from Finocchiaro (1989)) Gingerich, Owen (2004). The Book Nobody Read. London: William Heinemann. ISBN€0-434-01315-3. Goddu, Andrˆ (2010). Copernicus and the Aristotelian tradition (http://books.google.com.au/ books?id=iEjk13-1xSYC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. ISBN€978-90-04-18107-6. Goodman, David C.; Russell, Colin A. (1991). The Rise of Scientific Europe, 1500ƒ1800. Hodder Arnold H&S. ISBN€0-340-55861-X. Heath, Sir Thomas (1913). Aristarchus of Samos, the ancient Copernicus ; a history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus, together with Aristarchus's Treatise on the sizes and distances of the sun and moon : a new Greek text with translation and notes (http://www.archive.org/details/aristarchusofsam00heatuoft). London: Oxford University Press. Heilbron, John L. (2005). Censorship of Astronomy in Italy after Galileo. In McMullin (2005, pp.279•322). Hoskin, Michael A., The Cambridge Concise History of Astronomy, Cambridge, England, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-57600-8.


‚ ‚

‚ ‚

‚ ‚

‚ Huff, Toby E (2010). Intellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global Perspective (http://books. google.com.au/books?id=xNSPo_Xda_0C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-521-17052-9. ‚ Koestler, Arthur (1963) [1959]. The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe. New York, NY: Grosset & Dunlap. ISBN€0-448-00159-4. Original edition published by Hutchinson (1959, London) ‚ Koeppen, Hans et al. (1973). Nicolaus Copernicus zum 500. Geburtstag. B‡hlau Verlag. ISBN€3-412-83573-0. ‚ Koyrˆ, Alexandre (1973). The Astronomical Revolution: Copernicus ƒ Kepler ƒ Borelli. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN€0-8014-0504-1. ‚ Kuhn, Thomas (1957). The Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western Thought. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. OCLC€535467. ‚ Lindberg, David C.; Numbers, Ronald L. (1986). "Beyond War and Peace: A Reappraisal of the Encounter between Christianity and Science". Church History (Cambridge University Press) 55 (3): 338•354. doi:10.2307/3166822. JSTOR€3166822. ‚ Linton, Christopher M. (2004). From Eudoxus to Einstein€A History of Mathematical Astronomy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-521-82750-8. ‚ Manetho; Ptolemy (1964) [1940]. Manetho Ptolemy Tetrabiblos. Loeb Classical Library edition, translated by W.G.Waddell and F.E.Robbins PhD. London: William Heinemann. ‚ McMullin, Ernan, ed. (2005). The Church and Galileo. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. ISBN€0-268-03483-4. ‚ Mi‹osz, Czes‹aw, The History of Polish Literature, second edition, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1969, ISBN 0-520-04477-0. ‚ Ptolemy, Claudius (1964) [1940]. Tetrabiblos. Loeb Classical Library edition, translated by F.E.Robbins PhD. London: William Heinemann. ‚ Rabin, Sheila (2005). "Copernicus" (http://plato.stanford.edu/archives/sum2005/entries/copernicus/). The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2005 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.). Retrieved 2008-05-26. ‚ Repcheck, Jack (2007). Copernicus' Secret: How the Scientific Revolution Began. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN€0-7432-8951-X. ‚ Rosen, Edward (1995). Copernicus and his Successors. London: Hambledon Press. ISBN€1-85285-071-X. ‚ Rosen, Edward (translator) (2004) [1939]. Three Copernican Treatises:The Commentariolus of Copernicus; The Letter against Werner; The Narratio Prima of Rheticus (Second Edition, revised ed.). New York, NY: Dover Publications. ISBN€0-486-43605-5.

Nicolaus Copernicus ‚ Russell, Jeffrey Burton (1997) [1991]. Inventing the Flat Earth€Columbus and Modern Historians. New York, NY: Praeger. ISBN€0-275-95904-X. ‚ Saliba, George (2009). "Islamic reception of Greek astronomy" (http://journals.cambridge.org/action/ displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=8312919). in Valls-Gabaud & Boskenberg (2009). pp.€149•65 ‚ de Santillana, Giorgio (1976†Midway reprint) [1955]. The Crime of Galileo (http://books.google.com/ ?id=RABIZBnf_y4C&printsec=frontcover). Chicago, Ill: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-73481-1. ‚ Sedlar, Jean W. (1994). East Central Europe in the Middle Ages 1000ƒ1500 (http://books.google.com/ ?id=ANdbpi1WAIQC&pg=PA282&lpg=PA282&dq=royal-prussia). University of Washington Press. ISBN€0-295-97290-4. ‚ Thoren, Victor E. (1990). The Lord of Uraniborg (http://books.google.com/?id=GxyA-lhWL-AC). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-35158-8. (A biography of Danish astronomer and alchemist Tycho Brahe.) ‚ Valls-Gabaud, D.; Boskenberg, A., eds. (2009). The Role of Astronomy in Society and Culture. Proceedings IAU Symposium No. 260. ‚ Veselovsky, I.N. (1973). "Copernicus and Na¢£r al-D£n al-¤¥s£". Journal for the History of Astronomy iv: 128•30. Bibcode€1973JHA.....4..128V.


Further reading
‚ Prowe, Leopold (1884) (in German). Nicolaus Coppernicus (http://books.google.com/?id=to0DAAAAYAAJ). Berlin: Weidmannsche Verlagsbuchhandlung. ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe (Nicolaus Copernicus Complete Edition; in German and Latin; 9 volumes, 1974•2004), various editors, Berlin, Akademie Verlag. A large collection of writings by and about Copernicus. ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus Gesamtausgabe: Biographies and Portraits of Copernicus from 16th to 18th century, Biographia Copernicana, 2004, ISBN 3-05-003848-9 (http://www.gbv.de/dms/goettingen/378203525.pdf) (http://books.google.com/books?id=sFF1nknsxRwC&printsec=frontcover&dq="Biographia+Copernicana"& source=gbs_summary_r&cad=0#PPA23,M1) ‚ Schmauch, Hans€(1957)€(in German).€" Copernicus, Nicolaus (http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/0001/ bsb00016319/images/index.html?seite=364) ". In Neue Deutsche Biographie (NDB). 3. Berlin: Duncker & Humblot. pp.€348•355. ‚ Bruhns, Christian€(1876)€(in German).€"Copernicus, Nicolaus". In Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB).€4. Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot. pp.€461•469.

External links
Primary Sources ‚ Works by Nicolaus Copernicus (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Nicolaus+Copernicus) at Project Gutenberg ‚ De Revolutionibus, autograph manuscript (http://www.bj.uj.edu.pl/bjmanus/revol/titlpg_e.html) • Full digital facsimile, Jagiellonian University ‚ (Polish) Polish translations of letters written by Copernicus in Latin or German (http://domwarminski.pl/index. php?option=com_content&view=article&id=19) ‚ Online Galleries, History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries (http://hos.ou.edu/ galleries//16thCentury/Copernicus/) High resolution images of works by and/or portraits of Nicolaus Copernicus in .jpg and .tiff format. General ‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Nicolaus Copernicus" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Copernicus.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews.

Nicolaus Copernicus ‚ Copernicus in Torun (http://www.visittorun.pl/index.php?strona=6) ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus Thorunensis (http://copernicus.torun.pl/en/) by the Copernican Academic Portal (http:// copernicus.torun.pl/en/project/) ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus Museum in Frombork (http://www.frombork.art.pl/Ang01.htm) ‚ Portraits of Copernicus: Copernicus's face reconstructed (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/9913250/); Portrait (http://www-groups.dcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/~history/PictDisplay/Copernicus.html); Nicolaus Copernicus (http://www.frombork.art.pl/Ang10.htm) ‚ Copernicus and Astrology (http://www.hps.cam.ac.uk/starry/coperastrol.html) • Cambridge University: Copernicus had • of course • teachers with astrological activities and his tables were later used by astrologers. ‚ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/copernicus/) ‚ Find-A-Grave profile for Nicolaus Copernicus (http://www.findagrave.com/cgi-bin/fg.cgi?page=gr& GRid=10340) ‚ 'Body of Copernicus' identified (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/europe/4405958.stm) • BBC article including image of Copernicus using facial reconstruction based on located skull ‚ Copernicus and Astrology (http://www.skyscript.co.uk/copernicus.html) ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus on the 1000 Polish Zloty banknote. (http://www-personal.umich.edu/~jbourj/money2. htm) ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Parallax and the Earth's orbit (http://csep10.phys.utk.edu/astr161/lect/retrograpde/parallax.gif) Copernicus's model for Mars (http://www.mhhe.com/physsci/astronomy/fix/student/images/04f08.jpg) Retrograde Motion (http://www.mhhe.com/physsci/astronomy/fix/student/images/02f27.jpg) Copernicus's explanation for retrograde motion (http://www.mhhe.com/physsci/astronomy/fix/student/ images/04f04.jpg) ‚ Geometry of Maximum Elongation (http://www.mhhe.com/physsci/astronomy/fix/student/images/04f07. jpg) ‚ Copernican Model (http://csep10.phys.utk.edu/astr161/lect/retrograde/copernican.html) ‚ Portraits of Nicolaus Copernicus (http://www.frombork.art.pl/Ang10.htm) About De Revolutionibus ‚ The Copernican Universe from the De Revolutionibus (http://galileo.rice.edu/sci/theories/copernican_system. html) ‚ De Revolutionibus, 1543 first edition (http://digital.lib.lehigh.edu/planets/cop.php?num=F.1&exp=false& lang=lat&CISOPTR=0&limit=cop&view=full) • Full digital facsimile, Lehigh University ‚ The front page of the De Revolutionibus (http://www.hao.ucar.edu/Public/education/bios/derevolutionibus. html) ‚ The text of the De Revolutionibus (http://webexhibits.org/calendars/year-text-Copernicus.html) ‚ A java applet about Retrograde Motion (http://www.flex.com/~jai/astrology/retrograde.html) ‚ The Antikythera Calculator (Italian and English versions) (http://www.giovannipastore.it/CALCOLATORE DI ANTIKYTHERA.htm) ‚ Pastore Giovanni, Antikythera e i Regoli calcolatori, Rome, 2006, privately published (http://www. giovannipastore.it/ISTRUZIONI.htm) Legacy ‚ (Italian) Copernicus in Bologna (http://www.bo.astro.it/dip/Museum/italiano/sto1_08.html) • in Italian ‚ Chasing Copernicus: The Book Nobody Read (http://www.npr.org/display_pages/features/feature_1746110. html) • Was One of the Greatest Scientific Works Really Ignored? All Things Considered. NPR ‚ Copernicus and his Revolutions (http://www.bede.org.uk/copernicus.htm) • A detailed critique of the rhetoric of De Revolutionibus


Nicolaus Copernicus ‚ Article which discusses Copernicus's debt to the Arabic tradition (http://www.columbia.edu/~gas1/project/ visions/case1/sci.1.html) Prizes ‚ Nicolaus Copernicus Prize, founded by the City of Krak‘w (http://pau.krakow.pl/index.php/en/2008031765/ Prizes-by-PAU/Page-2.html), awarded since 1995 German-Polish cooperation ‚ (English) (German) (Polish) German-Polish "Copernicus Prize" awarded to German and Polish scientists ( DFG website (http://www.dfg.de/en/funded_projects/prizewinners/copernicus_award/index.html)) ( FNP website (http://www.fnp.org.pl/programmes/overview_of_programmes/the_copernicus_award)) ‚ (English) (German) (Polish) B•ro Kopernikus • An initiative of German Federal Cultural Foundation (http:// www.buero-kopernikus.org/en/home/31/0/0) ‚ (German) (Polish) German-Polish school project on Copernicus (http://www.bkherne.eu/index. php?option=com_content&view=article&id=304&Itemid=272)


Copernican heliocentrism
Copernican heliocentrism is the name given to the astronomical model developed by Nicolaus Copernicus and published in 1543. It positioned the Sun near the center of the Universe, motionless, with Earth and the other planets rotating around it in circular paths modified by epicycles and at uniform speeds. The Copernican model departed from the Ptolemaic system that prevailed in Western culture for centuries, placing Earth at the center of the Universe, and is often regarded as the launching point to modern astronomy and the Scientific Revolution.[1] As a university-trained Catholic priest dedicated to astronomy, Copernicus was acquainted with the Sun-centered cosmos of Heliocentric model from Nicolaus Copernicus' De revolutionibus orbium the ancient Greek Aristarchus. Although he coelestium circulated an outline of the heliocentric theory to colleagues decades earlier, the idea was largely forgotten until late in his life he was urged by a pupil to complete and publish a mathematically detailed account of his model. Copernicus's challenge was to present a practical alternative to the Ptolemaic model by more elegantly and accurately determining the length of a solar year while preserving the metaphysical implications of a mathematically ordered cosmos. Thus his heliocentric model retained several of the Ptolemaic elements causing the inaccuracies, such as the planets' circular orbits, epicycles, and uniform speeds,[1] while at the same time re-introducing such innovations as: ‚ Earth is one of seven ordered planets in a solar system circling a stationary Sun ‚ Earth has three motions: daily rotation, annual revolution, and annual tilting of its axis ‚ Retrograde motion of the planets is explained by Earth's motion

Copernican heliocentrism ‚ Distance from Earth to the Sun is small compared to the distance to the stars


Earlier theories with the Earth in motion
Philolaus (4th century BCE) was also one of the first to hypothesize movement of the Earth, probably inspired by Pythagoras' theories about a spherical globe. Aristarchus of Samos in the 3rd century BCE had developed some theories of Heraclides Ponticus (speaking of a revolution by Earth on its axis) to propose what was, so far as is known, the first serious model of a heliocentric solar system. His work about a heliocentric system has not survived, so one may only speculate about what led him to his conclusions. It is notable that, according to Plutarch, a contemporary of Aristarchus accused him of impiety for "putting the Earth in motion." Several Muslim astronomers, such as Ibn al-Haytham, Abu-Rayhan Biruni, Abu Said Sinjari, Najm al-D£n al-Qazw£n£ al-K•tib£, and Qutb al-Din al-Shirazi also discussed the possibility of heliocentrism. Copernicus cited Aristarchus and Philolaus in an early manuscript of his book which survives, stating: "Philolaus believed in the mobility of the earth, and some even say that Aristarchus of Samos was of that opinion." For reasons unknown (although possibly out of reluctance to quote pre-Christian sources), he did not include this passage in the publication of his book. Inspiration came to Copernicus not from observation of the planets, but from reading two authors. In Cicero he found an account of the theory of Hicetas. Plutarch provided an account of the Pythagoreans Heraclides Ponticus, Philolaus, and Ecphantes. These authors had proposed a moving Earth, which did not, however, revolve around a central sun. When Copernicus' book was published, it contained an unauthorized preface by the Lutheran theologian Andreas Osiander. This cleric stated that Copernicus wrote his heliocentric account of the Earth's movement as a mere mathematical hypothesis, not as an account that contained truth or even probability. Since Copernicus' hypothesis was believed to contradict the Old Testament account of the Sun's movement around the Earth (Joshua 10:12-13), this was apparently written to soften any religious backlash against the book. However, there is no evidence that Copernicus himself considered the heliocentric model as merely mathematically convenient, separate from reality.

Anticipations of Copernicus's models for planetary orbits
Mathematical techniques developed in the 13th-14th centuries by the Muslim astronomers, Mo'ayyeduddin Urdi, Nasir al-Din al-Tusi, and Ibn al-Shatir for geocentric models of planetary motions[2] closely resemble some of those used later by Copernicus in his heliocentric models.[3] This has led some scholars to argue that Copernicus must have had access to some yet to be identified work on the ideas of those earlier astronomers.[4] However, no likely candidate for this conjectured work has yet come to light, and other scholars have argued that Copernicus could well have developed these ideas independently of the Islamic tradition.[5] Copernicus also discusses the theories of Al-Battani and Averroes in his major work.

Copernican heliocentrism


The Ptolemaic system
The prevailing astronomical model of the cosmos in Europe in the 1,400 years leading up to the 16th century was that created by the Roman citizen Claudius Ptolemy in his Almagest, dating from about 150 A.D. Throughout the Middle Ages it was spoken of as the authoritative text on astronomy, although its author remained a little understood figure frequently mistaken as one of the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt.[6] The Ptolemaic system drew on many previous theories that viewed Earth as a stationary center of the universe. Stars were embedded in a large outer sphere which rotated relatively rapidly, while the planets dwelt in smaller spheres between†a separate one for each planet. To account for apparent anomalies in this view, such as the apparent retrograde motion of the Line art drawing of Ptolemaic system planets, a system of deferents and epicycles was used. The planet was said to revolve in a small circle (the epicycle) about a center, which itself revolved in a larger circle (the deferent) about a center on or near the Earth.[7] A complementary theory to Ptolemy's employed homocentric spheres: the spheres within which the planets rotated, could themselves rotate somewhat. This theory predated Ptolemy (it was first devised by Eudoxus of Cnidus; by the time of Copernicus it was associated with Averroes). Also popular with astronomers were variations such as eccentrics†by which the rotational axis was offset and not completely at the center. Ptolemy's unique contribution to this theory was the equant†a point about which the center of a planet's epicycle moved with uniform angular velocity, but which was offset from the center of its deferent. This violated one of the fundamental principles of Aristotelian cosmology†namely, that the motions of the planets should be explained in terms of uniform circular motion, and was considered a serious defect by many medieval astronomers.[8] In Copernicus's day, the most up-to-date version of the Ptolemaic system was that of Peurbach (1423•1461) and Regiomontanus (1436•1476).

Copernican heliocentrism


Copernican theory
Copernicus' major work, De revolutionibus orbium coelestium - On the Revolutions of the Celestial Spheres (first edition 1543 in Nuremberg, second edition 1566 in Basel[9]), was published during the year of his death, though he had arrived at his theory several decades earlier. The book marks the beginning of the shift away from a geocentric (and anthropocentric) universe with the Earth at its center. Copernicus held that the Earth is another planet revolving around the fixed sun once a year, and turning on its axis once a day. But while Copernicus put the Sun at the center of the celestial spheres, he did not put it at the exact center of the universe, but near it. Copernicus' system used only uniform circular motions, correcting what was seen by many as the chief inelegance in Ptolemy's system. The Copernican model replaced Ptolemy's equant circles with more epicycles.[10] This is the main reason that Copernicus' system had even more epicycles than Ptolemy's. The Copernican system can be summarized in several propositions, as Copernicus himself did in his early Commentariolus that he handed only to friends probably in the 1510s. The "little commentary" was never printed. Its existence was only known indirectly until a copy was discovered in Stockholm around 1880, and another in Vienna a few years later.[11] The major features of Copernican theory are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Nicolai Copernicito Torinensis De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium, Libri VI (title page of 2nd edition, Basel, 1566)

Heavenly motions are uniform, eternal, and circular or compounded of several circles (epicycles). The center of the universe is near the Sun. Around the Sun, in order, are Mercury, Venus, Earth and Moon, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn, and the fixed stars. The Earth has three motions: daily rotation, annual revolution, and annual tilting of its axis. Retrograde motion of the planets is explained by the Earth's motion. The distance from the Earth to the Sun is small compared to the distance to the stars.

De revolutionibus orbium coelestium
It opened with an originally anonymous preface by Andreas Osiander, a theologian friend of Copernicus, who urged that the theory, which was considered a tool that allows simpler and more accurate calculations, did not necessarily have implications outside the limited realm of astronomy.[12] Copernicus' actual book began with a letter from his (by then deceased) friend Nikolaus von Sch‡nberg, Cardinal Archbishop of Capua, urging Copernicus to publish his theory.[13] Then, in a lengthy introduction, Copernicus dedicated the book to Pope Paul III, explaining his ostensible motive in writing the book as relating to the inability of earlier astronomers to agree on an adequate theory of the planets, and noting that if his system increased the accuracy of astronomical predictions it would allow the Church to develop a more accurate calendar. At that time, a reform of the Julian Calendar was considered necessary and was one of the major reasons for the Church's interest in astronomy. The work itself was then divided into six books:[14] 1. General vision of the heliocentric theory, and a summarized exposition of his idea of the World.

Copernican heliocentrism 2. Mainly theoretical, presents the principles of spherical astronomy and a list of stars (as a basis for the arguments developed in the subsequent books). 3. Mainly dedicated to the apparent motions of the Sun and to related phenomena. 4. Description of the Moon and its orbital motions. 5. Concrete exposition of the new system including planetary longitude. 6. Further concrete exposition of the new system Including planetary latitude.


Acceptance of Copernican heliocentrism
From publication until about 1700, few astronomers were convinced by the Copernican system, though the book was relatively widely circulated (around 500 copies of the first and second editions have survived,[15] which is a large number by the scientific standards of the time). Few of Copernicus' contemporaries were ready to concede that the Earth actually moved, although Erasmus Reinhold used Copernicus' parameters to produce the Prutenic Tables. However, these tables translated Copernicus' mathematical methods back into a geocentric system, rejecting heliocentric cosmology on physical and theological grounds.[16] The Prutenic tables came to be preferred by Prussian and German astronomers. The degree of improved accuracy of these tables remains an open question, but their usage of Copernican ideas led to more serious consideration of a heliocentric model. However, even forty-five years after the publication of De Revolutionibus, the astronomer Tycho Brahe went so far as to construct a cosmology precisely equivalent to that of Copernicus, but with the Earth held fixed in the center of the celestial sphere instead of the Sun.[17] It was another generation before a community of practicing astronomers appeared who

Statue of Copernicus next to Cracow University's Collegium Novum

accepted heliocentric cosmology. From a modern point of view, the Copernican model has a number of advantages. It accurately predicts the relative distances of the planets from the Sun, although this meant abandoning the cherished Aristotelian idea that there is no empty space between the planetary spheres. Copernicus also gave a clear account of the cause of the seasons: that the Earth's axis is not perpendicular to the plane of its orbit. In addition, Copernicus's theory provided a strikingly simple explanation for the apparent retrograde motions of the planets†namely as parallactic displacements resulting from the Earth's motion around the Sun†an important consideration in Johannes Kepler's conviction that the theory was substantially correct.[18] However, for his contemporaries, the ideas presented by Copernicus were not markedly easier to use than the geocentric theory and did not produce more accurate predictions of planetary positions. Copernicus was aware of this and could not present any observational "proof", relying instead on arguments about what would be a more complete and elegant system. The Copernican model appeared to be contrary to common sense and to contradict the Bible. Tycho Brahe's arguments against Copernicus are illustrative of the physical, theological, and even astronomical grounds on which heliocentric cosmology was rejected. Tycho, arguably the most accomplished astronomer of his time, appreciated the elegance of the Copernican system, but objected to the idea of a moving Earth on the basis of

Copernican heliocentrism physics, astronomy, and religion. The Aristotelian physics of the time (modern Newtonian physics was still a century away) offered no physical explanation for the motion of a massive body like Earth, but could easily explain the motion of heavenly bodies by postulating that they were made of a different sort substance called aether that moved naturally. So Tycho said that the Copernican system ˆ... expertly and completely circumvents all that is superfluous or discordant in the system of Ptolemy. On no point does it offend the principle of mathematics. Yet it ascribes to the Earth, that hulking, lazy body, unfit for motion, a motion as quick as that of the aethereal torches, and a triple motion at that.‰[19] Likewise, Tycho took issue with the vast distances to the stars that Copernicus had assumed in order to explain why the Earth's motion produced no visible changes in the appearance of the fixed stars (known as annual stellar parallax). Tycho had measured the apparent sizes of stars (now known to be illusory • see stellar magnitude), and used geometry to calculate that in order to both have those apparent sizes and be as far away as heliocentrism required, stars would have to be huge (the size of Earth's orbit or larger, and thus much larger than the sun). Regarding this Tycho wrote, ˆDeduce these things geometrically if you like, and you will see how many absurdities (not to mention others) accompany this assumption [of the motion of the earth] by inference.‰[20] He said his Tychonic system, which incorporated Copernican features into a geocentric system, ˆoffended neither the principles of physics nor Holy Scripture‰.[21] Thus many astronomers accepted some aspects of Copernicus's theory at the expense of others. His model did have a large influence on later scientists such as Galileo and Johannes Kepler, who adopted, championed and (especially in Kepler's case) sought to improve it. However, in the years following publication of de Revolutionibus, for leading astronomers such as Erasmus Reinhold, the key attraction of Copernicus's ideas was that they reinstated the idea of uniform circular motion for the planets.[22] During the 17th century, several further discoveries eventually led to the complete acceptance of heliocentrism: ‚ Using the newly-invented telescope, Galileo discovered the four large moons of Jupiter (evidence that the solar system contained bodies that did not orbit Earth), the phases of Venus (the first observational evidence for Copernicus' theory) and the rotation of the Sun about a fixed axis[23] as indicated by the apparent annual variation in the motion of sunspots; ‚ With a telescope, Giovanni Zupi saw the phases of Mercury in 1639; ‚ Kepler introduced the idea that the orbits of the planets were elliptical rather than circular. ‚ Isaac Newton proposed universal gravity and the inverse-square law of gravitational attraction to explain Kepler's elliptical planetary orbits. In 1725, James Bradley discovered stellar aberration, an apparent annual motion of stars around small ellipses, and attributed it to the finite speed of light and the motion of Earth in its orbit around the Sun.[24] In 1838, Friedrich Bessel made the first successful measurements of annual parallax for the star 61 Cygni using a heliometer. In the 20th century, orbits are explained by general relativity, which can be formulated using any desired coordinate system, and it is no longer necessary to consider the Sun the center of anything.


Modern opinion
Whether Copernicus' propositions were "revolutionary" or "conservative" was a topic of debate in the late twentieth century. Thomas Kuhn argued that Copernicus only transferred "some properties to the Sun's many astronomical functions previously attributed to the earth." Other historians have since argued that Kuhn underestimated what was "revolutionary" about Copernicus' work, and emphasized the difficulty Copernicus would have had in putting forward a new astronomical theory relying alone on simplicity in geometry, given that he had no experimental evidence. In his book The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe, Arthur Koestler puts Copernicus in a different light to what many authors seem to suggest, portraying him as a coward who was reluctant to publish his work due to a crippling fear of ridicule.

Copernican heliocentrism


[1] [2] [3] [4] Kuhn 1985 Especially the Tusi couple, and models for the motions of Mercury and the Moon. Esposito 1999, p.€289 Linton (2004, pp. 124 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA124#v=onepage& q& f=false), 137•38) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA137#v=onepage& q& f=false), Saliba (2009, pp.160•65). [5] Goddu (2010, pp.261•69, 476•86), Huff (2010, pp.263•64) (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=xNSPo_Xda_0C& pg=PA263#v=onepage& q& f=false), di Bono (1995), Veselovsky (1973). [6] McCluskey (1998), pp. 27 [7] Koestler (1989), pp. 69-72 [8] Gingerich (2004), p. 53 [9] Koestler (1989), p.194 [10] Koestler (1989), pp. 579-80 [11] Gingerich (2004), pp.31•32 [12] Gingerich (2004), p.139 [13] Koestler (1989), p.196 [14] Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ copernicus/ ) [15] Gingerich (2004), p.248 [16] Hanne Andersen, Peter Barker, and Xiang Chen. The Cognitive Structure of Scientific Revolutions. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. pp 138-148 [17] Kuhn 1985, pp.€200•202 [18] Linton (2004, pp.138 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA138), 169 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=B4br4XJFj0MC& pg=PA169)), Crowe (2001, pp.90•92 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=IGlhN0MI87oC& pg=PA90)), Kuhn 1985, pp.€165•167 [19] Owen Gingerich, The eye of heaven: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Kepler, New York: American Institute of Physics, 1993, 181, ISBN 0-88318-863-5 [20] Blair, Ann, "Tycho Brahe's critique of Copernicus and the Copernican system", Journal of the History of Ideas, 51, 1990, 364. [21] Gingerich, O. & Voelkel, J. R., J. Hist. Astron., Vol. 29, 1998 (http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1998JHA. . . . 29. . . . 1G#), page 1 [22] Gingerich (2004), pp.23, 55 [23] Fixed, that is, in the Copernican system. In a geostatic system the apparent annual variation in the motion of sunspots could only be explained as the result of an implausibly complicated precession of the Sun's axis of rotation (Linton, 2004, p.212; Sharratt, 1994, p.166; Drake, 1970, pp.191•196) [24] Hirschfeld, Alan (2001). Parallax:The Race to Measure the Cosmos. New York: Henry Holt. ISBN€0-8050-7133-4.

‚ Crowe, Michael J. (2001). Theories of the World from Antiquity to the Copernican Revolution (http://books. google.com.au/books?id=IGlhN0MI87oC). Mineola, New York: Dover Publications, Inc. ISBN€0-486-41444-2. ‚ di Bono, Mario (1995). "Copernicus, Amico, Fracastoro and ¤¥s«'s Device: Observations on the Use and Transmission of a Model". Journal for the History of Astronomy xxvi: 133•54. Bibcode€1995JHA....26..133D. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1970). Galileo Studies. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. ISBN€0-472-08283-3. ‚ Esposito, John L. (1999). The Oxford history of Islam. Oxford University Press. ISBN€978-0-19-510799-9. ‚ Gingerich, Owen (2004). The Book Nobody Read. London: William Heinemann. ISBN€0-434-01315-3. ‚ Goddu, Andrˆ (2010). Copernicus and the Aristotelian tradition (http://books.google.com.au/ books?id=iEjk13-1xSYC&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Leiden, Netherlands: Brill. ISBN€978-90-04-18107-6. ‚ Huff, Toby E (2010). Intellectual Curiosity and the Scientific Revolution: A Global Perspective (http://books. google.com.au/books?id=xNSPo_Xda_0C&printsec=frontcover#v=onepage&q&f=false). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-521-17052-9. ‚ Koestler, Arthur (1989). The Sleepwalkers. Arkana. ISBN€978-0-14-019246-9. ‚ Kuhn, Thomas S. (1985). The Copernican Revolution€Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western Thought. Cambridge, Mississippi: Harvard University Press. ISBN€978-0-674-17103-9. ‚ Linton, Christopher M. (2004). From Eudoxus to Einstein€A History of Mathematical Astronomy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-521-82750-8.

Copernican heliocentrism ‚ McCluskey, S. C. (1998). Astronomies and Cultures in Early Medieval Europe. Cambridge: CUP. ‚ Raju, C. K. (2007). Cultural foundations of mathematics: the nature of mathematical proof and the transmission of the calculus from India to Europe in the 16th c. CE. Pearson Education India. ISBN€978-81-317-0871-2. ‚ Saliba, George (2009). "Islamic reception of Greek astronomy" (http://journals.cambridge.org/action/ displayAbstract?fromPage=online&aid=8312919). in Valls-Gabaud & Boskenberg (2009). pp.€149•65 ‚ Sharratt, Michael (1994). Galileo: Decisive Innovator. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-56671-1. ‚ Veselovsky, I.N. (1973). "Copernicus and Na¢£r al-D£n al-¤¥s£". Journal for the History of Astronomy iv: 128•30. Bibcode€1973JHA.....4..128V.


Further reading
‚ Hannam, James (2007). "Deconstructing Copernicus" (http://jameshannam.com/copernicus.htm). Medieval Science and Philosophy. Retrieved 2007-08-17. Analyses the varieties of argument used by Copernicus in De revolutionibus.

Related fiction
‚ Goldstone, Lawrence (2010). The Astronomer: A Novel of Suspense. New York: Walker and Company. ISBN€0-8027-1986-4.

External links
‚ Elementary analysis of planetary orbits (http://www.phy6.org/stargaze/Ssolsys.htm) from educational website From Stargazers to Starships (http://www.phy6.org/stargaze/Sintro.htm)

Copernican Revolution


Copernican Revolution
The Copernican Revolution refers to the paradigm shift away from the Ptolemaic model of the heavens, which postulated the Earth at the center of the galaxy, towards the heliocentric model with the Sun at the center of our Solar System. It was one of the starting points of the Scientific Revolution of the 16th century.

Historical overview

In 1543 Nicolaus Copernicus published his treatise De revolutionibus orbium coelestium (On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres), which presented a heliocentric model view of the universe. It took about 200 years for a heliocentric model to replace the Ptolemaic model. To describe the innovation initiated by Copernicus as the simple interchange of the position of the earth and sun is to make a molehill out of a promontory in the development of human thought. If Copernicus' proposal had had no consequences outside astronomy, it would have been neither so long delayed nor so strenuously resisted.[1]

Motion of Sun, Earth, and Mars according to heliocentrism (left) and to geocentrism (right), before the Copernican-Galilean-Newtonian revolution. Note the retrograde motion of Mars on the right. Yellow dot, Sun; blue, Earth; red, Mars. (In order to get a smooth animation, it is assumed that the period of revolution of Mars is exactly 2 years, instead of the actual value, 1.88 years). The orbits are assumed to be circular.

Nicolaus Copernicus
Nicolaus Copernicus, in his On the Revolutions of the Heavenly Spheres (1543), demonstrated that the motion of the heavens can be explained without the Earth's being in the geometric center of the system. This led to the view that we can dispense with the assumption that we are observing the universe from a special position. Although Copernicus initiated the revolution, he certainly didn't complete it. He continued to believe in the celestial spheres and could provide little in the way of direct observational evidence that his theory was superior to Ptolemy's.

Tycho Brahe
The Danish astronomer Tycho Brahe, who proposed a compromise between the geocentric and the heliocentric theories with the Tychonic system, contributed to the revolution by showing that the heavenly spheres were at best mathematical devices rather than physical objects, since the great comet of 1577 passed through the spheres of several planets, and, moreover, the spheres of Mars and the Sun passed through each other. Brahe and his assistants also made the numerous and painstaking observations which allowed Johannes Kepler to derive his laws of planetary motion. Kepler's revised heliocentric system gave a far more accurate description of planetary motions than the Ptolemaic one.

Copernican Revolution


Johannes Kepler
Johannes Kepler proposed an alternative model in 1605, essentially the modern one, in which the planetary orbits were ellipses, rather than circles modified by epicycles as Copernicus used.

Galileo Galilei
Starting with his first use of the telescope for astronomical observations in 1610, Galileo Galilei provided support for the Copernican system by observing the phases of Venus and the moons of Jupiter (which showed that the apparently anomalous orbit of the Moon in Copernicus' theory was not unique). Galileo also wrote a defense of the heliocentric system, Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems (1632), which led to his trial and house arrest by the Inquisition.

Giordano Bruno
In the same period, a number of writers inspired by Copernicus, such as Thomas Digges and Giordano Bruno, argued for an infinite or at least indefinitely extended universe, with other stars as distant suns. Although opposed by Copernicus and Kepler (with Galileo agnostic), by the middle of the 17th century this became widely accepted, partly due to the support of Renˆ Descartes.

Isaac Newton
The Copernican revolution was arguably completed by Isaac Newton whose Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687) provided a consistent physical explanation which showed that the planets are kept in their orbits by the familiar force of gravity. Newton was able to derive Kepler's laws as good approximations and to get yet more accurate predictions by taking account of the gravitational interaction between the planets.

Metaphorical use
The philosopher Immanuel Kant made an analogy to Copernicus when describing a problem from a different point of view, and some later philosophers have called it his "Copernican revolution".[2] The conditions and qualities he ascribed to the subject of knowledge placed man at the centre of all conceptual and empirical experience, and overcame the rationalism-empiricism impasse, characteristic of the 17th and 18th centuries. See also Subject-object problem.

[1] Kuhn 1957, p. 94 [2] Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy) (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ hegel/ )

1. Blumenberg, Hans; Robert M. Wallace (translator) (1987). The Genesis of the Copernican World. Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. pp.€1,772. ISBN€0-262-52144-X. 2. Koestler, Arthur (1959). The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe. Hutchinson. 3. Koyrˆ, Alexandre (1957). From the Closed World to the Infinite Universe. Johns Hopkins University Press. 4. Kuhn, Thomas S. (1957). The Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western Thought. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. ISBN€0-674-17103-9. 5. Kuhn, Thomas S.; Conant, James and Haugeland, John (2000). The Road Since Structure: Philosophical Essays, 1970-1993, with an autobiographical interview. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-45798-2.

Mathematical induction


Mathematical induction
Mathematical induction is a method of mathematical proof typically used to establish that a given statement is true for all natural numbers (positive integers). It is done by proving that the first statement in the infinite sequence of statements is true, and then proving that if any one statement in the infinite sequence of statements is true, then so is the next one. The method can be extended to prove statements about more general well-founded structures, such as trees; this generalization, known as structural induction, is used in mathematical logic and computer science. Mathematical induction in this extended sense is closely related to recursion.

Mathematical induction can be informally illustrated by reference to the sequential effect of falling dominoes.

Mathematical induction should not be misconstrued as a form of inductive reasoning, which is considered non-rigorous in mathematics (see Problem of induction for more information). In fact, mathematical induction is a form of rigorous deductive reasoning.[1]

In 370 BC, Plato's Parmenides may have contained an early example of an implicit inductive proof.[2] The earliest implicit traces of mathematical induction can be found in Euclid's [3] proof that the number of primes is infinite and in Bhaskara's "cyclic method".[4] An opposite iterated technique, counting down rather than up, is found in the Sorites paradox, where one argued that if 1,000,000 grains of sand formed a heap, and removing one grain from a heap left it a heap, then a single grain of sand (or even no grains) forms a heap. An implicit proof by mathematical induction for arithmetic sequences was introduced in the al-Fakhri written by al-Karaji around 1000 AD, who used it to prove the binomial theorem and properties of Pascal's triangle. None of these ancient mathematicians, however, explicitly stated the inductive hypothesis. Another similar case (contrary to what Vacca has written, as Freudenthal carefully showed) was that of Francesco Maurolico in his Arithmeticorum libri duo (1575), who used the technique to prove that the sum of the first n odd integers is n2. The first explicit formulation of the principle of induction was given by Pascal in his Traitˆ du triangle arithmˆtique (1665). Another Frenchman, Fermat, made ample use of a related principle, indirect proof by infinite descent. The inductive hypothesis was also employed by the Swiss Jakob Bernoulli, and from then on it became more or less well known. The modern rigorous and systematic treatment of the principle came only in the 19th century, with George Boole,[5] Augustus de Morgan, Charles Sanders Peirce,[6] Giuseppe Peano, and Richard Dedekind.[4]

The simplest and most common form of mathematical induction proves that a statement involving a natural number n holds for all values of n. The proof consists of two steps: 1. The basis (base case): showing that the statement holds when n is equal to the lowest value that n is given in the question. Usually, n = 0 or n = 1. 2. The inductive step: showing that if the statement holds for some n, then the statement also holds when n€+€1 is substituted for n. The assumption in the inductive step that the statement holds for some n is called the induction hypothesis (or inductive hypothesis). To perform the inductive step, one assumes the induction hypothesis and then uses this assumption to prove the statement for n€+€1.

Mathematical induction The choice between n€=€0 and n€=€1 in the base case is specific to the context of the proof: If 0 is considered a natural number, as is common in the fields of combinatorics and mathematical logic, then n€=€0. If, on the other hand, 1 is taken as the first natural number, then the base case is given by n€=€1. This method works by first proving the statement is true for a starting value, and then proving that the process used to go from one value to the next is valid. If these are both proven, then any value can be obtained by performing the process repeatedly. It may be helpful to think of the domino effect; if one is presented with a long row of dominoes standing on end, one can be sure that: 1. The first domino will fall 2. Whenever a domino falls, its next neighbor will also fall, so it is concluded that all of the dominoes will fall, and that this fact is inevitable.


Axiom of induction
The basic assumption or axiom of induction is, in logical symbols,

where P is any proposition and k and n are both natural numbers. In other words, the basis P(0) being true along with the inductive case ("P(k) is true implies P(k€+€1) is true" for all natural k) being true together imply that P(n) is true for any natural number n. A proof by induction is then a proof that these two conditions hold, thus implying the required conclusion. This works because k is used to represent an arbitrary natural number. Then, using the inductive hypothesis, i.e. that P(k) is true, show P(k€+€1) is also true. This allows us to "carry" the fact that P(0) is true to the fact that P(1) is also true, and carry P(1) to P(2), etc., thus proving P(n) holds for every natural number€n. Note that the first quantifier in the axiom ranges over predicates rather than over individual numbers. This is called a second-order quantifier, which means that the axiom is stated in second-order logic. Axiomatizing arithmetic induction in first-order logic requires an axiom schema containing a separate axiom for each possible predicate. The article Peano axioms contains further discussion of this issue.

Mathematical induction can be used to prove that the following statement, which we will call P(n), holds for all natural numbers n.

P(n) gives a formula for the sum of the natural numbers less than or equal to number n. The proof that P(n) is true for each natural number n proceeds as follows. Basis: Show that the statement holds for n = 0. P(0) amounts to the statement:

In the left-hand side of the equation, the only term is 0, and so the left-hand side is simply equal to 0. In the right-hand side of the equation, 0”(0 + 1)/2 = 0. The two sides are equal, so the statement is true for n = 0. Thus it has been shown that P(0) holds. Inductive step: Show that if P(k) holds, then also P(k + 1) holds. This can be done as follows. Assume P(k) holds (for some unspecified value of k). It must then be shown that P(k + 1) holds, that is:

Mathematical induction Using the induction hypothesis that P(k) holds, the left-hand side can be rewritten to:



thereby showing that indeed P(k + 1) holds. Since both the basis and the inductive step have been proved, it has now been proved by mathematical induction that P(n) holds for all natural n. Q.E.D.

In practice, proofs by induction are often structured differently, depending on the exact nature of the property to be proved.

Starting at some other number
If we want to prove a statement not for all natural numbers but only for all numbers greater than or equal to a certain number b then: 1. Showing that the statement holds when n = b. 2. Showing that if the statement holds for n = m ‚ b then the same statement also holds for n = m + 1. This can be used, for example, to show that n2 ‚ 3n for n ‚ 3. A more substantial example is a proof that

In this way we can prove that P(n) holds for all n ‚1, or even n ‚€5. This form of mathematical induction is actually a special case of the previous form because if the statement that we intend to prove is P(n) then proving it with these two rules is equivalent with proving P(n + b) for all natural numbers n with the first two steps.

Building on n = 2
In mathematics, many standard functions, including operations such as "+" and relations such as "=", are binary, meaning that they take two arguments. Often these functions possess properties that implicitly extend them to more than two arguments. For example, once addition a + b is defined and is known to satisfy the associativity property (a + b) + c = a + (b + c), then the ternary addition a + b + c makes sense, either as (a + b) + c or as a + (b + c). Similarly, many axioms and theorems in mathematics are stated only for the binary versions of mathematical operations and relations, and implicitly extend to higher-arity versions. Suppose that we wish to prove a statement about an n-ary operation implicitly defined from a binary operation, using mathematical induction on n. Then it should come as no surprise that the n = 2 case carries special weight. Here are some examples.

Mathematical induction Example: product rule for the derivative In this example, the binary operation in question is multiplication (of functions). The usual product rule for the derivative taught in calculus states:


or in logarithmic derivative form

This can be generalized to a product of n functions. One has

or in logarithmic derivative form

In each of the n terms of the usual form, just one of the factors is a derivative; the others are not. When this general fact is proved by mathematical induction, the n = 0 case is trivial, product is 1, and the empty sum is 0). The n = 1 case is also trivial, the standard product rule. Alternative way to look at this is to generalize . Example: P•lya's proof that there is no "horse of a different color" In this example, the binary relation in question is an equivalence relation applied to horses, such that two horses are equivalent if they are the same color. The argument is essentially identical to the one above, but the crucial n€=€1 case fails, causing the entire argument to be invalid. In the middle of the 20th century, a commonplace colloquial locution to express the idea that something is unexpectedly different from the usual was "That's a horse of a different color!". George P‘lya posed the following exercise: Find the error in the following argument, which purports to prove by mathematical induction that all horses are of the same color: ‚ Basis: If there is only one horse, there is only one color. ‚ Induction step: Assume as induction hypothesis that within any set of n horses, there is only one color. Now look at any set of n€+€1 horses. Number them: 1, 2, 3, ..., n, n€+€1. Consider the sets {1, 2, 3, ..., n} and {2, 3, 4, ..., n€+€1}. Each is a set of only n horses, therefore within each there is only one color. But the two sets overlap, so there must be only one color among all n€+€1 horses. The basis case is trivial (as any horse is the same color as itself), and the inductive step is correct in all cases n€>€2. However, the logic of the inductive step is incorrect for n€=€2, because the statement that "the two sets overlap" is false (there are only two horses). Indeed, the n€=€2 case is clearly the crux of the matter; if one could prove the n€=€2 case directly, then all higher cases would follow from the inductive hypothesis. (since the empty

And for each n ‚ 3, the case is easy to

prove from the preceding n € 1 case. The real difficulty lies in the n = 2 case, which is why that is the one stated in (a monoid homomorphism) to

Mathematical induction


Induction on more than one counter
It is sometimes desirable to prove a statement involving two natural numbers, n and m, by iterating the induction process. That is, one performs a basis step and an inductive step for n, and in each of those performs a basis step and an inductive step for m. See, for example, the proof of commutativity accompanying addition of natural numbers. More complicated arguments involving three or more counters are also possible.

Infinite descent
The method of infinite descent was one of Pierre de Fermat's favorites. This method of proof can assume several slightly different forms. For example, it might begin by showing that if a statement is true for a natural number n it must also be true for some smaller natural number m (m < n). Using mathematical induction (implicitly) with the inductive hypothesis being that the statement is false for all natural numbers less than or equal to m, we can conclude that the statement cannot be true for any natural number n. Although this particular form of infinite-descent proof is clearly a mathematical induction, whether one holds all proofs "by infinite descent" to be mathematical inductions depends on how one defines the term "proof by infinite descent." One might, for example, use the term to apply to proofs in which the well-ordering of the natural numbers is assumed, but not the principle of induction. Such, for example, is the usual proof that 2 has no rational square root (see Infinite descent).

Complete induction
Another variant, called complete induction (or strong induction or course of values induction), says that in the second step we may assume not only that the statement holds for n = m but also that it is true for all n less than or equal to m. Complete induction is most useful when several instances of the inductive hypothesis are required for each inductive step. For example, complete induction can be used to show that

where Fn is the nth Fibonacci number, „€=€(1€+€‡5)/2 (the golden ratio) and …€=€(1€€€‡5)/2 are the roots of the polynomial x2€€€x€€€1. By using the fact that Fn€+€2 =€Fn€+€1€+€Fn for each n€‹€N, the identity above can be verified by direct calculation for Fn€+€2 if we assume that it already holds for both Fn€+€1 and Fn. To complete the proof, the identity must be verified in the two base cases n = 0 and n = 1. Another proof by complete induction uses the hypothesis that the statement holds for all smaller n more thoroughly. Consider the statement that "every natural number greater than 1 is a product of prime numbers", and assume that for a given m > 1 it holds for all smaller n > 1. If m is prime then it is certainly a product of primes, and if not, then by definition it is a product: m = n1 n2, where neither of the factors is equal to 1; hence neither is equal to m, and so both are smaller than m. The induction hypothesis now applies to n1 and n2, so each one is a product of primes. Then m is a product of products of primes; i.e. a product of primes. This generalization, complete induction, is equivalent to the ordinary mathematical induction described above. Suppose P(n) is the statement that we intend to prove by complete induction. Let Q(n) mean P(m) holds for all m such that 0 Œ m Œ n. Then Q(n) is true for all n if and only if P(n) is true for all n, and a proof of P(n) by complete induction is just the same thing as a proof of Q(n) by (ordinary) induction.

Mathematical induction


Transfinite induction
The last two steps can be reformulated as one step: 1. Showing that if the statement holds for all n < m then the same statement also holds for n = m. This form of mathematical induction is not only valid for statements about natural numbers, but for statements about elements of any well-founded set, that is, a set with an irreflexive relation < that contains no infinite descending chains. This form of induction, when applied to ordinals (which form a well-ordered and hence well-founded class), is called transfinite induction. It is an important proof technique in set theory, topology and other fields. Proofs by transfinite induction typically distinguish three cases: 1. when m is a minimal element, i.e. there is no element smaller than m 2. when m has a direct predecessor, i.e. the set of elements which are smaller than m has a largest element 3. when m has no direct predecessor, i.e. m is a so-called limit-ordinal Strictly speaking, it is not necessary in transfinite induction to prove the basis, because it is a vacuous special case of the proposition that if P is true of all n < m, then P is true of m. It is vacuously true precisely because there are no values of n < m that could serve as counterexamples.

Proof of mathematical induction
The principle of mathematical induction is usually stated as an axiom of the natural numbers; see Peano axioms. However, it can be proved in some logical systems. For instance, it can be proved if one assumes: ‚ The set of natural numbers is well-ordered. ‚ Every natural number is either zero, or n+1 for some natural number n. ‚ For any natural number n, n+1 is greater than n. To derive simple induction from these axioms, we must show that if P(n) is some proposition predicated of n, and if: ‚ P(0) holds and ‚ whenever P(k) is true then P(k+1) is also true then P(n) holds for all n. Proof. Let S be the set of all natural numbers for which P(n) is false. Let us see what happens if we assert that S is nonempty. Well-ordering tells us that S has a least element, say t. Moreover, since P(0) is true, t is not 0. Since every natural number is either zero or some n+1, there is some natural number n such that n+1=t. Now n is less than t, and t is the least element of S. It follows that n is not in S, and so P(n) is true. This means that P(n+1) is true, and so P(t) is true. This is a contradiction, since t was in S. Therefore, S is empty. It can also be proved that induction, given the other axioms, implies well-ordering.

Mathematical induction


[1] Suber, Peter. "Mathematical Induction" (http:/ / www. earlham. edu/ ~peters/ courses/ logsys/ math-ind. htm). Earlham College. . Retrieved 26 March 2011. [2] Mathematical Induction: The Basis Step of Verification and Validation in a Modeling and Simulation Course (http:/ / me. nmsu. edu/ ~aseemath/ 1465_04_3. PDF) [3] Proof due to Euclid http:/ / primes. utm. edu/ notes/ proofs/ infinite/ euclids. html http:/ / www. mathsisgoodforyou. com/ conjecturestheorems/ euclidsprimes. htm http:/ / www. hermetic. ch/ pns/ proof. htm [4] Cajori (1918), p.€197

"The process of reasoning called "Mathematical Induction" has had several independent origins. It has been traced back to the Swiss Jakob (James) Bernoulli, the Frenchman B. Pascal and P. Fermat, and the Italian F. Maurolycus. [...] By reading a little between the lines one can find traces of mathematical induction still earlier, in the writings of the Hindus and the Greeks, as, for instance, in the "cyclic method" of Bhaskara, and in Euclid's proof that the number of primes is infinite."
[5] "It is sometimes required to prove a theorem which shall be true whenever a certain quantity n which it involves shall be an integer or whole number and the method of proof is usually of the following kind. 1st. The theorem is proved to be true when€n€=€1. 2ndly. It is proved that if the theorem is true when n is a given whole number, it will be true if n is the next greater integer. Hence the theorem is true universally. . .. This species of argument may be termed a continued sorites" (Boole circa 1849 Elementary Treatise on Logic not mathematical pages 40•41 reprinted in Grattan-Guinness, Ivor and Bornet, Gˆrard (1997), George Boole: Selected Manuscripts on Logic and its Philosophy, Birkh•user Verlag, Berlin, ISBN 3-7643-5456-9 ‚ ‚ Peirce, C.€S. (1881). "On the Logic of Number" (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=LQgPAAAAIAAJ& jtp=85). American Journal of Mathematics 4 (1•4): pp.€85•95. doi:10.2307/2369151. JSTOR€2369151. MR1507856. . Reprinted (CP€3.252-88), (W€4:299-309). Paul Shields. (1997), "PeirceŠs Axiomatization of Arithmetic", in Houser et al., eds., Studies in the Logic of Charles‡S. Peirce.

Introduction ‚ Knuth, Donald E. (1997). The Art of Computer Programming, Volume 1: Fundamental Algorithms (3rd ed.). Addison-Wesley. ISBN€0-201-89683-4. (Section 1.2.1: Mathematical Induction, pp.€11•21.) ‚ Kolmogorov, Andrey N.; Sergei V. Fomin (1975). Introductory Real Analysis. Silverman, R. A. (trans., ed.). New York: Dover. ISBN€0-486-61226-0. (Section 3.8: Transfinite induction, pp.€28•29.) ‚ Franklin, J.; A. Daoud (2011). Proof in Mathematics: An Introduction (http://www.maths.unsw.edu.au/~jim/ proofs.html). Sydney: Kew Books. ISBN€0-646-54509-4. (Ch. 8.) History ‚ Acerbi, F. (2000). "Plato: Parmenides 149a7-c3. A Proof by Complete Induction?". Archive for History of Exact Sciences 55: 57•76. doi:10.1007/s004070000020. ‚ Bussey, W. H. (1917). "The Origin of Mathematical Induction". The American Mathematical Monthly 24 (5): 199•207. doi:10.2307/2974308. JSTOR€2974308. ‚ Cajori, Florian (1918). "Origin of the Name "Mathematical Induction"". The American Mathematical Monthly 25 (5): 197•201. doi:10.2307/2972638. JSTOR€2972638. ‚ "Could the Greeks Have Used Mathematical Induction? Did They Use It?". Physis XXXI: 253•265. 1994. ‚ Freudenthal, Hans (1953). "Zur Geschichte der vollst•ndigen Induction". Archives Internationales d'Histiore des Sciences 6: 17•37. ‚ Katz, Victor J. (1998). History of Mathematics: An Introduction. Addison-Wesley. ISBN 0-321-01618-1. ‚ Peirce, C.€S. (1881). "On the Logic of Number" (http://books.google.com/books?id=LQgPAAAAIAAJ& jtp=85). American Journal of Mathematics 4 (1•4): pp.€85•95. doi:10.2307/2369151. JSTOR€2369151. MR1507856. Reprinted (CP€3.252-88), (W€4:299-309). ‚ Rabinovitch, Nachum L. (1970). "Rabbi Levi Ben Gershon and the origins of mathematical induction". Archive for History of Exact Sciences 6 (3): 237•248. doi:10.1007/BF00327237.

Mathematical induction ‚ Rashed, Roshdi (1972). "L'induction mathˆmatique: al-Karaj£, as-Samaw'al" (in French). Archive for History of Exact Sciences 9 (1): 1•21. doi:10.1007/BF00348537. ‚ Shields, Paul (1997). "PeirceŠs Axiomatization of Arithmetic". In Houser et al.. Studies in the Logic of Charles‡S. Peirce. ‚ Ungure, S. (1991). "Greek Mathematics and Mathematical Induction". Physis XXVIII: 273•289. ‚ Ungure, S. (1994). "Fowling after Induction". Physis XXXI: 267•272. ‚ Vacca, G. (1909). "Maurolycus, the First Discoverer of the Principle of Mathematical Induction". Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society 16 (2): 70•73. doi:10.1090/S0002-9904-1909-01860-9. ‚ Yadegari, Mohammad (1978). "The Use of Mathematical Induction by Ab¥ K•mil Shuj•' Ibn Aslam (850-930)". Isis 69 (2): 259•262. doi:10.1086/352009. JSTOR€230435.


Equations for a falling body


Equations for a falling body
A set of dynamical equations describe the resultant trajectories when objects move owing to a constant gravitational force under normal Earth-bound conditions. For example, Newton's law of universal gravitation simplifies to F = mg, where m is the mass of the body. This assumption is reasonable for objects falling to earth over the relatively short vertical distances of our everyday experience, but is very much untrue over larger distances, such as spacecraft trajectories. Please note that in this article any resistance from air (drag) is neglected.

The equations ignore air resistance, which has a dramatic effect on objects falling an appreciable distance in air, causing them to quickly approach a terminal velocity. The effect of air resistance varies enormously depending on the size and geometry of the falling object † for example, the equations are hopelessly wrong for a feather, which has a low mass but offers a large resistance to the air. (In the absence of an atmosphere all objects fall at the same rate, as astronaut David Scott demonstrated by dropping a hammer and a feather on the surface of the Moon.) The equations also ignore the rotation of the Earth, failing to describe the Coriolis effect for example. Nevertheless, they are usually accurate enough for dense and compact objects falling over heights not exceeding the tallest man-made structures.

Near the surface of the Earth, use g€=€9.8€m/s‚ (metres per second squared; which might be thought of as "metres per second, per second", or 32€ft/s¬ as "feet per second per second"), approximately. For other planets, multiply g by the appropriate scaling factor. It is essential to use a coherent set of units for g, d, t and v. Assuming SI units, g is measured in metres per second squared, so d must be measured in metres, t in seconds and v in metres per second.
An initially stationary object which is allowed to fall freely under gravity drops a distance which is proportional to the square of the elapsed time. This image, spanning half a second, was captured with a stroboscopic flash at 20 flashes per second. During the first 1/20th of a second the ball drops one unit of distance (here, a unit is about 12€mm); by 2/20ths it has dropped at total of 4 units; by 3/20ths, 9 units and so on.

In all cases, the body is assumed to start from rest, and air resistance is neglected. Generally, in Earth's atmosphere, this means all results below will be quite inaccurate after only 5 seconds of fall (at which time an object's velocity will be a little less than the vacuum value of 49€m/s€(9.8€m/s¬€†€5€s), due to air resistance). When a body is travelling through any atmosphere other than a perfect vacuum it will encounter a drag force induced by air resistance, this drag force increases with velocity. The object will reach a state where the drag force equals the gravitational force at this point the acceleration of the object becomes 0, the object now falls at a constant velocity. This state is called the terminal velocity. The drag force is dependant on the density of the atmosphere, the coefficient of drag for the object, the velocity of the object (instantaneous) and the area presented to the airflow. Apart from the last formula, these formulas also assume that g does not vary significantly with height during the fall (that is, they assume constant acceleration). For situations where fractional distance from the center of the planet varies significantly during the fall, resulting in significant changes in g, the last equation must be used for accuracy. This equation occurs in many applications of basic physics.

Equations for a falling body


Distance Time

travelled by an object falling for time :


taken for an object to fall distance

Instantaneous velocity Instantaneous velocity Average velocity Average velocity

of a falling object after elapsed time

: :

of a falling object that has travelled distance

of an object that has been falling for time

(averaged over time): (averaged over time):

of a falling object that has travelled distance

Instantaneous velocity of a falling object that has travelled distance on a planet with mass , with the combined radius of the planet and altitude of the falling object being , this equation is used for larger radii where is smaller than standard at the surface of Earth, but assumes a small distance of fall, so the change in is small and relatively constant: Instantaneous velocity of a falling object that has travelled distance (used for large fall distances where can change significantly): on a planet with mass and radius

Example: the first equation shows that, after one second, an object will have fallen a distance of 1/2 † 9.8 † 12 = 4.9 metres. After two seconds it will have fallen 1/2 † 9.8 † 22 = 19.6 metres; and so on. We can see how the second to last, and the last equation change as the distance increases. If an object were to fall 10,000 metres to Earth, the results of both equations differ by only 0.08%. However, if the distance increases to that of geosynchronous orbit, which is 42,164 km, the difference changes to being almost 64%. At high values, the results of the second to last equation become grossly inaccurate.

For astronomical bodies other than Earth, and for short distances of fall at other than "ground" level, g in the gravity. above equations may be replaced by G(M+m)/r‚ where G is the gravitational constant, M is the mass of the astronomical body, m is the mass of the falling body, and r is the radius from the falling object to the center of the body.
, where h is the height and g is the acceleration of

Measured fall time of a small steel sphere falling from various heights. The data is in good agreement with the predicted fall time of

Removing the simplifying assumption of uniform gravitational acceleration provides more accurate results. We find from the formula for radial elliptic trajectories: The time t taken for an object to fall from a height r to a height x, measured from the centers of the two bodies, is given by:


is the sum of the standard gravitational parameters of the two bodies. This equation

should be used whenever there is a significant difference in the gravitational acceleration during the fall.

Equations for a falling body


Acceleration relative to the rotating Earth
The acceleration measured on the rotating surface of the Earth is not quite the same as the acceleration that is measured for a free-falling body because of the centripetal force. In other words, the apparent acceleration in the rotating frame of reference is the total gravity vector minus a small vector toward the north-south axis of the Earth, corresponding to staying stationary in that frame of reference.

Notes External links
‚ Falling body equations calculator (http://www.gravitycalc.com)

Galileo Galilei


Galileo Galilei
Galileo Galilei

Portrait of Galileo Galilei by Giusto Sustermans Born [1] 15 February 1564 [1] Pisa, Duchy of Florence, Italy [1] 8 January 1642 (aged€77) [1] Arcetri, Grand Duchy of Tuscany, Italy Grand Duchy of Tuscany, Italy Italian (Tuscan) Astronomy, physics and mathematics University of Pisa University of Padua University of Pisa Ostilio Ricci [2]


Residence Nationality Fields Institutions

Alma mater Academic advisors Notable students

Benedetto Castelli Mario Guiducci [3] Vincenzo Viviani Kinematics Dynamics Telescopic observational astronomy Heliocentrism Signature


Notes His father was the musician Vincenzo Galilei. Galileo Galilei's mistress Marina Gamba (1570€• 21 August 1612?) bore him two daughters (Maria Celeste (Virginia, 1600•1634) and Livia (1601•1659), both of whom became nuns) and a son Vincenzo (1606•1649), a lutenist.

Galileo Galilei Galileo Galilei (Italian pronunciation:€[•aliŽl••o •aliŽl•i]; 15 February 1564[4]€• 8 January 1642),[5] was an Italian physicist, mathematician, astronomer, and philosopher who played a major role in the Scientific Revolution. His achievements include improvements to the telescope and consequent astronomical observations and support for Copernicanism. Galileo has been called the "father of modern observational astronomy",[6] the "father of modern physics",[7] the "father of science",[7] and "the Father of Modern Science".[8] His contributions to observational astronomy include the telescopic confirmation of the phases of Venus, the discovery of the four largest satellites of Jupiter (named the Galilean moons in his honour), and the observation and analysis of sunspots. Galileo also worked in applied science and technology, inventing an improved military compass and other instruments. Galileo's championing of heliocentrism was controversial within his lifetime, when most subscribed to either geocentrism or the Tychonic system.[9] He met with opposition from astronomers, who doubted heliocentrism due to the absence of an observed stellar parallax.[9] The matter was investigated by the Roman Inquisition in 1615, and they concluded that it could be supported as only a possibility, not an established fact.[9][10] Galileo later defended his views in Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, which appeared to attack Pope Urban VIII and thus alienated him and the Jesuits, who had both supported Galileo up until this point.[9] He was tried by the Inquisition, found "vehemently suspect of heresy", forced to recant, and spent the rest of his life under house arrest.[11][12] It was while Galileo was under house arrest that he wrote one of his finest works, Two New Sciences, in which he summarised the work he had done some forty years earlier, on the two sciences now called kinematics and strength of materials.[13][14]


Early life
Galileo was born in Pisa (then part of the Duchy of Florence), Italy, the first of six children of Vincenzo Galilei, a famous lutenist, composer, and music theorist; and Giulia Ammannati. Galileo became an accomplished lutenist himself and would have learned early from his father a healthy scepticism for established authority,[15] the value of well-measured or quantified experimentation, an appreciation for a periodic or musical measure of time or rhythm, as well as the illuminative progeny to expect from a marriage of mathematics and experiment. Three of Galileo's five siblings survived infancy, and the youngest Michelangelo (or Michelagnolo) also became a noted lutenist and composer, although he contributed to financial burdens during Galileo's young adulthood. Michelangelo was incapable of contributing his fair share for their father's promised dowries to their brothers-in-law, who would later attempt to seek legal remedies for payments due. Michelangelo would also occasionally have to borrow funds from Galileo for support of his musical endeavours and excursions. These financial burdens may have contributed to Galileo's early fire to develop inventions that would bring him additional income. Galileo was named after an ancestor, Galileo Bonaiuti, a physician, university teacher and politician who lived in Florence from 1370 to 1450; at that time in the late 14th century, the family's surname shifted from Bonaiuti (or Buonaiuti) to Galilei. Galileo Bonaiuti was buried in the same church, the Basilica of Santa Croce in Florence, where about 200 years later his more famous descendant Galileo Galilei was buried too. When Galileo Galilei was 8, his family moved to Florence, but he was left with Jacopo Borghini for two years.[1] He then was educated in the Camaldolese Monastery at Vallombrosa, 35€km southeast of Florence.[1]

Galileo Galilei Although a genuinely pious Roman Catholic,[16] Galileo fathered three children out of wedlock with Marina Gamba. They had two daughters, Virginia in 1600 and Livia in 1601, and one son, Vincenzo, in 1606. Because of their illegitimate birth, their father considered the girls unmarriageable, if not posing problems of prohibitively expensive support or dowries, which would have been similar to Galileo's previous extensive financial problems with two of his sisters.[17] Their only worthy alternative was the religious life. Both girls were accepted by the convent of San Matteo in Arcetri and remained there for the rest of their lives.[18] Virginia took the name Maria Celeste upon entering the convent. She died on 2 April 1634, and is buried with Galileo at the Basilica of Santa Croce, Florence. Livia took the name Sister Arcangela and was ill for most of her life. Vincenzo was later legitimised as the legal heir of Galileo, and married Sestilia Bocchineri.[19]


Galileo's beloved elder daughter, Virginia (Sister Maria Celeste), was particularly devoted to her father. She is buried with him in his tomb in the Basilica of Santa Croce, Florence.

Career as a scientist

Although he seriously considered the priesthood as a young man, at his father's urging he instead enrolled at the University of Pisa for a medical degree.[20] In 1581, when he was studying medicine, he noticed a swinging chandelier, which air currents shifted about to swing in larger and smaller arcs. It seemed, by comparison with his heartbeat, that the chandelier took the same amount of time to swing back and forth, no matter how far it was swinging. When he returned home, he set up two pendulums of equal length and swung one with a large sweep and the other with a small sweep and found that they kept time together. It was not until Christiaan Huygens almost one hundred years later, however, that the tautochrone nature of a swinging pendulum was used to create an accurate timepiece.[21] To this point, he had deliberately been kept away from mathematics (since a physician earned so much more than a mathematician), but upon accidentally attending a lecture on geometry, he talked his reluctant father into letting him study mathematics and natural philosophy instead.[21] He created a thermoscope (forerunner of the thermometer) and in 1586 published a small book on the design of a hydrostatic balance he had invented (which first brought him to the attention of the scholarly world). Galileo also studied disegno, a term encompassing fine art, and in 1588 attained an instructor position in the Accademia delle Arti del Disegno in Florence, teaching perspective and chiaroscuro. Being inspired by the artistic tradition of the city and the works of the Renaissance artists, Galileo acquired an aesthetic mentality. While a young teacher at the Accademia, he began a lifelong friendship with the Florentine painter Cigoli, who included Galileo's lunar observations in one of his paintings.[22][23] In 1589, he was appointed to the chair of mathematics in Pisa. In 1591 his father died and he was entrusted with the care of his younger brother Michelagnolo. In 1592, he moved to the University of Padua, teaching geometry, mechanics, and astronomy until 1610.[24] During this period Galileo made significant discoveries in both pure fundamental science (for example, kinematics of motion and astronomy) as well as practical applied science (for example, strength of materials and improvement of the telescope). His multiple interests included the study of astrology, which at the time was a discipline tied to the studies of mathematics and astronomy.[25]

Galileo Galilei


Galileo, Kepler and theories of tides
Cardinal Bellarmine had written in 1615 that the Copernican system could not be defended without "a true physical demonstration that the sun does not circle the earth but the earth circles the sun".[26] Galileo considered his theory of the tides to provide the required physical proof of the motion of the earth. This theory was so important to him that he originally intended to entitle his Dialogue on the Two Chief World Systems the Dialogue on the Ebb and Flow of the Sea.[27] The reference to tides was removed by order of the Inquisition. For Galileo, the tides were caused by the sloshing back and forth of water in the seas as a point on the Earth's surface speeded up and slowed down because of the Earth's rotation on its axis and revolution around the Sun. He circulated his first account of the tides in 1616, addressed to Cardinal Orsini.[28] His theory gave the first insight into the importance of the shapes of ocean basins in the size and timing of tides; he correctly accounted, for instance, for the negligible tides halfway along the Adriatic Sea compared to those at the ends. As a general account of the cause of tides, however, his theory was a failure.

Galileo Galilei. Portrait by Leoni

If this theory were correct, there would be only one high tide per day. Galileo and his contemporaries were aware of this inadequacy because there are two daily high tides at Venice instead of one, about twelve hours apart. Galileo dismissed this anomaly as the result of several secondary causes, including the shape of the sea, its depth, and other factors.[29] Against the assertion that Galileo was deceptive in making these arguments, Albert Einstein expressed the opinion that Galileo developed his "fascinating arguments" and accepted them uncritically out of a desire for physical proof of the motion of the Earth.[30] Galileo dismissed as a "useless fiction" the idea, held by his contemporary Johannes Kepler, that the moon caused the tides.[31] He also refused to accept Kepler's elliptical orbits of the planets,[32] considering the circle the "perfect" shape for planetary orbits.

Controversy over comets and The Assayer
In 1619, Galileo became embroiled in a controversy with Father Orazio Grassi, professor of mathematics at the Jesuit Collegio Romano. It began as a dispute over the nature of comets, but by the time Galileo had published The Assayer (Il Saggiatore) in 1623, his last salvo in the dispute, it had become a much wider argument over the very nature of science itself. Because The Assayer contains such a wealth of Galileo's ideas on how science should be practised, it has been referred to as his scientific manifesto.[33] Early in 1619, Father Grassi had anonymously published a pamphlet, An Astronomical Disputation on the Three Comets of the Year 1618, [34] which discussed the nature of a comet that had appeared late in November of the previous year. Grassi concluded that the comet was a fiery body which had moved along a segment of a great circle at a constant distance from the earth,[35] and since it moved in the sky more slowly than the moon, it must be farther away than the moon. Grassi's arguments and conclusions were criticised in a subsequent article, Discourse on the Comets,[36] published under the name of one of Galileo's disciples, a Florentine lawyer named Mario Guiducci, although it had been largely written by Galileo himself.[37] Galileo and Guiducci offered no definitive theory of their own on the nature of comets,[38] although they did present some tentative conjectures that are now known to be mistaken. In its opening passage, Galileo and Guiducci's Discourse gratuitously insulted the Jesuit Christopher Scheiner,[39] and various uncomplimentary remarks about the professors of the Collegio Romano were scattered throughout the work.[40] The Jesuits were offended,[41] and Grassi soon replied with a polemical tract of his own, The Astronomical and Philosophical Balance,[42] under the pseudonym Lothario Sarsio Sigensano,[43] purporting to be one of his own pupils.

Galileo Galilei The Assayer was Galileo's devastating reply to the Astronomical Balance.[44] It has been widely regarded as a masterpiece of polemical literature,[45] in which "Sarsi's" arguments are subjected to withering scorn.[46] It was greeted with wide acclaim, and particularly pleased the new pope, Urban VIII, to whom it had been dedicated.[47] Galileo's dispute with Grassi permanently alienated many of the Jesuits who had previously been sympathetic to his ideas,[48] and Galileo and his friends were convinced that these Jesuits were responsible for bringing about his later condemnation.[49] The evidence for this is at best equivocal, however.[50]


Controversy over heliocentrism
Biblical references Psalm 93:1, 96:10, and 1 Chronicles 16:30 include text stating that "the world is firmly established, it cannot be moved." In the same manner, Psalm€€104:5 says, "the Lord set the earth on its foundations; it can never be moved." Further, Ecclesiastes 1:5 states that "And the sun rises and sets and returns to its place" etc.[51] Galileo defended heliocentrism, and claimed it was not contrary to those Scripture passages. He took Augustine's position on Scripture: not to take every passage literally, particularly when the scripture in question is a book of poetry and songs, not a book of instructions or Cristiano Banti's 1857 painting Galileo facing the history. He believed that the writers of the Scripture merely wrote from Roman Inquisition the perspective of the terrestrial world, from that vantage point that the sun does rise and set. Another way to put this is that the writers would have been writing from a phenomenological point of view, or style. So Galileo claimed that science did not contradict Scripture, as Scripture was discussing a different kind of "movement" of the earth, and not rotations.[52] By 1616 the attacks on the ideas of Copernicus had reached a head, and Galileo went to Rome to try to persuade the Catholic Church authorities not to ban Copernicus' ideas. In the end, a decree of the Congregation of the Index was issued, declaring that the ideas that the Sun stood still and that the Earth moved were "false" and "altogether contrary to Holy Scripture", and suspending Copernicus's De Revolutionibus until it could be corrected. Acting on instructions from the Pope before the decree was issued, Cardinal Bellarmine informed Galileo that it was forthcoming, that the ideas it condemned could not be "defended or held", and ordered him to abandon them. Galileo promised to obey. Bellarmine's instruction did not prohibit Galileo from discussing heliocentrism as a mathematical fiction but was dangerously ambiguous as to whether he could treat it as a physical possibility.[53] For the next several years Galileo stayed well away from the controversy. He revived his project of writing a book on the subject, encouraged by the election of Cardinal Maffeo Barberini as Pope Urban VIII in 1623. Barberini was a friend and admirer of Galileo, and had opposed the condemnation of Galileo in 1616. The book, Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, was published in 1632, with formal authorization from the Inquisition and papal permission.[54] Dava Sobel[55] explains that during this time, Urban had begun to fall more and more under the influence of court intrigue and problems of state. His friendship with Galileo began to take second place to his feelings of persecution and fear for his own life. At this low point in Urban's life, the problem of Galileo was presented to the pope by court insiders and enemies of Galileo. Coming on top of the recent claim by the then Spanish cardinal that Urban was soft on defending the church, he reacted out of anger and fear. This situation did not bode well for Galileo's defence of his book. Earlier, Pope Urban VIII had personally asked Galileo to give arguments for and against heliocentrism in the book, and to be careful not to advocate heliocentrism. He made another request, that his own views on the matter be included in Galileo's book. Only the latter of those requests was fulfilled by Galileo. Whether unknowingly or deliberately, Simplicio, the defender of the Aristotelian Geocentric view in Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems, was often caught in his own errors and sometimes came across as a fool. Indeed, although Galileo

Galileo Galilei states in the preface of his book that the character is named after a famous Aristotelian philosopher (Simplicius in Latin, Simplicio in Italian), the name "Simplicio" in Italian also has the connotation of "simpleton".[56] This portrayal of Simplicio made Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems appear as an advocacy book: an attack on Aristotelian geocentrism and defence of the Copernican theory. Unfortunately for his relationship with the Pope, Galileo put the words of Urban VIII into the mouth of Simplicio. Most historians agree Galileo did not act out of malice and felt blindsided by the reaction to his book.[57] However, the Pope did not take the suspected public ridicule lightly, nor the Copernican advocacy. Galileo had alienated one of his biggest and most powerful supporters, the Pope, and was called to Rome to defend his writings. In September 1632, Galileo was ordered to come to Rome to stand trial. He finally arrived in February 1633 and was brought before inquisitor Vincenzo Maculani to be charged. Throughout his trial Galileo steadfastly maintained that since 1616 he had faithfully kept his promise not to hold any of the condemned opinions, and initially he denied even defending them. However, he was eventually persuaded to admit that, contrary to his true intention, a reader of his Dialogue could well have obtained the impression that it was intended to be a defence of Copernicanism. In view of Galileo's rather implausible denial that he had ever held Copernican ideas after 1616 or ever intended to defend them in the Dialogue, his final interrogation, in July 1633, concluded with his being threatened with torture if he did not tell the truth, but he maintained his denial despite the threat.[58] The sentence of the Inquisition was delivered on June 22. It was in three essential parts: ‚ Galileo was found "vehemently suspect of heresy", namely of having held the opinions that the Sun lies motionless at the centre of the universe, that the Earth is not at its centre and moves, and that one may hold and defend an opinion as probable after it has been declared contrary to Holy Scripture. He was required to "abjure, curse and detest" those opinions.[59] ‚ He was sentenced to formal imprisonment at the pleasure of the Inquisition.[60] On the following day this was commuted to house arrest, which he remained under for the rest of his life. ‚ His offending Dialogue was banned; and in an action not announced at the trial, publication of any of his works was forbidden, including any he might write in the future.[61] According to popular legend, after recanting his theory that the Earth moved around the Sun, Galileo allegedly muttered the rebellious phrase And yet it moves, but there is no evidence that he actually said this or anything similar. The first account of the legend dates to a century after his death.[62] After a period with the friendly Ascanio Piccolomini (the Archbishop of Siena), Galileo was allowed to return to his villa at Arcetri near Florence in 1634, where he spent the remainder of his life under house arrest. Galileo was ordered to read the seven penitential psalms once a Tomb of Galileo Galilei, Santa Croce week for the next three years. However his daughter Maria Celeste relieved him of the burden after securing ecclesiastical permission to take it upon herself.[63] It was while Galileo was under house arrest that he dedicated his time to one of his finest works, Two New Sciences. Here he summarised work he had done some forty years earlier, on the two sciences now called kinematics and strength of materials. This book has received high praise from Albert Einstein.[64] As a result of this work, Galileo is often called the "father of modern physics". He went completely blind in 1638 and was suffering from a painful hernia and insomnia, so he was permitted to travel to Florence for medical advice.[13][14]


Galileo Galilei


Galileo continued to receive visitors until 1642, when, after suffering fever and heart palpitations, he died on 8 January 1642, aged 77.[13] The Grand Duke of Tuscany, Ferdinando II, wished to bury him in the main body of the Basilica of Santa Croce, next to the tombs of his father and other ancestors, and to erect a marble mausoleum in his honour.[65] These plans were scrapped, however, after Pope Urban VIII and his nephew, Cardinal Francesco Barberini, protested,[66] because Galileo was condemned by the Catholic Church for "vehement suspicion of heresy".[67] He was instead buried in a small room next to the novices' chapel at the end of a corridor from the southern transept of the basilica to the sacristy.[68] He was reburied in the main body of the basilica in 1737 after a monument had been erected there in his honour;[69] during this move, three fingers and a tooth were removed from his remains.[70] One of these fingers, the middle finger from Galileo's right hand, is currently on exhibition at the Museo Galileo in Florence, Italy.[71]

Scientific methods
Galileo made original contributions to the science of motion through an innovative combination of experiment and mathematics.[72] More typical of science at the time were the qualitative studies of William Gilbert, on magnetism and electricity. Galileo's father, Vincenzo Galilei, a lutenist and music theorist, had performed experiments establishing perhaps the oldest known non-linear relation in physics: for a stretched string, the pitch varies as the square root of the tension.[73] These observations lay within the framework of the Pythagorean tradition of music, well-known to instrument makers, which included the fact that subdividing a string by a whole number produces a harmonious scale. Thus, a limited amount of mathematics had long related music and physical science, and young Galileo could see his own father's observations expand on that tradition.[74] Galileo was one of the first modern thinkers to clearly state that the laws of nature are mathematical. In The Assayer he wrote "Philosophy is written in this grand book, the universe€... It is written in the language of mathematics, and its characters are triangles, circles, and other geometric figures;...."[75] His mathematical analyses are a further development of a tradition employed by late scholastic natural philosophers, which Galileo learned when he studied philosophy.[76] He displayed a peculiar ability to ignore established authorities, most notably Aristotelianism. In broader terms, his work marked another step towards the eventual separation of science from both philosophy and religion; a major development in human thought. He was often willing to change his views in accordance with observation. In order to perform his experiments, Galileo had to set up standards of length and time, so that measurements made on different days and in different laboratories could be compared in a reproducible fashion. This provided a reliable foundation on which to confirm mathematical laws using inductive reasoning. Galileo showed a remarkably modern appreciation for the proper relationship between mathematics, theoretical physics, and experimental physics. He understood the parabola, both in terms of conic sections and in terms of the ordinate (y) varying as the square of the abscissa (x). Galilei further asserted that the parabola was the theoretically ideal trajectory of a uniformly accelerated projectile in the absence of friction and other disturbances. He conceded that there are limits to the validity of this theory, noting on theoretical grounds that a projectile trajectory of a size comparable to that of the Earth could not possibly be a parabola,[77] but he nevertheless maintained that for distances up to the range of the artillery of his day, the deviation of a projectile's trajectory from a parabola would only be very slight.[78]

Galileo Galilei


Based only on uncertain descriptions of the first practical telescope which Hans Lippershey tried to patent in the Netherlands in 1608,[79] Galileo, in the following year, made a telescope with about 3x magnification. He later made improved versions with up to about 30x magnification.[80] With a Galilean telescope the observer could see magnified, upright images on the earth†it was what is commonly known as a terrestrial telescope or a spyglass. He could also use it to observe the sky; for a time he was one of those who could construct telescopes good enough for that purpose. On 25 August 1609, he demonstrated one of his early telescopes, with a magnification of about 8 or 9, to Venetian lawmakers. His telescopes were also a profitable sideline for Galileo selling them to merchants who found them useful both at sea and as items of trade. He published his initial telescopic astronomical observations in March 1610 in a brief treatise entitled Sidereus Nuncius (Starry Messenger).[81]

Fresco by Giuseppe Bertini depicting Galileo showing the Doge of Venice how to use the telescope

Kepler's Supernova
According to Walusinsky,[82] Galileo's fame as an astronomer dates to his observation and discussion of Kepler's supernova in 1604. Since this new star displayed no detectable diurnal parallax, Galileo concluded that it was a distant star, and therefore disproved the Aristotelian belief in the immutability of the heavens. His public advocacy of this view met with strong opposition.[83]

On 7 January 1610 Galileo observed with his telescope what he described at the time as "three fixed stars, totally invisible[84] by their smallness", all close to Jupiter, and lying on a straight line through it.[85] Observations on subsequent nights showed that the positions of these "stars" relative to Jupiter were changing in a way that would have been inexplicable if they had really been fixed stars. On 10 January Galileo noted that one of them had disappeared, an observation which It was on this page that Galileo first noted an he attributed to its being hidden behind Jupiter. Within a few days he observation of the moons of Jupiter. This concluded that they were orbiting Jupiter:[86] He had discovered three observation upset the notion that all celestial of Jupiter's four largest satellites (moons). He discovered the fourth on bodies must revolve around the Earth. Galileo 13 January. Galileo named the group of four the Medicean stars, in published a full description in Sidereus Nuncius in March 1610 honour of his future patron, Cosimo II de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, and Cosimo's three brothers.[87] Later astronomers, however, renamed them Galilean satellites in honour of their discoverer. These satellites are now called Io, Europa, Ganymede, and Callisto. His observations of the satellites of Jupiter created a revolution in astronomy that reverberates to this day: a planet with smaller planets

Galileo Galilei


orbiting it did not conform to the principles of Aristotelian Cosmology, which held that all heavenly bodies should circle the Earth,[88] and many astronomers and philosophers initially refused to believe that Galileo could have discovered such a thing.[89] His observations were confirmed by the observatory of Christopher Clavius and he received a hero's welcome when he visited Rome in 1611.[90] Galileo continued to observe the satellites over the next eighteen months, and by mid 1611 he had obtained remarkably accurate estimates for their periods†a feat which Kepler had believed impossible.[91]
The phases of Venus, observed by Galileo in 1610

Venus, Saturn, and Neptune
From September 1610, Galileo observed that Venus exhibited a full set of phases similar to that of the Moon. The heliocentric model of the solar system developed by Nicolaus Copernicus predicted that all phases would be visible since the orbit of Venus around the Sun would cause its illuminated hemisphere to face the Earth when it was on the opposite side of the Sun and to face away from the Earth when it was on the Earth-side of the Sun. On the other hand, in Ptolemy's geocentric model it was impossible for any of the planets' orbits to intersect the spherical shell carrying the Sun. Traditionally the orbit of Venus was placed entirely on the near side of the Sun, where it could exhibit only crescent and new phases. It was, however, also possible to place it entirely on the far side of the Sun, where it could exhibit only gibbous and full phases. After Galileo's telescopic observations of the crescent, gibbous and full phases of Venus, therefore, this Ptolemaic model became untenable. Thus in the early 17th century as a result of his discovery the great majority of astronomers converted to one of the various geo-heliocentric planetary models,[92] such as the Tychonic, Capellan and Extended Capellan models,[93] each either with or without a daily rotating Earth. These all had the virtue of explaining the phases of Venus without the vice of the 'refutation' of full heliocentrism's prediction of stellar parallax. Galileo's discovery of the phases of Venus was thus arguably his most empirically practically influential contribution to the two-stage transition from full geocentrism to full heliocentrism via geo-heliocentrism. Galileo observed the planet Saturn, and at first mistook its rings for planets, thinking it was a three-bodied system. When he observed the planet later, Saturn's rings were directly oriented at Earth, causing him to think that two of the bodies had disappeared. The rings reappeared when he observed the planet in 1616, further confusing him.[94] Galileo also observed the planet Neptune in 1612. It appears in his notebooks as one of many unremarkable dim stars. He did not realise that it was a planet, but he did note its motion relative to the stars before losing track of it.[95]

Galileo was one of the first Europeans to observe sunspots, although Kepler had unwittingly observed one in 1607, but mistook it for a transit of Mercury. He also reinterpreted a sunspot observation from the time of Charlemagne, which formerly had been attributed (impossibly) to a transit of Mercury. The very existence of sunspots showed another difficulty with the unchanging perfection of the heavens posited by orthodox Aristotelian celestial physics, but their regular periodic transits also confirmed the dramatic novel prediction of Kepler's Aristotelian celestial dynamics in his 1609 Astronomia Nova that the sun rotates, which was the first successful novel prediction of post-spherist celestial physics.[96] And the annual variations in sunspots' motions, discovered by Francesco Sizzi and others in 1612•1613,[97] provided a powerful argument against both the Ptolemaic system and the geoheliocentric system of Tycho Brahe.[98] A dispute over priority in the discovery of sunspots, and in their interpretation, led Galileo to a long and bitter feud with the Jesuit Christoph Scheiner; in fact, there is little doubt that both of them were beaten by David Fabricius and his son Johannes, looking for confirmation of Kepler's prediction of the sun's rotation. Scheiner quickly adopted Kepler's 1615 proposal of the modern telescope design, which gave larger

Galileo Galilei magnification at the cost of inverted images; Galileo apparently never changed to Kepler's design.


Prior to Galileo's construction of his version of a telescope, Thomas Harriot, an English mathematician and explorer, had already used what he dubbed a "perspective tube" to observe the moon. Reporting his observations, Harriot noted only "strange spottednesse" in the waning of the crescent, but was ignorant to the cause. Galileo, due in part to his artistic training[23] and the knowledge of chiaroscuro,[22] had understood the patterns of light and shadow were in fact topological markers. While not being the only one to observe the moon through a telescope, Galileo was the first to deduce the cause of the uneven waning as light occlusion from lunar mountains and craters. In his study he also made topological charts, estimating the heights of the mountains. The moon was not what was long thought to have been a translucent and perfect sphere, as Aristotle claimed, and hardly the first "planet", an "eternal pearl to magnificently ascend into the heavenly empyrian", as put forth by Dante.

Milky Way and stars
Galileo observed the Milky Way, previously believed to be nebulous, and found it to be a multitude of stars packed so densely that they appeared to be clouds from Earth. He located many other stars too distant to be visible with the naked eye. He observed the double star Mizar in Ursa Major in 1617.[99] In the Starry Messenger Galileo reported that stars appeared as mere blazes of light, essentially unaltered in appearance by the telescope, and contrasted them to planets, which the telescope revealed to be discs. But shortly thereafter, in his letters on sunspots, he reported that the telescope revealed the shapes of both stars and planets to be "quite round". From that point forward he continued to report that telescopes showed the roundness of stars, and that stars seen through the telescope measured a few seconds of arc in diameter.[100] He also devised a method for measuring the apparent size of a star without a telescope. As described in his Dialogue Concerning the two Chief World Systems, his method was to hang a thin rope in his line of sight to the star and measure the maximum distance from which it would wholly obscure the star. From his measurements of this distance and of the width of the rope he could calculate the angle subtended by the star at his viewing point.[101] In his Dialogue he reported that he had found the apparent diameter of a star of first magnitude to be no more than 5 arcseconds, and that of one of sixth magnitude to be about 5/6 arcseconds. Like most astronomers of his day, Galileo did not recognise that the apparent sizes of stars that he measured were spurious, caused by diffraction and atmospheric distortion (see seeing disk or Airy disk), and did not represent the true sizes of stars. However, Galileo's values were much smaller than previous estimates of the apparent sizes of the brightest stars, such as those made by Tycho Brahe (see Magnitude) and enabled Galileo to counter anti-Copernican arguments such as those made by Tycho that these stars would have to be absurdly large for their annual parallaxes to be undetectable.[102] Other astronomers such as Simon Marius, Giovanni Battista Riccioli, and Martinus Hortensius made similar measurements of stars, and Marius and Riccioli concluded the smaller sizes were not small enough to answer Tycho's argument.[103]

Galileo Galilei


Galileo made a number of contributions to what is now known as technology, as distinct from pure physics. This is not the same distinction as made by Aristotle, who would have considered all Galileo's physics as techne or useful knowledge, as opposed to episteme, or philosophical investigation into the causes of things. Between 1595 and 1598, Galileo devised and improved a Geometric and Military Compass suitable for use by gunners and surveyors. This Galileo's geometrical and military compass, expanded on earlier instruments designed by Niccol— Tartaglia and thought to have been made c. 1604 by his Guidobaldo del Monte. For gunners, it offered, in addition to a new personal instrument-maker Marc'Antonio and safer way of elevating cannons accurately, a way of quickly Mazzoleni computing the charge of gunpowder for cannonballs of different sizes and materials. As a geometric instrument, it enabled the construction of any regular polygon, computation of the area of any polygon or circular sector, and a variety of other calculations. Under Galileo's direction, instrument maker Marc'Antonio Mazzoleni produced more than 100 of these compasses, which Galileo sold (along with an instruction manual he wrote) for 50 lire and offered a course of instruction in the use of the compasses for 120 lire.[104] In about 1593, Galileo constructed a thermometer, using the expansion and contraction of air in a bulb to move water in an attached tube. In 1609, Galileo was, along with Englishman Thomas Harriot and others, among the first to use a refracting telescope as an instrument to observe stars, planets or moons. The name "telescope" was coined for Galileo's instrument by a Greek mathematician, Giovanni Demisiani,[105] at a banquet held in 1611 by Prince Federico Cesi to make Galileo a member of his Accademia dei Lincei.[106] The name was derived from the Greek tele = 'far' and skopein = 'to look or see'. In 1610, he used a telescope at close range to magnify the parts of insects.[107] By 1624 Galileo had perfected[108] a compound A replica of the earliest surviving telescope microscope. He gave one of these instruments to Cardinal Zollern in attributed to Galileo Galilei, on display at the May of that year for presentation to the Duke of Bavaria,[109] and in Griffith Observatory. September he sent another to Prince Cesi.[110] The Linceans played a role again in naming the "microscope" a year later when fellow academy member Giovanni Faber coined the word for Galileo's invention from the Greek words ”•–—˜™ (micron) meaning "small", and š–›‹œ•™ (skopein) meaning "to look at". The word was meant to be analogous with "telescope".[111][112] Illustrations of insects made using one of Galileo's microscopes, and published in 1625, appear to have been the first clear documentation of the use of a compound microscope.[113] In 1612, having determined the orbital periods of Jupiter's satellites, Galileo proposed that with sufficiently accurate knowledge of their orbits one could use their positions as a universal clock, and this would make possible the determination of longitude. He worked on this problem from time to time during the remainder of his life; but the practical problems were severe. The method was first successfully applied by Giovanni Domenico Cassini in 1681 and was later used extensively for large land surveys; this method, for example, was used to survey France, and later by Zebulon Pike of the midwestern United States in 1806. For sea navigation, where delicate telescopic observations were more difficult, the longitude problem eventually required development of a practical portable marine chronometer, such as that of John Harrison.[114] In his last year, when totally blind, he designed an escapement mechanism for a pendulum clock (called Galileo's escapement), a vectorial model of which may be seen here. The first fully operational pendulum clock was made by Christiaan Huygens in the 1650s.

Galileo Galilei


Galileo's theoretical and experimental work on the motions of bodies, along with the largely independent work of Kepler and Renˆ Descartes, was a precursor of the classical mechanics developed by Sir Isaac Newton. Galileo conducted several experiments with pendulums. It is popularly believed (thanks to the biography by Vincenzo Viviani) that these began by watching the swings of the bronze chandelier in the cathedral of Pisa, using his pulse as a timer. Later experiments are described in his Two New Sciences. Galileo claimed that a simple pendulum is isochronous, i.e. that its swings always take the same amount of time, independently of the amplitude. In fact, this is only Galileo e Viviani, 1892, Tito Lessi approximately true,[115] as was discovered by Christian Huygens. Galileo also found that the square of the period varies directly with the length of the pendulum. Galileo's son, Vincenzo, sketched a clock based on his father's theories in 1642. The clock was never built and, because of the large swings required by its verge escapement, would have been a poor timekeeper. (See Technology above.) Galileo is lesser known for, yet still credited with, being one of the first to understand sound frequency. By scraping a chisel at different speeds, he linked the pitch of the sound produced to the spacing of the chisel's skips, a measure of frequency. In 1638 Galileo described an experimental method to measure the speed of light by arranging that two observers, each having lanterns equipped with shutters, observe each other's lanterns at some distance. The first observer opens the shutter of his lamp, and, the second, upon seeing the light, immediately opens the shutter of his own lantern. The time between the first observer's opening his shutter and seeing the light from the second observer's lamp indicates the time it takes light to travel back and forth between the two observers. Galileo reported that when he tried this at a distance of less than a mile, he was unable to determine whether or not the light appeared instantaneously.[116] Sometime between Galileo's death and 1667, the members of the Florentine Accademia del Cimento repeated the experiment over a distance of about a mile and obtained a similarly inconclusive result.[117] Galileo put forward the basic principle of relativity, that the laws of physics are the same in any system that is moving at a constant speed in a straight line, regardless of its particular speed or direction. Hence, there is no absolute motion or absolute rest. This principle provided the basic framework for Newton's laws of motion and is central to Einstein's special theory of relativity.

Falling bodies
A biography by Galileo's pupil Vincenzo Viviani stated that Galileo had dropped balls of the same material, but different masses, from the Leaning Tower of Pisa to demonstrate that their time of descent was independent of their mass.[118] This was contrary to what Aristotle had taught: that heavy objects fall faster than lighter ones, in direct proportion to weight.[119] While this story has been retold in popular accounts, there is no account by Galileo himself of such an experiment, and it is generally accepted by historians that it was at most a thought experiment which did not actually take place.[120] An exception is Drake,[121] who argues that the experiment did take place, more or less as Viviani described it. The experiment described was actually performed by Simon Stevin (commonly known as Stevinus),[21] although the building used was actually the church tower in Delft in 1586.[122] In his 1638 Discorsi Galileo's character Salviati, widely regarded as Galileo's spokesman, held that all unequal weights would fall with the same finite speed in a vacuum. But this had previously been proposed by Lucretius[123] and Simon Stevin.[124] Cristiano Banti's Salviati also held it could be experimentally demonstrated by the comparison of pendulum motions in air with bobs of lead and of cork which had different weight but which were otherwise similar.

Galileo Galilei Galileo proposed that a falling body would fall with a uniform acceleration, as long as the resistance of the medium through which it was falling remained negligible, or in the limiting case of its falling through a vacuum.[125] He also derived the correct kinematical law for the distance travelled during a uniform acceleration starting from rest†namely, that it is proportional to the square of the elapsed time (€d€‘€t€2€).[126] However, in neither case were these discoveries entirely original. The time-squared law for uniformly accelerated change was already known to Nicole Oresme in the 14th century,[127] and Domingo de Soto, in the 16th, had suggested that bodies falling through a homogeneous medium would be uniformly accelerated.[128] Galileo expressed the time-squared law using geometrical constructions and mathematically precise words, adhering to the standards of the day. (It remained for others to re-express the law in algebraic terms). He also concluded that objects retain their velocity unless a force†often friction†acts upon them, refuting the generally accepted Aristotelian hypothesis that objects "naturally" slow down and stop unless a force acts upon them (philosophical ideas relating to inertia had been proposed by John Philoponus centuries earlier, as had Jean Buridan, and according to Joseph Needham, Mo Tzu had proposed it centuries before either of them, but this was the first time that it had been mathematically expressed, verified experimentally, and introduced the idea of frictional force, the key breakthrough in validating inertia). Galileo's Principle of Inertia stated: "A body moving on a level surface will continue in the same direction at constant speed unless disturbed." This principle was incorporated into Newton's laws of motion (first law).


While Galileo's application of mathematics to experimental physics was innovative, his mathematical methods were the standard ones of the day. The analysis and proofs relied heavily on the Eudoxian theory of proportion, as set forth in the fifth book of Euclid's Elements. This theory had become available only a century before, thanks to accurate translations by Tartaglia and others; but by the end of Galileo's life it was being superseded by the algebraic methods of Descartes. Galileo produced some mathematics: Galileo's paradox, which shows that there are as many perfect squares as there are whole numbers, even though most numbers are not perfect squares.
Dome of the Cathedral of Pisa with the "lamp of Galileo"

Galileo Galilei


His writings
Galileo's early works describing scientific instruments include the 1586 tract entitled The Little Balance (La Billancetta) describing an accurate balance to weigh objects in air or water[129] and the 1606 printed manual Le Operazioni del Compasso Geometrico et Militare on the operation of a geometrical and military compass.[130] His early works in dynamics, the science of motion and mechanics were his 1590 Pisan De Motu (On Motion) and his circa 1600 Paduan Le Meccaniche (Mechanics). The former was based on Aristotelian•Archimedean fluid dynamics and held that the speed of gravitational fall in a fluid medium was proportional to the excess of a body's specific weight over that of the medium, whereby in a vacuum bodies would fall with speeds in proportion to their specific weights. It also subscribed to the Hipparchan-Philoponan impetus dynamics in which impetus is self-dissipating and free-fall in a vacuum would have an essential terminal speed according to specific weight after an initial period of acceleration.
Statue outside the Uffizi, Florence

Galileo's 1610 The Starry Messenger (Sidereus Nuncius) was the first scientific treatise to be published based on observations made through a telescope. It reported his discoveries of: ‚ the Galilean moons; ‚ the roughness of the Moon's surface; ‚ the existence of a large number of stars invisible to the naked eye, particularly those responsible for the appearance of the Milky Way; and ‚ differences between the appearances of the planets and those of the fixed stars†the former appearing as small discs, while the latter appeared as unmagnified points of light. Galileo published a description of sunspots in 1613 entitled Letters on Sunspots[131] suggesting the Sun and heavens are corruptible. The Letters on Sunspots also reported his 1610 telescopic observations of the full set of phases of Venus, and his discovery of the puzzling "appendages" of Saturn and their even more puzzling subsequent disappearance. In 1615 Galileo prepared a manuscript known as the Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina which was not published in printed form until 1636. This letter was a revised version of the Letter to Castelli, which was denounced by the Inquisition as an incursion upon theology by advocating Copernicanism both as physically true and as consistent with Scripture.[132] In 1616, after the order by the inquisition for Galileo not to hold or defend the Copernican position, Galileo wrote the Discourse on the tides (Discorso sul flusso e il reflusso del mare) based on the Copernican earth, in the form of a private letter to Cardinal Orsini.[133] In 1619, Mario Guiducci, a pupil of Galileo's, published a lecture written largely by Galileo under the title Discourse on the Comets (Discorso Delle Comete), arguing against the Jesuit interpretation of comets.[134] In 1623, Galileo published The Assayer€Il Saggiatore, which attacked theories based on Aristotle's authority and promoted experimentation and the mathematical formulation of scientific ideas. The book was highly successful and even found support among the higher echelons of the Christian church.[135] Following the success of The Assayer, Galileo published the Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems (Dialogo sopra i due massimi sistemi del mondo) in 1632. Despite taking care to adhere to the Inquisition's 1616 instructions, the claims in the book favouring Copernican theory and a non Geocentric model of the solar system led to Galileo being tried and banned on publication. Despite the publication ban, Galileo published his Discourses and Mathematical Demonstrations Relating to Two New Sciences (Discorsi e Dimostrazioni Matematiche, intorno a due nuove scienze) in 1638 in Holland, outside the jurisdiction of the Inquisition.

Galileo Galilei


Summary of Galileo's Published Written Works
Galileo's main written works are as follows: ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ The Little Balance (1586) On Motion (1590)[136] Mechanics (ca. 1600) The Starry Messenger (1610; in Latin, Sidereus Nuncius) Discourse on Floating Bodies (1612) Letters on Sunspots (1613) Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina (1615; published in 1636) Discourse on the Tides (1616; in Italian, Discorso del flusso e reflusso del mare) Discourse on the Comets (1619; in Italian, Discorso Delle Comete) The Assayer (1623; in Italian, Il Saggiatore) Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems (1632; in Italian Dialogo dei due massimi sistemi del mondo) Discourses and Mathematical Demonstrations Relating to Two New Sciences (1638; in Italian, Discorsi e Dimostrazioni Matematiche, intorno a due nuove scienze)

Church reassessments of Galileo in later centuries
The Inquisition's ban on reprinting Galileo's works was lifted in 1718 when permission was granted to publish an edition of his works (excluding the condemned Dialogue) in Florence.[137] In 1741 Pope Benedict XIV authorised the publication of an edition of Galileo's complete scientific works[138] which included a mildly censored version of the Dialogue.[139] In 1758 the general prohibition against works advocating heliocentrism was removed from the Index of prohibited books, although the specific ban on uncensored versions of the Dialogue and Copernicus's De Revolutionibus remained.[140] All traces of official opposition to heliocentrism by the church disappeared in 1835 when these works were finally dropped from the Index.[141] In 1939 Pope Pius XII, in his first speech to the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, within a few months of his election to the papacy, described Galileo as being among the "most audacious heroes of research... not afraid of the stumbling blocks and the risks on the way, nor fearful of the funereal monuments".[142] His close advisor of 40 years, Professor Robert Leiber wrote: "Pius XII was very careful not to close any doors (to science) prematurely. He was energetic on this point and regretted that in the case of Galileo."[143] On 15 February 1990, in a speech delivered at the Sapienza University of Rome,[144] Cardinal Ratzinger (later to become Pope Benedict XVI) cited some current views on the Galileo affair as forming what he called "a symptomatic case that permits us to see how deep the self-doubt of the modern age, of science and technology goes today".[145] Some of the views he cited were those of the philosopher Paul Feyerabend, whom he quoted as saying "The Church at the time of Galileo kept much more closely to reason than did Galileo himself, and she took into consideration the ethical and social consequences of Galileo's teaching too. Her verdict against Galileo was rational and just and the revision of this verdict can be justified only on the grounds of what is politically opportune."[145] The Cardinal did not clearly indicate whether he agreed or disagreed with Feyerabend's assertions. He did, however, say "It would be foolish to construct an impulsive apologetic on the basis of such views."[145] On 31 October 1992, Pope John Paul II expressed regret for how the Galileo affair was handled, and issued a declaration acknowledging the errors committed by the Catholic Church tribunal that judged the scientific positions of Galileo Galilei, as the result of a study conducted by the Pontifical Council for Culture.[146][147] In March 2008 the head of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, Nicola Cabibbo, announced a plan to honour Galileo by erecting a statue of him inside the Vatican walls.[148] In December of the same year, during events to mark the 400th anniversary of Galileo's earliest telescopic observations, Pope Benedict XVI praised his contributions to

Galileo Galilei astronomy.[149] A month later, however, the head of the Pontifical Council for Culture, Gianfranco Ravasi, revealed that the plan to erect a statue of Galileo in the grounds of the Vatican had been suspended.[150]


Impact on modern science
According to Stephen Hawking, Galileo probably bears more of the responsibility for the birth of modern science than anybody else,[151] and Albert Einstein called him the father of modern science.[152][153] Galileo's astronomical discoveries and investigations into the Copernican theory have led to a lasting legacy which includes the categorisation of the four large moons of Jupiter discovered by Galileo (Io, Europa, Ganymede and Callisto) as the Galilean moons. Other scientific endeavours and principles are named after Galileo including the Galileo spacecraft,[154] the first spacecraft to enter orbit around Jupiter, the proposed Galileo global satellite navigation system, the transformation between inertial systems in classical mechanics denoted Galilean transformation and the Gal (unit), sometimes known as the Galileo which is a non-SI unit of acceleration. Partly because 2009 was the fourth centenary of Galileo's first recorded astronomical observations with the telescope, the United Nations scheduled it to be the International Year of Astronomy.[155] A global scheme was laid out by the International Astronomical Union (IAU), also endorsed by UNESCO†the UN body responsible for Educational, Scientific and Cultural matters. The International Year of Astronomy 2009 was intended to be a global celebration of astronomy and its contributions to society and culture, stimulating worldwide interest not only in astronomy but science in general, with a particular slant towards young people. Asteroid 697 Galilea is named in his honour.

In artistic and popular media
Galileo is mentioned several times in the "opera" section of the Queen song, "Bohemian Rhapsody".[156] He features prominently in the song "Galileo" performed by the Indigo Girls. Twentieth-century plays have been written on Galileo's life, including Life of Galileo (1943) by the German playwright Bertolt Brecht, with a film adaptation (1975) of it, and Lamp At Midnight (1947) by Barrie Stavis,[157] as well as the 2008 play "Galileo Galilei".[158] Kim Stanley Robinson wrote a science fiction novel entitled Galileo's Dream (2009), in which Galileo is brought into the future to help resolve a crisis of scientific philosophy; the story moves back and forth between Galileo's own time and a hypothetical distant future.[159] Galileo Galilei was recently selected as a main motif for a high value collectors' coin: the ’25 International Year of Astronomy commemorative coin, minted in 2009. This coin also commemorates the 400th anniversary of the invention of Galileo's telescope. The obverse shows a portion of his portrait and his telescope. The background shows one of his first drawings of the surface of the moon. In the silver ring other telescopes are depicted: the Isaac Newton Telescope, the observatory in Kremsm•nster Abbey, a modern telescope, a radio telescope and a space telescope. In 2009, the Galileoscope was also released. This is a mass-produced, low-cost educational 2-inch (51€mm) telescope with relatively high quality.

Galileo Galilei


‚ 1543 • Nicolaus Copernicus publishes De revolutionibus orbium coelestium as an alternative world system to the Ptolemy's geocentric model causing subsequent questions to be raised about Aristotelian physics following Copernicus' death ‚ 1563 • Parents Vincenzo Galilei and Giulia Ammannati marry ‚ 1564 • Birth in Pisa, Italy ‚ ~1570 • Thomas Digges publishes Pantometria describing a telescope built between 1540•1559 by his father Leonard Digges ‚ 1573 • Tycho Brahe publishes De nova stella (On the new star) refuting Aristotelian belief in immutable celestial spheres and an eternal, unchanging, more perfect heavenly realm of celestial aether above the moon ‚ 1576 • Giuseppe Moletti Galileo's predecessor in the mathematics chair at Padua, reports falling bodies of the same shape fall at the same speed, regardless of material[160] ‚ 1581 • His father, Vincenzo Galilei publishes Dialogo della musica antica et moderna formulating musical theories[161] ‚ 1581 • Enrols as medical student at University of Pisa ‚ 1582 • Attends mathematics lecture by Ostilio Ricci and decides to study math and science ‚ 1585 • Leaves University of Pisa without degree and works as tutor ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ 1586 • Invents hydrostatic balance; wrote La Balancitta (The little balance) 1586 • Simon Stevin publishes results for dropping lead weights from 10 meters 1588 • Tycho Brahe publishes work on comets containing a description of the Tychonic system of the world[162] 1589 • Appointed to Mathematics Chair, University of Pisa 1590 • Partially completes De Motu (On Motion), which is never published 1591 • Death of his father, Vicenzo Galilei 1592 • Appointed professor of mathematics at University of Padua, remains 18 years ~1593 • Invents early thermometer that unfortunately depended on both temperature and pressure ~1595 • Invents improved ballistics calculation geometric and military compass, which he later improves for surveying and general calculations and earns income from tutoring on its use 1597 • Letter to Kepler indicates his belief in the Copernican System 1600 • First child, Virginia is born; ~1600 Le Meccaniche (Mechanics) 1600 • William Gilbert publishes On the Magnet and Magnetic Bodies, and on That Great Magnet the Earth with arguments supporting the Copernican system 1600 • Roman Inquisition finds Giordano Bruno, Copernican system supporter, guilty of heresy for opinions on pantheism and the eternal plurality of worlds, and for denial of the Trinity, divinity of Christ, virginity of Mary, and Transubstantiation; burned at the stake by civil authorities 1601 • Daughter Livia is born 1604 • Measures supernova position indicating no parallax for the new star 1605 • Sued by brothers-in-law for nonpayment of sisters' dowries 1606 • Son Vincenzo born 1606 • Publishes manual for his calculating compass 1607 • Rotilio Orlandini attempts to assassinate Galileo's friend, Friar Paolo Sarpi 1608 • Hans Lippershey invents a refracting telescope 1609 • Independently invents and improves telescopes based on description of invention by Hans Lippershey 1609 • Kepler publishes Astronomia nova containing his first two laws and for the first time demonstrates the Copernican model is more accurate than the Ptolemaic for uses such as navigation and prediction

‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚

‚ 1609 • Thomas Harriot sketches the Moon from telescopic observations made four months before Galileo's ‚ 1610 • Publishes Sidereus Nuncius (Starry Messenger); views our moon's mountains and craters and brightest 4 of Jupiter's moons

Galileo Galilei ‚ 1610 - Martin Horky publishes Brevissima Peregrinatio Contra Nuncium Sidereum, opposing Galileo ‚ 1610 • Kepler requests one of Galileo's telescopes or lenses, but Galileo replies he is too busy to build one and has no extras[163] ‚ 1610 • Lifetime appointment to mathematics position at University of Padua, and as mathematician and philosopher for Cosimo II, Grand Duke of Tuscany ‚ 1611 • Discovers phases of Venus; granted audience with Pope; made member of Lincean Academy ‚ 1611 • David Fabricius publishes Narration on Spots Observed on the Sun and their Apparent Rotation with the Sun prior to Christoph Scheiner and Galileo's published works on the subject ‚ 1612 • Proposed Jupiter's moons could be used as a universal clock for possible determination of longitude ‚ ~1612 or 1613 • Francesco Sizzi discovers annual variations in sunspots' motions ‚ 1613 • Letters on Sunspots ‚ 1615 • Letter to Grand Duchess Christina (not published until 1636) ‚ 1616 • Officially warned by the Church not to hold or defend the Copernican System ‚ 1616 • The Catholic Church places De revolutionibus orbium coelestium on the List of Prohibited Books ‚ 1616 • Private letter Discourse on the Tides ‚ 1617 • Moves into Bellosguardo, west of Florence, near his daughters' convent; observes double star Mizar in Ursa Major ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ 1619 • Kepler publishes Harmonices Mundi which introduces his third law 1619 • Discourse on the Comets 1621 • Maffeo Barberini becomes Pope Urban VIII 1623 • Publishes The Assayer 1624 • Visits Pope who praises and honours him, leaving with assumed permission to publish work on the Copernican vs. Ptolemaic Systems; used a compound microscope 1625 • Illustrations of insects made using one of Galileo's microscopes published 1630 • Completes Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems and subsequently receives approval of Church censor 1632 • Publishes Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems 1633 • sentenced by the Inquisition to imprisonment, commuted to house arrest, for vehement suspicion of heresy 1633 • Catholic Church places Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems on the List of Prohibited Books 1638 • Publishes Dialogues Concerning Two New Sciences 1642 • death in Arcetri, Italy 1668 • Newton builds his reflecting telescope 1687 • Isaac Newton publishes Philosophi• Naturalis Principia Mathematica deriving Kepler's laws from the Universal Law of Gravitation and the Laws of Motion, uniting the heavens and earth under the same natural laws


[1] O'Connor, J. J.; Robertson, E. F.. "Galileo Galilei" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/ Galileo. html). The MacTutor History of Mathematics archive. University of St Andrews, Scotland. . Retrieved 2007-07-24. [2] F. Vinci, Ostilio Ricci da Fermo, Maestro di Galileo Galilei, Fermo, 1929. [3] NODAK.edu (http:/ / genealogy. math. ndsu. nodak. edu. id. php?id=134975) [4] Drake (1978, p. 1). The date of Galileo's birth is given according to the Julian calendar, which was then in force throughout the whole of Christendom. In 1582 it was replaced in Italy and several other Catholic countries with the Gregorian calendar. Unless otherwise indicated, dates in this article are given according to the Gregorian calendar. [5] "Galileo Galilei" in the 1913 Catholic Encyclopedia. by John Gerard. Retrieved 11 August 2007 [6] Singer, Charles (1941). A Short History of Science to the Nineteenth Century (http:/ / www. google. com/ books?id=mPIgAAAAMAAJ& pgis=1). Clarendon Press. p.€217. . [7] Weidhorn, Manfred (2005). The Person of the Millennium: The Unique Impact of Galileo on World History. iUniverse. pp.€155. ISBN€0-595-36877-8.

Galileo Galilei
[8] Finocchiaro (2007). [9] Isabelle Pantin (1999), "New Philosophy and Old Prejudices: Aspects of the Reception of Copernicanism in a Divided Europe", Stud. Hist. Phil. Sci. 30: 237•262 [10] Sharratt (1994, pp. 127•131), McMullin (2005a). [11] Finocchiaro (1997), p. 47 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ewKMpRsF4Y8C& pg=PA47). [12] Hilliam (2005), p. 96 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=KBKSyHOLzZAC& pg=PA96). [13] Carney, Jo Eldridge (2000). Renaissance and Reformation, 1500ƒ1620: a. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN€0-313-30574-9. [14] Allan-Olney (1870) [15] John Gribbon. The Fellowship: Gilbert, Bacon, Harvey, Wren, Newton and the Story of the Scientific Revolution. The Overlook Press, 2008. p. 26 [16] Sharratt (1994, pp. 17, 213) [17] John Gribbon. The Fellowship: Gilbert, Bacon, Harvey, Wren, Newton and the Story of the Scientific Revolution. The Overlook Press, 2008. p. 42 [18] Sobel (2000, p. 5) Chapter 1. (http:/ / www. galileosdaughter. com/ firstchapter. shtml) Retrieved on 26 August 2007. "But because he never married Virginia's mother, he deemed the girl herself unmarriageable. Soon after her 13th birthday, he placed her at the Convent of San Matteo in Arcetri." [19] Pedersen, O. (24•27 May 1984). "Galileo's Religion". Proceedings of the Cracow Conference, The Galileo affair: A meeting of faith and science. Cracow: Dordrecht, D. Reidel Publishing Co.. pp.€75•102. Bibcode€1985gamf.conf...75P. [20] Reston (2000, pp. 3•14). [21] Asimov, Isaac (1964). Asimov's Biographical Encyclopedia of Science and Technology. ISBN 978-0385177719 [22] Edgerton, Samuel Y. The Mirror, the Window, and the Telescope, 2009 [23] Panofsky, Erwin (1956). "Galileo as a Critic of the Arts: Aesthetic Attitude and Scientific Thought". Isis 47 (1): 3•15. doi:10.1086/348450. JSTOR€227542. [24] Sharratt (1994, pp. 45•66). [25] Rutkin, H. Darrel. "Galileo, Astrology, and the Scientific Revolution: Another Look" (http:/ / www. stanford. edu/ dept/ HPST/ colloquia0405. html). Program in History & Philosophy of Science & Technology, Stanford University. . Retrieved 2007-04-15. [26] Finocchiaro (1989), pp. 67•9. [27] Finocchiaro (1989), p. 354, n. 52 [28] Finocchiaro (1989), pp. 119•133 [29] Finocchiaro (1989), pp. 127•131 and Drake (1953), pp. 432•6 [30] Einstein (1953) p. xvii [31] Finocchiaro (1989), p. 128 [32] Kusukawa, Sachiko. "Starry Messenger. The Telescope (http:/ / www. hps. cam. ac. uk/ starry/ galtele. html), Department of History and Philosophy of Science of the University of Cambridge. Retrieved on 2007-03-10"]. . [33] Drake (1960, pp.vii, xxiii•xxiv), Sharratt (1994, pp. 139•140). [34] Grassi (1960a). [35] Drake (1978, p. 268), Grassi (1960a, p. 16). [36] Galilei & Guiducci (1960). [37] Drake (1960, p.xvi). [38] Drake (1957, p. 222), Drake (1960, p.xvii). [39] Sharratt (1994, p. 135), Drake (1960, p.xii), Galilei & Guiducci (1960, p. 24). [40] Sharratt (1994, p. 135). [41] Sharratt (1994, p. 135), Drake (1960, p.xvii). [42] Grassi (1960b). [43] Drake (1978, p. 494), Favaro (1896, 6:111) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=6& VOLPAG=111). The pseudonym was a slightly imperfect anagram of Oratio Grasio Savonensis, a latinised version of his name and home town. [44] Galilei (1960). [45] Sharratt (1994, p. 137), Drake (1957, p. 227). [46] Sharratt (1994, p. 138•142). [47] Drake (1960, p.xix). [48] Drake (1960, p.vii). [49] Sharratt (1994, p. 175). [50] Sharratt (1994, pp. 175•78), Blackwell (2006, p. 30). [51] Brodrick (1965, c1964, p. 95) quoting Cardinal Bellarmine's letter to Foscarini, dated 12 April 1615. Translated from Favaro (1902, 12:171•172) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=12& VOLPAG=171) (Italian). [52] Galileo Galilei (http:/ / www. nmspacemuseum. org/ halloffame/ detail. php?id=108) • New Mexico Museum of Space History. Retrieved 26 August 2011. [53] Sharratt (1994, pp. 126•31) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=rB0rHzrpJOMC& pg=PA126#v=onepage& q& f=false). [54] "Galileo Project • Pope Urban VIII Biography" (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ gal/ urban. html). .


Galileo Galilei
[55] Sobel (2000, pp. 232•4). [56] Finocchiaro (1997), p. 82) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Li4eh7JIMtIC& pg=PA82); Moss & Wallace (2003), p. 11) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Lw50esHmgacC& pg=PA11) [57] See Langford (1966, pp. 133•134), and Seeger (1966, p. 30), for example. Drake (1978, p. 355) asserts that Simplicio's character is modelled on the Aristotelian philosophers, Lodovico delle Colombe and Cesare Cremonini, rather than Urban. He also considers that the demand for Galileo to include the Pope's argument in the Dialogue left him with no option but to put it in the mouth of Simplicio (Drake, 1953, p. 491). Even Arthur Koestler, who is generally quite harsh on Galileo in The Sleepwalkers (1959), after noting that Urban suspected Galileo of having intended Simplicio to be a caricature of him, says "this of course is untrue" (1959, p. 483). [58] Sharratt (1994, pp. 171•75); Heilbron (2010, pp. 308•17); Gingerich (1992, pp. 117•18). [59] Fantoli (2005, p. 139), Finocchiaro (1989, pp. 288•293). Finocchiaro's translation of the Inquisition's judgement against Galileo is available on-line (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#sentence). "Vehemently suspect of heresy" was a technical term of canon law and did not necessarily imply that the Inquisition considered the opinions giving rise to the verdict to be heretical. The same verdict would have been possible even if the opinions had been subject only to the less serious censure of "erroneous in faith" (Fantoli, 2005, p. 140; Heilbron, 2005, pp. 282•284). [60] Finocchiaro (1989, pp. 38 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=wKCZFJuMCaQC& pg=PA38#v=onepage& f=false), 291, 306) (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=wKCZFJuMCaQC& pg=PA306#v=onepage& f=false). Finocchiaro's translation of the Inquisition's judgement against Galileo is available on-line (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070930013053/ http:/ / astro. wcupa. edu/ mgagne/ ess362/ resources/ finocchiaro. html#sentence). [61] Drake (1978, p. 367), Sharratt (1994, p. 184), Favaro (1905, 16:209 (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=16& VOLPAG=209), 230) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=16& VOLPAG=230)(Italian). See Galileo affair for further details. [62] Drake (1978, p. 356). The phrase "Eppur si muove" does appear, however, in a painting of the 1640s by the Spanish painter Bartolomˆ Esteban Murillo or an artist of his school. The painting depicts an imprisoned Galileo apparently pointing to a copy of the phrase written on the wall of his dungeon (Drake, 1978, p. 357). [63] William Shea, M. A. The Galileo Affair 2006. Available online William Shea (January 2006). "The Galileo Affair" (http:/ / www. unav. es/ cryf/ galileoaffair. html). Grupo de Investigaci‘n sobre Ciencia, Raz‘n y Fe (CRYF). Unpublished work. . Retrieved 12 September 2010. [64] Stephen Hawking, ed. p. 398, On the Shoulders of Giants: "Galileo ... is the father of modern physics†indeed of modern science"†Albert Einstein. [65] Shea & Artigas (2003, p. 199); Sobel (2000, p. 378). [66] Shea & Artigas (2003, p. 199); Sobel (2000, p. 378); Sharratt (1994, p. 207); Favaro (1906,18:378•80) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=18& VOLPAG=378) (Italian). [67] Monumental tomb of Galileo (http:/ / brunelleschi. imss. fi. it/ museum/ esim. asp?c=100359). Institute and Museum of the History of Science, Florence, Italy. Retrieved 2010-02-15. [68] Shea & Artigas (2003, p. 199); Sobel (2000, p. 380). [69] Shea & Artigas (2003, p. 200); Sobel (2000, pp. 380•384). [70] Section of Room VII Galilean iconography and relics (http:/ / catalogue. museogalileo. it/ section/ GalileanIconographyRelics. html), Museo Galileo. Accessed on line 27 May 2011. [71] Middle finger of Galileo's right hand (http:/ / catalogue. museogalileo. it/ object/ MiddleFingerGalileosRightHand. html), Museo Galileo. Accessed on line 27 May 2011. [72] Sharratt (1994, pp. 204•05) [73] Cohen, H. F. (1984). Quantifying Music: The Science of Music at. Springer. pp.€78•84. ISBN€90-277-1637-4. [74] Field, Judith Veronica (2005). Piero Della Francesca: A Mathematician's Art. Yale University Press. pp.€317•320. ISBN€0-300-10342-5. [75] In Drake (1957, pp. 237•238) [76] Wallace, (1984). [77] Sharratt (1994, pp. 202•04), Galilei (1954, pp. 250•52), Favaro (1898), 8:274•75) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=8& VOLPAG=274) (Italian) [78] Sharratt (1994, pp. 202•04), Galilei (1954, pp. 252), Favaro (1898), 8:275) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=8& VOLPAG=275) (Italian) [79] King (2003, pp. 30•32 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=KAWwzHlDVksC& pg=PA30)). The Netherlands States-General would not grant Lippershey his requested patent (King, 2003, p. 32 (http:/ / books. google. com. au/ books?id=KAWwzHlDVksC& pg=PA32)). [80] Drake (1990, pp. 133•34). [81] Sharratt (1994, pp. 1•2 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=-TgYAq3P0P8C& pg=PA1)) [82] 1964, p. 273 [83] According to Walusinsky (1964, p. 273), it "aroused the life-long enmity of all the opponents of modern science" [84] i.e., invisible to the naked eye. [85] Drake (1978, p. 146). [86] In Sidereus Nuncius (Favaro, 1892, 3:81 (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=3& VOLPAG=81)(Latin)) Galileo stated that he had reached this conclusion on 11 January. Drake (1978, p. 152), however, after studying unpublished manuscript records of Galileo's observations, concluded that he did not do so until 15 January.


Galileo Galilei
[87] Sharratt (1994, p. 17). [88] Linton (2004, pp. 98,205), Drake (1978, p. 157). [89] Drake (1978, pp. 158•68), Sharratt (1994, pp. 18•19). [90] God's Philosophers ju James Hannam Orion 2009 p313 [91] Drake (1978, p. 168), Sharratt (1994, p. 93). [92] Thoren (1989), p. 8; Hoskin (1999) p. 117. [93] In the Capellan model only Mercury and Venus orbit the Sun, whilst in its extended version such as expounded by Riccioli, Mars also orbits the Sun, but the orbits of Jupiter and Saturn are centred on the Earth [94] Baalke, Ron. Historical Background of Saturn's Rings. (http:/ / www2. jpl. nasa. gov/ saturn/ back. html) Jet Propulsion Laboratory, California Institute of Technology, NASA. Retrieved on 2007-03-11 [95] Drake & Kowal (1980) [96] In Kepler's Thomist 'inertial' variant of Aristotelian dynamics as opposed to Galileo's impetus dynamics variant all bodies universally have an inherent resistance to all motion and tendency to rest, which he dubbed 'inertia'. This notion of inertia was originally introduced by Averroes in the 12th century just for the celestial spheres in order to explain why they do not rotate with infinite speed on Aristotelian dynamics, as they should if they had no resistance to their movers. And in his Astronomia Nova celestial mechanics the inertia of the planets is overcome in their solar orbital motion by their being pushed around by the sunspecks of the rotating sun acting like the spokes of a rotating cartwheel. And more generally it predicted all but only planets with orbiting satellites, such as Jupiter for example, also rotate to push them around, whereas the Moon, for example, does not rotate, thus always presenting the same face to the Earth, because it has no satellites to push around. These seem to have been the first successful novel predictions of Thomist 'inertial' Aristotelian dynamics as well as of post-spherist celestial physics. In his 1630 Epitome (See p514 on p896 of the Encyclop©dia Britannica 1952 Great Books of the Western World edition) Kepler keenly stressed he had proved the Sun's axial rotation from planetary motions in his Commentaries on Mars Ch 34 long before it was telescopically established by sunspot motion. [97] Drake (1978, p. 209). Sizzi reported the observations he and his companions had made over the course of a year to Orazio Morandi in a letter dated 10 April 1613 (Favaro, 1901, 11:491 (Italian)[[Category:Articles with Italian language external links (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=11& VOLPAG=491)])]. Morandi subsequently forwarded a copy to Galileo. [98] In geostatic systems the apparent annual variation in the motion of sunspots could only be explained as the result of an implausibly complicated precession of the Sun's axis of rotation (Linton, 2004, p. 212; Sharratt, 1994, p. 166; Drake, 1970, pp. 191•196). This did not apply, however, to the modified version of Tycho's system introduced by his protegˆ, Longomontanus, in which the Earth was assumed to rotate. Longomontanus's system could account for the apparent motions of sunspots just as well as the Copernican. [99] Ondra (2004), p. 72•73 [100] Graney (2010, p. 455); Graney & Grayson (2011, p. 353). [101] Van Helden, (1985, p. 75 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=L-yb7GX9mQIC& pg=PA75)); Chalmers, (1999, p. 25 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=WQh5wDlE8cwC& pg=PA25)); Galilei (1953, pp. 361•62). [102] Finocchiaro (1989, pp. 167•76), Galilei (1953, pp. 359•60), Ondra (2004, pp. 74•5). [103] Graney (2010, p. 454-462); Graney & Grayson (2011, p. 352-355). [104] Reston (2000, p. 56). [105] Sobel (2000, p. 43), Drake (1978, p. 196). In the Starry Messenger, written in Latin, Galileo had used the term "perspicillum". [106] Rosen, Edward, The Naming of the Telescope (1947) [107] Drake (1978, pp. 163•164), Favaro (1892, 3:163 (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=3& VOLPAG=163)• 164) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=3& VOLPAG=164)(Latin) [108] Probably in 1623, according to Drake (1978, p. 286). [109] Drake (1978, p. 289), Favaro (1903, 13:177) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=13& VOLPAG=177)(Italian). [110] Drake (1978, p. 286), Favaro (1903, 13:208) (http:/ / moro. imss. fi. it/ lettura/ LetturaWEB. DLL?VOL=13& VOLPAG=208)(Italian). The actual inventors of the telescope and microscope remain debatable. A general view on this can be found in the article Hans Lippershey (http:/ / micro. magnet. fsu. edu/ optics/ timeline/ people/ lippershey. html) (last updated 2003-08-01), - 1995•2007 by Davidson, Michael W. and the Florida State University. Retrieved 2007-08-28 [111] "brunelleschi.imss.fi.it "Il microscopio di Galileo"" (http:/ / brunelleschi. imss. fi. it/ esplora/ microscopio/ dswmedia/ risorse/ testi_completi. pdf) (PDF). . [112] Van Helden, Al. Galileo Timeline (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ chron/ galileo. html) (last updated 1995), The Galileo Project. Retrieved 2007-08-28. See also Timeline of microscope technology. [113] Drake (1978, p. 286). [114] Longitude: the true story of a lone genius who solved the greatest scientific problem of his time, Dava Sobel Penguin, 1996 ISBN 0-14-025879-5, ISBN 978-0-14-025879-0 [115] Newton, R. G. (2004). Galileo's Pendulum: From the Rhythm of Time to the Making of Matter. Harvard University Press. p.€51. ISBN€0-674-01331-X. [116] Galileo Galilei, Two New Sciences, (Madison: Univ. of Wisconsin Pr., 1974) p. 50. [117] I. Bernard Cohen, "Roemer and the First Determination of the Velocity of Light (1676)", Isis, 31 (1940): 327•379, see pp. 332•333 [118] Drake (1978, pp. 19,20). At the time when Viviani asserts that the experiment took place, Galileo had not yet formulated the final version of his law of free fall. He had, however, formulated an earlier version which predicted that bodies of the same material falling through the


Galileo Galilei
same medium would fall at the same speed (Drake, 1978, p. 20). [119] Drake (1978, p. 9); Sharratt (1994, p. 31). [120] Groleau, Rick. "Galileo's Battle for the Heavens. July 2002" (http:/ / www. pbs. org/ wgbh/ nova/ galileo/ experiments. html). . Ball, Phil (2005-06-30). "Science history: setting the record straight. 30 June 2005" (http:/ / www. hindu. com/ seta/ 2005/ 06/ 30/ stories/ 2005063000351500. htm). The Hindu (Chennai, India). . [121] Drake (1978, pp. 19•21, 414•416) [122] Galileo Galilei: The Falling Bodies Experiment (http:/ / www. juliantrubin. com/ bigten/ galileofallingbodies. html). Last accessed 26 Dec 2011. [123] Lucretius, De rerum natura II, 225•229; Relevant passage appears in: Lane Cooper, Aristotle, Galileo, and the Tower of Pisa (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1935), p. 49. [124] Simon Stevin, De Beghinselen des Waterwichts, Anvang der Waterwichtdaet, en de Anhang komen na de Beghinselen der Weeghconst en de Weeghdaet [The Elements of Hydrostatics, Preamble to the Practice of Hydrostatics, and Appendix to The Elements of the Statics and The Practice of Weighing] (Leiden, Netherlands: Christoffel Plantijn, 1586) reports an experiment by Stevin and Jan Cornets de Groot in which they dropped lead balls from a church tower in Delft; relevant passage is translated in: E. J. Dijksterhuis, ed., The Principal Works of Simon Stevin (Amsterdam, Netherlands: C. V. Swets & Zeitlinger, 1955 vol. 1, pp. 509, 511. [125] Sharratt (1994, p. 203), Galilei (1954, pp. 251•54) (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show. php?title=753& chapter=109969& layout=html& Itemid=27#a_2289356). [126] Sharratt (1994, p. 198), Galilei (1954, p. 174) (http:/ / oll. libertyfund. org/ ?option=com_staticxt& staticfile=show. php?title=753& chapter=109916& layout=html& Itemid=27#a_2289015). [127] Clagett (1968, p. 561). [128] Sharratt (1994, p. 198), Wallace (2004, pp.II 384, II 400, III 272) Soto, however, did not anticipate many of the qualifications and refinements contained in Galileo's theory of falling bodies. He did not, for instance, recognise, as Galileo did, that a body would only fall with a strictly uniform acceleration in a vacuum, and that it would otherwise eventually reach a uniform terminal velocity. [129] Hydrostatic balance (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ sci/ instruments/ balance. html). The Galileo Project. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [130] The Works of Galileo (http:/ / hsci. ou. edu/ exhibits/ exhibit. php?exbgrp=1& exbid=10& exbpg=1). The University of Oklahoma, College of Arts and Sciences. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [131] Sunspots and Floating Bodies (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20081024203933/ http:/ / hsci. ou. edu/ exhibits/ exhibit. php?exbgrp=1& exbid=13& exbpg=2). The University of Oklahoma, College of Arts and Sciences. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [132] Galileo, Letter to the Grand Duchess Christina (http:/ / hsci. ou. edu/ exhibits/ exhibit. php?exbgrp=1& exbid=14& exbpg=3). The University of Oklahoma, College of Arts and Sciences. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [133] Galileo's Theory of the Tides (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ sci/ observations/ tides. html). The Galileo Project. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [134] Galileo Timeline (http:/ / galileo. rice. edu/ chron/ galileo. html). The Galileo Project. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [135] Galileo Galilei (http:/ / muse. tau. ac. il/ museum/ galileo/ galileo. html). Tel-Aviv University, Science and Technology Education Center. . Retrieved 2008-07-17. [136] "Collection of Galileo Galilei's Manuscripts and Related Translations" (http:/ / echo. mpiwg-berlin. mpg. de/ content/ scientific_revolution/ galileo). . Retrieved 2009-12-04. [137] Heilbron (2005, p. 299). [138] Two of his non-scientific works, the letters to Castelli and the Grand Duchess Christina, were explicitly not allowed to be included (Coyne 2005, p. 347). [139] Heilbron (2005, pp. 303•04); Coyne (2005, p. 347). The uncensored version of the Dialogue remained on the Index of prohibited books, however (Heilbron 2005, p. 279). [140] Heilbron (2005, p. 307); Coyne (2005, p. 347) The practical effect of the ban in its later years seems to have been that clergy could publish discussions of heliocentric physics with a formal disclaimer assuring its hypothetical character and their obedience to the church decrees against motion of the earth: see for example the commented edition (1742) of Newton's 'Principia' by Fathers Le Seur and Jacquier, which contains such a disclaimer ('Declaratio') before the third book (Propositions 25 onwards) dealing with the lunar theory. [141] McMullin (2005, p. 6); Coyne (2005, p. 346). In fact, the Church's opposition had effectively ended in 1820 when a Catholic canon, Giuseppe Settele, was given permission to publish a work which treated heliocentism as a physical fact rather than a mathematical fiction. The 1835 edition of the Index was the first to be issued after that year. [142] Discourse of His Holiness Pope Pius XII given on 3 December 1939 at the Solemn Audience granted to the Plenary Session of the Academy, Discourses of the Popes from Pius XI to John Paul II to the Pontifical Academy of the Sciences 1939•1986, Vatican City, p. 34 [143] Robert Leiber, Pius XII Stimmen der Zeit, November 1958 in Pius XII. Sagt, Frankfurt 1959, p. 411 [144] An earlier version had been delivered on 16 December 1989, in Rieti, and a later version in Madrid on 24 February 1990 (Ratzinger, 1994, p. 81). According to Feyerabend himself, Ratzinger had also mentioned him "in support of" his own views in a speech in Parma around the same time (Feyerabend, 1995, p. 178). [145] Ratzinger (1994, p. 98). [146] "Vatican admits Galileo was right" (http:/ / www. newscientist. com/ article/ mg13618460. 600-vatican-admits-galileo-was-right-. html). New Scientist (1846). 1992-11-07. . Retrieved 2007-08-09.. [147] "Papal visit scuppered by scholars" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 1/ hi/ world/ europe/ 7188860. stm). BBC News. 2008-01-15. . Retrieved 2008-01-16.


Galileo Galilei
[148] Owen & Delaney (2008). [149] "Pope praises Galileo's astronomy" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ europe/ 7794668. stm). BBC News. 2008-12-21. . Retrieved 2008-12-22. [150] Owen (2009). [151] Hawking (1988, p. 179). [152] Einstein (1954, p. 271). "Propositions arrived at by purely logical means are completely empty as regards reality. Because Galileo realised this, and particularly because he drummed it into the scientific world, he is the father of modern physics†indeed, of modern science altogether." [153] Stephen Hawking, Galileo and the Birth of Modern Science (http:/ / www. medici. org/ press/ galileo-and-birth-modern-science), American Heritage's Invention & Technology, Spring 2009, Vol. 24, No. 1, p. 36 [154] Fischer, Daniel (2001). Mission Jupiter: The Spectacular Journey of the Galileo Spacecraft. Springer. pp.€v. ISBN€0-387-98764-9. [155] United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (11 August 2005). "Proclamation of 2009 as International year of Astronomy" (http:/ / unesdoc. unesco. org/ images/ 0014/ 001403/ 140317e. pdf) (PDF). UNESCO. . Retrieved 2008-06-10. [156] Bohemian Rhapsody (http:/ / everything2. com/ title/ Bohemian+ Rhapsody). everything2. . Retrieved 2010-08-20. [157] Stavis, Barrie. Lamp at Midnight. South Brunswick, New Jersey: A.S. Barnes, 1966. [158] Lalonde, Robert. Galileo Galilei/Vesalius and Servetus (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ GalileoGalileivesaliusAndServetus). February 2008. ISBN 978-0-9783909-1-4. [159] Robinson, Kim Stanley (2009). Galileo's Dream. New York: Ballantine Books. ISBN€978-0-553-80659-5. [160] Giuseppe Moleti, Walter Roy Laird. The unfinished mechanics of Giuseppe Moletti (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=ZRoYMobkW6cC& ). University of Toronto Press, 1999. p. 5 [161] Robert Henry Herman, Vincenzo Galilei. Dialogo della musica antica et della moderna of Vincenzo Galilei: translation and commentary, Part 1. North Texas State University, 1973. p. 17 [162] Adam, Mosley. "Tycho Brahe" (http:/ / www. hps. cam. ac. uk/ starry/ tycho. html). Starry Messenger. History & Philosophy of Science Dept, University of Cambridge. . Retrieved 13 January 2012. [163] Timothy Ferris. Coming of Age in the Milky Way. William Morrow & Company, Inc. 1988. p. 95


‚ Allan-Olney, Mary (1870). The Private Life of Galileo: Compiled primarily from his correspondence and that of his eldest daughter, Sister Maria Celeste (http://books.google.com/?id=zWcSAAAAIAAJ). Boston: Nichols and Noyes. Retrieved 2008-06-09. ‚ Altieri Biagi, Maria Luisa (1965). Galileo e la terminologia tecnico-scientifica. Florence: L. S. Olschki. ISBN€IT\ICCU\SBL\0272939. ‚ Biagioli, Mario (1993). Galileo, Courtier: The Practice of Science in the Culture of Absolutism. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-04559-5. ‚ Blackwell, Richard J. (2006). Behind the Scenes at Galileo's Trial. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. ISBN€0-268-02201-1. ‚ Brodrick, James, S. J. (1965). Galileo: the man, his work, his misfortunes. London: G. Chapman. ‚ Chalmers, Alan Francis (1999) [1976]. What is this thing called Science? (http://books.google.com/ books?id=WQh5wDlE8cwC&printsec=frontcover) (third ed.). University of Chicago Press. ISBN€978-0-7022-3093-6. ‚ Clagett, Marshall (editor & translator) (1968). Nicole Oresme and the Medieval Geometry of Qualities and Motions; a treatise on the uniformity and difformity of intensities known as Tractatus de configurationibus qualitatum et motuum. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN€0-299-04880-2. ‚ Clavelin, Maurice (1974). The Natural Philosophy of Galileo. MIT Press. ‚ Coffa, J. (1968). "Galileo's Concept of Inertia". Physis Riv. Internaz. Storia Sci. 10: 261•281. ‚ Consolmagno, Guy; Schaefer, Marta (1994). Worlds Apart, A Textbook in Planetary Science. Englewood, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall. ISBN€0-13-964131-9. ‚ Cooper, Lane (1935). Aristotle, Galileo, and the Tower of Pisa. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ISBN€1-4067-5263-0. ‚ Coyne, George V., S.J. (2005). The Church's Most Recent Attempt to Dispel the Galileo Myth. In McMullin (2005, pp. 340•359).

Galileo Galilei ‚ Drabkin, Israel; Drake, Stillman, eds. (1960). On Motion and On Mechanics. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN€0-299-02030-4. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1953). Notes to English translation of Galileo's Dialogue. In Galilei (1953, pp. 467•91). ‚ Drake, Stillman (1957). Discoveries and Opinions of Galileo. New York: Doubleday & Company. ISBN€0-385-09239-3. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1960). Introduction to the Controversy on the Comets of 1618. In Drake & O'Malley (1960, pp.vii•xxv). ‚ Drake, Stillman (1970). Galileo Studies. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. ISBN€0-472-08283-3. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1973). "Galileo's Discovery of the Law of Free Fall". Scientific American 228 (5): 84•92. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican0573-84. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1978). Galileo At Work. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-16226-5. ‚ Drake, Stillman (1990). Galileo: Pioneer Scientist. Toronto: The University of Toronto Press. ISBN€0-8020-2725-3. ‚ Drake, Stillman, and O'Malley, C.D. (translators) (1960). The Controversy on the Comets of 1618. Philadelphia, PA: University of Philadelphia Press. ‚ Drake, Stillman; Kowal, C. T. (1980). "Galileo's Sighting of Neptune". Scientific American 243 (6): 74•81. doi:10.1038/scientificamerican1280-74. ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Dugas, Renˆ (1988) [1955]. A History of Mechanics. Dover Publications. ISBN€0-486-65632-2. Duhem, Pierre (1906•13). Etudes sur Leonard de Vinci. Duhem, Pierre (1913). Le Systeme du Monde. Duhem, Pierre. "History of Physics". Catholic Encyclopedia. Einstein, Albert (1953). "Foreword". In Drake, Stillman. Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN€0-375-75766-X. Einstein, Albert (1954). Ideas and Opinions. translated by Sonja Bargmann. London: Crown Publishers. ISBN€0-285-64724-5. Fantoli, Annibale (2003). Galileo: For Copernicanism and the Church (third English ed.). Vatican Observatory Publications. ISBN€88-209-7427-4. Fantoli, Annibale (2005). The Disputed Injunction and its Role in Galileo's Trial. In McMullin (2005, pp. 117•149). Favaro, Antonio, ed. (1890•1909; reprinted 1929•1939 and 1964•1966) (in Italian). Le Opere di Galileo Galilei, Edizione Nazionale [The Works of Galileo Galilei, National Edition] (http://moro.imss.fi.it/lettura/ LetturaWEB.DLL?AZIONE=CATALOGO). Florence: Barbera. ISBN€88-09-20881-1. A searchable online copy is available on the Institute and Museum of the History of Science (http://www.imss.fi.it/istituto/index.html), Florence, and a brief overview of Le Opere is available here (http://web.archive.org/web/20110103231202/ http://www.pacifier.com/~tpope/Additional_Info.htm). Feyerabend, Paul (1975). Againat Method. Verso. Feyerabend, Paul (1995). Killing Time: The Autobiography of Paul Feyerabend. Chicago, MI: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-24531-4. Fillmore, Charles (July 2004) [1931]. Metaphysical Bible Dictionary (17th ed.). Unity Village, Missouri: Unity House. ISBN€0-87159-067-0. Finocchiaro, Maurice A. (1997). Galileo on the world systems: a new abridged translation and guide (http:// books.google.com/?id=Li4eh7JIMtIC). Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. ISBN€0-520-20548-0.


‚ ‚ ‚ ‚

‚ Finocchiaro, Maurice A. (1989). The Galileo Affair: A Documentary History (http://books.google.com/ ?id=wKCZFJuMCaQC&printsec=frontcover&q=). Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN€0-520-06662-6.

Galileo Galilei ‚ Finocchiaro, Maurice A. (Fall 2007). "Book Review†The Person of the Millennium: The Unique Impact of Galileo on World History". The Historian 69 (3): 601•602. doi:10.1111/j.1540-6563.2007.00189_68.x. ‚ Galilei, Galileo (1960) [1623]. The Assayer. Translated by Stillman Drake. In Drake & O'Malley (1960, pp. 151•336). ISBN€1-158-34578-X. ‚ Galilei, Galileo (1953) [1632]. Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World System. Translated by Stillman Drake. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. ISBN€0-520-00449-3. ‚ Galilei, Galileo (1954) [1638, 1914]. Crew, Henry; de Salvio, Alfonso. eds. Dialogues Concerning Two New Sciences (http://oll.libertyfund.org/index.php?option=com_staticxt&staticfile=show.php?title=753& Itemid=99999999). New York, NY: Dover Publications Inc.. ISBN€0-486-60099-8. ‚ Galilei, Galileo Galileo: Two New Sciences (Translation by Stillman Drake of Galileo's 1638 Discourses and mathematical demonstrations concerning two new sciences) University of Wisconsin Press 1974 ISBN 0-299-06400-X ‚ Galilei, Galileo, and Guiducci, Mario (1960) [1619]. Discourse on the Comets. Translated by Stillman Drake. In Drake & O'Malley (1960, pp. 21•65). ‚ Galilei, Galileo; Scheiner, Christoph (2010). On Sunspots. Translated and with and introduction by Eileen Reeves and Albert Van Helden. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN€978-0-226-70715-0. ‚ von Gebler, Karl (1879). Galileo Galilei and the Roman Curia (http://books.google.com/ ?id=FheRZAirWvQC). London: C.K. Paul & Co.. ISBN€0-915172-11-9. ‚ Geymonat, Ludovico (1965), Galileo Galilei, A biography and inquiry into his philosophy and science, translation of the 1957 Italian edition, with notes and appendix by Stillman Drake, McGraw-Hill ‚ Gingerich, Owen (1992). The Great Copernican Chase and other adventures in astronomical history. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-32688-5. ‚ Graney, Christopher M. (2010). "The Telescope Against Copernicus: Star Observations by Riccioli Supporting a Geocentric Universe". Journal for the History of Astronomy 41 (4): 453•467. Bibcode€2010JHA....41..453G. ‚ Graney, Christopher M.; Grayson, Timothy P. (2011). "On the Telescopic Disks of Stars: A Review and Analysis of Stellar Observations from the Early Seventeenth through the Middle Nineteenth Centuries". Annals of Science 68 (3): 351•373. doi:10.1080/00033790.2010.507472. ‚ Grant, Edward Aristotle, Philoponus, Avempace, and Galileo's Pisan Dynamics Centaurus, 11, 1965•7 ‚ Grassi, Horatio (1960a) [1619]. On the Three Comets of the Year MDCXIII. translated by C.D. O'Malley. In Drake & O'Malley (1960, pp. 3•19). ‚ Grassi, Horatio (1960b) [1619]. The Astronomical and Philosophical Balance. translated by C.D. O'Malley. In Drake & O'Malley (1960, pp. 67•132). ‚ Grisar, Hartmann, S.J., Professor of Church history at the University of Innsbruck (1882). Historisch theologische Untersuchungen •ber die Urtheile Ržmischen Congegationen im Galileiprocess (Historico-theological Discussions concerning the Decisions of the Roman Congregations in the case of Galileo) (http://books.google. com/books?vid=ISBN0790562294&id=aqMBAAAAQAAJ), Regensburg: Pustet. Google Books ISBN 0-7905-6229-4. (LCC# QB36†microfiche) (http://isbndb.com/d/book/galileistudien.html) Reviewed here (1883), pp. 211•213 (http://books.google.com/books?id=aqMBAAAAQAAJ) ‚ Hall, A. R. From Galileo to Newton 1963 ‚ Hall, A. R. Galileo and the Science of Motion in 'British Journal of History of Science', 2 1964-5 ‚ Hilliam, R., Galileo Galilei: Father of modern science (http://books.google.com/ books?id=KBKSyHOLzZAC&pg=PA96), The Rosen Publishing Group, 2005, ISBN 1-4042-0314-1. ‚ Hoskin, Michael (Ed) The Cambridge concise history of astronomy CUP 1999 ‚ Hawking, Stephen (1988). A Brief History of Time. New York, NY: Bantam Books. ISBN€0-553-34614-8. ‚ Heilbron, John L. (2005). Censorship of Astronomy in Italy after Galileo. In McMullin (2005, pp. 279•322). ‚ Hellman, Hal (1988). Great Feuds in Science. Ten of the Liveliest Disputes Ever. New York: Wiley ‚ Heilbron, John L. (2010). Galileo. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. ISBN€978-0-19-958352-2.


Galileo Galilei ‚ Humphreys, W. C. Galileo, Falling Bodies and Inclined Planes. An Attempt at Reconstructing Galileo's Discovery of the Law of Squares 'British Journal of History of Science' 1967 ‚ Jarrel, Richard A. (1989). The contemporaries of Tycho Brahe. In Taton and Wilson (1989, pp. 22•32). ‚ Kelter, Irving A. (2005). The Refusal to Accommodate. Jesuit Exegetes and the Copernican System. In McMullin (2005, pp. 38•53). ‚ King, Charles C. (2003) [1955]. The History of the Telescope (http://books.google.com.au/ books?id=KAWwzHlDVksC&printsec=frontcover) (Dover reprint ed.). Dover Publications. ISBN€0-486-43265-3. ‚ Koestler, Arthur (1990) [1959]. The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe. Penguin. ISBN€0-14-019246-8. Original edition published by Hutchinson (1959, London). ‚ Koyrˆ, Alexandre A Documentary History of the Problem of Fall from Kepler to Newton Transaction of the American Philosophical Society, 1955 ‚ Koyrˆ, Alexandre Galilean Studies Harvester Press 1978 ‚ Kuhn, T. The Copernican Revolution 1957 ‚ Kuhn, T. The Structure of Scientific Revolutions 1962 ‚ Lattis, James M. (1994). Between Copernicus and Galileo: Christopher Clavius and the Collapse of Ptolemaic Cosmology, Chicago: the University of Chicago Press ‚ Langford, Jerome K., O.P. (1998) [1966]. Galileo, Science and the Church (third ed.). St. Augustine's Press. ISBN€1-890318-25-6.. Original edition by Desclee (New York, NY, 1966) ‚ Lessl, Thomas, " The Galileo Legend (http://www.catholiceducation.org/articles/apologetics/ap0138.html)". New Oxford Review, 27•33 (June 2000). ‚ Linton, Christopher M. (2004). From Eudoxus to Einstein€A History of Mathematical Astronomy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-521-82750-8. ‚ Losee, J. Drake, Galileo, and the Law of Inertia American Journal of Physics, 34, p.€430-2 1966 ‚ McMullin, Ernan, ed. (2005). The Church and Galileo. Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press. ISBN€0-268-03483-4. ‚ McMullin, Ernan, (2005a). The Church's Ban on Copernicanism, 1616. In McMullin (2005, pp. 150•190). ‚ Mach, Ernst. The Science of Mechanics 1893 ‚ Machamer, Peter (Ed) The Cambridge Companion to Galileo Cambridge University Press 1998 ‚ Moss, Jean Dietz; Wallace, William (2003). Rhetoric & dialectic in the time of Galileo (http://books.google. com/?id=Lw50esHmgacC). Washington D.C.: CUA Press. ISBN€0-8132-1331-2. ‚ Naylor, Ronald H. (1990). "Galileo's Method of Analysis and Synthesis", Isis, 81: 695•707 ‚ Newall, Paul (2004). "The Galileo Affair" (http://www.galilean-library.org/hps.html) ‚ Ondra, Leos (July 2004). "A New View of Mizar". Sky & Telescope: 72•75. ‚ Owen, Richard (2009-01-29). "Catholic Church abandons plan to erect statue of Galileo" (http://www. timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/world/europe/article5612996.ece). London: TimesOnline News. Retrieved 2011-04-22. ‚ Owen, Richard; Delaney, Sarah (2008-03-04). "Vatican recants with a statue of Galileo" (http://www. timesonline.co.uk/tol/comment/faith/article3478943.ece). London: TimesOnline News. Retrieved 2009-03-02. ‚ Remmert, Volker R. (2005). "Galileo, God, and Mathematics". In Koetsier, Teun; Bergmans, Luc. Mathematics and the Divine. A Historical Study. Amsterdam: Elsevier. pp.€347•360. ‚ Ratzinger, Joseph Cardinal (1994). Turning point for Europe? The Church in the Modern World€Assessment and Forecast. translated from the 1991 German edition by Brian McNeil. San Francisco, CA: Ignatius Press. ISBN€0-89870-461-8. OCLC€60292876. ‚ Reston, James (2000). Galileo: A Life. Beard Books. ISBN€1-893122-62-X.


Galileo Galilei ‚ Seeger, Raymond J. (1966). Galileo Galilei, his life and his works. Oxford: Pergamon Press. ISBN€0-08-012025-3. ‚ Settle, Thomas B. (1961). "An Experiment in the History of Science". Science 133 (3445): 19•23. Bibcode€1961Sci...133...19S. doi:10.1126/science.133.3445.19. PMID€17759858. ‚ Sharratt, Michael (1994). Galileo: Decisive Innovator. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-56671-1. ‚ Shapere, Dudley Galileo, a Philosophical Study University of Chicago Press 1974 ‚ Shea, William R. and Artigas, Mario (2003). Galileo in Rome: The Rise and Fall of a Troublesome Genius. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN€0-19-516598-5. ‚ Sobel, Dava (2000) [1999]. Galileo's Daughter. London: Fourth Estate. ISBN€1-85702-712-4. ‚ Taton, Renˆ, ed. (1964) [1958]. The Beginnings of Modern Science from 1450 to 1800. London: Thames and Hudson. ‚ Taton, Renˆ; Wilson, Curtis, eds. (1989). Planetary astronomy from the Renaissance to the rise of astrophysics Part A: Tycho Brahe to Newton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-24254-1. ‚ Thoren, Victor E. (1989). Tycho Brahe. In Taton and Wilson (1989, pp. 3•21). ISBN€0-521-35158-8. ‚ Van Helden, Albert (1989). Galileo, telescopic astronomy, and the Copernican system. In Taton and Wilson (1989, pp. 81•105). ‚ Van Helden, Albert (1985). Measuring the Universe: Cosmic Dimensions from Aristarchus to Halley (http:// books.google.com/books?id=L-yb7GX9mQIC&printsec=frontcover). University of Chicago Press. ISBN€0-226-84881-7. ‚ Wallace, William A. (1984) Galileo and His Sources: The Heritage of the Collegio Romano in Galileo's Science, (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Pr.), ISBN 0-691-08355-X ‚ Wallace, William A. (2004). Domingo de Soto and the Early Galileo. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing. ISBN€0-86078-964-0. ‚ Walusinsky, G. (1964) [1958]. The Golden age of Observational Astronomy. In Taton (1964, pp. 268•286). ‚ White, Andrew Dickson (1898). A History of the Warfare of Science with Theology in Christendom (http://cscs. umich.edu/~crshalizi/White/). New York: D. Appleton and Company. ISBN€0-7905-8168-X. ‚ White, Michael (2007). Galileo: Antichrist: A Biography. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson. ISBN€978-0-297-84868-4. ‚ Wisan, Winifred Lovell (1984). "Galileo and the Process of Scientific Creation". Isis 75 (2): 269•286. doi:10.1086/353480. ‚ Zik, Yaakov (2001). "Science and Instruments: The telescope as a scientific instrument at the beginning of the seventeenth century". Perspectives on Science 9 (3): 259•284. doi:10.1162/10636140160176143.


External links
‚ Works by or about Galileo Galilei (http://worldcat.org/identities/lccn-n79-3254) in libraries (WorldCat catalog)

By Galileo
‚ The Galilean Library (http://www.galilean-library.org/), educational site. ‚ Electronic representation of Galilei's notes on motion (MS. 72) (http://www.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/ Galileo_Prototype/MAIN.HTM) ‚ Galileo's 1590 De Motu translation (http://echo.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/content/scientific_revolution/galileo) ‚ Works by Galileo Galilei (http://www.intratext.com/Catalogo/Autori/AUT158.HTM): text with concordances and frequencies.

Galileo Galilei ‚ Galilei, Galileo. Le Operazioni del Compasso Geometrico et Militare (http://www.rarebookroom.org/Control/ galgal/index.html) 1610 Rome. From Rare Book Room. Scanned first edition. ‚ Galilei, Galileo. Istoria e Dimostrazioni Intorno Alle Macchie Solar (http://www.rarebookroom.org/Control/ galsol/index.html) 1613 Rome. From Rare Book Room. Scanned first edition. ‚ Linda Hall Library features a first edition of Sidereus Nuncius Magna (http://contentdm.lindahall.org/u?/ classics,5292) as well as a pirated edition from the same year (http://contentdm.lindahall.org/u?/classics,426), both fully digitised.


On Galileo
‚ Starry Messenger: Observing the Heavens in the Age of Galileo (http://beinecke.library.yale.edu/exhibitions/ starrymessenger/)†an exhibition at the Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library at Yale University (http:// www.library.yale.edu/beinecke/index.html) ‚ Museo Galileo (http://www.museogalileo.it/en/index.html)†Florence, Italy ‚ Galileo's math genealogy (http://genealogy.math.ndsu.nodak.edu/id.php?id=134975) ‚ Portraits of Galileo (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/PictDisplay/Galileo.html) ‚ The Galileo Project (http://galileo.rice.edu/) at Rice University ‚ PBS documentary: 400 Years of the Telescope (http://www.pbs.org/400years/) ‚ Feather & Hammer Drop on Moon (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5C5_dOEyAfk&feature=related) ‚ article by UK journalist (http://www.martinince.eu/journalist/galileos-telescope/) on proposed disinterment to determine Galileo's eyesight problems Biography ‚ PBS Nova Online: Galileo's Battle for the Heavens (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/galileo/) ‚ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry on Galileo (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/galileo/) ‚ Animated Hero Classics: Galileo (1997) (http://www.imdb.com/title/tt0956139/) at the Internet Movie Database ‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Galileo Galilei" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Galileo.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. Galileo and the Church ‚ Galileo Galilei, Scriptural Exegete, and the Church of Rome, Advocate of Science (http://www.thomasaquinas. edu/news/recent_events/Decaen-Galileo.html) lecture ( audio here (http://www.thomasaquinas.edu/news/ recent_events/Galileo Galilei-Scripture Exegete.mp3)) by Thomas Aquinas College tutor Dr. Christopher Decaen ‚ " The End of the Myth of Galileo Galilei (http://www.traditioninaction.org/History/A_003_Galileo.html)" by Atila Sinke Guimar®es ‚ Galileo and the Church (http://blog.oup.com/2011/01/galileo/), article by John Heilbron. ‚ Galileo Affair catholic.net (http://web.archive.org/web/20071209222631/http://www.catholic.net/rcc/ Periodicals/Issues/GalileoAffair.html)

Johannes Kepler


Johannes Kepler
Johannes Kepler

A 1610 portrait of Johannes Kepler by an unknown artist Born December 27, 1571 Free Imperial City of Weil der Stadt near Stuttgart, HRE (now part of the Stuttgart Region of Baden-W•rttemberg, Germany) November 15, 1630 (aged€58) Regensburg, Electorate of Bavaria, HRE (now Germany) Germany German Astronomy, astrology, mathematics and natural philosophy University of Linz


Residence Nationality Fields Institutions

Alma mater University of T•bingen Known€for Kepler's laws of planetary motion Kepler conjecture Signature

Johannes Kepler (German: [Žk“•pl”]; December 27, 1571€• November 15, 1630) was a German mathematician, astronomer and astrologer. A key figure in the 17th century scientific revolution, he is best known for his eponymous laws of planetary motion, codified by later astronomers, based on his works Astronomia nova, Harmonices Mundi, and Epitome of Copernican Astronomy. These works also provided one of the foundations for Isaac Newton's theory of universal gravitation. During his career, Kepler was a mathematics teacher at a seminary school in Graz, Austria, where he became an associate of Prince Hans Ulrich von Eggenberg. Later he became an assistant to astronomer Tycho Brahe, and eventually the imperial mathematician to Emperor Rudolf II and his two successors Matthias and Ferdinand II. He was also a mathematics teacher in Linz, Austria, and an adviser to General Wallenstein. Additionally, he did fundamental work in the field of optics, invented an improved version of the refracting telescope (the Keplerian Telescope), and mentioned the telescopic discoveries of his contemporary Galileo Galilei.

Johannes Kepler Kepler lived in an era when there was no clear distinction between astronomy and astrology, but there was a strong division between astronomy (a branch of mathematics within the liberal arts) and physics (a branch of natural philosophy). Kepler also incorporated religious arguments and reasoning into his work, motivated by the religious conviction and belief that God had created the world according to an intelligible plan that is accessible through the natural light of reason.[1] Kepler described his new astronomy as "celestial physics",[2] as "an excursion into Aristotle's Metaphysics",[3] and as "a supplement to Aristotle's On the Heavens",[4] transforming the ancient tradition of physical cosmology by treating astronomy as part of a universal mathematical physics.[5]


Early years
Johannes Kepler was born on December 27, 1571, at the Free Imperial City of Weil der Stadt (now part of the Stuttgart Region in the German state of Baden-W•rttemberg, 30€km west of Stuttgart's center). His grandfather, Sebald Kepler, had been Lord Mayor of that town but, by the time Johannes was born, he had two brothers and one sister and the Kepler family fortune was in decline. His father, Heinrich Kepler, earned a precarious living as a mercenary, and he left the family when Johannes was five years old. He was believed to have died in the Eighty Years' War in the Netherlands. His mother Katharina Guldenmann, an inn-keeper's daughter, was a healer and herbalist who was later tried for witchcraft. Born prematurely, Johannes claimed to have been weak and sickly as a child. Nevertheless, he often impressed travelers at his grandfather's inn with his phenomenal mathematical faculty.[6] He was introduced to astronomy at an early age, and developed a love for it that would span his entire life. At age six, he observed the Great Comet of 1577, writing that he "was taken by [his] mother to a high place to look at it."[7] At age nine, he observed another astronomical event, a lunar eclipse in 1580, recording that he remembered being "called outdoors" to see it and that the moon "appeared quite red".[7] However, childhood smallpox left him with weak vision and crippled hands, limiting his ability in the observational aspects of astronomy.[8] In 1589, after moving through grammar school, Latin school, and seminary at Maulbronn, Kepler attended T•binger Stift at the University of T•bingen. There, he studied philosophy under Vitus M•ller[9] and theology under Jacob Heerbrand (a student of Philipp
Birthplace of Johannes Kepler in Weil der Stadt

Johannes Kepler


Melanchthon at Wittenberg), who also taught Michael Maestlin while he was a student, until he became Chancellor at T•bingen in 1590.[10] He proved himself to be a superb mathematician and earned a reputation as a skillful astrologer, casting horoscopes for fellow students. Under the instruction of Michael Maestlin, T•bingen's professor of mathematics from 1583 to 1631,[10] he learned both the Ptolemaic system and the Copernican system of planetary motion. He became a Copernican at that time. In a student disputation, he defended heliocentrism from both a theoretical and theological perspective, maintaining that the Sun was The Great Comet of 1577, which Kepler witnessed as a child, the principal source of motive power in the attracted the attention of astronomers across Europe. universe.[11] Despite his desire to become a minister, near the end of his studies Kepler was recommended for a position as teacher of mathematics and astronomy at the Protestant school in Graz (later the University of Graz). He accepted the position in April 1594, at the age of 23.[12]

Graz (1594•1600)
Mysterium Cosmographicum
Johannes Kepler's first major astronomical work, Mysterium Cosmographicum (The Cosmographic Mystery), was the first published defense of the Copernican system. Kepler claimed to have had an epiphany on July 19, 1595, while teaching in Graz, demonstrating the periodic conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the zodiac; he realized that regular polygons bound one inscribed and one circumscribed circle at definite ratios, which, he reasoned, might be the geometrical basis of the universe. After failing to find a unique arrangement of polygons that fit known astronomical observations (even with extra planets added to the system), Kepler began experimenting with 3-dimensional polyhedra. He found that each of the five Platonic solids could be uniquely inscribed and circumscribed by spherical orbs; nesting these solids, each encased in a sphere, within Kepler's Platonic solid model of the Solar system one another would produce six layers, corresponding to the six known from Mysterium Cosmographicum (1600) planets†Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn. By ordering the solids correctly†octahedron, icosahedron, dodecahedron, tetrahedron, cube†Kepler found that the spheres could be placed at intervals corresponding (within the accuracy limits of available astronomical observations) to the relative sizes of each planetŠs path, assuming the planets circle the Sun. Kepler also found a formula relating the size of each planetŠs orb to the length of its orbital period: from inner to outer planets, the ratio of increase in orbital period is twice the difference in orb radius. However, Kepler later rejected this formula, because it was not precise enough.[13]

Johannes Kepler

121 As he indicated in the title, Kepler thought he had revealed GodŠs geometrical plan for the universe. Much of KeplerŠs enthusiasm for the Copernican system stemmed from his theological convictions about the connection between the physical and the spiritual; the universe itself was an image of God, with the Sun corresponding to the Father, the stellar sphere to the Son, and the intervening space between to the Holy Spirit. His first manuscript of Mysterium contained an extensive chapter reconciling heliocentrism with biblical passages that seemed to support geocentrism.[14]

With the support of his mentor Michael Maestlin, Kepler received permission from the T•bingen university senate to publish his Close-up of inner section of the model manuscript, pending removal of the Bible exegesis and the addition of a simpler, more understandable description of the Copernican system as well as KeplerŠs new ideas. Mysterium was published late in 1596, and Kepler received his copies and began sending them to prominent astronomers and patrons early in 1597; it was not widely read, but it established KeplerŠs reputation as a highly skilled astronomer. The effusive dedication, to powerful patrons as well as to the men who controlled his position in Graz, also provided a crucial doorway into the patronage system.[15] Though the details would be modified in light of his later work, Kepler never relinquished the Platonist polyhedral-spherist cosmology of Mysterium Cosmographicum. His subsequent main astronomical works were in some sense only further developments of it, concerned with finding more precise inner and outer dimensions for the spheres by calculating the eccentricities of the planetary orbits within it. In 1621 Kepler published an expanded second edition of Mysterium, half as long again as the first, detailing in footnotes the corrections and improvements he had achieved in the 25 years since its first publication.[16] In terms of the impact of Mysterium, it can be seen as an important first step in modernizing Copernicus' theory. There is no doubt that Copernicus' "De Revolutionibus" seeks to advance a sun-centered system, but in this book he had to resort to Ptolemaic devices (viz., epicycles and eccentric circles) in order to explain the change in planets' orbital speed. Furthermore, Copernicus continued to use as a point of reference the center of the earth's orbit rather than that of the sun, as he says, "as an aid to calculation and in order not to confuse the reader by diverging too much from Ptolemy." Therefore, although the thesis of the "Mysterium Cosmographicum" was in error, modern astronomy owes much to this work "since it represents the first step in cleansing the Copernican system of the remnants of the Ptolemaic theory still clinging to it." [17]

Marriage to Barbara Mƒller
In December 1595, Kepler was introduced to Barbara M•ller, a 23-year-old widow (twice over) with a young daughter, Gemma van Dvijneveldt, and he began courting her. M•ller, heiress to the estates of her late husbands, was also the daughter of a successful mill owner. Her father Jobst initially opposed a marriage despite Kepler's nobility; though he had inherited his grandfather's nobility, Kepler's poverty made him an unacceptable match. Jobst relented after Kepler completed work on Mysterium, but the engagement nearly fell apart Portraits of Kepler and his wife in oval medallions while Kepler was away tending to the details of publication. However, church officials†who had helped set up the match†pressured the M•llers to honor their agreement. Barbara and Johannes were married on April 27, 1597.[18]

Johannes Kepler In the first years of their marriage, the Keplers had two children (Heinrich and Susanna), both of whom died in infancy. In 1602, they had a daughter (Susanna); in 1604, a son (Friedrich); and in 1607, another son (Ludwig).[19]


Other research
Following the publication of Mysterium and with the blessing of the Graz school inspectors, Kepler began an ambitious program to extend and elaborate his work. He planned four additional books: one on the stationary aspects of the universe (the Sun and the fixed stars); one on the planets and their motions; one on the physical nature of planets and the formation of geographical features (focused especially on Earth); and one on the effects of the heavens on the Earth, to include atmospheric optics, meteorology and astrology.[20] He also sought the opinions of many of the astronomers to whom he had sent Mysterium, among them Reimarus Ursus (Nicolaus Reimers B•r)†the imperial mathematician to Rudolph II and a bitter rival of Tycho Brahe. Ursus did not reply directly, but republished Kepler's flattering letter to pursue his priority dispute over (what is now called) the Tychonic system with Tycho. Despite this black mark, Tycho also began corresponding with Kepler, starting with a harsh but legitimate critique of Kepler's system; among a host of objections, Tycho took issue with the use of inaccurate numerical data taken from Copernicus. Through their letters, Tycho and Kepler discussed a broad range of astronomical problems, dwelling on lunar phenomena and Copernican theory (particularly its theological viability). But without the significantly more accurate data of Tycho's observatory, Kepler had no way to address many of these issues.[21] Instead, he turned his attention to chronology and "harmony," the numerological relationships among music, mathematics and the physical world, and their astrological consequences. By assuming the Earth to possess a soul (a property he would later invoke to explain how the sun causes the motion of planets), he established a speculative system connecting astrological aspects and astronomical distances to weather and other earthly phenomena. By 1599, however, he again felt his work limited by the inaccuracy of available data†just as growing religious tension was also threatening his continued employment in Graz. In December of that year, Tycho invited Kepler to visit him in Prague; on January 1, 1600 (before he even received the invitation), Kepler set off in the hopes that Tycho's patronage could solve his philosophical problems as well as his social and financial ones.[22] When he was an old man, he was allowed to continue his work in his home alone.

Johannes Kepler


Prague (1600•1612)
Work for Tycho Brahe
On February 4, 1600, Kepler met Tycho Brahe and his assistants Franz Tengnagel and Longomontanus at Ben“tky nad Jizerou (35€km from Prague), the site where Tycho's new observatory was being constructed. Over the next two months he stayed as a guest, analyzing some of Tycho's observations of Mars; Tycho guarded his data closely, but was impressed by Kepler's theoretical ideas and soon allowed him more access. Kepler planned to test his theory[23] from Mysterium Cosmographicum based on the Mars data, but he estimated that the work would take up to two years (since he was not allowed to simply copy the data for his own use). With the help of Johannes Jessenius, Kepler attempted to negotiate a more formal employment arrangement with Tycho, but negotiations broke down in an angry argument and Kepler left for Prague on April 6. Kepler and Tycho soon reconciled and eventually reached an agreement on salary and living arrangements, and in June, Kepler returned home to Graz to collect his family.[24]
Tycho Brahe Political and religious difficulties in Graz dashed his hopes of returning immediately to Tycho; in hopes of continuing his astronomical studies, Kepler sought an appointment as mathematician to Archduke Ferdinand. To that end, Kepler composed an essay†dedicated to Ferdinand†in which he proposed a force-based theory of lunar motion: "In Terra inest virtus, quae Lunam ciet" ("There is a force in the earth which causes the moon to move").[25] Though the essay did not earn him a place in Ferdinand's court, it did detail a new method for measuring lunar eclipses, which he applied during the July 10 eclipse in Graz. These observations formed the basis of his explorations of the laws of optics that would culminate in Astronomiae Pars Optica.[26]

On August 2, 1600, after refusing to convert to Catholicism, Kepler and his family were banished from Graz. Several months later, Kepler returned, now with the rest of his household, to Prague. Through most of 1601, he was supported directly by Tycho, who assigned him to analyzing planetary observations and writing a tract against Tycho's (by then deceased) rival, Ursus. In September, Tycho secured him a commission as a collaborator on the new project he had proposed to the emperor: the Rudolphine Tables that should replace the Prutenic Tables of Erasmus Reinhold. Two days after Tycho's unexpected death on October 24, 1601, Kepler was appointed his successor as imperial mathematician with the responsibility to complete his unfinished work. The next 11 years as imperial mathematician would be the most productive of his life.[27]

Advisor to Emperor Rudolph II
Kepler's primary obligation as imperial mathematician was to provide astrological advice to the emperor. Though Kepler took a dim view of the attempts of contemporary astrologers to precisely predict the future or divine specific events, he had been casting well-received detailed horoscopes for friends, family and patrons since his time as a student in T•bingen. In addition to horoscopes for allies and foreign leaders, the emperor sought Kepler's advice in times of political trouble (though Kepler's recommendations were based more on common sense than the stars). Rudolph was actively interested in the work of many of his court scholars (including numerous alchemists) and kept up with Kepler's work in physical astronomy as well.[28]

Johannes Kepler Officially, the only acceptable religious doctrines in Prague were Catholic and Utraquist, but Kepler's position in the imperial court allowed him to practice his Lutheran faith unhindered. The emperor nominally provided an ample income for his family, but the difficulties of the over-extended imperial treasury meant that actually getting hold of enough money to meet financial obligations was a continual struggle. Partly because of financial troubles, his life at home with Barbara was unpleasant, marred with bickering and bouts of sickness. Court life, however, brought Kepler into contact with other prominent scholars (Johannes Matth•us Wackher von Wackhenfels, Jost B•rgi, David Fabricius, Martin Bachazek, and Johannes Brengger, among others) and astronomical work proceeded rapidly.[29]


Astronomiae Pars Optica
As he slowly continued analyzing Tycho's Mars observations†now available to him in their entirety†and began the slow process of tabulating the Rudolphine Tables, Kepler also picked up the investigation of the laws of optics from his lunar essay of 1600. Both lunar and solar eclipses presented unexplained phenomena, such as unexpected shadow sizes, the red color of a total lunar eclipse, and the reportedly unusual light surrounding a total solar eclipse. Related issues of atmospheric refraction applied to all astronomical observations. Through most of 1603, Kepler paused his other work to focus on optical theory; the resulting manuscript, presented to the emperor on January 1, 1604, was published as Astronomiae Pars Optica (The Optical Part of Astronomy). In it, Kepler described the inverse-square law governing the intensity of light, reflection by flat and curved mirrors, and principles of pinhole cameras, as well A plate from Astronomiae Pars as the astronomical implications of optics such as parallax and the apparent sizes Optica, illustrating the structure of eyes of heavenly bodies. He also extended his study of optics to the human eye, and is generally considered by neuroscientists to be the first to recognize that images are projected inverted and reversed by the eye's lens onto the retina. The solution to this dilemma was not of particular importance to Kepler as he did not see it as pertaining to optics, although he did suggest that the image was later corrected "in the hollows of the brain" due to the "activity of the Soul."[30] Today, Astronomiae Pars Optica is generally recognized as the foundation of modern optics (though the law of refraction is conspicuously absent).[31] With respect to the beginnings of projective geometry, Kepler introduced the idea of continuous change of a mathematical entity in this work. He argued that if a focus of a conic section were allowed to move along the line joining the foci, the geometric form would morph or degenerate, one into another. In this way, an ellipse becomes a parabola when a focus moves toward infinity, and when two foci of an ellipse merge into one another, a circle is formed. As the foci of a hyperbola merge into one another, the hyperbola becomes a pair of straight lines. He also assumed that if a straight line is extended to infinity it will meet itself at a single point at infinity, thus having the properties of a large circle.[32] This idea was later utilized by Pascal, Leibniz, Monge and Poncelet, among others, and became known as geometric continuity and as the Law or Principle of Continuity.

Johannes Kepler


The Supernova of 1604
In October 1604, a bright new evening star (SN 1604) appeared, but Kepler did not believe the rumors until he saw it himself. Kepler began systematically observing the nebula. Astrologically, the end of 1603 marked the beginning of a fiery trigon, the start of the ca. 800-year cycle of great conjunctions; astrologers associated the two previous such periods with the rise of Charlemagne (ca. 800 years earlier) and the birth of Christ (ca. 1600 years earlier), and thus expected events of great portent, especially regarding the emperor. It was in this context, as the imperial mathematician and astrologer to the emperor, that Kepler described the new star two years later in his De Stella Nova. In Remnant of Kepler's Supernova SN 1604 it, Kepler addressed the star's astronomical properties while taking a skeptical approach to the many astrological interpretations then circulating. He noted its fading luminosity, speculated about its origin, and used the lack of observed parallax to argue that it was in the sphere of fixed stars, further undermining the doctrine of the immutability of the heavens (the idea accepted since Aristotle that the celestial spheres were perfect and unchanging). The birth of a new star implied the variability of the heavens. In an appendix, Kepler also discussed the recent chronology work of the Polish historian Laurentius Suslyga; he calculated that, if Suslyga was correct that accepted timelines were four years behind, then the Star of Bethlehem†analogous to the present new star†would have coincided with the first great conjunction of the earlier 800-year cycle.[33]

Astronomia nova
The extended line of research that culminated in Astronomia nova (A New Astronomy)†including the first two laws of planetary motion†began with the analysis, under Tycho's direction, of Mars' orbit. Kepler calculated and recalculated various approximations of Mars' orbit using an equant (the mathematical tool that Copernicus had eliminated with his system), eventually creating a model that generally agreed with Tycho's observations to within two arcminutes (the average measurement error). But he was not satisfied with the complex and still slightly inaccurate result; at certain points the model differed from the data by up to eight arcminutes. The wide array of traditional mathematical astronomy methods having failed him, Kepler set about trying to fit an ovoid orbit to the data.[34] Within Kepler's religious view of the cosmos, the Sun (a symbol of God the Father) was the source of motive force in the solar system. As a physical basis, Kepler drew by analogy on William Gilbert's theory of the magnetic soul of the Earth from De Magnete (1600) and on his own work on optics. Kepler supposed that the motive power (or motive species)[35] radiated by the Sun weakens with distance, causing faster or slower motion as planets move closer or farther from it.[36][37] Perhaps this assumption entailed a mathematical relationship that would restore astronomical order. Based on measurements of the aphelion and perihelion of the Earth and Mars, he created a formula in which a planet's rate of motion is inversely proportional to its distance from the Sun. Verifying this relationship throughout the orbital cycle, however, required very extensive calculation; to simplify this task, by late 1602 Kepler reformulated the proportion in terms of geometry: planets sweep out equal areas in equal times†Kepler's second law of planetary motion.[38]
The location of the stella nova, in the foot of Ophiuchus, is marked with an N (8 grid squares down, 4 over from the left).

Johannes Kepler


He then set about calculating the entire orbit of Mars, using the geometrical rate law and assuming an egg-shaped ovoid orbit. After approximately 40 failed attempts, in early 1605 he at last hit upon the idea of an ellipse, which he had previously assumed to be too simple a solution for earlier astronomers to have overlooked. Finding that an elliptical orbit fit the Mars data, he immediately concluded that all planets move in ellipses, with the sun at one focus†Kepler's first law of planetary motion. Because he employed no calculating assistants, however, he did not extend the mathematical analysis beyond Mars. By the end of the year, he completed the manuscript for Astronomia nova, though it would not be published until 1609 due to legal disputes over the use of Tycho's observations, the property of his heirs.[39]

Dioptrice, Somnium manuscript and other work

Diagram of the geocentric trajectory of Mars through several periods of apparent retrograde motion. Astronomia nova, Chapter 1, (1609).

In the years following the completion of Astronomia Nova, most of Kepler's research was focused on preparations for the Rudolphine Tables and a comprehensive set of ephemerides (specific predictions of planet and star positions) based on the table (though neither would be completed for many years). He also attempted (unsuccessfully) to begin a collaboration with Italian astronomer Giovanni Antonio Magini. Some of his other work dealt with chronology, especially the dating of events in the life of Jesus, and with astrology, especially criticism of dramatic predictions of catastrophe such as those of Helisaeus Roeslin.[40] Kepler and Roeslin engaged in series of published attacks and counter-attacks, while physician Philip Feselius published a work dismissing astrology altogether (and Roeslin's work in particular). In response to what Kepler saw as the excesses of astrology on the one hand and overzealous rejection of it on the other, Kepler prepared Tertius Interveniens (Third-party Interventions). Nominally this work†presented to the common patron of Roeslin and Feselius†was a neutral mediation between the feuding scholars, but it also set out Kepler's general views on the value of astrology, including some hypothesized mechanisms of interaction between planets and individual souls. While Kepler considered most traditional rules and methods of astrology to be the "evil-smelling dung" in which "an industrious hen" scrapes, there was an "occasional grain-seed, indeed, even a pearl or a gold nugget" to be found by the conscientious scientific astrologer.[41] In the first months of 1610, Galileo Galilei†using his powerful new telescope†discovered four satellites orbiting Jupiter. Upon publishing his account as Sidereus Nuncius (Starry Messenger), Galileo sought the opinion of Kepler, in part to bolster the credibility of his observations. Kepler responded enthusiastically with a short published reply, Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo (Conversation with the Starry Messenger). He endorsed Galileo's observations and offered a range of speculations about the meaning and implications of Galileo's discoveries and telescopic methods, for astronomy and optics as well as cosmology and astrology. Later that year, Kepler published his own telescopic observations of the moons in Narratio de Jovis Satellitibus, providing further support of Galileo. To Kepler's disappointment, however, Galileo never published his reactions (if any) to Astronomia Nova.:([43]
Karlova street in Old Town, Pragueۥ house where Kepler lived.[42] Museum

After hearing of Galileo's telescopic discoveries, Kepler also started a theoretical and experimental investigation of telescopic optics using a telescope borrowed

Johannes Kepler from Duke Ernest of Cologne.[44] The resulting manuscript was completed in September 1610 and published as Dioptrice in 1611. In it, Kepler set out the theoretical basis of double-convex converging lenses and double-concave diverging lenses†and how they are combined to produce a Galilean telescope†as well as the concepts of real vs. virtual images, upright vs. inverted images, and the effects of focal length on magnification and reduction. He also described an improved telescope†now known as the astronomical or Keplerian telescope†in which two convex lenses can produce higher magnification than Galileo's combination of convex and concave lenses.[45] Around 1611, Kepler circulated a manuscript of what would eventually be published (posthumously) as Somnium (The Dream). Part of the purpose of Somnium was to describe what practicing astronomy would be like from the perspective of another planet, to show the feasibility of a non-geocentric system. The manuscript, which disappeared after changing hands several times, described a fantastic trip to the moon; it was part allegory, part autobiography, and part treatise on interplanetary travel (and is sometimes described as the first work of science fiction). Years later, a distorted version of the story may have instigated the witchcraft trial against his mother, as the mother of the narrator consults a demon to learn the means of space travel. Following her eventual acquittal, Kepler composed 223 footnotes to the story†several times longer than the actual text†which explained the allegorical aspects as well as the considerable scientific content (particularly regarding lunar geography) hidden within the text.[46]


Work in mathematics and physics
As a New Year's gift that year, he also composed for his friend and One of the diagrams from Strena Seu de Nive some-time patron Baron Wackher von Wackhenfels a short pamphlet Sexangula, illustrating the Kepler conjecture entitled Strena Seu de Nive Sexangula (A New Year's Gift of Hexagonal Snow). In this treatise, he published the first description of the hexagonal symmetry of snowflakes and, extending the discussion into a hypothetical atomistic physical basis for the symmetry and posed what later became known as the Kepler conjecture, a statement about the most efficient arrangement for packing spheres.[47][48] Kepler was one of the pioneers of the mathematical applications of infinitesimals, see Law of Continuity.

Personal and political troubles
In 1611, the growing political-religious tension in Prague came to a head. Emperor Rudolph†whose health was failing†was forced to abdicate as King of Bohemia by his brother Matthias. Both sides sought Kepler's astrological advice, an opportunity he used to deliver conciliatory political advice (with little reference to the stars, except in general statements to discourage drastic action). However, it was clear that Kepler's future prospects in the court of Matthias were dim.[49] Also in that year, Barbara Kepler contracted Hungarian spotted fever, then began having seizures. As Barbara was recovering, Kepler's three children all fell sick with smallpox; Friedrich, 6, died. Following his son's death, Kepler sent letters to potential patrons in W•rttemberg and Padua. At the University of T•bingen in W•rttemberg, concerns over Kepler's perceived Calvinist heresies in violation of the Augsburg Confession and the Formula of Concord prevented his return. The University of Padua†on the recommendation of the departing Galileo†sought Kepler to fill the mathematics professorship, but Kepler, preferring to keep his family in German territory, instead travelled to Austria to arrange a position as teacher and district mathematician in Linz. However, Barbara relapsed into illness

Johannes Kepler and died shortly after Kepler's return.[50] Kepler postponed the move to Linz and remained in Prague until Rudolph's death in early 1612, though between political upheaval, religious tension, and family tragedy (along with the legal dispute over his wife's estate), Kepler could do no research. Instead, he pieced together a chronology manuscript, Eclogae Chronicae, from correspondence and earlier work. Upon succession as Holy Roman Emperor, Matthias re-affirmed Kepler's position (and salary) as imperial mathematician but allowed him to move to Linz.[51]


Linz and elsewhere (1612•1630)
In Linz, Kepler's primary responsibilities (beyond completing the Rudolphine Tables) were teaching at the district school and providing astrological and astronomical services. In his first years there, he enjoyed financial security and religious freedom relative to his life in Prague†though he was excluded from Eucharist by his Lutheran church over his theological scruples. His first publication in Linz was De vero Anno (1613), an expanded treatise on the year of Christ's birth; he also participated in deliberations on whether to introduce Pope A statue of Kepler in Linz Gregory's reformed calendar to Protestant German lands; that year he also wrote the influential mathematical treatise Nova stereometria doliorum vinariorum, on measuring the volume of containers such as wine barrels, published in 1615.[52]

Second marriage
On October 30, 1613, Kepler married the 24-year-old Susanna Reuttinger. Following the death of his first wife Barbara, Kepler had considered 11 different matches. He eventually returned to Reuttinger (the fifth match) who, he wrote, "won me over with love, humble loyalty, economy of household, diligence, and the love she gave the stepchildren."[53] The first three children of this marriage (Margareta Regina, Katharina, and Sebald) died in childhood. Three more survived into adulthood: Cordula (b. 1621); Fridmar (b. 1623); and Hildebert (b. 1625). According to Kepler's biographers, this was a much happier marriage than his first.[54]

Epitome of Copernican Astronomy, calendars and the witch trial of his mother
Since completing the Astronomia nova, Kepler had intended to compose an astronomy textbook.[55] In 1615, he completed the first of three volumes of Epitome astronomiae Copernicanae (Epitome of Copernican Astronomy); the first volume (books I-III) was printed in 1617, the second (book IV) in 1620, and the third (books V-VII) in 1621. Despite the title, which referred simply to heliocentrism, Kepler's textbook culminated in his own ellipse-based system. The Epitome became Kepler's most influential work. It contained all three laws of planetary motion and attempted to explain heavenly motions through physical causes.[56] Though it explicitly extended the first two laws of planetary motion (applied to Mars in Astronomia nova) to all the planets as well as the Moon and the Medicean satellites of Jupiter, it did not explain how elliptical orbits could be derived from observational data.[57] As a spin-off from the Rudolphine Tables and the related Ephemerides, Kepler published astrological calendars, which were very popular and helped offset the costs of producing his other work†especially when support from the Imperial treasury was withheld. In his calendars†six between 1617 and 1624†Kepler forecast planetary positions and weather as well as political events; the latter were often cannily accurate, thanks to his keen grasp of contemporary political and theological tensions. By 1624, however, the escalation of those tensions and the ambiguity of the prophecies meant political trouble for Kepler himself; his final calendar was publicly burned in Graz.[58]

Johannes Kepler


In 1615, Ursula Reingold, a woman in a financial dispute with Kepler's brother Christoph, claimed Kepler's mother Katharina had made her sick with an evil brew. The dispute escalated, and in 1617, Katharina was accused of witchcraft; witchcraft trials were relatively common in central Europe at this time. Beginning in August 1620 she was imprisoned for fourteen months. She was released in October 1621, thanks in part to the extensive legal defense drawn up by Kepler. The accusers had no stronger evidence than rumors, along with a distorted, second-hand version of Kepler's Somnium, in which a woman mixes potions and enlists the aid of a demon. Katharina was subjected to territio verbalis, a graphic description of the torture awaiting her as a witch, in a final attempt to make her confess. Throughout the trial, Kepler postponed his other work to focus on his "harmonic theory". The result, published in 1619, was Harmonices Mundi ("Harmony of the World").[59]

Harmonices Mundi
Kepler was convinced "that the geometrical things have provided the Creator with the model for decorating the whole world."[60] In Geometrical harmonies in the perfect solids from Harmony, he attempted to explain the proportions of the natural Harmonices Mundi (1619) world†particularly the astronomical and astrological aspects†in terms of music.[61] The central set of "harmonies" was the musica universalis or "music of the spheres," which had been studied by Pythagoras, Ptolemy and many others before Kepler; in fact, soon after publishing Harmonices Mundi, Kepler was embroiled in a priority dispute with Robert Fludd, who had recently published his own harmonic theory.[62] Kepler began by exploring regular polygons and regular solids, including the figures that would come to be known as Kepler's solids. From there, he extended his harmonic analysis to music, meteorology and astrology; harmony resulted from the tones made by the souls of heavenly bodies†and in the case of astrology, the interaction between those tones and human souls. In the final portion of the work (Book V), Kepler dealt with planetary motions, especially relationships between orbital velocity and orbital distance from the Sun. Similar relationships had been used by other astronomers, but Kepler†with Tycho's data and his own astronomical theories†treated them much more precisely and attached new physical significance to them.[63] Among many other harmonies, Kepler articulated what came to be known as the third law of planetary motion. He then tried many combinations until he discovered that (approximately) "The square of the periodic times are to each other as the cubes of the mean distances." Although he gives the date of this epiphany (March 8, 1618), he does not give any details about how he arrived at this conclusion.[64] However, the wider significance for planetary dynamics of this purely kinematical law was not realized until the 1660s. For when conjoined with Christian Huygens' newly discovered law of centrifugal force it enabled Isaac Newton, Edmund Halley and perhaps Christopher Wren and Robert Hooke to demonstrate independently that the presumed gravitational attraction between the Sun and its planets decreased with the square of the distance between them.[65] This refuted the traditional assumption of scholastic physics that the power of gravitational attraction remained constant with distance whenever it applied between two bodies, such as was assumed by Kepler and also by Galileo in his mistaken universal law that gravitational fall is uniformly accelerated, and also by Galileo's student Borrelli in his 1666 celestial mechanics.[66] William Gilbert, after experimenting with magnets decided that the center of the Earth was a huge magnet. His theory led Kepler to think that a magnetic force from the Sun drove planets in their own orbits. It was an interesting explanation for planetary motion, but it was wrong. Before scientists could find the right answer, they needed to

Johannes Kepler know more about motion.


Rudolphine Tables and his last years
In 1623, Kepler at last completed the Rudolphine Tables, which at the time was considered his major work. However, due to the publishing requirements of the emperor and negotiations with Tycho Brahe's heir, it would not be printed until 1627. In the meantime religious tension†the root of the ongoing Thirty Years' War†once again put Kepler and his family in jeopardy. In 1625, agents of the Catholic Counter-Reformation placed most of Kepler's library under seal, and in 1626 the city of Linz was besieged. Kepler moved to Ulm, where he arranged for the printing of the Tables at his own expense.[67] In 1628, following the military successes of the Emperor Ferdinand's armies under General Wallenstein, Kepler became an official advisor to Wallenstein. Though not the general's court astrologer per se, Kepler provided astronomical calculations for Wallenstein's astrologers and Kepler's horoscope for General Wallenstein occasionally wrote horoscopes himself. In his final years, Kepler spent much of his time traveling, from the imperial court in Prague to Linz and Ulm to a temporary home in Sagan, and finally to Regensburg. Soon after arriving in Regensburg, Kepler fell ill. He died on November 15, 1630, and was buried there; his burial site was lost after the Swedish army destroyed the churchyard.[68] Only Kepler's self-authored poetic epitaph survived the times: Mensus eram coelos, nunc terrae metior umbras Mens coelestis erat, corporis umbra iacet. I measured the skies, now the shadows I measure Skybound was the mind, earthbound the body rests.[69]

Reception of his astronomy
Kepler's laws were not immediately accepted. Several major figures such as Galileo and Renˆ Descartes completely ignored Kepler's Astronomia nova. Many astronomers, including Kepler's teacher, Michael Maestlin, objected to Kepler's introduction of physics into his astronomy. Some adopted compromise positions. Ismael Boulliau accepted elliptical orbits but replaced Kepler's area law with uniform motion in respect to the empty focus of the ellipse while Seth Ward used an elliptical orbit with motions defined by an equant.[70][71][72] Several astronomers tested Kepler's theory, and its various modifications, against astronomical observations<the last one is/M.T.K Al -Tamimi/ Natural Science 2 (2010) 786-792>. Two transits of Venus and Mercury across the face of the sun provided sensitive tests of the theory, under circumstances when these planets could not normally be observed. In the case of the transit of Mercury in 1631, Kepler had been extremely uncertain of the parameters for Mercury, and advised observers to look for the transit the day before and after the predicted date. Pierre Gassendi observed the transit on the date predicted, a confirmation of Kepler's prediction.[73] This was the first observation of a transit of Mercury. However, his attempt to observe the transit of Venus just one month later, was unsuccessful due to inaccuracies in the Rudolphine Tables. Gassendi did not realize that it was not visible from most of Europe, including Paris.[74] Jeremiah Horrocks, who observed the 1639 Venus transit, had used his own observations to adjust the parameters of the Keplerian model, predicted the transit, and then built apparatus to observe the transit. He remained a firm advocate of the Keplerian model.[75][76][77]

Johannes Kepler Epitome of Copernican Astronomy was read by astronomers throughout Europe, and following Kepler's death it was the main vehicle for spreading Kepler's ideas. Between 1630 and 1650, it was the most widely used astronomy textbook, winning many converts to ellipse-based astronomy.[56] However, few adopted his ideas on the physical basis for celestial motions. In the late 17th century, a number of physical astronomy theories drawing from Kepler's work†notably those of Giovanni Alfonso Borelli and Robert Hooke†began to incorporate attractive forces (though not the quasi-spiritual motive species postulated by Kepler) and the Cartesian concept of inertia. This culminated in Isaac Newton's Principia Mathematica (1687), in which Newton derived Kepler's laws of planetary motion from a force-based theory of universal gravitation.[78]


Historical and cultural legacy
Beyond his role in the historical development of astronomy and natural philosophy, Kepler has loomed large in the philosophy and historiography of science. Kepler and his laws of motion were central to early histories of astronomy such as Jean Etienne MontuclaŠs 1758 Histoire des mathˆmatiques and Jean-Baptiste Delambre's 1821 Histoire de l‚astronomie moderne. These and other histories written from an Enlightenment perspective treated Kepler's metaphysical and religious arguments with skepticism and disapproval, but later Romantic-era natural philosophers viewed these elements as central to his success. William Whewell, in his influential History of the Inductive Sciences of 1837, found Kepler to be the archetype of the inductive scientific genius; in his Philosophy of the Inductive Sciences of 1840, Whewell held Kepler up as the embodiment of the most advanced forms of scientific method. Similarly, Ernst Friedrich Apelt†the first to extensively study Kepler's manuscripts, after their purchase by Catherine the Great†identified Kepler as a key to the "Revolution of the sciences". Apelt, who saw Kepler's mathematics, aesthetic sensibility, physical ideas, and theology as part of a unified system of thought, produced the first extended analysis of Kepler's life and work.[79]

Monument to Tycho Brahe and Kepler in Prague, Czech Republic

Modern translations of a number of Kepler's books appeared in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, the systematic publication of his collected works began in 1937 (and is nearing completion in the early 21st century), and Max Caspar's Kepler biography was published in 1948.[80] However, Alexandre Koyrˆ's work on Kepler was, after Apelt, the first major milestone in historical The GDR stamp featuring Kepler interpretations of Kepler's cosmology and its influence. In the 1930s and 1940s Koyrˆ, and a number of others in the first generation of professional historians of science, described the "Scientific Revolution" as the central event in the history of science, and Kepler as a (perhaps the) central figure in the revolution. Koyrˆ placed Kepler's theorization, rather than his empirical work, at the center of the intellectual transformation from ancient to modern world-views. Since the 1960s, the volume of historical Kepler scholarship has expanded greatly, including studies of his astrology and meteorology, his geometrical methods, the role of his religious views in his work, his literary and rhetorical methods, his interaction with the broader cultural and philosophical currents of his time, and even his role as an historian of science.[81]

Johannes Kepler The debate over Kepler's place in the Scientific Revolution has also produced a wide variety of philosophical and popular treatments. One of the most influential is Arthur Koestler's 1959 The Sleepwalkers, in which Kepler is unambiguously the hero (morally and theologically as well as intellectually) of the revolution.[82] Influential philosophers of science†such as Charles Sanders Peirce, Norwood Russell Hanson, Stephen Toulmin, and Karl Popper†have repeatedly turned to Kepler: examples of incommensurability, analogical reasoning, falsification, and many other philosophical concepts have been found in Kepler's work. Physicist Wolfgang Pauli even used Kepler's priority dispute with Robert Fludd to explore the implications of analytical psychology on scientific investigation.[83] A well-received, if fanciful, historical novel by John Banville, Kepler (1981), explored many of the themes developed in Koestler's non-fiction narrative and in the philosophy of science.[84] Somewhat more fanciful is a recent work of nonfiction, Heavenly Intrigue (2004), suggesting that Kepler murdered Tycho Brahe to gain access to his data.[85] Kepler has acquired a popular image as an icon of scientific modernity and a man before his time; science popularizer Carl Sagan described him as "the first astrophysicist and the last scientific astrologer."[86] The German composer Paul Hindemith wrote an opera about Kepler entitled Die Harmonie der Welt, and a symphony of the same name was derived from music for the opera. In Austria, Kepler left behind such a historical legacy that he was one of the motifs of a silver collector's coin: the 10-euro Johannes Kepler silver coin, minted on September 10, 2002. The reverse side of the coin has a portrait of Kepler, who spent some time teaching in Graz and the surrounding areas. Kepler was acquainted with Prince Hans Ulrich von Eggenberg personally, and he probably influenced the construction of Eggenberg Castle (the motif of the obverse of the coin). In front of him on the coin is the model of nested spheres and polyhedra from Mysterium Cosmographicum.[87] In 2009, NASA named the Kepler Mission for Kepler's contributions to the field of astronomy.[88] In New Zealand's Fiordland National Park there is also a range of Mountains Named after Kepler, called the Kepler Mountains and a Three Day Walking Trail known as the Kepler Track through the Mountains of the same name.


Kepler is honored together with Nicolaus Copernicus with a feast day on the liturgical calendar of the Episcopal Church (USA) on May 23.[89]

‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Mysterium cosmographicum (The Sacred Mystery of the Cosmos) (1596) De Fundamentis Astrologiae Certioribus On Firmer Fundaments of Astrology [90] (1601) Astronomiae Pars Optica (The Optical Part of Astronomy) (1604) De Stella nova in pede Serpentarii (On the New Star in Ophiuchus's Foot) (1604) Astronomia nova (New Astronomy) (1609) Tertius Interveniens (Third-party Interventions) (1610) Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo (Conversation with the Starry Messenger) (1610) Dioptrice (1611)

Johannes Kepler


‚ De nive sexangula (On the Six-Cornered Snowflake) (1611) ‚ De vero Anno, quo aeternus Dei Filius humanam naturam in Utero benedictae Virginis Mariae assumpsit (1613) ‚ Eclogae Chronicae (1615, published with Dissertatio cum Nuncio Sidereo) ‚ Nova stereometria doliorum vinariorum (New Stereometry of Wine Barrels) (1615) ‚ Epitome astronomiae Copernicanae (Epitome of Copernican Astronomy) (published in three parts from 1618•1621) ‚ Harmonice Mundi (Harmony of the Worlds) (1619) ‚ Mysterium cosmographicum (The Sacred Mystery of the Cosmos) 2nd Edition (1621) ‚ Tabulae Rudolphinae (Rudolphine Tables) (1627) ‚ Somnium (The Dream) (1634)
The lunar crater Kepler

Notes and references
[1] Barker and Goldstein. "Theological Foundations of Kepler's Astronomy", pp. 112•13. [2] Kepler. New Astronomy, title page, tr. Donohue, pp. 26•7 [3] Kepler. New Astronomy, p. 48 [4] Epitome of Copernican Astronomy in Great Books of the Western World, Vol 15, p. 845 [5] Stephenson. Kepler's Physical Astronomy, pp. 1•2; Dear, Revolutionizing the Sciences, pp. 74•78 [6] Caspar. Kepler, pp. 29•36; Connor. Kepler's Witch, pp. 23•46. [7] Koestler. The Sleepwalkers, p. 234 (translated from Kepler's family horoscope). [8] Caspar. Kepler, pp. 36•38; Connor. Kepler's Witch, pp. 25•27. [9] Connor, James A. Kepler's Witch (2004), p. 58. [10] Barker, Peter; Goldstein, Bernard R. "Theological Foundations of Kepler's Astronomy", Osiris, 2nd Series, Vol. 16, Science in Theistic Contexts: Cognitive Dimensions (2001), p. 96. [11] Westman, Robert S. "Kepler's Early Physico-Astrological Problematic," Journal for the History of Astronomy, 32 (2001): 227•36. [12] Caspar. Kepler, pp. 38•52; Connor. Kepler's Witch, pp. 49•69. [13] Caspar. Kepler, pp.60•65; see also: Barker and Goldstein, "Theological Foundations of Kepler's Astronomy." [14] Barker and Goldstein. "Theological Foundations of Kepler's Astronomy," pp.99•103, 112•113. [15] Caspar. Kepler, pp.65•71. [16] Field. Kepler's Geometrical Cosmology, Chapter IV, p 73ff. [17] Dreyer, J.L.E. A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler, Dover Publications, 1953, pp.331, 377-379. [18] Caspar, Kepler. pp.71•75. [19] Connor. Kepler's Witch, pp.89•100, 114•116; Caspar. Kepler, pp.75•77 [20] Caspar. Kepler, pp.85•86. [21] Caspar, Kepler, pp.86•89 [22] Caspar, Kepler, pp.89•100 [23] Using Tycho's data, see 'Two views of a system' (http:/ / knol. google. com/ k/ the-sky-before-the-telescope#) [24] Caspar, Kepler, pp. 100•08. [25] Caspar, Kepler, p. 110. [26] Caspar, Kepler, pp. 108•11. [27] Caspar, Kepler, pp. 111•22. [28] Caspar, Kepler, pp.149•153 [29] Caspar, Kepler, pp.146•148, 159•177 [30] Finger, "Origins of Neuroscience," p 74. Oxford University Press, 2001. [31] Caspar, Kepler, pp.142•146 [32] Morris Kline, Mathematical Thought from Ancient to Modern Times, p 299. Oxford University Press, 1972. [33] Caspar, Kepler, pp.153•157 [34] Caspar, Kepler, pp.123•128 [35] On motive species, see: Lindberg, "The Genesis of Kepler's Theory of Light," pp.38•40 [36] "Kepler's decision to base his causal explanation of planetary motion on a distance-velocity law, rather than on uniform circular motions of compounded spheres, marks a major shift from ancient to modern conceptions of science.... [Kepler] had begun with physical principles and

Johannes Kepler
had then derived a trajectory from it, rather than simply constructing new models. In other words, even before discovering the area law, Kepler had abandoned uniform circular motion as a physical principle." Peter Barker and Bernard R. Goldstein, "Distance and Velocity in Kepler's Astronomy", Annals of Science, 51 (1994): 59•73, at p. 60. [37] Koyrˆ, The Astronomical Revolution, pp.199•202 [38] Caspar, Kepler, pp.129•132 [39] Caspar, Kepler, pp.131•140; Koyrˆ, The Astronomical Revolution, pp.277•279 [40] Caspar, Kepler, pp.178•181 [41] Caspar, Kepler, pp.181•185. The full title is Tertius Interveniens, das ist Warnung an etliche Theologos, Medicos vnd Philosophos, sonderlich D. Philippum Feselium, dass sie bey billicher Verwerffung der Sternguckerischen Aberglauben nict das Kindt mit dem Badt ausssch•tten vnd hiermit jhrer Profession vnwissendt zuwider handlen, translated by C. Doris Hellman as "Tertius Interveniens, that is warning to some theologians, medics and philosophers, especially D. Philip Feselius, that they in cheap condemnation of the star-gazer's superstition do not throw out the child with the bath and hereby unknowingly act contrary to their profession." [42] http:/ / www. keplervpraze. cz/ en/ [43] Caspar, Kepler, pp.192•197 [44] Koestler, The Sleepwalkers p 384 [45] Caspar, Kepler, pp.198•202 [46] Lear, Kepler's Dream, pp.1•78 [47] Schneer, "Kepler's New Year's Gift of a Snowflake," pp.531•545 [48] Kepler, Johannes (1966) [1611]. Hardie, Colin. ed. De nive sexangula [The Six-sided Snowflake]. Oxford: Clarendon Press. OCLC€974730. [49] Caspar, Kepler, pp.202•204 [50] Connor, Kepler's Witch, pp.222•226; Caspar, Kepler, pp.204•207 [51] Caspar, Kepler, pp.208•211 [52] Caspar, Kepler, pp.209•220, 227•240 [53] Quotation from Connor, Kepler's Witch, p 252, translated from an October 23, 1613 letter from Kepler to an anonymous nobleman [54] Caspar, Kepler, pp.220•223; Connor, Kepler's Witch, pp.251•254. [55] Caspar, Kepler, pp.239•240, 293•300 [56] Gingerich, "Kepler, Johannes" from Dictionary of Scientific Biography, pp.302•304 [57] Wolf, A History of Science, Technology and Philosophy, pp.140•141; Pannekoek, A History of Astronomy, p 252 [58] Caspar, Kepler, pp.239, 300•301, 307•308 [59] Caspar, Kepler, pp.240•264; Connor, Kepler's Witch, chapters I, XI-XIII; Lear, Kepler's Dream, pp.21•39 [60] Quotation from Caspar, Kepler, pp.265•266, translated from Harmonices Mundi [61] The opening of the movie Mars et Avril by Martin Villeneuve is based on German astronomer Johannes KeplerŠs cosmological model from the 17th century, Harmonices Mundi, in which the harmony of the universe is determined by the motion of celestial bodies. Beno¯t Charest also composed the score according to this theory. [62] Caspar, Kepler, pp.264•266, 290•293 [63] Caspar, Kepler, pp.266•290 [64] Arthur I. Miller (March 24, 2009). Deciphering the cosmic number: the strange friendship of Wolfgang Pauli and Carl Jung (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=KR2EtBnmcRYC& pg=PA80). W. W. Norton & Company. p.€80. ISBN€978-0-393-06532-9. . Retrieved March 7, 2011. [65] Westfall, Never at Rest, pp.143, 152, 402•3; Toulmin and Goodfield, The Fabric of the Heavens, p 248; De Gandt, 'Force and Geometry in Newton's Principia', chapter 2; Wolf, History of Science, Technology and Philosophy, p 150; Westfall, The Construction of Modern Science, chapters 7 and 8 [66] Koyrˆ, The Astronomical Revolution, p 502 [67] Caspar, Kepler, pp.308•328 [68] Caspar, Kepler, pp.332•351, 355•361 [69] Koestler, The Sleepwalkers, p. 427. [70] For a detailed study of the reception of Kepler's astronomy see Wilbur Applebaum, "Keplerian Astronomy after Kepler: Researches and Problems," (http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1996HisSc. . 34. . 451A) History of Science, 34(1996): 451•504. [71] Koyrˆ, The Astronomical Revolution, pp.362•364 [72] North, History of Astronomy and Cosmology, pp. 355•360 [73] Albert van Helden, "The Importance of the Transit of Mercury of 1631," (http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1976JHA. . . . . 7. . . . 1V) Journal for the History of Astronomy, 7 (1976): 1•10. [74] HM Nautical Almanac Office (June 10, 2004). "1631 Transit of Venus" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20061001062918/ http:/ / www. nao. rl. ac. uk/ nao/ transit/ V_1631/ ). Archived from the original (http:/ / www. nao. rl. ac. uk/ nao/ transit/ V_1631/ ) on October 1, 2006. . Retrieved August 28, 2006. [75] Allan Chapman, "Jeremiah Horrocks, the transit of Venus, and the 'New Astronomy' in early 17th-century England," (http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1990QJRAS. . 31. . 333C) Quarterly Journal of the Royal Astronomical Society, 31 (1990): 333•357. [76] North, History of Astronomy and Cosmology, pp. 348•349


Johannes Kepler
[77] Wilbur Applebaum and Robert Hatch, "Boulliau, Mercator, and Horrock's Venus in sole visa: Three Unpublished Letters," (http:/ / adsabs. harvard. edu/ abs/ 1983JHA. . . . 14. . 166A) Journal for the History of Astronomy, 14(1983): 166•179 [78] Kuhn, The Copernican Revolution, pp.238, 246•252 [79] Jardine, "KoyrˆŠs Kepler/Kepler's Koyrˆ," pp.363•367 [80] Gingerich, introduction to Caspar's Kepler, pp.3•4 [81] Jardine, "KoyrˆŠs Kepler/Kepler's Koyrˆ," pp.367•372; Shapin, The Scientific Revolution, pp.1•2 [82] Stephen Toulmin, Review of The Sleepwalkers in The Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 59, no. 18 (1962), pp.500•503 [83] Pauli, "The Influence of Archetypical Ideas" [84] William Donahue, "A Novelist's Kepler," Journal for the History of Astronomy, Vol. 13 (1982), pp.135•136; "Dancing the grave dance: Science, art and religion in John Banville's Kepler," English Studies, Vol. 86, no. 5 (October 2005), pp.424•438 [85] Marcelo Gleiser, "Kepler in the Dock", review of Gilder and Gilder's Heavenly Intrigue, Journal for the History of Astronomy, Vol. 35, pt. 4 (2004), pp.487•489 [86] Quote from Carl Sagan, Cosmos: A Personal Voyage, episode III: "The Harmony of the Worlds". Kepler was hardly the first to combine physics and astronomy; however, according to the traditional (though disputed) interpretation of the Scientific Revolution, he would be the first astrophysicist in the era of modern science. [87] "Eggenberg Palace coin" (http:/ / austrian-mint. at/ silbermuenzen?l=en& muenzeSubTypeId=108& muenzeId=336). Austrian Mint. . Retrieved September 9, 2009. [88] Ng, Jansen (July 3, 2009). "Kepler Mission Sets Out to Find Planets Using CCD Cameras" (http:/ / www. dailytech. com/ Kepler+ Mission+ Sets+ Out+ to+ Find+ Planets+ Using+ CCD+ Cameras/ article14421. htm). DailyTech. . Retrieved July 3, 2009. [89] Calendar of the Church Year according to the Episcopal Church (http:/ / satucket. com/ lectionary/ Calendar. htm) [90] http:/ / www. johannes. cz/ kepler. php


‚ The most complete biography of Kepler is Max Caspar's Kepler. Though there are a number of more recent biographies, most are based on Caspar's work with minimal original research; much of the information cited from Caspar can also be found in the books by Arthur Koestler, Kitty Ferguson, and James A. Connor. Owen Gingerich's The Eye of Heaven builds on Caspar's work to place Kepler in the broader intellectual context of early-modern astronomy. Many later studies have focused on particular elements of his life and work. Kepler's mathematics, cosmological, philosophical and historical views have been extensively analyzed in books and journal articles, though his astrological work†and its relationship to his astronomy†remains understudied.

‚ Andersen, Hanne; Peter Barker; and Xiang Chen. The Cognitive Structure of Scientific Revolutions, chapter 6: "The Copernican Revolution." New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006. ISBN 0-521-85575-6 ‚ Armitage, Angus. John Kepler, Faber, 1966. ‚ Banville, John. Kepler, Martin, Secker and Warburg, London, 1981 (fictionalised biography) ‚ Barker, Peter and Bernard R. Goldstein: "Theological Foundations of Kepler's Astronomy". Osiris, Volume 16. Science in Theistic Contexts. University of Chicago Press, 2001, pp.€88•113 ‚ Caspar, Max. Kepler; transl. and ed. by C. Doris Hellman; with a new introduction and references by Owen Gingerich; bibliographic citations by Owen Gingerich and Alain Segonds. New York: Dover, 1993. ISBN 0-486-67605-6 ‚ Connor, James A. Kepler's Witch: An Astronomer's Discovery of Cosmic Order Amid Religious War, Political Intrigue, and the Heresy Trial of His Mother. HarperSanFrancisco, 2004. ISBN 0-06-052255-0 ‚ De Gandt, Francois. Force and Geometry in Newton's Principia, Translated by Curtis Wilson, Princeton University Press 1995. ISBN 0-691-03367-6 ‚ Dreyer, J. L. E. A History of Astronomy from Thales to Kepler. Dover Publications Inc, 1967. ISBN 0-486-60079-3 ‚ Ferguson, Kitty. The nobleman and his housedog: Tycho Brahe and Johannes Kepler: the strange partnership that revolutionized science. London: Review, 2002. ISBN 0-7472-7022-8 • published in the US as: Tycho & Kepler: the unlikely partnership that forever changed our understanding of the heavens. New York: Walker, 2002. ISBN 0-8027-1390-4 ‚ Field, J. V.. Kepler's geometrical cosmology. Chicago University Press, 1988. ISBN 0-226-24823-2

Johannes Kepler ‚ Gilder, Joshua and Anne-Lee Gilder: Heavenly Intrigue: Johannes Kepler, Tycho Brahe, and the Murder Behind One of History's Greatest Scientific Discoveries, Doubleday (May 18, 2004). ISBN 0-385-50844-1 Reviews bookpage.com (http://www.bookpage.com/0407bp/nonfiction/heavenly_intrigue.html), crisismagazine.com (http://www.crisismagazine.com/october2004/book4.htm) ‚ Gingerich, Owen. The Eye of Heaven: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Kepler. American Institute of Physics, 1993. ISBN 0-88318-863-5 (Masters of modern physics; v. 7) ‚ Gingerich, Owen: "Kepler, Johannes" in Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Volume VII. Charles Coulston Gillispie, editor. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1973 ‚ Jardine, Nick: "KoyrˆŠs Kepler/Kepler's Koyrˆ," History of Science, Vol. 38 (2000), pp.€363•376 ‚ Kepler, Johannes. Johannes Kepler New Astronomy trans. W. Donahue, forward by O. Gingerich, Cambridge University Press 1993. ISBN 0-521-30131-9 ‚ Kepler, Johannes and Christian Frisch. Joannis Kepleri Astronomi Opera Omnia (John Kepler, Astronomer; Complete Works), 8 vols.(1858•1871). vol. 1, 1858 (http://books.google.com/books?vid=OCLC12905968& id=dTMAAAAAQAAJ&printsec=titlepage&dq="opera+omnia"+"Joannis+Kepleri+astronomi+"), vol. 2, 1859 (http://books.google.com/books?vid=OCLC12905968&id=gzMAAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA1&lpg=PA1& dq="Johannes+Kepler"#PPP12,M1), vol. 3,1860 (http://books.google.com/books?vid=OCLC12905968& id=qjMAAAAAQAAJ&pg=PA5&lpg=PA5&dq=Frisch+"kepler"), vol. 6, 1866 (http://books.google.com/ books?vid=OCLC12905968&id=xjMAAAAAQAAJ&pg=PP9&dq="Christian+Frisch"), vol. 7, 1868 (http:// books.google.com/books?vid=OCLC12905968&id=gMkKAAAAIAAJ&pg=PP16&lpg=PP16&dq=kepleri+ "heyder+&+zimmer"), Francofurti a.M. et Erlangae, Heyder & Zimmer, • Google Books ‚ Kepler, Johannes, et al. Great Books of the Western World. Volume 16: Ptolemy, Copernicus, Kepler, Chicago: Encyclop©dia Britannica, Inc., 1952. (contains English translations by of Kepler's Epitome, Books IV & V and Harmonices Book 5) ‚ Koestler, Arthur. The Sleepwalkers: A History of Man's Changing Vision of the Universe. (1959). ISBN 0-14-019246-8 ‚ Koyrˆ, Alexandre: Galilean Studies Harvester Press 1977. ISBN 0-85527-354-2 ‚ Koyrˆ, Alexandre: The Astronomical Revolution: Copernicus-Kepler-Borelli Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1973. ISBN 0-8014-0504-1; Methuen, 1973. ISBN 0-416-76980-2; Hermann, 1973. ISBN 2-7056-5648-0 ‚ Kuhn, Thomas S. The Copernican Revolution: Planetary Astronomy in the Development of Western Thought. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1957. ISBN 0-674-17103-9 ‚ Lindberg, David C.: "The Genesis of Kepler's Theory of Light: Light Metaphysics from Plotinus to Kepler." Osiris, N.S. 2. University of Chicago Press, 1986, pp.€5•42. ‚ Lear, John. Kepler's Dream. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965 ‚ M.T.K Al-Tamimi: Great collapse Kepler's first law, Natural Science 2 (2010), ISBN 2150 - 4091 ‚ North, John. The Fontana History of Astronomy and Cosmology, Fontana Press, 1994. ISBN 0-00-686177-6 ‚ Pannekoek, Anton: A History of Astronomy, Dover Publications Inc 1989. ISBN 0-486-65994-1 ‚ Pauli, Wolfgang. Wolfgang Pauli‡€ Writings on physics and philosophy, translated by Robert Schlapp and edited by P. Enz and Karl von Meyenn (Springer Verlag, Berlin, 1994). See section 21, The influence of archetypical ideas on the scientific theories of Kepler, concerning Johannes Kepler and Robert Fludd (1574•1637). ISBN 3-540-56859-X ‚ Schneer, Cecil: "Kepler's New Year's Gift of a Snowflake." Isis, Volume 51, No. 4. University of Chicago Press, 1960, pp.€531•545. ‚ Shapin, Steven. The Scientific Revolution. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. ISBN 0-226-75020-5 ‚ Stephenson, Bruce. Kepler's physical astronomy. New York: Springer, 1987. ISBN 0-387-96541-6 (Studies in the history of mathematics and physical sciences; 13); reprinted Princeton:Princeton Univ. Pr., 1994. ISBN 0-691-03652-7


Johannes Kepler ‚ Stephenson, Bruce. The Music of the Heavens: Kepler's Harmonic Astronomy, Princeton University Press, 1994. ISBN 0-691-03439-7 ‚ Toulmin, Stephen and June Goodfield. The Fabric of the Heavens: The Development of Astronomy and Dynamics. Pelican, 1963. ‚ Voelkel, James R. The Composition of Kepler's Astronomia nova, Princeton University Press, 2001. ISBN 0-691-00738-1 ‚ Westfall, Richard S.. The Construction of Modern Science: Mechanism and Mechanics. John Wiley and Sons, 1971. ISBN 0-471-93531-X; reprinted Cambridge University Press, 1978. ISBN 0-521-29295-6 ‚ Westfall, Richard S. Never at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton. Cambridge University Press, 1981. ISBN 0-521-23143-4 ‚ Wolf, A. A History of Science, Technology and Philosophy in the 16th and 17th centuries. George Allen & Unwin, 1950.


External links
‚ Kommission zur Herausgabe der Werke von Johannes Kepler (http://www.kepler-kommission.de/index.html) ‚ JohannesKepler.Info (http://www.johanneskepler.info) Kepler information and community website, launched on December 27, 2009 ‚ Harmonices mundi (http://posner.library.cmu.edu/Posner/books/book.cgi?call=520_K38PI) ("The Harmony of the Worlds") in fulltext facsimile; Carnegie-Mellon University ‚ Johannes Kepler (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/kepler) entry by Daniel A. Di Liscia in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy ‚ De Stella Nova in Pede Serpentarii (http://contentdm.lindahall.org/u?/star_atlas,6264) ("On the new star in Ophiuchus's foot") in full text facsimile at Linda Hall Library ‚ Walter W. Bryant. Kepler at Project Gutenberg (1920 book, part of Men of Science series) ‚ Electronic facsimile-editions of the rare book collection at the Vienna Institute of Astronomy (http://www. univie.ac.at/hwastro/) ‚ Johannes Kepler (http://www.dmoz.org/Science/Astronomy/History/People/Kepler,_Johannes/) at the Open Directory Project ‚ Audio • Cain/Gay (2010) Astronomy Cast (http://www.astronomycast.com/history/ ep-189-johannes-kepler-and-his-laws-of-planetary-motion/) Johannes Kepler and His Laws of Planetary Motion ‚ Christianson, Gale E., Kepler's Somnium: Science Fiction and the Renaissance Scientist (http://www.depauw. edu/sfs/backissues/8/christianson8art.htm) ‚ Kollerstrom, Nicholas, Kepler's Belief in Astrology (http://www.skyscript.co.uk/kepler2.html) ‚ References for Johannes Kepler (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/References/Kepler.html) ‚ Plant, David, Kepler and the "Music of the Spheres" (http://www.skyscript.co.uk/kepler.html) ‚ Kepler, Napier, and the Third Law (http://www.mathpages.com/rr/s8-01/8-01.htm) at MathPages ‚ Calder‘n Urreiztieta, Carlos. Harmonice Mundi • Animated and multimedia version of Book V (http://www. calderon-online.com/trabajos/kepler/harmonicemundi.html) ‚ Reading the mind of God (http://www.gabridge.com/full-long.html#God) 1997 drama based on his life by Patrick Gabridge ‚ Johannes Kepler (http://www.archive.org/details/JohannesKepler-henryIiiOfFrance_680) 2010 drama based on his life by Robert Lalonde ‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Johannes Kepler" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Kepler.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. ‚ Online Galleries, History of Science Collections, University of Oklahoma Libraries (http://hos.ou.edu/ galleries/16thCentury/Kepler/) High resolution images of works by and/or portraits of Johannes Kepler in .jpg and .tiff format.



The logarithm of a number is the exponent by which another fixed value, the base, must be raised to produce that number. For example, the logarithm of 1000 to base 10 is 3, because 1000 is 10 to the power 3: 1000 = 10 † 10 † 10 = 103. More generally, if x = by, then y is the logarithm of x to base€b, and is written y = logb(x), so log10(1000) = 3. The logarithm to base b = 10 is called the common logarithm and has many applications in science and engineering. The natural logarithm has the constant e (– 2.718) as its base; its use is widespread in pure mathematics, especially calculus. The binary logarithm uses base b = 2 and is prominent in computer science.

Logarithms were introduced by John Napier in the early 17th century as a means to simplify calculations. They were rapidly adopted by navigators, scientists, engineers, and others to perform computations more easily, using slide rules and logarithm tables. Tedious multi-digit multiplication steps can be replaced by table look-ups and simpler addition because of the fact † important in its own right † that the logarithm of a product is the sum of the logarithms of the factors:

The graph of the logarithm to base 2 crosses the x axis (horizontal axis) at 1 and passes through the points with coordinates (2, 1), (4, 2), and (8, 3). For example, log2(8) = 3, because 23 = 8. The graph gets arbitrarily close to the y axis, but does not meet or intersect it.

The present-day notion of logarithms comes from Leonhard Euler, who connected them to the exponential function in the 18th century. Logarithmic scales reduce wide-ranging quantities to smaller scopes. For example, the decibel is a logarithmic unit quantifying sound pressure and voltage ratios. In chemistry, pH is a logarithmic measure for the acidity of an aqueous solution. Logarithms are commonplace in scientific formulae, and in measurements of the complexity of algorithms and of geometric objects called fractals. They describe musical intervals, appear in formulae counting prime numbers, inform some models in psychophysics, and can aid in forensic accounting. In the same way as the logarithm reverses exponentiation, the complex logarithm is the inverse function of the exponential function applied to complex numbers. The discrete logarithm is another variant; it has applications in public-key cryptography.

Motivation and definition
The idea of logarithms is to reverse the operation of exponentiation, that is raising a number to a power. For example, the third power (or cube) of 2 is 8, because 8 is the product of three factors of 2:

It follows that the logarithm of 8 with respect to base 2 is 3, so log2€8€=€3.

The third power of some number b is the product of three factors of b. More generally, raising b to the n-th power, where n is a natural number, is done by multiplying n factors of b. The n-th power of b is written bn, so that



Exponentation may be extended to by, where b is a positive number and the exponent y is any real number. For example, b€1 is the reciprocal of b, that is, 1/b.[1]

The logarithm of a number x with respect to base b is the exponent by which b must be raised to yield x. In other words, the logarithm of x to base b is the solution y to the equation[2]

The logarithm is denoted "logb(x)" (pronounced as "the logarithm of x to base b" or "the base-b logarithm of x"). In the equation y = logb(x), the value y is the answer to the question "To what power must b be raised, in order to yield x?". To define the logarithm, the base b must be a positive real number not equal to 1 and x must be a positive number.[3]

For example, log2(16) = 4, since 24 = 2 †2 † 2 † 2 = 16. Logarithms can also be negative:


A third example: log10(150) is approximately 2.176, which lies between 2 and 3, just as 150 lies between 102 = 100 and 103 = 1000. Finally, for any base b, logb(b) = 1 and logb(1) = 0, since b1 = b and b0 = 1, respectively.

Logarithmic identities
Several important formulas, sometimes called logarithmic identities or log laws, relate logarithms to one another.[4]

Product, quotient, power, and root
The logarithm of a product is the sum of the logarithms of the numbers being multiplied; the logarithm of the ratio of two numbers is the difference of the logarithms. The logarithm of the p-th power of a number is p times the logarithm of the number itself; the logarithm of a p-th root is the logarithm of the number divided by p. The following table lists these identities with examples:
Formula product quotient Example

power root



Change of base
The logarithm logb(x) can be computed from the logarithms of x and b with respect to an arbitrary base k using the following formula:

Typical scientific calculators calculate the logarithms to bases 10 and e.[5] Logarithms with respect to any base b can be determined using either of these two logarithms by the previous formula:

Given a number x and its logarithm logb(x) to an unknown base b, the base is given by:

Particular bases
Among all choices for the base b, three are particularly common. These are b€=€10, b€=€e (the irrational mathematical constant – 2.71828), and b€=€2. In mathematical analysis, the logarithm to base e is widespread because of its particular analytical properties explained below. On the other hand, base-10 logarithms are easy to use for manual calculations in the decimal number system:[6]

Thus, log10(x) is related to the number of decimal digits of a positive integer x: the number of digits is the smallest integer strictly bigger than log10(x).[7] For example, log10(1430) is approximately 3.15. The next integer is 4, which is the number of digits of 1430. The logarithm to base two is used in computer science, where the binary system is ubiquitous. The following table lists common notations for logarithms to these bases and the fields where they are used. Many disciplines write log(x) instead of logb(x), when the intended base can be determined from the context. The notation b log(x) also occurs.[8] The "ISO notation" column lists designations suggested by the International Organization for Standardization (ISO 31-11).[9]
Base b 2 Name for logb(x) binary logarithm ISO notation lb(x) [10] Other notations Used in

ld(x), log(x), lg(x)

computer science, information theory, mathematics mathematical analysis, physics, chemistry, statistics, economics, and some engineering fields


natural logarithm



log(x) (in mathematics and many programming [12] languages ) log(x) (in engineering, biology, astronomy),


common logarithm


various engineering fields (see decibel and see below), logarithm tables, handheld calculators



The Babylonians sometime in 2000•1600 BC may have invented the quarter square multiplication algorithm to multiply two numbers using only addition, subtraction and a table of squares.[13][14] However it could not be used for division without an additional table of reciprocals. Large tables of quarter squares were used to simplify the accurate multiplication of large numbers from 1817 onwards until this was superseded by the use of computers. Michael Stifel published Arithmetica integra in Nuremberg in 1544, which contains a table[15] of integers and powers of 2 that has been considered an early version of a logarithmic table.[16][17] In the 16th and early 17th centuries an algorithm called prosthaphaeresis was used to approximate multiplication and division. This used the trigonometric identity

or similar to convert the multiplications to additions and table lookups. However logarithms are more straightforward and require less work. It can be shown using complex numbers that this is basically the same technique.

From Napier to Euler
The method of logarithms was publicly propounded by John Napier in 1614, in a book entitled Mirifici Logarithmorum Canonis Descriptio (Description of the Wonderful Rule of Logarithms).[18] Joost B•rgi independently invented logarithms but published six years after Napier.[19] Johannes Kepler, who used logarithm tables extensively to compile his Ephemeris and therefore dedicated it to John Napier,[20] remarked: ...the accent in calculation led Justus Byrgius [Joost B•rgi] on the way to these very logarithms many years before Napier's system appeared; but ...instead of rearing up his child for the public benefit he deserted it in the birth. †Johannes Kepler[21],€Rudolphine Tables (1627) By repeated subtractions Napier calculated (1 € 10€7)L for L ranging from 1 to 100. The result for L=100 is approximately 0.99999 = 1 € John Napier (1550•1617), the inventor of logarithms 10€5. Napier then calculated the products of these numbers with 107(1 €5 L € 10 ) for L from 1 to 50, and did similarly with 0.9998 – (1 € 10€5)20 and 0.9 – 0.99520. These computations, which occupied 20 years, allowed him to give, for any number N from 5 to 10 million, the number L that solves the equation

Napier first called L an "artificial number", but later introduced the word "logarithm" to mean a number that indicates a ratio: °±²³´ (logos) meaning proportion, and µ¶·¸¹±´ (arithmos) meaning number. In modern notation, the relation to natural logarithms is: [22]

where the very close approximation corresponds to the observation that



The invention was quickly and widely met with acclaim. The works of Bonaventura Cavalieri (Italy), Edmund Wingate (France), Xue Fengzuo (China), and Johannes Kepler's Chilias logarithmorum (Germany) helped spread the concept further.[23] In 1647 Grˆgoire de Saint-Vincent related logarithms to the quadrature of the hyperbola, by pointing out that the area f(t) under the hyperbola from x = 1 to x = t satisfies

The natural logarithm was first described by Nicholas Mercator in his work Logarithmotechnia published in 1668,[24] although the mathematics teacher John Speidell had already in 1619 compiled a table on the natural logarithm.[25] Around 1730, Leonhard Euler defined the exponential function and the natural logarithm by

The hyperbola y = 1/x (red curve) and the area from x = 1 to 6 (shaded in orange).

Euler also showed that the two functions are inverse to one another.[26][27][28]

Logarithm tables, slide rules, and historical applications
By simplifying difficult calculations, logarithms contributed to the advance of science, and especially of astronomy. They were critical to advances in surveying, celestial navigation, and other domains. Pierre-Simon Laplace called logarithms

The 1797 Encyclop•dia Britannica explanation of logarithms

"...[a]n admirable artifice which, by reducing to a few days the labour of many months, doubles the life of the astronomer, and spares him the errors and disgust inseparable from long calculations."[29] A key tool that enabled the practical use of logarithms before calculators and computers was the table of logarithms.[30] The first such table was compiled by Henry Briggs in 1617, immediately after Napier's invention. Subsequently, tables with increasing scope and precision were written. These tables listed the values of logb(x) and bx for any number x in a certain range, at a certain precision, for a certain base b (usually b = 10). For example, Briggs' first table contained the common logarithms of all integers in the range 1•1000, with a precision of 8 digits. As the function f(x) = bx is the inverse function of logb(x), it has been called the antilogarithm.[31] The product and quotient of two positive numbers c and d were routinely calculated as the sum and difference of their logarithms. The product cd or quotient c/d came from looking up the antilogarithm of the sum or difference, also via the same table:


Logarithm For manual calculations that demand any appreciable precision, performing the lookups of the two logarithms, calculating their sum or difference, and looking up the antilogarithm is much faster than performing the multiplication by earlier methods such as prosthaphaeresis, which relies on trigonometric identities. Calculations of powers and roots are reduced to multiplications or divisions and look-ups by



Many logarithm tables give logarithms by separately providing the characteristic and mantissa of x, that is to say, the integer part and the fractional part of log10(x).[32] The characteristic of 10 ” x is one plus the characteristic of x, and their significands are the same. This extends the scope of logarithm tables: given a table listing log10(x) for all integers x ranging from 1 to 1000, the logarithm of 3542 is approximated by

Another critical application was the slide rule, a pair of logarithmically divided scales used for calculation, as illustrated here:

Schematic depiction of a slide rule. Starting from 2 on the lower scale, add the distance to 3 on the upper scale to reach the product 6. The slide rule works because it is marked such that the distance from 1 to x is proportional to the logarithm of x.

The non-sliding logarithmic scale, Gunter's rule, was invented shortly after Napier's invention. William Oughtred enhanced it to create the slide rule†a pair of logarithmic scales movable with respect to each other. Numbers are placed on sliding scales at distances proportional to the differences between their logarithms. Sliding the upper scale appropriately amounts to mechanically adding logarithms. For example, adding the distance from 1 to 2 on the lower scale to the distance from 1 to 3 on the upper scale yields a product of 6, which is read off at the lower part. The slide rule was an essential calculating tool for engineers and scientists until the 1970s, because it allows, at the expense of precision, much faster computation than techniques based on tables.[26]

Analytic properties
A deeper study of logarithms requires the concept of a function. A function is a rule that, given one number, produces another number.[33] An example is the function producing the x-th power of b from any real number x, where the base b is a fixed number. This function is written

Logarithmic function
To justify the definition of logarithms, it is necessary to show that the equation

has a solution x and that this solution is unique, provided that y is positive and that b is positive and unequal to 1. A proof of that fact requires the intermediate value theorem from elementary calculus.[34] This theorem states that a continuous function that produces two values m and n also produces any value that lies between m and n. A function

Logarithm is continuous if it does not "jump", that is, if its graph can be drawn without lifting the pen. This property can be shown to hold for the function f(x) = bx. Because f takes arbitrarily large and arbitrarily small positive values, any number y > 0 lies between f(x0) and f(x1) for suitable x0 and x1. Hence, the intermediate value theorem ensures that the equation f(x) = y has a solution. Moreover, there is only one solution to this equation, because the function f is strictly increasing (for b > 1), or strictly decreasing (for 0 < b < 1).[35] The unique solution x is the logarithm of y to base b, logb(y). The function that assigns to y its logarithm is called logarithm function or logarithmic function (or just logarithm).


Inverse function
The formula for the logarithm of a power says in particular that for any number x,

In prose, taking the x-th power of b and then the base-b logarithm gives back x. Conversely, given a positive number y, the formula

says that first taking the logarithm and then exponentiating gives back y. Thus, the two possible ways of combining (or composing) logarithms and exponentiation give back the original number. Therefore, the logarithm to base b is the inverse function of f(x) = bx.[36] Inverse functions are closely related to the original functions. Their The graph of the logarithm function logb(x) (blue) graphs correspond to each other upon exchanging the x- and the is obtained by reflecting the graph of the function y-coordinates (or upon reflection at the diagonal line x = y), as shown bx (red) at the diagonal line (x = y). t at the right: a point (t, u = b ) on the graph of f yields a point (u, t = logbu) on the graph of the logarithm and vice versa. As a consequence, logb(x) diverges to infinity (gets bigger than any given number) if x grows to infinity, provided that b is greater than one. In that case, logb(x) is an increasing function. For b < 1, logb(x) tends to minus infinity instead. When x approaches zero, logb(x) goes to minus infinity for b > 1 (plus infinity for b < 1, respectively).

Derivative and antiderivative
Analytic properties of functions pass to their inverses.[34] Thus, as f(x) = bx is a continuous and differentiable function, so is logb(y). Roughly, a continuous function is differentiable if its graph has no sharp "corners". Moreover, as the derivative of f(x) evaluates to ln(b)bx by the properties of the exponential function, the chain rule implies that the derivative of logb(x) is given by[35][37]

The graph of the natural logarithm (green) and its tangent at x = 1.5 (black) That is, the slope of the tangent touching the graph of the base-b logarithm at the point (x, logb(x)) equals 1/(x ln(b)). In particular, the derivative of ln(x) is 1/x, which implies that the antiderivative of 1/x is ln(x) + C. The derivative with a generalised functional argument f(x) is

Logarithm The quotient at the right hand side is called the logarithmic derivative of f. Computing f'(x) by means of the derivative of ln(f(x)) is known as logarithmic differentiation.[38] The antiderivative of the natural logarithm ln(x) is:[39]


Related formulas, such as antiderivatives of logarithms to other bases can be derived from this equation using the change of bases.[40]

Integral representation of the natural logarithm
The natural logarithm of t agrees with the integral of 1/x€dx from 1 to t:

In other words, ln(t) equals the area between the x axis and the graph of the function 1/x, ranging from x = 1 to x = t (figure at the right). This is a consequence of the fundamental theorem of calculus and the fact that derivative of ln(x) is 1/x. The right hand side of this equation can serve as a definition of the natural logarithm. Product and power logarithm formulas can be derived from this definition.[41] For example, the product formula ln(tu) = ln(t) + ln(u) is deduced as:

The natural logarithm of t is the shaded area underneath the graph of the function f(x) = 1/x (reciprocal of x).

The equality (1) splits the integral into two parts, while the equality (2) is a change of variable (w = x/t). In the illustration below, the splitting corresponds to dividing the area into the yellow and blue parts. Rescaling the left hand blue area vertically by the factor t and shrinking it by the same factor horizontally does not change its size. Moving it appropriately, the area fits the graph of the function f(x) = 1/x again. Therefore, the left hand blue area, which is the integral of f(x) from t to tu is the same as the integral from 1 to u. This justifies the equality (2) with a more geometric proof.

A visual proof of the product formula of the natural logarithm

The power formula ln(tr) = r ln(t) may be derived in a similar way:

The second equality uses a change of variables (integration by substitution), w = x1/r. The sum over the reciprocals of natural numbers,

is called the harmonic series. It is closely tied to the natural logarithm: as n tends to infinity, the difference,



converges (i.e., gets arbitrarily close) to a number known as the Euler•Mascheroni constant. This relation aids in analyzing the performance of algorithms such as quicksort.[42] There is also another integral representation of the logarithm that is useful in some situations.

This can be verified by showing that it has the same value at x = 1, and the same derivative.

Transcendence of the logarithm
The logarithm is an example of a transcendental function and from a theoretical point of view, the Gelfond•Schneider theorem asserts that logarithms usually take "difficult" values. The formal statement relies on the notion of algebraic numbers, which includes all rational numbers, but also numbers such as the square root of 2 or

Complex numbers that are not algebraic are called transcendental;[43] for example, º and e are such numbers. Almost all complex numbers are transcendental. Using these notions, the Gelfond•Scheider theorem states that given two algebraic numbers a and b, logb(a) is either a transcendental number or a rational number p / q (in which case aq = bp, so a and b were closely related to begin with).[44]

Logarithms are easy to compute in some cases, such as log10(1,000) = 3. In general, logarithms can be calculated using power series or the arithmetic-geometric mean, or be retrieved from a precalculated logarithm table that provides a fixed precision.[45][46] Newton's method, an iterative method to solve equations approximately, can also be used to calculate the logarithm, because its inverse function, the exponential function, can be computed efficiently.[47] Using look-up tables, CORDIC-like methods can be used to compute logarithms if the only available operations are addition and bit shifts.[48][49] Moreover, the binary logarithm algorithm calculates lb(x) recursively based on repeated squarings of x, taking advantage of the relation

Power series
Taylor series For any real number z that satisfies 0 < z < 2, the following formula holds:[50][51]

This is a shorthand for saying that ln(z) can be approximated to a more and more accurate value by the following expressions:
The Taylor series of€ln(z) centered at€z€=€1. The animation shows the first€10 approximations along with the 99th and 100th. The approximations do not converge beyond a distance of 1 from the center.

Logarithm For example, with z = 1.5 the third approximation yields 0.4167, which is about 0.011 greater than ln(1.5) = 0.405465. This series approximates ln(z) with arbitrary precision, provided the number of summands is large enough. In elementary calculus, ln(z) is therefore the limit of this series. It is the Taylor series of the natural logarithm at z = 1. The Taylor series of ln z provides a particularly useful approximation to ln(1+z) when z is small, |z| << 1, since then


For example, with z = 0.1 the first-order approximation gives ln(1.1) – 0.1, which is less than 5% off the correct value 0.0953. More efficient series Another series is based on the area hyperbolic tangent function:

for any real number z > 0.[52][51] Using the Sigma notation, this is also written as

This series can be derived from the above Taylor series. It converges more quickly than the Taylor series, especially if z is close to 1. For example, for z = 1.5, the first three terms of the second series approximate ln(1.5) with an error of about 3€†€10€6. The quick convergence for z close to 1 can be taken advantage of in the following way: given a low-accuracy approximation y – ln(z) and putting

the logarithm of z is:

The better the initial approximation y is, the closer A is to 1, so its logarithm can be calculated efficiently. A can be calculated using the exponential series, which converges quickly provided y is not too large. Calculating the logarithm of larger z can be reduced to smaller values of z by writing z = a ” 10b, so that ln(z) = ln(a) + b ” ln(10). A closely related method can be used to compute the logarithm of integers. From the above series, it follows that:

If the logarithm of a large integer n is known, then this series yields a fast converging series for log(n+1).

Arithmetic-geometric mean approximation
The arithmetic-geometric mean yields high precision approximations of the natural logarithm. ln(x) is approximated to a precision of 2€p (or p precise bits) by the following formula (due to Carl Friedrich Gauss):[53][54]

Here M denotes the arithmetic-geometric mean. It is obtained by repeatedly calculating the average (arithmetic mean) and the square root of the product of two numbers (geometric mean). Moreover, m is chosen such that

Both the arithmetic-geometric mean and the constants º and ln(2) can be calculated with quickly converging series.



Logarithms have many applications inside and outside mathematics. Some of these occurrences are related to the notion of scale invariance. For example, each chamber of the shell of a nautilus is an approximate copy of the next one, scaled by a constant factor. This gives rise to a logarithmic spiral.[55] Benford's law on the distribution of leading digits can also be explained by scale invariance.[56] Logarithms are also linked to self-similarity. For example, logarithms appear in the analysis of algorithms that solve a problem by dividing it into two similar smaller problems and patching their solutions.[57] The A nautilus displaying a logarithmic spiral dimensions of self-similar geometric shapes, that is, shapes whose parts resemble the overall picture are also based on logarithms. Logarithmic scales are useful for quantifying the relative change of a value as opposed to its absolute difference. Moreover, because the logarithmic function log(x) grows very slowly for large x, logarithmic scales are used to compress large-scale scientific data. Logarithms also occur in numerous scientific formulas, such as the Tsiolkovsky rocket equation, the Fenske equation, or the Nernst equation.

Logarithmic scale
Scientific quantities are often expressed as logarithms of other quantities, using a logarithmic scale. For example, the decibel is a logarithmic unit of measurement. It is based on the common logarithm of ratios † 10 times the common logarithm of a power ratio or 20 times the common logarithm of a voltage ratio. It is used to quantify the loss of voltage levels in transmitting electrical signals,[58] to describe power levels of sounds in acoustics,[59] and the absorbance of light in the fields of spectrometry and optics. The signal-to-noise ratio describing the amount of unwanted noise in relation to a (meaningful) signal is also measured in decibels.[60] In a similar vein, the peak signal-to-noise ratio is commonly used to assess the quality of sound and image compression methods using the logarithm.[61] The strength of an earthquake is measured by taking the common logarithm of the energy emitted at the quake. This is used in the A logarithmic chart depicting the value of one moment magnitude scale or the Richter scale. For example, a 5.0 Goldmark in Papiermarks during the German earthquake releases 10 times and a 6.0 releases 100 times the energy of hyperinflation in the 1920s a 4.0.[62] Another logarithmic scale is apparent magnitude. It measures the brightness of stars logarithmically.[63] Yet another example is pH in chemistry; pH is the negative of the common logarithm of the activity of hydronium ions (the form hydrogen ions H+ take in water).[64] The activity of hydronium ions in neutral water is 10€7€mol”L€1, hence a pH of 7. Vinegar typically has a pH of about 3. The difference of 4 corresponds to a ratio of 104 of the activity, that is, vinegar's hydronium ion activity is about 10€3€mol”L€1. Semilog (log-linear) graphs use the logarithmic scale concept for visualization: one axis, typically the vertical one, is scaled logarithmically. For example, the chart at the right compresses the steep increase from 1 million to 1 trillion to the same space (on the vertical axis) as the increase from 1 to 1 million. In such graphs, exponential functions of the form f(x) = a ” bx appear as straight lines with slope equal to the logarithm of b. Log-log graphs scale both axes logarithmically, which causes functions of the form f(x) = a ” xk to be depicted as straight lines with slope equal to the exponent k. This is applied in visualizing and analyzing power laws.[65]



Logarithms occur in several laws describing human perception:[66][67] Hick's law proposes a logarithmic relation between the time individuals take for choosing an alternative and the number of choices they have.[68] Fitts's law predicts that the time required to rapidly move to a target area is a logarithmic function of the distance to and the size of the target.[69] In psychophysics, the Weber•Fechner law proposes a logarithmic relationship between stimulus and sensation such as the actual vs. the perceived weight of an item a person is carrying.[70] (This "law", however, is less precise than more recent models, such as the Stevens' power law.[71]) Psychological studies found that mathematically unsophisticated individuals tend to estimate quantities logarithmically, that is, they position a number on an unmarked line according to its logarithm, so that 10 is positioned as close to 20 as 100 is to 200. Increasing mathematical understanding shifts this to a linear estimate (positioning 100 10x as far away).[72][73]

Probability theory and statistics
Logarithms arise in probability theory: the law of large numbers dictates that, for a fair coin, as the number of coin-tosses increases to infinity, the observed proportion of heads approaches one-half. The fluctuations of this proportion about one-half are described by the law of the iterated logarithm.[74] Logarithms also occur in log-normal distributions. When the logarithm of a random variable has a normal distribution, the variable is said to have a log-normal distribution.[75] Log-normal distributions are encountered in many fields, wherever a variable is formed as the product of many independent positive random variables, for example in the study of turbulence.[76] Logarithms are used for maximum-likelihood estimation of parametric statistical models. For such a model, the likelihood function depends on at least one parameter that must be estimated. A maximum of the likelihood function occurs at the same parameter-value as a maximum of the logarithm of the likelihood (the "log‡likelihood"), because the logarithm is an increasing function. The log-likelihood is easier to maximize, especially for the multiplied likelihoods for independent random variables.[77] Benford's law describes the occurrence of digits in many data sets, such as heights of buildings. According to Benford's law, the probability that the first decimal-digit of an item in the data sample is d (from 1 to 9) equals log10(d + 1) € log10(d), regardless of the unit of measurement.[78] Thus, about 30% of the data can be expected to have 1 as first digit, 18% start with 2, etc. Auditors examine deviations from Benford's law to detect fraudulent accounting.[79]

Three probability density functions (PDF) of random variables with log-normal distributions. The location parameter ¹, which is zero for all three of the PDFs shown, is the mean of the logarithm of the random variable, not the mean of the variable itself.

Distribution of first digits (in %, red bars) in the population of the 237 countries of the world. Black dots indicate the distribution predicted by Benford's law.

Computational complexity
Analysis of algorithms is a branch of computer science that studies the performance of algorithms (computer programs solving a certain problem).[80] Logarithms are valuable for describing algorithms that divide a problem

Logarithm into smaller ones, and join the solutions of the subproblems.[81] For example, to find a number in a sorted list, the binary search algorithm checks the middle entry and proceeds with the half before or after the middle entry if the number is still not found. This algorithm requires, on average, log2(N) comparisons, where N is the list's length.[82] Similarly, the merge sort algorithm sorts an unsorted list by dividing the list into halves and sorting these first before merging the results. Merge sort algorithms typically require a time approximately proportional to N ” log(N).[83] The base of the logarithm is not specified here, because the result only changes by a constant factor when another base is used. A constant factor, is usually disregarded in the analysis of algorithms under the standard uniform cost model.[84] A function f(x) is said to grow logarithmically if f(x) is (exactly or approximately) proportional to the logarithm of x. (Biological descriptions of organism growth, however, use this term for an exponential function.[85]) For example, any natural number N can be represented in binary form in no more than log2(N) + 1 bits. In other words, the amount of memory needed to store N grows logarithmically with N.


Entropy and chaos
Entropy is broadly a measure of the disorder of some system. In statistical thermodynamics, the entropy S of some physical system is defined as

The sum is over all possible states i of the system in question, such as Billiards on an oval billiard table. Two particles, the positions of gas particles in a container. Moreover, pi is the starting at the center with an angle differing by probability that the state i is attained and k is the Boltzmann constant. one degree, take paths that diverge chaotically Similarly, entropy in information theory measures the quantity of because of reflections at the boundary. information. If a message recipient may expect any one of N possible messages with equal likelihood, then the amount of information conveyed by any one such message is quantified as log2(N) bits.[86] Lyapunov exponents use logarithms to gauge the degree of chaoticity of a dynamical system. For example, for a particle moving on an oval billiard table, even small changes of the initial conditions result in very different paths of the particle. Such systems are chaotic in a deterministic way, because small measurement errors of the initial state predictably lead to largely different final states.[87] At least one Lyapunov exponent of a deterministically chaotic system is positive.

Logarithms occur in definitions of the dimension of fractals.[88] Fractals are geometric objects that are self-similar: small parts reproduce, at least roughly, The Sierpinski triangle (at the right) is constructed by repeatedly replacing equilateral the entire global structure. The triangles by three smaller ones. Sierpinski triangle (pictured) can be covered by three copies of itself, each having sides half the original length. This makes the Hausdorff dimension of this structure log(3)/log(2) – 1.58. Another logarithm-based notion of dimension is obtained by counting the number of boxes needed to cover the fractal in question.




Logarithms are related to musical tones and intervals. In equal temperament, the frequency ratio depends only on the interval between two tones, not on the specific frequency, or pitch, of the individual tones. For example, the note A has a frequency of 440 Hz and B-flat has a frequency of 466€Hz. The interval between A and B-flat is a semitone, as is the one between B-flat and B (frequency 493€Hz). Accordingly, the frequency ratios agree:

Therefore, logarithms can be used to describe the intervals: an interval is measured in semitones by taking the base-21/12 logarithm of the frequency ratio, while the base-21/1200 logarithm of the frequency ratio expresses the interval in cents, hundredths of a semitone. The latter is used for finer encoding, as it is needed for non-equal temperaments.[89]
Interval (the two tones are played at the same time) Frequency ratio r 1/12 tone play Semitone play Just major third play Major third play Tritone play Octave play

Corresponding number of semitones

Corresponding number of cents

Number theory
Natural logarithms are closely linked to counting prime numbers (2, 3, 5, 7, 11, ...), an important topic in number theory. For any integer x, the quantity of prime numbers less than or equal to x is denoted º(x). The prime number theorem asserts that º(x) is approximately given by

in the sense that the ratio of º(x) and that fraction approaches 1 when x tends to infinity.[90] As a consequence, the probability that a randomly chosen number between 1 and x is prime is inversely proportional to the numbers of decimal digits of x. A far better estimate of º(x) is given by the offset logarithmic integral function Li(x), defined by

The Riemann hypothesis, one of the oldest open mathematical conjectures, can be stated in terms of comparing º(x) and Li(x).[91] The Erd‰s•Kac theorem describing the number of distinct prime factors also involves the natural logarithm. The logarithm of n factorial, n! = 1 ” 2 ” ... ” n, is given by



This can be used to obtain Stirling's formula, an approximation of n! for large n.[92]

Complex logarithm
The complex numbers a solving the equation

are called complex logarithms. Here, z is a complex number. A complex number is commonly represented as z = x + iy, where x and y are real numbers and i is the imaginary unit. Such a number can be visualized by a point in the complex plane, as shown at the right. The polar form encodes a non-zero complex number z by its absolute value, that is, the distance r to the origin, and an angle between the x axis and the line passing through the origin and z. This angle is called the argument of z. The absolute value r of z is

The argument is not uniquely specified by z: both „ and „' = „ + 2º arguments of z. are arguments of z because adding 2º radians or 360 degrees[93] to „ corresponds to "winding" around the origin counter-clock-wise by a turn. The resulting complex number is again z, as illustrated at the right. However, exactly one argument „ satisfies €º < „ and „ Œ º. It is called the principal argument, denoted Arg(z), with a capital A.[94] (An alternative normalization is 0 Œ Arg(z) < 2º.[95]) Using trigonometric functions sine and cosine, or the complex exponential, respectively, r and „ are such that the following identities hold:[96]

Polar form of z = x + iy. Both „ and „' are

This implies that the a-th power of e equals z, where

„ is the principal argument Arg(z) and n is an arbitrary integer. Any such a is called a complex logarithm of z. There are infinitely many of them, in contrast to the uniquely defined real logarithm. If n = 0, a is called the principal value of the logarithm, denoted Log(z). The principal argument of any positive real number x is 0; hence Log(x) is a real number and equals the real (natural) logarithm. However, the above formulas for logarithms of products and powers do not generalize to the principal value of the complex logarithm.[97]

The principal branch of the complex logarithm, Log(z). The black point at z = 1 corresponds to absolute value zero and brighter (more saturated) colors refer to bigger absolute values. The hue of the color encodes the argument of Log(z).

The illustration at the right depicts Log(z). The discontinuity, that is, the jump in the hue at the negative part of the x- or real axis, is caused by the jump of the principal argument there. This locus is called a branch cut. This behavior can only be circumvented by dropping the range restriction on „. Then the argument of z and, consequently, its logarithm become multi-valued functions.



Inverses of other exponential functions
Exponentiation occurs in many areas of mathematics and its inverse function is often referred to as the logarithm. For example, the logarithm of a matrix is the (multi-valued) inverse function of the matrix exponential.[98] Another example is the p-adic logarithm, the inverse function of the p-adic exponential. Both are defined via Taylor series analogous to the real case.[99] In the context of differential geometry, the exponential map maps the tangent space at a point of a manifold to a neighborhood of that point. Its inverse is also called the logarithmic (or log) map.[100] In the context of finite groups exponentiation is given by repeatedly multiplying one group element b with itself. The discrete logarithm is the integer n solving the equation

where x is an element of the group. Carrying out the exponentiation can be done efficiently, but the discrete logarithm is believed to be very hard to calculate in some groups. This asymmetry has important applications in public key cryptography, such as for example in the Diffie•Hellman key exchange, a routine that allows secure exchanges of cryptographic keys over unsecured information channels.[101] Zech's logarithm is related to the discrete logarithm in the multiplicative group of non-zero elements of a finite field.[102] Further logarithm-like inverse functions include the double logarithm ln(ln(x)), the super- or hyper-4-logarithm (a slight variation of which is called iterated logarithm in computer science), the Lambert W function, and the logit. They are the inverse functions of the double exponential function, tetration, of f(w) = wew,[103] and of the logistic function, respectively.[104]

Related concepts
From the perspective of pure mathematics, the identity log(cd) = log(c) + log(d) expresses a group isomorphism between positive reals under multiplication and reals under addition. Logarithmic functions are the only continuous isomorphisms between these groups.[105] By means of that isomorphism, the Haar measure (Lebesgue measure) dx on the reals corresponds to the Haar measure dx/x on the positive reals.[106] In complex analysis and algebraic geometry, differential forms of the form df/f are known as forms with logarithmic poles.[107] The polylogarithm is the function defined by

It is related to the natural logarithm by Li1(z) = €ln(1 € z). Moreover, Lis(1) equals the Riemann zeta function »(s).[108]

[1] For further details, including the formula bm + n = bm ” bn, see exponentiation or Shirali, Shailesh (2002), A Primer on Logarithms (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=0b0igbb3WaQC& printsec=frontcover#v=onepage& q& f=false), Hyderabad: Universities Press, ISBN€978-81-7371-414-6, , esp. section 2 for an elementary treatise. [2] Kate, S.K.; Bhapkar, H.R. (2009), Basics Of Mathematics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=v4R0GSJtEQ4C& pg=PR1#v=onepage& q& f=false), Pune: Technical Publications, ISBN€978-81-8431-755-8, , chapter 1 [3] The restrictions on x and b are explained in the section "Analytic properties". [4] All statements in this section can be found in Shailesh Shirali€2002, section 4, (Douglas Downing€2003, p. 275), or Kate & Bhapkar€2009, p. 1-1, for example. [5] Bernstein, Stephen; Bernstein, Ruth (1999), Schaum's outline of theory and problems of elements of statistics. I, Descriptive statistics and probability, Schaum's outline series, New York: McGraw-Hill, ISBN€978-0-07-005023-5, p. 21 [6] Downing, Douglas (2003), Algebra the Easy Way, Barron's Educational Series, Hauppauge, N.Y.: Barron's, ISBN€978-0-7641-1972-9, chapter 17, p. 275 [7] Wegener, Ingo (2005), Complexity theory: exploring the limits of efficient algorithms, Berlin, New York: Springer-Verlag, ISBN€978-3-540-21045-0, p. 20 [8] Franz Embacher; Petra Oberhuemer (in German), Mathematisches Lexikon (http:/ / www. mathe-online. at/ mathint/ lexikon/ l. html), mathe online: f•r Schule, Fachhochschule, Universit•t unde Selbststudium, , retrieved 22/03/2011

[9] B. N. Taylor (1995), Guide for the Use of the International System of Units (SI) (http:/ / physics. nist. gov/ Pubs/ SP811/ sec10. html#10. 1. 2), US Department of Commerce, [10] Gullberg, Jan (1997), Mathematics: from the birth of numbers., New York: W. W. Norton & Co, ISBN€978-0-393-04002-9 [11] Some mathematicians disapprove of this notation. In his 1985 autobiography, Paul Halmos criticized what he considered the "childish ln notation," which he said no mathematician had ever used. Paul Halmos (1985), I Want to Be a Mathematician: An Automathography, Berlin, New York: Springer-Verlag, ISBN€978-0-387-96078-4 The notation was invented by Irving Stringham, a mathematician. Irving Stringham (1893), Uniplanar algebra: being part I of a prop•deutic to the higher mathematical analysis (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=hPEKAQAAIAAJ& pg=PR13& dq="Irving+ Stringham"+ In-natural-logarithm& q=), The Berkeley Press, p.€xiii, Roy S. Freedman (2006), Introduction to Financial Technology (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=APJ7QeR_XPkC& pg=PA59& dq="Irving+ Stringham"+ logarithm+ ln& q="Irving Stringham" logarithm ln), Amsterdam: Academic Press, p.€59, ISBN€978-0-12-370478-8, [12] For example C, Java, Haskell, and BASIC. [13] McFarland, David (2007), Quarter Tables Revisited: Earlier Tables, Division of Labor in Table Construction, and Later Implementations in Analog Computers (http:/ / escholarship. org/ uc/ item/ 5n31064n), p.€1, [14] Robson, Eleanor (2008). Mathematics in Ancient Iraq: A Social History. p.€227. ISBN€978-0691091822. [15] Stifelio, Michaele (1544), Arithmetica Integra (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=fndPsRv08R0C& pg=RA1-PT419), London: Iohan Petreium, [16] Bukhshtab, A.A.; Pechaev, V.I. (2001), "Arithmetic" (http:/ / www. encyclopediaofmath. org/ index. php?title=A/ a013260), in Hazewinkel, Michiel, Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4, [17] Vivian Shaw Groza and Susanne M. 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Sets, functions, and logic: an introduction to abstract mathematics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=uQHF7bcm4k4C& printsec=frontcover#v=onepage& q& f=false). Chapman & Hall/CRC mathematics (3rd ed.). Boca Raton, Fla: Chapman & Hall/CRC. ISBN€978-1-58488-449-1. ., or see the references in function [34] Lang, Serge (1997), Undergraduate analysis, Undergraduate Texts in Mathematics (2nd ed.), Berlin, New York: Springer-Verlag, ISBN€978-0-387-94841-6, MR1476913, section III.3 [35] Lang€1997, section IV.2 [36] Stewart, James (2007), Single Variable Calculus: Early Transcendentals, Belmont: Thomson Brooks/Cole, ISBN€978-0-495-01169-9, section 1.6 [37] "Calculation of d/dx(Log(b,x))" (http:/ / www. wolframalpha. com/ input/ ?i=d/ dx(Log(b,x))). Wolfram Alpha. Wolfram Research. . Retrieved 15 March 2011. [38] Kline, Morris (1998), Calculus: an intuitive and physical approach, Dover books on mathematics, New York: Dover Publications, ISBN€978-0-486-40453-0, p. 386


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(2009), Mathematics of Surfaces XIII: 13th IMA International Conference York, UK, September 7ƒ9, 2009 Proceedings (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=0cqCy9x7V_QC& pg=PA379), Springer, p.€379, ISBN€978-3-642-03595-1, [101] Stinson, Douglas Robert (2006), Cryptography: Theory and Practice (3rd ed.), London: CRC Press, ISBN€978-1-58488-508-5 [102] Lidl, Rudolf; Niederreiter, Harald (1997), Finite fields, Cambridge University Press, ISBN€978-0-521-39231-0 [103] Corless, R.; Gonnet, G.; Hare, D.; Jeffrey, D.; Knuth, Donald (1996), "On the Lambert W function" (http:/ / www. apmaths. uwo. ca/ ~djeffrey/ Offprints/ W-adv-cm. pdf), Advances in Computational Mathematics (Berlin, New York: Springer-Verlag) 5: 329•359, doi:10.1007/BF02124750, ISSN€1019-7168,


[104] Cherkassky, Vladimir; Cherkassky, Vladimir S.; Mulier, Filip (2007), Learning from data: concepts, theory, and methods, Wiley series on adaptive and learning systems for signal processing, communications, and control, New York: John Wiley & Sons, ISBN€978-0-471-68182-3, p. 357 [105] Bourbaki, Nicolas (1998), General topology. Chapters 5€10, Elements of Mathematics, Berlin, New York: Springer-Verlag, ISBN€978-3-540-64563-4, MR1726872, section V.4.1 [106] Ambartzumian, R. V. (1990), Factorization calculus and geometric probability, Cambridge University Press, ISBN€978-0-521-34535-4, section 1.4 [107] Esnault, Hˆl’ne; Viehweg, Eckart (1992), Lectures on vanishing theorems, DMV Seminar, 20, Basel, Boston: Birkh•user Verlag, ISBN€978-3-7643-2822-1, MR1193913, section 2 [108] Apostol, T.M. (2010), "Logarithm" (http:/ / dlmf. nist. gov/ 25. 12), in Olver, Frank W. J.; Lozier, Daniel M.; Boisvert, Ronald F. et al., NIST Handbook of Mathematical Functions, Cambridge University Press, ISBN€978-0521192255, MR2723248,


References External links
‚ Khan Academy: Logarithms, free online micro lectures (https://www.khanacademy.org/math/algebra/ logarithms-tutorial) ‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Logarithmic function" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index. php?title=p/l060600), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Colin Byfleet, Educational video on logarithms (http://mediasite.oddl.fsu.edu/mediasite/Viewer/ ?peid=003298f9a02f468c8351c50488d6c479), retrieved 12/10/2010 ‚ Edward Wright, Translation of Napier's work on logarithms (http://johnnapier.com/table_of_logarithms_001. htm), retrieved 12/10/2010

John Napier


John Napier
John Napier

John Napier (1550•1617) Born 1550 Merchiston Tower, Edinburgh 4 April 1617 (aged€66•67) Edinburgh Scottish Mathematician


Nationality Fields

Alma mater University of St Andrews Known€for Logarithms Napier's bones Decimal notation Henry Briggs


John Napier of Merchiston (1550ۥ 4 April 1617)ۥ also signed as Neper, Nepairۥ named Marvellous Merchiston, was a Scottish landowner known as a mathematician, physicist, astronomer and astrologer. He was the 8th Laird of Merchistoun. John Napier is best known as the discoverer of logarithms. He was also the inventor of the so-called "Napier's bones". Napier also made common the use of the decimal point in arithmetic and mathematics. Napier's birthplace, Merchiston Tower in Edinburgh, Scotland, is now part of the facilities of Edinburgh Napier University. After his death from the effects of gout, Napier's remains were buried in St Cuthbert's Church, Edinburgh.

Early life
Napier's father was Sir Archibald Napier of Merchiston Castle, and his mother was Janet Both well, daughter of the politician and judge Francis Both well, Lord of Session, and a sister of Adam Both well who became the Bishop of Orkney. Archibald Napier was 16 years old when John Napier was born. As was the common practice for members of the nobility at that time, John Napier did not enter schools until he was 13. He did not stay in school very long, however. It is believed that he dropped out of school in Scotland and perhaps traveled in mainland Europe to better continue his studies. Little is known about those years, where, when, or with whom he might have studied, although his uncle Adam Both well wrote a letter to John's father on 5 December 1560, saying "I pray you, sir, to send John to the schools either to France or Flanders, for he can learn no good at home", and it is believed that this advice was followed.

John Napier In 1571 Napier, aged 21, returned to Scotland, and bought a castle at Gartness in 1574. On the death of his father in 1608, Napier and his family moved into Merchiston Castle in Edinburgh, where he resided the remainder of his life.


Advances in mathematics
His work, Mirifici Logarithmorum Canonis Descriptio (1614) contained fifty-seven pages of explanatory matter and ninety pages of tables of numbers related to natural logarithms. The book also has an excellent discussion of theorems in spherical trigonometry, usually known as Napier's Rules of Circular Parts. Modern English translations of both Napier's books on logarithms, and their description can be found on the web, as well as a discussion of Napier's Bones (see below) and Promptuary (another early calculating device).[1] His invention of logarithms was quickly taken up at Gresham College, and prominent English mathematician Henry Briggs visited Napier in 1615. Among the matters they discussed was a re-scaling of Napier's logarithms, in which the presence of the mathematical constant e (more accurately, e times a large power of 10 rounded to an integer) was a practical difficulty. Napier delegated to Briggs the computation of a revised table. The computational advance available via logarithms, the converse of powered numbers or exponential notation, was such that it made calculations by hand much quicker.[2] The way was opened to later scientific advances, in astronomy, dynamics, physics; and also in astrology. Napier made further contributions. He improved Simon Stevin's decimal notation. Arab lattice multiplication, used by Fibonacci, was made more convenient by his introduction of Napier's bones, a multiplication tool using a set of numbered rods. Napier may have worked largely in isolation, but he had contact with Tycho Brahe who corresponded with his friend John Craig. Craig certainly announced the discovery of logarithms to Brahe in the 1590s (the name itself came later); there is a story from Anthony ¼ Wood, perhaps not well substantiated, that Napier had a hint from Craig that Longomontanus, a follower of Brahe, was working in a similar direction. It has been shown that Craig had notes on a method of Paul Wittich that used trigonometric identities to reduce a multiplication formula for the sine function to additions.[3]

Bust of Napier, holding his 'bones', at the Craighouse Campus of Napier University, Edinburgh

An ivory set of Napier's Bones from around 1650

A set of Napier's calculating tables from around 1680

Napier had an interest in the Book of Revelation, from his student days at St Salvator's College, St Andrews. Under the influence of the sermons of Christopher Goodman, he developed a strongly anti-papal reading.[2] He further used the Book of Revelation for chronography, to predict the Apocalypse, in A Plaine Discovery of the Whole Revelation of St. John (1593), which he regarded as his most important work; he also applied the Sibylline Oracles, to calculate the date of the end of the world.[4] Napier believed that would occur in 1688 or 1700. He dated the seventh trumpet to 1541.[5]

John Napier In his dedication of the Plaine Discovery to James VI, dated 29 Jan 1594,[6] Napier urged the king to see "that justice be done against the enemies of God's church," and counselled the King "to reform the universal enormities of his country, and first to begin at his own house, family, and court." The volume includes nine pages of Napier's English verse. It met with success at home and abroad. In 1600 Michiel Panneel produced a Dutch translation, and this reached a second edition in 1607. In 1602 the work appeared at La Rochelle in a French version, by Georges Thomson, revised by Napier, and that also went through several editions (1603, 1605, and 1607). A new edition of the English original was called for in 1611, when it was revised and corrected by the author, and enlarged by the addition of A Resolution of certain Doubts proponed by well-affected brethren; this appeared simultaneously at Edinburgh and London. The author stated that he still intended to publish a Latin edition, but it never appeared. A German translation, by Leo de Dromna, of the first part of Napier's work appeared at Gera in 1611, and of the whole by Wolfgang Meyer at Frankfurt-am-Main, in 1615.[2] Among Napier's followers was Matthew Cotterius (Matthieu Cotti’re).[7]


Astrology and the occult
In addition to his mathematical and religious interests, Napier was often perceived as a magician, and is thought to have dabbled in alchemy and necromancy. It was said that he would travel about with a black spider in a small box, and that his black rooster was his familiar spirit.[8][9] A contract still exists for a treasure hunt, made between John Napier and Robert Logan of Restalrig. Napier was to search Fast Castle for treasure allegedly hidden there, wherein it is stated that Napier should "...do his utmost diligence to search and seek out, and by all craft and ingine to find out the same, or make it sure that no such thing has been there."[2]

Among Napier's early followers were the instrument makers Edmund Gunter and John Speidell.[10][11][12] The development of logarithms is given credit as the largest single factor in the general adoption of decimal arithmetic.[13] The Trissotetras (1645) of Thomas Urquhart builds on Napier's work, in trigonometry.[14]

Memorial to John Napier in St Cuthbert's Church

An alternative unit to the decibel used in electrical engineering, the neper, is named after John Napier, as is Edinburgh Napier University in Edinburgh, Scotland. The crater Neper on the Moon is named after him.[15]

In 1572 Napier married Elizabeth Stirling, daughter of James Stirling, the 4th Laird of Keir and of Cadder. They had two children before Elizabeth died in 1579. Napier then married Agnes Chisholm, with whom he had ten more children. His father-in-law James Chisholm of Cromlix was later mixed up in the Spanish blanks plot, over which Napier with others petitioned the king.[16]

John Napier


List of works
‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ (1593) A Plaine Discovery of the Whole Revelation of St. John (1614) Mirifici logarithmorum canonis descriptio (Edward Wright's English translation was published in 1616). (1617) Rabdologi• seu Numerationis per Virgulas libri duo [17] (published posthumously) (1619) Mirifici logarithmorum canonis constructio [18] (written before the Descriptio, but published posthumously by his son Robert) ‚ (1839) De arte logistica [19]

[1] "17th Century Maths.com" (http:/ / www. 17centurymaths. com). 17centurymaths.com. 25 March 2011. . Retrieved 29 March 2011. [2] "Napier, John". Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885•1900. [3] Molland, George, "Napier, John" (http:/ / dx. doi. org/ 10. 1093/ ref:odnb/ 19758), on the website of the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (subscription or UK public library membership (http:/ / www. oup. com/ oxforddnb/ info/ freeodnb/ libraries/ ) required), [4] Crawford Gribben; David George Mullan (2009). Literature and the Scottish Reformation (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=RMZD6zBkzbcC& pg=PA15). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd.. p.€15. ISBN€978-0-7546-6715-5. . Retrieved 24 May 2012. [5] Allan I. MacInnes; Arthur H. Williamson (2006). Shaping the Stuart World, 1603-1714: The Atlantic Connection (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=PgdYwvIayvMC& pg=PA124). BRILL. p.€124. ISBN€978-90-04-14711-9. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [6] (http:/ / www. brittanica. com/ EBchecked/ topic/ 462743/ Plaine-Discovery-of-the-Whole-Revelation-of-Saint-John) Encyclop©dia Britannica online entry for Plaine Discovery [7] Arthur H. Williamson, Scottish National Consciousness in the Age of James VI (1979), p. 34. [8] Johnston, Ian (14 May 2005). "Scots genius who paved way for Newton's discoveries" (http:/ / news. scotsman. com/ scitech. cfm?id=523542005). The Scotsman. . Retrieved 29 March 2011. [9] Springer, Will (14 February 2005). "Napier's wizard roots€• article about Napier's interest in the occult" (http:/ / heritage. scotsman. com/ myths. cfm?id=41962005). Scotsman. . Retrieved 29 March 2011. [10] The London encyclopaedia: or Universal dictionary of science, art, literature, and practical mechanics, comprising a popular view of the present state of knowledge (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=u1IPAQAAMAAJ& pg=PA498). 1829. p.€498. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [11] Florian Cajori (1991). A History of Mathematics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=mGJRjIC9fZgC& pg=PA152). American Mathematical Soc.. p.€152. ISBN€978-0-8218-2102-2. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [12] Ivor Grattan-Guinness (1 August 2003). Companion Encyclopedia of the History and Philosophy of the Mathematical Sciences (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=f5FqsDPVQ2MC& pg=PA1129). JHU Press. p.€1129. ISBN€978-0-8018-7397-3. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [13] David Eugene Smith (1 June 1958). History of Mathematics (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=uTytJGnTf1kC& pg=PA244). Courier Dover Publications. p.€244. ISBN€978-0-486-20430-7. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [14] Garrett A. Sullivan; Alan Stewart (1 February 2012). The Encyclopedia of English Renaissance Literature (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=R7UeL_0Pu3oC& pg=PA995). John Wiley & Sons. p.€995. ISBN€978-1-4051-9449-5. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [15] Neper (http:/ / planetarynames. wr. usgs. gov/ jsp/ FeatureNameDetail. jsp?feature=64377) Gazetteer of Planetary Nomenclature€• USGS Astrogeology [16] Jeff Suzuki (27 August 2009). Mathematics in Historical Context (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=lew5IC5piCwC& pg=PA218). MAA. p.€218. ISBN€978-0-88385-570-6. . Retrieved 23 May 2012. [17] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Vhc1AAAAcAAJ [18] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=VukHAQAAIAAJ [19] http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Iu0HAAAAQAAJ& pg=3#PRA1-PA3,M1

‚ O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "John Napier" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Napier.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. ‚ Diploudis, Alexandros. Undusting Napier's Bones. (http://www.cee.hw.ac.uk/~greg/calculators/napier/ index.html) Heriot-Watt University, 1997 ‚ "John Napier." Math & Mathematicians: The History of Math Discoveries around the World. 2 vols. U*X*L, 1999 ‚ John Napier (http://www.thocp.net/biographies/napier_john.html) The History of Computing Project ‚ John Napier†Short biography and translation of work on logarithms (http://johnnapier.com/)

John Napier ‚ Intro to Spherical Trig. (http://www.rwgrayprojects.com/rbfnotes/trig/strig/strig.html) Includes discussion of The Napier circle and Napier's rules ‚ EEBO (Early English Books Online) (http://eebo.chadwyck.com/home) has electronic copies of some of his work, in facsimilies of editions of Napier's time (subscription or Athens login required) Attribution €This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain:€"Napier, John". Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885•1900.


Further reading
‚ Hodges, Jeremy (8 July 2000). "Significant Scots:John Napier" (http://www.electricscotland.com/HISTORY/ other/john_napier.htm). Daily Mail.

Tessellation is the process of creating a two-dimensional plane using the repetition of a geometric shape with no overlaps and no gaps. Generalizations to higher dimensions are also possible. Tessellations frequently appeared in the art of M. C. Escher, who was inspired by studying the Moorish use of symmetry in the Alhambra tiles during a visit in 1922. Tessellations are seen throughout art history, from ancient architecture to modern art. In Latin, tessella is a small cubical piece of clay, stone or glass used to make mosaics.[1] The word "tessella" means "small square" (from "tessera", square, which in its turn is from the Greek word for "four"). It corresponds with the everyday term tiling which refers to applications of tessellations, A tessellated street pavement in Zakopane, Poland. often made of glazed clay. Examples of tessellations in the real world include honeycombs and pavement tilings (see pictures at the right).

In 1618 Johannes Kepler made one of the first documented studies of tessellations when he wrote about regular and semiregular tessellation, which are



coverings of a plane with regular polygons. Some two hundred years later in 1891, the Russian crystallographer Yevgraf Fyodorov proved that every periodic tiling of the plane features one of seventeen different groups of isometries. Fyodorov's work marked the unofficial beginning of the mathematical study of tessellations. Other prominent contributors include Shubnikov and Belov (1951); and Heinrich Heesch and Otto Kienzle (1963).

A honeycomb is an example of a natural tessellated structure.

Tessellations and computer models
In the subject of computer graphics, tessellation techniques are often used to manage datasets of polygons and divide them into suitable structures for rendering. Normally, at least for real-time rendering, the data is tessellated into triangles, which is sometimes referred to as triangulation. Tessellation is a staple feature of DirectX 11 and OpenGL.[2][3] In computer-aided design the constructed design is represented by a boundary representation topological model, where analytical 3D surfaces and curves, limited to faces and edges constitute a continuous boundary of a 3D body. Arbitrary 3D bodies are often too complicated to analyze directly. So they are approximated (tessellated) with a mesh of small, easy-to-analyze pieces of 3D volume†usually either irregular tetrahedra, or irregular hexahedra. The mesh is used for finite element analysis.

A tessellation of a disk used to solve a finite element problem

The mesh of a surface is usually generated per individual faces and edges (approximated to polylines) so that original limit vertices are included into mesh. To ensure that approximation of the original surface suits the needs of the further processing, three basic parameters are usually defined for the surface mesh generator: ‚ The maximum allowed distance between the planar approximation polygon and the surface (aka "sag"). This parameter ensures that mesh is similar enough to the original analytical surface (or the polyline is similar to the original curve). ‚ The maximum allowed size of the approximation polygon (for triangulations it can be maximum allowed length of triangle sides). This parameter ensures enough detail for further analysis.

Tessellation ‚ The maximum allowed angle between two adjacent approximation polygons (on the same face). This parameter ensures that even very small humps or hollows that can have significant effect to analysis will not disappear in mesh. Algorithm generating mesh is driven by the parameters. Some computer analyses require adaptive mesh, which is made finer (using stronger parameters) in regions where the analysis needs more detail. Some geodesic domes are designed by tessellating the sphere with triangles that are as close to equilateral triangles as possible.


Wallpaper groups
Tilings with translational symmetry can be categorized by wallpaper groups, of which 17 exist.[4] All seventeen of these groups are represented in the Alhambra palace in Granada, Spain. Of the three regular tilings two are in the p6m wallpaper group and one is in p4m.

These rectangular bricks are connected in a tessellation which, considered as an edge-to-edge tiling, is topologically identical to a hexagonal tiling; each hexagon is flattened into a rectangle whose long edges are divided in two by the neighboring bricks.

This basketweave tiling is topologically identical to the Cairo pentagonal tiling, with one side of each rectangle counted as two edges, divided by a vertex on the two neighboring rectangles.



Tessellations and color
When discussing a tiling that is displayed in colors, to avoid ambiguity one needs to specify whether the colors are part of the tiling or just part of its illustration. See also symmetry. The four color theorem states that for every tessellation of a normal Euclidean plane, with a set of four available colors, each tile can be colored in one color such that no tiles of equal color meet at a curve of positive length. Note that the coloring guaranteed by the four-color theorem will not in general respect the symmetries of the tessellation. To produce a coloring which does, as many as seven colors may be needed, as in the picture at right.

If this parallelogram pattern is colored before tiling it over a plane, seven colors are required to ensure each complete parallelogram has a consistent color that is distinct from that of adjacent areas. (This tiling can be compared to the surface of a torus.) Coloring after tiling, only four colors are needed.

Tessellations with quadrilaterals
Copies of an arbitrary quadrilateral can form a tessellation with 2-fold rotational centers at the midpoints of all sides, and translational symmetry whose basis vectors are the diagonal of the quadrilateral or, equivalently, one of these and the sum or difference of the two. For an asymmetric quadrilateral this tiling belongs to wallpaper group p2. As fundamental domain we have the quadrilateral. Equivalently, we can construct a parallelogram subtended by a minimal set of translation vectors, starting from a rotational center. We can divide this by one diagonal, and take one half (a triangle) as fundamental domain. Such a triangle has the same area as the quadrilateral and can be constructed from it by cutting and pasting.

Regular and semi-regular tessellations
A regular tessellation is a highly symmetric tessellation made up of congruent regular polygons. Only three regular tessellations exist: those made up of equilateral triangles, squares, or hexagons.[5] A semi-regular tessellation uses a variety of regular polygons, of which there are eight. The arrangement of polygons at every vertex point is identical. An edge-to-edge tessellation is even less regular: the only requirement is that adjacent tiles only share full sides, i.e., no tile shares a partial side with any other tile. Other types of tessellations exist, depending on types of figures and types of pattern. There are regular versus irregular, periodic versus nonperiodic, symmetric versus asymmetric, and fractal tessellations, as well as other classifications.

Ceramic Tiles in Marrakech, forming edge-to-edge, regular and other tessellations

Penrose tilings using two different polygons are the most famous example of tessellations that create aperiodic patterns. They belong to a general class of aperiodic tilings that can be constructed out of self-replicating sets of polygons by using recursion. A monohedral tiling is a tessellation in which all tiles are congruent. Spiral monohedral tilings include the Voderberg tiling discovered by Hans Voderberg in 1936, whose unit tile is a nonconvex enneagon; and the Hirschhorn tiling discovered by Michael Hirschhorn in the 1970s, whose unit tile is an irregular pentagon.



Self-dual tessellations
Tilings and honeycombs can also be self-dual. All n-dimensional hypercubic honeycombs with Schlafli symbols {4,3n€2,4} are self-dual.

In nature
Basaltic lava flows often display columnar jointing as a result of contraction forces causing cracks as the lava cools. The extensive crack networks that develop often produce hexagonal columns of lava. One example of such an array of columns is the Giant's Causeway in Northern Ireland. Tessellated pavement a characteristic example of which is found at Eaglehawk Neck on the Tasman Peninsula of Tasmania is a rare sedimentary rock formation where the rock has fractured into rectangular blocks. Within botany, the term "tessellate" describes a checkered pattern, for example on a flower petal, tree bark, or fruit.

Tessellate pattern in a Colchicum flower

Number of sides of a polygon versus number of sides at a vertex
For an infinite tiling, let at a vertex. Then be the average number of sides of a polygon, and the average number of sides meeting . For example, we have the combinations (3, 6), (313, 5), (334, 427), (4, 4),

(6, 3), for the tilings in the article Tilings of regular polygons. A continuation of a side in a straight line beyond a vertex is counted as a separate side. For example, the bricks in the picture are considered hexagons, and we have combination (6, 3). Similarly, for the basketweave tiling often found on bathroom floors, we have (5, 313). For a tiling which repeats itself, one can take the averages over the repeating part. In the general case the averages are taken as the limits for a region expanding to the whole plane. In cases like an infinite row of tiles, or tiles getting smaller and smaller outwardly, the outside is not negligible and should also be counted as a tile while taking the limit. In extreme cases the limits may not exist, or depend on how the region is expanded to infinity. For finite tessellations and polyhedra we have


is the number of faces and

the number of vertices, and

is the Euler characteristic (for the plane and

for a polyhedron without holes: 2), and, again, in the plane the outside counts as a face. The formula follows observing that the number of sides of a face, summed over all faces, gives twice the total number of sides in the entire tessellation, which can be expressed in terms of the number of faces and the number of vertices. Similarly the number of sides at a vertex, summed over all vertices, also gives twice the total number of

Tessellation sides. From the two results the formula readily follows. In most cases the number of sides of a face is the same as the number of vertices of a face, and the number of sides meeting at a vertex is the same as the number of faces meeting at a vertex. However, in a case like two square faces touching at a corner, the number of sides of the outer face is 8, so if the number of vertices is counted the common corner has to be counted twice. Similarly the number of sides meeting at that corner is 4, so if the number of faces at that corner is counted the face meeting the corner twice has to be counted twice. A tile with a hole, filled with one or more other tiles, is not permissible, because the network of all sides inside and outside is disconnected. However it is allowed with a cut so that the tile with the hole touches itself. For counting the number of sides of this tile, the cut should be counted twice. For the Platonic solids we get round numbers, because we take the average over equal numbers: for we get 1, 2, and 3. From the formula for a finite polyhedron we see that in the case that while expanding to an infinite polyhedron the number of holes (each contributing €2 to the Euler characteristic) grows proportionally with the number of faces and the number of vertices, the limit of is larger than 4. For example, consider one layer of cubes, extending in two directions, with one of every 2 † 2 cubes removed. This has combination (4, 5), with , corresponding to having 10 faces and 8 vertices per hole. Note that the result does not depend on the edges being line segments and the faces being parts of planes: mathematical rigor to deal with pathological cases aside, they can also be curves and curved surfaces.


M. C. Escher, Circle Limit III (1959)

An example tessellation of the surface of a sphere by a truncated icosidodecahedron A torus can be tiled by a repeating matrix of isogonal quadrilaterals.

As well as tessellating the 2-dimensional Euclidean plane, it is also possible to tessellate other n-dimensional spaces by filling them with n-dimensional polytopes. Tessellations of other spaces are often referred to as honeycombs. Examples of tessellations of other spaces include: ‚ Tessellations of n-dimensional Euclidean space. For example, 3-dimensional Euclidean space can be filled with cubes to create the cubic honeycomb. ‚ Tessellations of n-dimensional elliptic space, either the n-sphere (spherical tiling, spherical polyhedron) or n-dimensional real projective space (elliptic tiling, projective polyhedron). For example, projecting the edges of a regular dodecahedron onto its circumsphere creates a tessellation of the 2-dimensional sphere with regular spherical pentagons, while taking the quotient by the antipodal map yields the hemi-dodecahedron, a tiling of the projective plane. ‚ Tessellations of n-dimensional hyperbolic space. For example, M. C. Escher's Circle Limit III depicts a tessellation of the hyperbolic plane (using the Poincarˆ disk model) with congruent fish-like shapes. The hyperbolic plane admits a tessellation with regular p-gons meeting in q's whenever ; Circle Limit III may be understood as a tiling of octagons meeting in threes, with all sides replaced with jagged lines and each octagon then cut into four fish.

Tessellation See (Magnus 1974) for further non-Euclidean examples. There are also abstract polyhedra which do not correspond to a tessellation of a manifold because they are not locally spherical (locally Euclidean, like a manifold), such as the 11-cell and the 57-cell. These can be seen as tilings of more general spaces.


[1] tessellate (http:/ / m-w. com/ dictionary/ tessellate), Merriam-Webster Online [2] MSDN: Tessellation Overview (http:/ / msdn. microsoft. com/ en-us/ library/ ff476340(v=VS. 85). aspx) [3] The OpenGL½ Graphics System: A Specification (Version 4.0 (Core Pro¾le) - March 11, 2010) (http:/ / www. opengl. org/ registry/ doc/ glspec40. core. 20100311. pdf) [4] Armstrong, M.A. (1988). Groups and Symmetry. New York: Springer-Verlag. ISBN€978-3-540-96675-3. [5] MathWorld: Regular Tessellations (http:/ / mathworld. wolfram. com/ RegularTessellation. html)

‚ Grunbaum, Branko and G. C. Shephard. Tilings and Patterns. New York: W. H. Freeman & Co., 1987. ISBN 0-7167-1193-1. ‚ Coxeter, H.S.M.. Regular Polytopes, Section IV : Tessellations and Honeycombs. Dover, 1973. ISBN 0-486-61480-8. ‚ Magnus, Wilhelm (1974), Noneuclidean tesselations and their groups, Academic Press, ISBN€978-0-12-465450-1

External links
‚ All about Tessellations: History; Types of Tessellation Symmetry; history of M. C. Escher; How to make your own. (http://www.tessellations.org/) ‚ Complex tessellation examples on multiple symmetries based on ancient Islamic patterns (http://www. nomadinception.com/gallery-arabic-patterns-islamic-patterns-research.aspx) ‚ Pattern Blocks (http://mathtoybox.com/patblocks3/patblocks3.html) (for web) and Mandalar (http:// mathtoybox.com/mandalar/readers/index.html) for mobile are easy apps for drawing tesselations.

Platonic solid


Platonic solid
In Euclidean geometry, a Platonic€solid is a€regular, convex polyhedron. The€faces are congruent, regular polygons, with€the same€number of€faces meeting at€each€vertex.€There are exactly five solids which meet those criteria; each is named according to its number€of€faces.
Tetrahedron (four€faces) Cube or hexahedron (six€faces) Octahedron (eight€faces) Dodecahedron Icosahedron (twelve€faces) (twenty€faces)






The aesthetic beauty and symmetry of the Platonic solids have made them a favorite subject of geometers for thousands of years. They are named for the ancient Greek philosopher Plato, who theorized that the classical elements were constructed from the regular solids.

The Platonic solids have been known since antiquity. Ornamented models resembling them can be found among the carved stone balls created by the late neolithic people of Scotland, although there seems to be no special attention paid to the Platonic solids over less symmetrical objects, and some of the five solids do not appear.[1] Dice go back to the dawn of civilization with shapes that augured formal charting of Platonic solids. The ancient Greeks studied the Platonic solids extensively. Some sources (such as Proclus) credit Pythagoras with their discovery. Other evidence suggests he may have only been familiar with the tetrahedron, cube, and dodecahedron, and that the discovery of the octahedron and icosahedron belong to Theaetetus, a contemporary of Plato. In any case, Theaetetus gave a mathematical description of all five and may have been responsible for the first known proof that there are no other convex regular polyhedra.

Kepler's Platonic solid model of the solar system from Mysterium Cosmographicum (1596)

The Platonic solids feature prominently in the philosophy of Plato for whom they are named. Plato wrote about them in the dialogue Timaeus c.360 B.C. in which he associated each of the four classical elements (earth, air, water, and fire) with a regular solid. Earth was associated with the cube, air with the octahedron, water with the icosahedron, and fire with the tetrahedron. There was intuitive justification for these associations: the heat of fire feels sharp and stabbing (like little tetrahedra). Air is made of the octahedron; its minuscule components are so smooth that one can barely feel it. Water, the icosahedron, flows out of one's hand when picked up, as if it is made of tiny little balls. By contrast, a highly un-spherical solid, the hexahedron (cube) represents earth. These clumsy little solids cause dirt to

Platonic solid crumble and break when picked up, in stark difference to the smooth flow of water. Moreover, the solidity of the Earth was believed to be due to the fact that the cube is the only regular solid that tesselates Euclidean space. The fifth Platonic solid, the dodecahedron, Plato obscurely remarks, "...the god used for arranging the constellations on the whole heaven". Aristotle added a fifth element, aith¿r (aether in Latin, "ether" in English) and postulated that the heavens were made of this element, but he had no interest in matching it with Plato's fifth solid. Euclid gave a complete mathematical description of the Platonic solids in the Elements, the last book (Book XIII) of which is devoted to their properties. Propositions 13•17 in Book XIII describe the construction of the tetrahedron, octahedron, cube, icosahedron, and dodecahedron in that order. For each solid Euclid finds the ratio of the diameter of the circumscribed sphere to the edge length. In Proposition 18 he argues that there are no further convex regular polyhedra. Andreas Speiser has advocated the view that the construction of the 5 regular solids is the chief goal of the deductive system canonized in the Elements.[2] Much of the information in Book XIII is probably derived from the work of Theaetetus. In the 16th century, the German astronomer Johannes Kepler attempted to find a relation between the five extraterrestrial planets known at that time and the five Platonic solids. In Mysterium Cosmographicum, published in 1596, Kepler laid out a model of the solar system in which the five solids were set inside one another and separated by a series of inscribed and circumscribed spheres. Kepler proposed that the distance relationships between the six planets known at that time could be understood in terms of the five Platonic solids, enclosed within a sphere that represented the orbit of Saturn. The six spheres each corresponded to one of the planets (Mercury, Venus, Earth, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn). The solids were ordered with the innermost being the octahedron, followed by the icosahedron, dodecahedron, tetrahedron, and finally the cube. In this way the structure of the solar system and the distance relationships between the planets was dictated by the Platonic solids. In the end, Kepler's original idea had to be abandoned, but out of his research came his three laws of orbital dynamics, the first of which was that the orbits of planets are ellipses rather than circles, changing the course of physics and astronomy. He also discovered the Kepler solids. In the 20th century, attempts to link Platonic solids to the physical world were expanded to the electron shell model in chemistry by Robert Moon in a theory known as the "Moon model".[3]


Combinatorial properties
A convex polyhedron is a Platonic solid if and only if 1. all its faces are congruent convex regular polygons, 2. none of its faces intersect except at their edges, and 3. the same number of faces meet at each of its vertices. Each Platonic solid can therefore be denoted by a symbol {p, q} where p = the number of edges of each face (or the number of vertices of each face) and q = the number of faces meeting at each vertex (or the number of edges meeting at each vertex). The symbol {p, q}, called the Schl•fli symbol, gives a combinatorial description of the polyhedron. The Schl•fli symbols of the five Platonic solids are given in the table below.

Platonic solid



Vertices Edges Faces Schl„fli symbol

Vertex configuration 3.3.3





{3, 3}

cube / hexahedron




{4, 3}






{3, 4}





{5, 3}






{3, 5}

All other combinatorial information about these solids, such as total number of vertices (V), edges (E), and faces (F), can be determined from p and q. Since any edge joins two vertices and has two adjacent faces we must have:

The other relationship between these values is given by Euler's formula:

This nontrivial fact can be proved in a great variety of ways (in algebraic topology it follows from the fact that the Euler characteristic of the sphere is 2). Together these three relationships completely determine V, E, and F:

Note that swapping p and q interchanges F and V while leaving E unchanged (for a geometric interpretation of this fact, see the section on dual polyhedra below).

It is a classical result that there are only five convex regular polyhedra. Two common arguments are given below. Both of these arguments only show that there can be no more than five Platonic solids. That all five actually exist is a separate question†one that can be answered by an explicit construction.

Geometric proof
The following geometric argument is very similar to the one given by Euclid in the Elements: 1. Each vertex of the solid must coincide with one vertex each of at least three faces. 2. At each vertex of the solid, the total, among the adjacent faces, of the angles between their respective adjacent sides must be less than 360Œ. 3. The angles at all vertices of all faces of a Platonic solid are identical, so each vertex of each face must contribute less than 360Œ/3€=€120Œ. 4. Regular polygons of six or more sides have only angles of 120Œ or more, so the common face must be the triangle, square, or pentagon. And for: ‚ Triangular faces: each vertex of a regular triangle is 60Œ, so a shape may have 3, 4, or 5 triangles meeting at a vertex; these are the tetrahedron, octahedron, and icosahedron respectively. ‚ Square faces: each vertex of a square is 90Œ, so there is only one arrangement possible with three faces at a vertex, the cube.

Platonic solid ‚ Pentagonal faces: each vertex is 108Œ; again, only one arrangement, of three faces at a vertex is possible, the dodecahedron.


Topological proof
A purely topological proof can be made using only combinatorial information about the solids. The key is Euler's observation that , and the fact that , where p stands for the number of edges of each face and q for the number of edges meeting at each vertex. Combining these equations one obtains the equation

Simple algebraic manipulation then gives


is strictly positive we must have

Using the fact that p and q must both be at least 3, one can easily see that there are only five possibilities for (p, q):

Geometric properties
There are a number of angles associated with each Platonic solid. The dihedral angle is the interior angle between any two face planes. The dihedral angle, ¸, of the solid {p,q} is given by the formula

This is sometimes more conveniently expressed in terms of the tangent by

The quantity h is 4, 6, 6, 10, and 10 for the tetrahedron, cube, octahedron, dodecahedron, and icosahedron respectively. The angular deficiency at the vertex of a polyhedron is the difference between the sum of the face-angles at that vertex and 2º. The defect, À, at any vertex of the Platonic solids {p,q} is

By a theorem of Descartes, this is equal to 4º divided by the number of vertices (i.e. the total defect at all vertices is 4º). The 3-dimensional analog of a plane angle is a solid angle. The solid angle, Á, at the vertex of a Platonic solid is given in terms of the dihedral angle by

This follows from the spherical excess formula for a spherical polygon and the fact that the vertex figure of the polyhedron {p,q} is a regular q-gon.

Platonic solid The solid angle of a face subtended from the center of a platonic solid is equal to the solid angle of a full sphere (4º steradians) divided by the number of faces. Note that this is equal to the angular deficiency of its dual. The various angles associated with the Platonic solids are tabulated below. The numerical values of the solid angles are given in steradians. The constant „ = (1+‡5)/2 is the golden ratio.
Polyhedron Dihedral angle Vertex angle Defect ( ) Vertex solid angle ( ) Face solid angle





cube octahedron

90Œ 109.47Œ

90Œ 60Œ, 90Œ 108Œ 60Œ, 108Œ

dodecahedron 116.57Œ icosahedron 138.19Œ

Radii, area, and volume
Another virtue of regularity is that the Platonic solids all possess three concentric spheres: ‚ the circumscribed sphere which passes through all the vertices, ‚ the midsphere which is tangent to each edge at the midpoint of the edge, and ‚ the inscribed sphere which is tangent to each face at the center of the face. The radii of these spheres are called the circumradius, the midradius, and the inradius. These are the distances from the center of the polyhedron to the vertices, edge midpoints, and face centers respectively. The circumradius R and the inradius r of the solid {p, q} with edge length a are given by

where ¸ is the dihedral angle. The midradius ¶ is given by

where h is the quantity used above in the definition of the dihedral angle (h = 4, 6, 6, 10, or 10). Note that the ratio of the circumradius to the inradius is symmetric in p and q:

The surface area, A, of a Platonic solid {p, q} is easily computed as area of a regular p-gon times the number of faces F. This is:

The volume is computed as F times the volume of the pyramid whose base is a regular p-gon and whose height is the inradius r. That is,

Platonic solid The following table lists the various radii of the Platonic solids together with their surface area and volume. The overall size is fixed by taking the edge length, a, to be equal to 2.
Polyhedron (a = 2) tetrahedron Inradius (r) Midradius (…) Circumradius (R) Surface area (A) Volume (V)


cube octahedron



The constants „ and  in the above are given by

Among the Platonic solids, either the dodecahedron or the icosahedron may be seen as the best approximation to the sphere. The icosahedron has the largest number of faces and the largest dihedral angle, it hugs its inscribed sphere the tightest, and its surface area to volume ratio is closest to that of a sphere of the same size (i.e. either the same surface area or the same volume.) The dodecahedron, on the other hand, has the smallest angular defect, the largest vertex solid angle, and it fills out its circumscribed sphere the most.

Dual polyhedra
Every polyhedron has a dual (or "polar") polyhedron with faces and vertices interchanged. The dual of every Platonic solid is another Platonic solid, so that we can arrange the five solids into dual pairs. ‚ The tetrahedron is self-dual (i.e. its dual is another tetrahedron). ‚ The cube and the octahedron form a dual pair. ‚ The dodecahedron and the icosahedron form a dual pair. If a polyhedron has Schl•fli symbol {p, q}, then its dual has the symbol {q, p}. Indeed every combinatorial property of one Platonic solid can be interpreted as another combinatorial property of the dual.
A dual pair: cube and octahedron. One can construct the dual polyhedron by taking the vertices of the dual to be the centers of the faces of the original figure. The edges of the dual are formed by connecting the centers of adjacent faces in the original. In this way, the number of faces and vertices is interchanged, while the number of edges stays the same.

More generally, one can dualize a Platonic solid with respect to a sphere of radius d concentric with the solid. The radii (R, ¶, r) of a solid and those of its dual (R*, ¶*, r*) are related by

It is often convenient to dualize with respect to the midsphere (d = ¶) since it has the same relationship to both polyhedra. Taking d2 = Rr gives a dual solid with the same circumradius and inradius (i.e. R* = R and r* = r).

Platonic solid


Symmetry groups
In mathematics, the concept of symmetry is studied with the notion of a mathematical group. Every polyhedron has an associated symmetry group, which is the set of all transformations (Euclidean isometries) which leave the polyhedron invariant. The order of the symmetry group is the number of symmetries of the polyhedron. One often distinguishes between the full symmetry group, which includes reflections, and the proper symmetry group, which includes only rotations. The symmetry groups of the Platonic solids are known as polyhedral groups (which are a special class of the point groups in three dimensions). The high degree of symmetry of the Platonic solids can be interpreted in a number of ways. Most importantly, the vertices of each solid are all equivalent under the action of the symmetry group, as are the edges and faces. One says the action of the symmetry group is transitive on the vertices, edges, and faces. In fact, this is another way of defining regularity of a polyhedron: a polyhedron is regular if and only if it is vertex-uniform, edge-uniform, and face-uniform. There are only three symmetry groups associated with the Platonic solids rather than five, since the symmetry group of any polyhedron coincides with that of its dual. This is easily seen by examining the construction of the dual polyhedron. Any symmetry of the original must be a symmetry of the dual and vice-versa. The three polyhedral groups are: ‚ the tetrahedral group T, ‚ the octahedral group O (which is also the symmetry group of the cube), and ‚ the icosahedral group I (which is also the symmetry group of the dodecahedron). The orders of the proper (rotation) groups are 12, 24, and 60 respectively † precisely twice the number of edges in the respective polyhedra. The orders of the full symmetry groups are twice as much again (24, 48, and 120). See (Coxeter 1973) for a derivation of these facts. All Platonic solids except the tetrahedron are centrally symmetric, meaning they are preserved under reflection through the origin. The following table lists the various symmetry properties of the Platonic solids. The symmetry groups listed are the full groups with the rotation subgroups given in parenthesis (likewise for the number of symmetries). Wythoff's kaleidoscope construction is a method for constructing polyhedra directly from their symmetry groups. We list for reference Wythoff's symbol for each of the Platonic solids.
Polyhedron tetrahedron cube octahedron Schl„fli symbol Wythoff symbol Dual polyhedron Symmetries Symmetry group {3, 3} {4, 3} {3, 4} 3|23 3|24 4|23 3|25 5|23 tetrahedron octahedron cube icosahedron dodecahedron 120 (60) Ih (I) 24 (12) 48 (24) Td (T) Oh (O)

dodecahedron {5, 3} icosahedron {3, 5}

In nature and technology
The tetrahedron, cube, and octahedron all occur naturally in crystal structures. These by no means exhaust the numbers of possible forms of crystals. However, neither the regular icosahedron nor the regular dodecahedron are amongst them. One of the forms, called the pyritohedron (named for the group of minerals of which it is typical) has twelve pentagonal faces, arranged in the same pattern as the faces of the regular dodecahedron. The faces of the pyritohedron are, however, not regular, so the pyritohedron is also not regular.

Platonic solid

176 In the early 20th century, Ernst Haeckel described (Haeckel, 1904) a number of species of Radiolaria, some of whose skeletons are shaped like various regular polyhedra. Examples include Circoporus octahedrus, Circogonia icosahedra, Lithocubus geometricus and Circorrhegma dodecahedra. The shapes of these creatures should be obvious from their names. Many viruses, such as the herpes virus, have the shape of a regular icosahedron. Viral structures are built of repeated identical protein subunits and the icosahedron is the easiest shape to assemble using these subunits. A regular polyhedron is used because it can be built from a single basic unit protein used over and over again; this saves space in the viral genome.

In meteorology and climatology, global numerical models of atmospheric flow are of increasing interest which employ grids that are based on an icosahedron (refined by triangulation) instead of the more commonly used longitude/latitude grid. This has the advantage of evenly distributed spatial resolution without singularities (i.e. the poles) at the expense of somewhat greater numerical difficulty. Geometry of space frames is often based on platonic solids. In MERO system, Platonic solids are used for naming convention of various space frame configurations. For example ÃO+T refers to a configuration made of one half of octahedron and a tetrahedron. Several Platonic hydrocarbons have been synthesised, including cubane and dodecahedrane. Platonic solids are often used to make dice, because dice of these shapes can be made fair. 6-sided dice are very common, but the other numbers are commonly used in role-playing games. Such dice are commonly referred to as dn where n is the number of faces (d8, d20, etc.); see dice notation for more details.

Circogonia icosahedra, a species of Radiolaria, shaped like a regular icosahedron.

Polyhedral dice are often used in role-playing games.

These shapes frequently show up in other games or puzzles. Puzzles similar to a Rubik's Cube come in all five shapes † see magic polyhedra.

Platonic solid


Liquid Crystals with symmetries of Platonic Solids
For the intermediate material phase called Liquid Crystals the existence of such symmetries was first proposed in 1981 by H. Kleinert and K. Maki and their structure was analyzed in.[4] See the review article here [5]. In aluminum the icosahedral structure was discovered three years after this by Dan Shechtman, which earned him the Nobel Prize in 2011.

Related polyhedra and polytopes
Uniform polyhedra
There exist four regular polyhedra which are not convex, called Kepler•Poinsot polyhedra. These all have icosahedral symmetry and may be obtained as stellations of the dodecahedron and the icosahedron.



The next most regular convex polyhedra after the Platonic solids are the cuboctahedron, which is a rectification of the cube and the octahedron, and the icosidodecahedron, which is a rectification of the dodecahedron and the icosahedron (the rectification of the self-dual tetrahedron is a regular octahedron). These are both quasi-regular, meaning that they are vertex- and edge-uniform and have regular faces, but the faces are not all congruent (coming in two different classes). They form two of the thirteen Archimedean solids, which are the convex uniform polyhedra with polyhedral symmetry. The uniform polyhedra form a much broader class of polyhedra. These figures are vertex-uniform and have one or more types of regular or star polygons for faces. These include all the polyhedra mentioned above together with an infinite set of prisms, an infinite set of antiprisms, and 53 other non-convex forms. The Johnson solids are convex polyhedra which have regular faces but are not uniform.

The three regular tessellations of the plane are closely related to the Platonic solids. Indeed, one can view the Platonic solids as the five regular tessellations of the sphere. This is done by projecting each solid onto a concentric sphere. The faces project onto regular spherical polygons which exactly cover the sphere. One can show that every regular tessellation of the sphere is characterized by a pair of integers {p, q} with 1/p + 1/q > 1/2. Likewise, a regular tessellation of the plane is characterized by the condition 1/p + 1/q = 1/2. There are three possibilities: ‚ {4, 4} which is a square tiling, ‚ {3, 6} which is a triangular tiling, and ‚ {6, 3} which is a hexagonal tiling (dual to the triangular tiling). In a similar manner one can consider regular tessellations of the hyperbolic plane. These are characterized by the condition 1/p + 1/q < 1/2. There is an infinite family of such tessellations.

Platonic solid


Higher dimensions
In more than three dimensions, polyhedra generalize to polytopes, with higher-dimensional convex regular polytopes being the equivalents of the three-dimensional Platonic solids. In the mid-19th century the Swiss mathematician Ludwig Schl•fli discovered the four-dimensional analogues of the Platonic solids, called convex regular 4-polytopes. There are exactly six of these figures; five are analogous to the Platonic solids, while the sixth one, the 24-cell, has one lower-dimension analogue (Truncation of a simplex-faceted polyhedron that has simplices for ridges and is self-dual): the Hexagon. In all dimensions higher than four, there are only three convex regular polytopes: the simplex, the hypercube, and the cross-polytope. In three dimensions, these coincide with the tetrahedron, the cube, and the octahedron.

[1] [2] [3] [4] Hart, George. "Neolithic Carved Stone Polyhedra" (http:/ / www. georgehart. com/ virtual-polyhedra/ neolithic. html). . Weyl H. (1952). Symmetry. Princeton. p.€74. Hecht & Stevens 2004 Kleinert, H. and Maki, K. (1981), "Lattice Textures in Cholesteric Liquid Crystals" (http:/ / www. physik. fu-berlin. de/ ~kleinert/ 75/ 75. pdf), Fortschritte der Physik 29 (5): 219•259, doi:10.1002/prop.19810290503, [5] http:/ / chemgroups. northwestern. edu/ seideman/ Publications/ The%20liquid-crystalline%20blue%20phases. pdf

‚ Atiyah, Michael; and Sutcliffe, Paul (2003). "Polyhedra in Physics, Chemistry and Geometry". Milan J. Math 71: 33•58. doi:10.1007/s00032-003-0014-1. ‚ Carl, Boyer; Merzbach, Uta (1989). A History of Mathematics (2nd ed.). Wiley. ISBN€0-471-54397-7. ‚ Coxeter, H. S. M. (1973). Regular Polytopes (3rd ed.). New York: Dover Publications. ISBN€0-486-61480-8. ‚ Euclid (1956). Heath, Thomas L.. ed. The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, Books 10ƒ13 (2nd unabr. ed.). New York: Dover Publications. ISBN€0-486-60090-4. ‚ Haeckel, E. (1904). Kunstformen der Natur. Available as Haeckel, E. (1998); Art forms in nature, Prestel USA. ISBN 3-7913-1990-6, or online at (http://caliban.mpiz-koeln.mpg.de/~stueber/haeckel/kunstformen/natur. html). ‚ Weyl, Hermann (1952). Symmetry. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN€0-691-02374-3. ‚ "Strena seu de nive sexangula" (On the Six-Cornered Snowflake), 1611 paper by Kepler which discussed the reason for the six-angled shape of the snow crystals and the forms and symmetries in nature. Talks about platonic solids. ‚ Hecht, Laurence; Stevens, Charles B. (Fall 2004), "New Explorations with The Moon Model" (http://www. 21stcenturysciencetech.com/Articles 2005/MoonModel_F04.pdf), 21st Century Science and Technology: p.€58

External links
‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Platonic solid (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/PlatonicSolid.html)" from MathWorld. ‚ Book XIII (http://aleph0.clarku.edu/~djoyce/java/elements/bookXIII/propXIII13.html) of Euclid's Elements. ‚ Interactive 3D Polyhedra (http://ibiblio.org/e-notes/3Dapp/Convex.htm) in Java ‚ WebGL representation of platonic solids (http://kovacsv.hu/webgl.php) ‚ Interactive Folding/Unfolding Platonic Solids (http://www.mat.puc-rio.br/~hjbortol/mathsolid/mathsolid_en. html) in Java ‚ Paper models of the Platonic solids (http://www.software3d.com/Platonic.php) created using nets generated by Stella software ‚ Platonic Solids (http://www.korthalsaltes.com/cuadros.php?type=p) Free paper models(nets)

Platonic solid ‚ Platonic Solids for Meditation (http://www.shambhalahealingtools.com/articles.asp?ID=154) platonic solids used for meditation and healing ‚ Teaching Math with Art (http://www.ldlewis.com/Teaching-Mathematics-with-Art/Polyhedra.html) student-created models ‚ Teaching Math with Art (http://www.ldlewis.com/Teaching-Mathematics-with-Art/ instructions-for-polyhedra-project.html) teacher instructions for making models ‚ Frames of Platonic Solids (http://www.bru.hlphys.jku.at/surf/Kepler_Model.html) images of algebraic surfaces ‚ Platonic Solids (http://whistleralley.com/polyhedra/platonic.htm) with some formula derivations (http:// whistleralley.com/polyhedra/derivations.htm)


Mechanical calculator
A mechanical calculator, or calculating machine, was a device used to perform the basic operations of arithmetic. Most mechanical calculators were comparable in size to small desktop computers and have been rendered obsolete by the advent of the electronic calculator. The mechanical calculator was invented in 1642[1] by Blaise Pascal, it was called Pascal's Calculator or Pascaline. The first commercially successful device, Thomas' arithmometer, was manufactured from 1851. The first machine with columns of keys, the comptometer, was introduced in 1887 while 10 key calculators and electric motors appeared in 1902.[2] The use of electric motors allowed for the design of very powerful machines during the first half of the 20th century. In 1961, A full-keyboard machine, the Anita from Sumlock comptometer Ltd., became the first desktop mechanical calculator to receive an all electronic calculator engine, creating the link in between these two industries and marking the beginning of its decline. The production of mechanical calculators came to a stop in the middle of the 1970s closing an industry that had lasted for 120 years.

Various desktop mechanical calculators used in the office from 1851. Each one has a different user interface. This picture shows clockwise from top left: An Arithmometer, A Comptometer, A Dalton adding machine, a Sundstrand and an Odhner Arithmometer

The calculating engines of Charles Babbage were the first automatic mechanical calculators in the world. Babbage started work on his analytical engine in 1834, "in less than two years he had sketched out many of the salient features of the modern computer. A crucial step was the adoption of a punched card system derived from the Jacquard loom"[3] which made it the first programmable calculator.[4] Howard Aiken mentioned Babbage extensively when he convinced IBM to build the Harvard Mark I in 1937 ; when the machine was finished some hailed it as "Babbage's dream come true".[5] Babbage never built his steam powered mechanical calculators but in 1855 the swede Georg Scheutz became the first of a handful of designers to succeed at building a smaller and simpler model of his difference engine for the purpose of printing mathematical tables.[6]

Mechanical calculator


Ancient history
The desire to economize time and mental effort in arithmetical computations, and to eliminate human liability to error, is probably as old as the science of arithmetic itself. This desire has led to the design and construction of a variety of aids to calculation, beginning with groups of small objects, such as pebbles, first used loosely, later as counters on ruled boards, and later still as beads mounted on wires fixed in a frame, as in the Suanpan (the number represented in the picture is abacus. This instrument was probably invented by the Semitic 6,302,715,408) races and later adopted in India, whence it spread westward throughout Europe and eastward to China and Japan. After the development of the abacus, no further advances were made until John Napier devised his numbering rods, or Napier's Bones, in 1617. Various forms of the Bones appeared, some approaching the beginning of mechanical computation, but it was not until 1642 that Blaise Pascal gave us the first mechanical calculating machine in the sense that the term is used today. †Howard Aiken, Proposed automatic calculating machine, presented to IBM in 1937

The 17th century
The 17th century marked the beginning of the history of mechanical calculators, as it saw the invention of the adding machine by Blaise Pascal in 1642.[1][7] Pascal would built around twenty machines in the next ten years but he wasn't successful in creating an industry. In a sense, Pascal's invention was premature, in that the mechanical arts in his time were not sufficiently advanced to enable his machine to be made at an economic price, with the accuracy and strength needed for reasonably long use. This difficulty was not overcome until well on into the nineteenth century, by which time also a renewed stimulus to invention was given by the need for many kinds of calculation more intricate than those considered by Pascal. †S. Chapman[8],€ Pascal tercentenary celebration, London, (1942) The 17th century saw also the invention of some very powerful calculating tools like Napier's bones, logarithmic tables and the slide rule which, for their ease of use by scientists in multiplying and dividing, ruled over and impeded the use and development of mechanical calculators[9] until the production release of the arithmometer in the mid 19th century.

Four of Pascal's calculators and one machine built by Lˆpine in 1725,


Musˆe des Arts et Mˆtiers

Mechanical calculator


Invention of the mechanical calculator
Blaise Pascal invented the mechanical calculator in 1642. After three years of effort and 50 prototypes[11] he introduced his calculator to the public. He built twenty of these machines in the following ten years.[12] This machine could add and subtract two numbers directly and multiply and divide by repetition. Pascal chose the most demanding method of re-zeroing for his machine since it propagates a carry right through the machine.[13] In doing so, he proved, before each operation, that his calculator was fully functional. This is a testament to the quality of the Pascaline because none of the 17th and 18th century criticisms of the machine mentioned a problem with the carry mechanism and yet it was fully tested on all the machines, by their resets, all the time.[14] Pascal's invention of the calculating machine, just three hundred years ago, was made while he was a youth of nineteen. He was spurred to it by seeing the burden of arithmetical labor involved in his father's official work as supervisor of taxes at Rouen. He conceived the idea of doing the work mechanically, and developed a design appropriate for this purpose; showing herein the same combination of pure science and mechanical genius that characterized his whole life. But it was one thing to conceive and design the machine, and another to get it made and put into use. Here were needed those practical gifts that he displayed later in his inventions... †S. Chapman[8],€ Pascal tercentenary celebration, London, (1942) In 1672, Gottfried Leibniz started working on adding direct multiplication to Pascal's calculator ; while first trying to simply interface with the pascaline, he eventually designed an entirely new machine called the Stepped Reckoner ; it used his Leibniz wheels, was the first two-motion calculator, the first to use cursors (creating a memory of the first operand) and the first to have a movable carriage. Leibniz built two Stepped Reckoners, one in 1694 and one in 1706.[15] Only the machine built in 1694 is known to exist, it was rediscovered at the end of the 19th century having spent 250 years forgotten in an attic in the University of Gottingen.[15] In 1893, the German calculating machine inventor Arthur Burkhardt was asked to put Leibniz machine in operating condition if possible. His report was favorable except for the sequence in the carry.[16] Leibniz had invented his namesake wheel and the principle of a two motion calculator, but after forty years of development he wasn't able to produce a machine that was fully operational; this makes Pascal's calculator the only working mechanical calculator in the 17th century. Leibniz was also the first person to describe a pinwheel calculator.[17] He once said "It is unworthy of excellent men to lose hours like slaves in the labour of calculation which could safely be relegated to anyone else if machines were used."[18]

Calculating clocks: unsuccessful mechanical calculators
Both Pascal and Leibniz tried to design some kind of calculating clock before inventing their machines. ...I devised a third which works by springs and which has a very simple design. This is the one, as I have already stated, that I used many times, hidden in the plain sight of an infinity of persons and which is still in operating order. Nevertheless, while always improving on it, I found reasons to change its design... †Pascal,€ Advertisement Necessary to those who have curiosity to see the Arithmetic Machine, and to operate it,[19] (1645) When, several years ago, I saw for the first time an instrument which, when carried, automatically records the numbers of steps by a pedestrian, it occurred to me at once that the entire arithmetic could be subjected to a similar kind of machinery so that not only counting but also addition and subtraction, multiplication and division could be accomplished by a suitably arranged machine easily, promptly, and with sure results †Leibniz,€on his calculating machine,[20] (1685) The principle of a calculating clock (input wheels and display wheels added to a clock like mechanism) for a direct entry calculating machine couldn't be implemented with the technological levels of the 17th century[21] because their heavier and more numerous gears could be damaged when a carry had to be moved several places along the

Mechanical calculator accumulator. The only 17th century calculating clocks that have survived to this day do not have a machine wide carry mechanism and therefore cannot be called mechanical calculators. The first true calculating clock was built by the Italian Giovanni Poleni in the 18th century and was a two-motion calculating clock (the numbers are inscribed first and then they are processed). ‚ In 1623, Wilhelm Schickard, a German professor of Hebrew and Astronomy, designed a calculating clock which he drew on two letters that he wrote to Johannes Kepler. The first machine to be built by a professional was destroyed during its construction and Schickard abandoned his project in 1624. These drawings had appeared in various publications over the centuries, starting in 1718 with a book of Kepler's letters by Michael Hansch,[22] but in 1957 it was presented for the first time as a long lost mechanical calculator by Dr. Franz Hammer. The building of the first replica in the 1960s showed that Schickard's machine had an unfinished design and therefore wheels and springs were added to make it work.[23] The use of these replicas showed that the single tooth wheel, when used within a calculating clock, was an inadequate carry mechanism.[24] (see Pascal versus Schickard). ‚ Around 1643, a French clockmaker from Rouen, after hearing of Pascal's work, built a calculating clock of his own design. Pascal fired all his employees and stopped developing his calculator as soon as he heard of the news.[25] It is only after being assured that his invention would be protected by a royal privilege that he restarted his activity.[26] A careful examination of this calculating clock showed that it didn't work properly and Pascal called it an avorton (aborted fetus).[27][28] ‚ In 1659, the Italian Tito Livio Burattini built a machine with nine independent wheels, each one of these wheels was paired with a smaller carry wheel.[29] At the end of an operation the user had to either manually add each carry to the next digit or mentally add these numbers to create the final result. ‚ In 1666, Samuel Morland invented a machine designed to add sums of money,[30] but it was not a true adding machine since the carry was added to a small carry wheel situated above each digit and not directly to the next digit. It was very similar to Burattini's machine. Morland created also a multiplying machines with interchangeable disks based on Napier's bones.[31][32] ‚ In 1673, the French clockmaker Renˆ Grillet described in Curiositez mathˆmatiques de l'invention du Sr Grillet, horlogeur Ÿ Paris a calculating machine that would be more compact than Pascal's calculator and reversible for subtraction. The only two Grillet machines known[33] have no carry mechanism, displaying three lines of nine independent dials they also have nine rotating napier's rod for multiplication and division. Contrary to Grillet's claim, it was not a mechanical calculator after all.[34]


Mechanical calculator


The 18th century
The 18th century saw the first fully functional, four operations, mechanical calculators. Both pinwheel calculators and Leibniz wheel calculators were built with a few unsuccessful attempts at their commercialization.

Prototypes and limited runs
‚ In 1709, the Italian Giovanni Poleni was the first to build a calculator that could multiply automatically. It used a pinwheel design, was the first operational calculating clock and was made of wood;[35] he destroyed it after hearing that Antonius Braun had received 10,000 Guldens for dedicating a pinwheel machine of his own design to the emperor Charles VI of Vienna.[36]

Detail of a replica of an 18th century calculating machine, designed and built in by the German Johann Helfrich M•ller, that could perform all four operations.

‚ In 1725, the French Academy of Sciences certified a calculating machine derived from Pascal's calculator designed by Lˆpine, a French craftsman. The machine was a bridge in between Pascal's calculator and a calculating clock. The carry transmissions were performed simultaneously, like in a calculating clock, and therefore "the machine must have jammed beyond a few simultaneous carry transmissions".[37] ‚ In 1727, a German, Antonius Braun, presented the first fully functional four operations machine to Charles VI, Holy Roman Emperor in Vienna. It was cylindrical in shape and was made of steel, silver and brass; it was finely decorated and looked like a renaissance table clock. His dedication to the emperor engraved on the top of the machine also reads "..to make easy to ignorant people, addition, subtraction, multiplication and even division".[38] ‚ In 1730, the French Academy of Sciences certified three machines designed by Hillerin de Boistissandeau. The first one used a single tooth carry mechanism which, according to Boistissandeau, wouldn't work properly if a carry had to be moved more than two places; the two other machines used springs that were gradually armed until they released their energy when a carry had to be moved forward. It was similar to Pascal's calculator but instead of using the energy of gravity Boistissandeau used the energy stored into the springs.[39] ‚ In 1770, Philipp Matth•us Hahn, a German pastor, built two circular calculating machines based on Leibniz' cylinders.[40][41] J.C. Schuster, Hahn's brother in law, built a few machines of Hahn's design into the early 19th century.[42] ‚ In 1775, Lord Stanhope of the United Kingdom designed a pinwheel machine. It was set in a rectangular box with a handle on the side. He also designed a machine using Leibniz wheels in 1777.[43] "In 1777 Stanhope produced the Logic Demonstrator, a machine designed to solve problems in formal logic. This device marked the beginning of a new approach to the solution of logical problems by mechanical methods."[30] ‚ In 1784, Johann-Helfrich M•ller built a machine very similar to Hahn's machine.[44]

Mechanical calculator


The 19th century
The mechanical calculator industry started in 1851 when Thomas de Colmar released his simplified Arithmom’tre which was the first machine that could be used daily in an office environment. For 40 years,[45] the arithmometer was the only mechanical calculator available for sale and was sold all over the world. By then, in 1890, about 2,500 arithmometers had been sold[46] plus a few hundreds more from two licensed arithmometer clone makers (Burkhardt, Germany, 1878 and Layton, UK, 1883). Felt and Tarrant, the only other competitor in true commercial production, had sold 100 comptometers in three years.[47] The 19th century also saw the designs of Charles Babbage calculating machines, first with his difference engine, started in 1822, which was the first automatic calculator since it continuously used the results of the previous operation for the next one, and second with his analytical engine, which was the first programmable calculator, using Jacquard's cards to read program and data, that he started in 1834, and which gave the blueprint of the mainframe computers built in the middle of the 20th century.[48]

Desktop Mechanical Calculators in production during the 19th century

Desktop calculators produced
‚ In 1851, Thomas de Colmar simplified his arithmometer by removing the one digit multiplier/divider. This made it a simple adding machine, but thanks to its moving carriage used as an indexed accumulator, it still allowed for easy multiplication and division Front panel of a Thomas Arithmometer with its movable result carriage extended under operator control. The arithmometer was now adapted to the manufacturing capabilities of the time; Thomas could therefore manufacture consistently a sturdy and reliable machine.[49] Manuals were printed and each machine was given a serial number. Its commercialization launched

Mechanical calculator the mechanical calculator industry.[50] Banks, insurance companies, government offices started to use the arithmometer in their day-to-day operations, slowly bringing mechanical desktop calculators into the office. ‚ In 1878 Burkhardt, of Germany, was the first to manufacture a clone of Thomas' arithmometer. Until then Thomas de Colmar had been the only manufacturer of desktop mechanical calculators in the world and he had manufactured about 1,500 machines.[51] Eventually twenty European companies will manufacture clones of thomas' arithmometer until WWII. ‚ Dorr E. Felt, in the U.S., patented the Comptometer in 1886. It was the first successful key-driven adding and calculating machine. ["Key-driven" refers to the fact that just pressing the keys causes the result to be calculated, no separate lever or crank has to be operated. Other machines are sometimes called "key-set".] In 1887, he joined with Robert Tarrant to form the Felt & Tarrant Manufacturing Company.[52] The comptometer-type calculator was the first machine to receive an all-electronic calculator engine in 1961 (the ANITA mark VII released by Sumlock comptometer of the UK). ‚ In 1890 W.T. Odhner got the rights to manufacture his calculator back from Kžnigsberger & C, which had held them since it was first patented in 1878, but had not really produced anything. Odhner used his Saint Petersburg workshop to manufacture his calculator and he built and sold 500 machines in 1890. This manufacturing operation shut down definitively in 1918 with 23,000 machines produced. The Odhner Arithmometer was a redesigned version of the Arithmometer of Thomas de Colmar with a Odhner's arithmometer pinwheel engine, which made it cheaper to manufacture and gave it a smaller footprint while keeping the advantage of having the same user interface.[53] ‚ In 1892 Odhner sold the Berlin branch of his factory, which he had opened a year earlier, to Grimme, Natalis & Co.. They moved the factory to Braunschweig and sold their machines under the brand name of Brunsviga (Brunsviga is the Latin name of the town of Braunschweig).[54] This was the first of many companies which would sell and manufacture clones of Odhner's machine all over the world; eventually millions were sold well into the 1970s.[53] ‚ In 1892, William S. Burroughs began commercial manufacture of his printing adding calculator[55] Burroughs Corporation became one of the leading companies in the accounting machine and computer businesses. ‚ The "Millionaire" calculator was introduced in 1893. It allowed direct multiplication by any digit - "one turn of the crank for each figure in the multiplier". It contained a mechanical product lookup table, providing units and tens digits by differing lengths of posts. [56] Another direct multiplier was part of the Moon-Hopkins billing machine; that company was acquired by Burroughs in the early 20th century.


Mechanical calculator


Prototypes and limited runs

The arithmometers built from 1820 to 1851 implemented all four arithmetic functions automatically. The one digit multiplier/divider cursor (ivory top) is on the left. Only prototypes of these machines were built. The machine released for production was an adding machine only.

‚ In 1820, Thomas de Colmar patented the Arithmometer. It was a true four operation machine with a one digit multiplier/divider (the millionaire calculator released 70 years later had a similar user interface[57]). He spent the next 30 years and 300,000 Francs developing his machine.[58] This design was replaced in 1851 by the simplified arithmometer which was only an adding machine. ‚ In 1842, Timoleon Maurel invented the Arithmaurel, based on the Arithmometer, which could multiply two numbers by simply entering their values into the machine. ‚ In 1845, Izrael Abraham Staffel first exhibited a machine that was able to add, subtract, divide, multiply and obtain a square root. ‚ Around 1854, Andre-Michel Guerry invented the Ordonnateur Statistique, a cylindrical device designed to aid in summarizing the relations among data on moral variables (crime, suicide, etc.)[59] ‚ In 1872, Frank S. Baldwin in the U.S. invented a pinwheel calculator. ‚ In 1883, Edmondson of the UK patented a circular stepped drum machine[60]

Automatic mechanical calculators
‚ In 1822, Charles Babbage presented a small cogwheel assembly that demonstrated the operation of his difference engine,[61] a mechanical calculator which would be capable of holding and manipulating seven numbers of 31 decimal digits each. It was the first time that a calculating machine could work automatically using as input results from its previous operations.[48] It was the first calculating machine to use a printer. The development of this machine, later called "Difference Engine No. 1," stopped around 1834.[62]

19th and early 20th centuries calculating machines, Musˆe des Arts et Mˆtiers

Mechanical calculator


‚ In 1834, Babbage started to design his analytical engine, which will become the undisputed ancestor of the modern mainframe computer[63] with two separate input streams for data and program (a primitive Harvard architecture), printers for outputting results (three different kind), processing unit (mill), memory (store) and the first ever set of programming instructions. In the proposal that Howard Aiken gave IBM in 1937 while requesting funding for the Harvard Mark I which became IBM's entry machine in the computer industry, we can read: "Few calculating machines have been designed strictly for application to scientific The London Science Museum's working difference engine, investigations, the notable exceptions being those of Charles built a century and a half after Charles Babbage's design. Babbage and others who followed him. In 1812 Babbage conceived the idea of a calculating machine of a higher type than those previously constructed to be used for calculating and printing tables of mathematical functions. ....After abandoning the difference engine, Babbage devoted his energy to the design and construction of an analytical engine of far higher powers than the difference engine..."[64] ‚ In 1847, Babbage began work on an improved difference engine design†his "Difference Engine No. 2." None of these designs were completely built by Babbage. In 1991 the London Science Museum followed Babbage's plans to build a working Difference Engine No. 2 using the technology and materials available in the 19th century. ‚ In 1855, Per Georg Scheutz completed a working difference engine based on Babbage's design. The machine was the size of a piano, and was demonstrated at the Exposition Universelle in Paris in 1855. It was used to create tables of logarithms. ‚ In 1875, Martin Wiberg re-designed the Babbage/Scheutz difference engine and built a version that was the size of a sewing machine.

Cash registers
The cash register, invented by James Ritty in 1879, solved the old problems of disorganization and dishonesty in business transactions.[65] It was a pure adding machine coupled with a printer, a bell and a two sided display that showed the paying party and the store owner, if he wanted to, the amount of money exchanged for the current transaction. The cash register was easy to use and, unlike genuine mechanical calculators, was needed and quickly adopted by a great number of businesses. "Eighty four companies sold cash registers between 1888 and 1895, only three survived for any length of time".[66] In 1890, 6 years after John Patterson started NCR Corporation, 20,000 machines had been sold by his company alone against a total of roughly 3,500 for all genuine calculators combined.[67] By 1900, NCR had built 200,000 cash registers[68] and there were more companies manufacturing them, compared to the "Thomas/Payen" arithmometer company that had just sold around 3,300[69] and Burroughs had only sold 1,400 machines.[70]

Mechanical calculator


1900s to 1970s
Mechanical calculators reach their zenith
Two different classes of mechanisms had become established by this time, reciprocating and rotary. The former type of mechanism was operated typically by a limited-travel hand crank; some internal detailed operations took place on the pull, and others on the release part of a complete cycle. The illustrated 1914 machine is this type; the crank is vertical, on its right side. Later on, some of these mechanisms were operated by electric motors and reduction gearing that operated a crank and connecting rod to convert rotary motion to reciprocating. The latter, type, rotary, had at least one main shaft that made one [or more] continuous revolution[s], one addition or subtraction per turn. Numerous designs, notably European calculators, had handcranks, and locks to ensure that the cranks were returned to exact positions once a turn was complete. The first half of the 20th century saw the gradual development of the mechanical calculator mechanism. The Dalton adding-listing machine introduced in 1902 was the first of its type to use only ten keys, and became the first of many different models of "10-key add-listers" manufactured by many companies.

Mechanical calculator from 1914

Mechanical calculator

189 In 1948 the miniature Curta calculator, which was held in one hand for operation, was introduced after being developed by Curt Herzstark in 1938. This was an extreme development of the stepped-gear calculating mechanism. It subtracted by adding complements; between the teeth for addition were teeth for subtraction. From the early 1900s through the 1960s, mechanical calculators dominated the desktop computing market (see History of computing hardware). Major suppliers in the USA included Friden, Monroe, and SCM/Marchant. (Some comments about European calculators follow below.) These devices were motor-driven, and had movable carriages where results of calculations were displayed by dials. Nearly all keyboards were full † each digit that could be entered had its own column of nine keys, 1..9, plus a column-clear key, permitting entry of several digits at once. (See the illustration below of a Marchant Figurematic.)One could call this parallel entry, by way of contrast with ten-key serial entry that was commonplace in mechanical adding machines, and is now universal in electronic calculators. (Nearly all Friden calculators, as well as some rotary (German) Diehls had a ten-key auxiliary keyboard for entering the multiplier when doing multiplication.) Full keyboards generally had ten columns, although some lower-cost machines had eight. Most machines made by the three companies mentioned did not print their results, although other companies, such as Olivetti, did make printing calculators.

In these machines, addition and subtraction were performed in a single operation, as on a conventional adding machine, but multiplication and division were accomplished by An Addiator could be used repeated mechanical additions and subtractions. Friden made a calculator that also for addition and provided square roots, basically by doing division, but with added mechanism that subtraction. automatically incremented the number in the keyboard in a systematic fashion. The last of the mechanical calculators were likely to have short-cut multiplication, and some ten-key, serial-entry types had decimal-point keys. However, decimal-point keys required significant internal added complexity, and were offered only in the last designs to be made. Handheld mechanical calculators such as the 1948 Curta continued to be used until they were displaced by electronic calculators in the 1970s.

Triumphator CRN1 (1958)

Walther WSR160 (one of the most common calculators in central Europe) (1960)

Dalton adding machine (1930 ca.)

Typical European four-operations machines use the Odhner mechanism, or variations of it. This kind of machine included the Original Odhner, Brunsviga and several following imitators, starting from Triumphator, Thales,

Mechanical calculator Walther, Facit up to Toshiba. Although most of these were operated by handcranks, there were motor-driven versions. Hamann calculators externally resembled pinwheel machines, but the setting lever positioned a cam that disengaged a drive pawl when the dial had moved far enough. Although Dalton introduced in 1902 first ten-key printing adding (two operations, the other being subtraction) machine, these feature were not present in computing (four operations) machines for many decades. Facit-T (1932) was the first 10-key computing machine sold in large numbers. Olivetti Divisumma-14 (1948) was the first computing machine with both printer and a 10-key keyboard. Full-keyboard machines, including motor-driven ones, were also built until the 1960s. Among the major manufacturers were Mercedes-Euklid, Archimedes, and MADAS in Europe; in the USA, Friden, Marchant, and Monroe were the principal makers of rotary calculators with carriages. Reciprocating calculators (most of which were adding machines, many with integral printers) were made by Remington Rand and Burroughs, among others. All of these were key-set. Felt & Tarrant made Comptometers, as well as Victor, which were key-driven. The basic mechanism of the Friden and Monroe, described above, was a modified Leibniz wheel (better known, perhaps informally, in the USA as a "stepped drum" or "stepped reckoner"). The Friden had an elementary reversing drive between the body of the machine and the accumulator dials, so its main shaft always rotated in the same direction. The Swiss MADAS was similar. The Monroe, however, reversed direction of its main shaft to subtract. The earliest Marchants were pinwheel machines, but most of them were remarkably-sophisticated rotary types. They ran at 1,300 addition cycles per minute if you held down the [+] bar. Others were limited to 600 cycles per minute, because their accumulator dials started and stopped for every cycle; Marchant dials moved at a steady and proportional speed for continuing cycles. Most Marchants had a row of nine keys on the extreme right, as shown in the photo of the Figurematic. These simply made the machine add for the number of cycles corresponding to the number on the key, and then shifted the carriage one place. Even nine add cycles took only a short time. In a Marchant, near the beginning of a cycle, the accumulator dials moved downward "into the dip", away from the openings in the cover. They engaged drive gears in the body of the machine, which rotated them at speeds proportional to the digit being fed to them, with added movement (reduced 10:1) from carries created by dials to their right. At the completion of the cycle, the dials would be misaligned like the pointers in a traditional watt-hour meter. However, as they came up out of the dip, a constant-lead disc cam realigned them by way of a (limited-travel) spur-gear differential. As well, carries for lower orders were added in by another, planetary differential. (The machine shown has 39 differentials in its (20-digit) accumulator!). In any mechanical calculator, in effect, a gear, sector, or some similar device moves the accumulator by the number of gear teeth that corresponds to the digit being added or subtracted † three teeth changes the position by a count of three. The great majority of basic calculator mechanisms move the accumulator by starting, then moving at a constant speed, and stopping. In particular, stopping is critical, because to obtain fast operation, the accumulator needs to move quickly. Variants of Geneva drives typically block overshoot (which, of course, would create wrong results). However, two different basic mechanisms, the Mercedes-Euklid and the Marchant, move the dials at speeds corresponding to the digit being added or subtracted; a [1] moves the accumulator the slowest, and a [9], the fastest. In the Mercedes-Euklid, a long slotted lever, pivoted at one end, moves nine racks ("straight gears") endwise by distances proportional to their distance from the lever's pivot. Each rack has a drive pin that's moved by the slot. The rack for [1] is closest to the pivot, of course. For each keyboard digit, a sliding selector gear, much like that in the Leibniz wheel, engages the rack that corresponds to the digit entered. Of course, the accumulator changes either on the forward or reverse stroke, but not both. This mechanism is notably simple and relatively easy to manufacture. The Marchant, however, has, for every one of the its ten columns of keys, a nine-ratio "preselector transmission" with its output spur gear at the top of the machine's body; that gear engages the accumulator gearing. When one tries to work out the numbers of teeth in such a transmission, a straightforward approach leads one to consider a mechanism like that in mechanical gasoline pump registers, used to indicate the total price. However, this


Mechanical calculator mechanism is seriously bulky, and utterly impractical for a calculator; 90-tooth gears are likely to be found is the gas. pump. Practical gears in the computing parts of a calculator can't have 90 teeth. They would be either too big, or too delicate. Given that nine ratios per column implies significant complexity, a Marchant contains a few hundred individual gears in all, many in its accumulator. Basically, the accumulator dial has to rotate 36 degrees (1/10 of a turn) for a [1], and 324 degrees (9/10 of a turn) for a [9], not allowing for incoming carries. At some point in the gearing, one tooth needs to pass for a [1], and nine teeth for a [9]. There's no way to develop the needed movement from a driveshaft that rotates one revolution per cycle with few gears having practical (relatively small) numbers of teeth. The Marchant, therefore, has three driveshafts to feed the little transmissions. For one cycle, they rotate 1/2, 1/4, and 1/12 of a revolution. [71]. The 1/2-turn shaft carries (for each column) gears with 12, 14, 16, and 18 teeth, corresponding to digits 6, 7, 8, and 9. The 1/4-turn shaft carries (also, each column) gears with 12, 16, and 20 teeth, for 3, 4, and 5. Digits [1] and [2] are handled by 12 and 24-tooth gears on the 1/12-revolution shaft. Practical design places the 12th-rev. shaft more distant, so the 1/4-turn shaft carries freely-rotating 24 and 12-tooth idler gears. For subtraction, the driveshafts reversed direction. In the early part of the cycle, one of five pendants moves off-center to engage the appropriate drive gear for the selected digit. If possible, see John Wolff's Web site [72] for a superb collection of photos with some accompanying explanations. He has similar sets of photos for several other notable calculators. Some machines had as many as 20 columns in their full keyboards. The monster in this field was the Duodecillion made by Burroughs for exhibit purposes. For sterling currency, Ä/s/d (and even farthings), there were variations of the basic mechanisms, in particular with different numbers of gear teeth and accumulator dial positions. To accommodate shillings and pence, extra columns were added for the tens digit[s], 10 and 20 for shillings, and 10 for pence. Of course, these functioned as radix-20 and radix-12 mechanisms. A variant of the Marchant, called the Binary-Octal Marchant, was a radix-8 (octal) machine. It was sold to check very early vacuum-tube (valve) binary computers for accuracy. (Back then, the mechanical calculator was much more reliable than a tube/valve computer.) As well, there was a twin Marchant, comprising two pinwheel Marchants with a common drive crank and reversing gearbox.[73] The article at the link describes them and shows a twin Brunsviga (side-by-side machines). Twin machines were relatively rare, and apparently were used for surveying calculations (The CORDIC algorithm was invented later, but these machine might be able to execute it.) At least one triple machine (Brunsviga(?)) was made. It's likely that a given accumulator could be engaged with either half of the twin. The Facit calculator, and one similar to it, are basically pinwheel machines, but the array of pinwheels moves sidewise, instead of the carriage. The pinwheels are biquinary; digits 1 through 4 cause the corresponding number of sliding pins ot extend from the surface; digits 5 through 9 also extend a five-tooth sector as well as the same pins for 6 through 9. The keys operate cams that operate a swinging lever to first unlock the pin-positioning cam that's partof the pinwheel mechanism; further movement of the lever (by an amount determined by the key's cam) rotates the pin-positioning cam to extend the necessary number of pins. [74] Stylus-operated adders with circular slots for the stylus, and side-by -side wheels, as made by Sterling Plastics (USA), had an ingenious anti-overshoot mechanism to ensure accurate carries.


Mechanical calculator


Duodecillion (1915 ca.)

Marchant Figurematic (1950-52)

Friden Calculator

Facit NTK (1954)

Olivetti Divisumma 24 interior, (1964)

The end of an era
Mechanical calculators continued to be sold, though in rapidly decreasing numbers, into the early 1970s, with many of the manufacturers closing down or being taken over. Comptometer type calculators were often retained for much longer to be used for adding and listing duties, especially in accounting, since a trained and skilled operator could enter all the digits of a number in one movement of the hands on a Comptometer quicker than was possible serially with a 10-key electronic calculator. In fact, it was quicker to enter larger digits in two strokes using only the lower-numbered keys; for instance, a 9 would be entered as 4 followed by 5. Some key-driven calculators had keys for every column, but only 1 through 5; they were correspondingly compact. The spread of the computer rather than the simple electronic calculator put an end to the Comptometer. Also, by the end of the 1970s, the slide rule had become obsolete.

Operating an Odhner calculator
The Odhner arithmometer was the most produced mechanical calculator.[53] Although this is an old machine, nevertheless it represents how one operates any basic rotary calculator. Facits have a pinwheel cylinder that shifts internally, instead of a moving carriage, but the principles still hold. First, clear the result dials, and then move all setting levers to zero. Position the carriage appropriately. (Use the levers at the front.) The handcrank must be at home position, engaged with its positioning stop.
An Odhner type arithmometer Millions were built in Asia and Europe from 1890 [53] to the 1970s. It was a redesign of Thomas' Arithmometer reducing its size and cost by one order of magnitude.

Mechanical calculator To add, enter the number into the setting levers. Pull the crank handle to the right, and then toward you, so that it's going away from you when the handle is at the top. One turn will add the number into the accumulator dials, and the counter register to the left will show [1]. Multiplication: If you continue turning, you'll multiply by the number of turns • you're adding repetitively. If you need to multiply by several digits, it's simplest to start with the rightmost multiplier digit, then shift the carriage to the right one position for the next digit. To subtract, pull the crank handle to the right, and push it away from you, so the handle is moving toward you when it's at its highest point. If you subtract more than the number in the accumulator dials, you'll get a complement, which you'll need to convert. Short-cut multiplication It's quite unnecessary to crank six or more times for a multiplier digit. Instead, you can shift the carriage one position to the right, add once, then back up the carriage and subtract, until the counter shows the correct digit. For instance, to multiply by 8, shift, add once, shift back, and subtract twice. (10-2 = 8) Thinking ahead, instead, you can subtract twice before adding; the calculator will keep track for you. Division Clear the machine and enter the dividend into the setting slides, starting at the left. Move the carriage to the right so the leftmost dividend digit aligns with the leftmost setting lever. Add once. Clear the counter. If you're lucky, the machine should have a counter-reverse control that will make the counter increment for subtraction and decrement for addition. (Some later, better machines do this automatically for the first turn after entering the dividend and clearing the counter.) So, now you have the dividend in the accumulator, left-justified. Change the setting levers to enter the divisor, again to the left. Be sure the counter is clear, and start subtracting. If the machine has a bell, you can crank mindlessly until the bell rings, then add once. Otherwise, you'll need to watch the accumulator contents to note (or anticipate) an "overdraft" (subtraction too many times); you have to correct it if it happens, by adding. Shift the carriage one position to the left, and resume subtracting. Repeat for each quotient digit, until you either reach the machine's limits or have enough digits. The counter cantains your quotient; the accumulator contains the remainder (if any). It's of some interest that essentially-automatic division generally appeared before automatic multiplication; as each quotient digit developed, overdraft was allowed to happen, and it triggered a single add cycle followed by a shift. Square root is possible, by the "fives method", but the description is rather more complicated. This type of machine, in particular, is quite good for this kind of calculation. Short-cut division This takes some thought, but can save time. By watching the accumulator, you can anticipate a large quotient digit, and in a fashion similar to short-cut multiplication, you can add and shift, instead of simply subtracting, to save cycles. (The Marchant calculator contains a multi-digit analog magnitude comparator that prevents overdrafts! Changing from subtraction to addition and back is messy and slow in that machine.)


Mechanical calculator


[1] [2] [3] [4] Jean Marguin (1994), p. 48 Ernst Martin p.23,133 (1925) Antohy Hyman, Charles Babbage, pioneer of the computer, 1982 "The introduction of punched cards into the new engine was important not only as a more convenient form of control than the drums, or because programs could now be of unlimited extent, and could be stored and repeated without the danger of introducing errors in setting the machine by hand; it was important also because it served to crystalize Babbage's feeling that he had invented something really new, something much more than a sophisticated calculating machine." Bruce Collier, 1970 [5] Brian Randell, p.187, 1975 [6] #MARG,Jean Marguin p. 171, (1994) [7] Please see Pascaline#Pascal versus Schickard [8] Magazine Nature, (1942) [9] Scripta Mathematica, p.128 (1932) [10] From the calculating machine of Pascal to the computer, p.43 (1990) [11] (fr) La Machine dŠarithmˆtique, Blaise Pascal (http:/ / fr. wikisource. org/ wiki/ La_Machine_dÅÆÇarithm§-tique), Wikisource [12] Guy Mourlevat, p. 12 (1988) [13] Courrier du CIBP, NŒ8, p.9, (1986) [14] "...et si blocage il y avait, la machine ˆtait pratiquement inutilisable, ce qui ne fut jamais signalˆ dans les textes du XVIIIe siecle parmi ses dˆfaults" Guy Mourlevat, p.30 (1988) [15] Jean Marguin, p. 64-65 (1994) [16] Scripta Mathematica, p.149 (1932) [17] David Smith, p.173-181 (1929) [18] As quoted in Smith 1929, pp.€180•181 [19] Translated from "j'en composai une troisi’me qui va par ressorts et qui est tr’s simple en sa construction. C'est celle de laquelle, comme j'ai dˆj¼ dit, je me suis servi plusieurs fois, au vu et su d'une infinitˆ de personnes, et qui est encore en ˆtat de servir autant que jamais. Toutefois, en la perfectionnant toujours, je trouvai des raisons de la changer" Avis nˆcessaire ¼ ceux qui auront curiositˆ de voir la Machine d'Arithmˆtique et de s'en servir Wikisource: La Machine dŠarithmˆtique, Blaise Pascal [20] Quoted in David Smith, p.173, (1929) [21] Michael Williams, p.124,128 (1997) for Schikard's machine and the fact that the machines built by Burattini, Morland and Grillet were calculating clocks without a complete carry mechanism. [22] History of computer (http:/ / history-computer. com/ MechanicalCalculators/ Pioneers/ Schickard. html) (retrieved on 01/02/2012) [23] Michael Williams, p.122 (1997) [24] Michael Williams, p.124,128 (1997) [25] "The appearance of this small avorton disturbed me to the utmost and it dampened the enthusiasm with which I was developing my calculator so much that I immediately let go all of my employees..." translated from the French: "L'aspect de ce petit avorton me dˆplut au dernier point et refroidit tellement l'ardeur avec laquelle je faisais lors travailler ¼ l'accomplissement de mon mod’le qu'¼ l'instant m¿me je donnai congˆ ¼ tous les ouvriers..." [26] "But, later on, Lord Chancellor of France [...] granted me a royal privilege which is not usual, and which will suffocate before their birth all these illegitimate avortons which, by the way, could only be born of the legitimate and necessary alliance of theory and art." translated from the French: "Mais, quelque temps apr’s, Monseigneur le Chancelier [...] par la grÅce qu'il me fit de m'accorder un privil’ge qui n'est pas ordinaire, et qui ˆtouffe avant leur naissance tous ces avortons illˆgitimes qui pourraient ¿tre engendrˆs d'ailleurs que de la lˆgitime et nˆcessaire alliance de la thˆorie avec l'art" [27] "...a useless piece, perfectly clean, polished and well filed on the outside but so imperfect inside that it is of no use whatsoever." translated from the French: "...qu'une pi’ce inutile, propre vˆritablement, polie et tr’s bien limˆe par le dehors, mais tellement imparfaite au dedans qu'elle n'est d'aucun usage" [28] All the quotes in this paragraph are found in (fr) Wikisource: Avis nˆcessaire ¼ ceux qui auront curiositˆ de voir la Machine d'Arithmˆtique et de s'en servir. [29] Picture of Burattini's machine (http:/ / brunelleschi. imss. fi. it/ mediciscienze/ emed. asp?c=35423) Florence, Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, inv. 3179 (accessed on January, 09 2012) [30] A calculator Chronicle, 300 years of counting and reckoning tools, p. 12, IBM [31] Michael Williams, p.140 (1997) [32] Picture of Morland multiplying machine (http:/ / brunelleschi. imss. fi. it/ mediciscienze/ emed. asp?c=35418) Florence, Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza, inv. 679 (retrieved on January, 09 2012) [33] They belong to the Musˆe des Arts et Mˆtiers in Paris. [34] "Grillet's machine doesn't even deserve the name of machine" translated from the French "La machine de Grillet ne mˆrite donc pas m¿me le nom de machine", Jean Marguin, p.76 (1994) [35] Copy of Poleni's machine (http:/ / www. museoscienza. org/ approfondimenti/ documenti/ macchina_poleni/ replica. asp) (it) Museo Nazionale della Scienza e della Tecnologia Leonardo Da Vinci. Retrieved 2010-10-04

Mechanical calculator
[36] Jean Marguin, p. 93-94 (1994) [37] translated from the French: "De plus le report ne s'effectuant pas en cascade, la machine devait se bloquer au-del¼ de quelques reports simultanˆs", Jean Marguin, p.78 (1994) [38] Jean Marguin, p.94-96 (1994) [39] #MARG, Jean Marguin, pages 80-81 (1994) [40] Marguin, p.83 (1994) [41] Picture of Hahn's Calculator (http:/ / www-03. ibm. com/ ibm/ history/ exhibits/ attic/ attic_137. html) IBM Collection of mechanical calculators [42] Jean Marguin, pages 84-86 (1994) [43] Door E. Felt, p.15-16 (1916) [44] Le calcul simplifiˆ. Maurice d'Aucagne (http:/ / cnum. cnam. fr/ CGI/ fpage. cgi?8KU54-2. 5/ 253/ 150/ 369/ 363/ 369) [45] This is one third of the 120 years that this industry lasted [46] Arithmometre.org (retrieved on 01/02/2012) (http:/ / www. arithmometre. org/ NumerosSerie/ PageNumerosSeriePayen. html) [47] Felt, Dorr E. (1916). Mechanical arithmetic, or The history of the counting machine (http:/ / www. archive. org/ details/ mechanicalarithm00feltrich). Chicago: Washington Institute. p.€4. . [48] "The calculating engines of English mathematician Charles Babbage (1791-1871) are among the most celebrated icons in the prehistory of computing. BabbageŠs Difference Engine No.1 was the first successful automatic calculator and remains one of the finest examples of precision engineering of the time. Babbage is sometimes referred to as "father of computing." The International Charles Babbage Society (later the Charles Babbage Institute) took his name to honor his intellectual contributions and their relation to modern computers." Charles Babbage Institute (http:/ / www. cbi. umn. edu/ about/ babbage. html) (page retrieved on 01/02/2012). [49] Ifrah G., The Universal History of Numbers, vol 3, page 127, The Harvill Press, 2000 [50] Chase G.C.: History of Mechanical Computing Machinery, Vol. 2, Number 3, July 1980, IEEE Annals of the History of Computing, p. 204 [51] Serial numbers and Years of manufacturing (http:/ / www. arithmometre. org/ NumerosSerie/ PageNumerosSerieEnglish. html) www.arithmometre.org, Valˆry Monnier [52] J.A.V. Turck, Origin of modern calculating machines, The Western Society of Engineers, 1921, p. 75 [53] G. Trogemann, pages: 39-45 [54] David J. Shaw: The Cathedral Libraries Catalogue, The British Library and the Bibliographical Society, 1998 [55] J.A.V. Turck, Origin of modern calculating machines, The Western Society of Engineers, 1921, p. 143 [56] http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~wolff/ calculators/ Tech/ Millionaire/ Intro. htm [57] A notable difference was that the Millionaire calculator used an internal mechanical product lookup table versus a repeated addition or subtraction until a counter was decreased down to zero and stopped the machine for the arithmometer [58] L'ami des Sciences 1856, p.301 (http:/ / www. arithmometre. org/ Bibliotheque/ BibNumerique/ AmiDesSciences1856/ AmidesSciences1856. pdf) www.arithmometre.org (page retrieved on 09/22/2010) [59] Larousse, P. (1886), Grand dictionaire universel du XIX siecle, Paris, entry for A-M Guerry [60] Patent application in french (http:/ / www. ami19. org/ BrevetsFrancais/ 1883Edmonson/ 1883Edmonson. pdf) from www.ami19.org scanned by Valˆry Monnier (retrieved on January 12, 2012) [61] James Essinger, p.76 (2004) [62] "The better part of my live has now been spent on that machine, and no progress whatever having been made since 1834...", Charles Babbage, quoted in Irascible Genius, 1964, p.145 [63] "It is reasonable to inquire, therefore, whether it is possible to devise a machine which will do for mathematical computation what the automatic lathe has done for engineering. The first suggestion that such a machine could be made came more than a hundred years ago from the mathematician Charles Babbage. Babbage's ideas have only been properly appreciated in the last ten years, but we now realize that he understood clearly all the fundamental principles which are embodied in modern digital computers" B. V. Bowden, 1953, pp.6,7 [64] Howard Aiken, 1937, reprinted in The origins of Digital computers, Selected Papers, Edited by Brian Randell, 1973 [65] NCR Retrospective website (http:/ / www. ncr. org. uk/ page106. html) accessed October, 02 2012 [66] History of the cash register (http:/ / www. cashregistersonline. com/ history. asp) retrieved October, 05 2012 [67] See the number of machines built in 1890 in this paragraph [68] Dick and Joan's antique (http:/ / www. brasscashregister. net/ learn_more/ articles/ how_to_date_your_national_or_ncr_cash_register/ ) accessed October, 02 2012 [69] List of serial numbers by dates (http:/ / www. arithmometre. org/ NumerosSerie/ PageNumerosSeriePayen. html) arithmometre.org retrieved October 10, 2012 [70] Before the computer, James W. Cortada, p.34 ISBN 0-691-04807-X [71] http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~wolff/ calculators/ Tech/ MarchantDRX/ Actuator. htm [72] http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~wolff/ calculators/ Tech/ MarchantDRX/ Intro. htm [73] http:/ / www. vintagecalculators. com/ html/ the_twin_marchant. html [74] http:/ / home. vicnet. net. au/ ~wolff/ calculators/ Tech/ FacitC1-13/ C113. htm#Rotor


Mechanical calculator


‚ (in fr) De la machine Ÿ calculer de Pascal Ÿ l'ordinateur. Paris, France: Musˆe National des Techniques, CNAM. 1990. ISBN€2-908207-07-9. ‚ Trogemann, G.; Nitussov, A. (2001). Computing in Russia. Germany: GWV-Vieweg. ISBN€3-528-05757-2. ‚ Felt, Dorr E. (1916). Mechanical arithmetic, or The history of the counting machine (http://www.archive.org/ details/mechanicalarithm00feltrich). Chicago: Washington Institute. ‚ Marguin, Jean (1994) (in fr). Histoire des instruments et machines Ÿ calculer, trois si cles de mˆcanique pensante 1642-1942. Hermann. ISBN€978-2-7056-6166-3. ‚ Mourlevat, Guy (1988) (in fr). Les machines arithmˆtiques de Blaise Pascal. Clermont-Ferrand: La FranÈaise d'Edition et d'Imprimerie. ‚ Taton, Renˆ (1969) (in fr). Histoire du calcul. Que sais-je ? n¡ 198. Presses universitaires de France. ‚ Turck, J.A.V. (1921). Origin of Modern Calculating Machines. The Western Society of Engineers. Reprinted by Arno Press, 1972 ISBN 0-405-04730-4. ‚ Ginsburg, Jekuthiel (2003). Scripta Mathematica (Septembre 1932-Juin 1933). Kessinger Publishing, LLC. ISBN€978-0-7661-3835-3. ‚ Martin, Ernst (1992). The Charles Babbage Institute. ed. The Calculating Machines translation from Die Rechenmaschinen (1925). Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press. ‚ Smith, David Eugene (1929). A Source Book in Mathematics. New York and London: McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc.. ‚ Moseley, Maboth (1964). Irascible Genius, Charles Babbage Inventor. London: Hutchinson & Co, Ltd. ‚ Bowden, B. V. (1953). Faster than thought. New York, Toronto, London: Pitman publishing corporation. ‚ Williams, Michael R. (1997). History of Computing Technology. Los Alamitos, California: IEEE Computer Society. ISBN€0-8186-7739-2. ‚ Randell, Brian (1973). The origins of Digital computers, Selected Papers. Springer-Verlag. ‚ IBM. A calculator Chronicle, 300 years of counting and reckoning tools. New York. ‚ Collier, Bruce. The little engine that could've: The calculating machines of Charles Babbage (http://robroy. dyndns.info/collier/index.html). Garland Publishing Inc. ISBN€0-8240-0043-9. ‚ Essinger, James (2004). Jacquard's Web. Oxford University Press. ISBN€0-19-280577-0. ‚ Prof. S. Chapman (October 31, 1942). "Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) Tercentenary of the calculating machine". Nature (London) 150: 508•509. ‚ "Usage de la machine" (in fr). Courrier du centre international Blaise Pascal (Clermont-Ferrand) (8): 4•25. 1986.

Analytic geometry


Analytic geometry
Analytic geometry, or analytical geometry, has two different meanings in mathematics. The modern and advanced meaning refers to the geometry of analytic varieties. This article focuses on the classical and elementary meaning. In classical mathematics, analytic geometry, also known as coordinate geometry, or Cartesian geometry, is the study of geometry using a coordinate system and the principles of algebra and analysis. This contrasts with the synthetic approach of Euclidean geometry, which treats certain geometric notions as primitive, and uses deductive reasoning based on Cartesian coordinates. axioms and theorems to derive truth. Analytic geometry is widely used in physics and engineering, and is the foundation of most modern fields of geometry, including algebraic, differential, discrete, and computational geometry. Usually the Cartesian coordinate system is applied to manipulate equations for planes, straight lines, and squares, often in two and sometimes in three dimensions. Geometrically, one studies the Euclidean plane (2 dimensions) and Euclidean space (3 dimensions). As taught in school books, analytic geometry can be explained more simply: it is concerned with defining and representing geometrical shapes in a numerical way and extracting numerical information from shapes' numerical definitions and representations. The numerical output, however, might also be a vector or a shape. That the algebra of the real numbers can be employed to yield results about the linear continuum of geometry relies on the Cantor•Dedekind axiom.

The Greek mathematician Menaechmus solved problems and proved theorems by using a method that had a strong resemblance to the use of coordinates and it has sometimes been maintained that he had introduced analytic geometry.[1] Apollonius of Perga, in On Determinate Section, dealt with problems in a manner that may be called an analytic geometry of one dimension; with the question of finding points on a line that were in a ratio to the others.[2] Apollonius in the Conics further developed a method that is so similar to analytic geometry that his work is sometimes thought to have anticipated the work of Descartes † by some 1800 years. His application of reference lines, a diameter and a tangent is essentially no different than our modern use of a coordinate frame, where the distances measured along the diameter from the point of tangency are the abscissas, and the segments parallel to the tangent and intercepted between the axis and the curve are the ordinates. He further developed relations between the abscissas and the corresponding ordinates that are equivalent to rhetorical equations of curves. However, although Apollonius came close to developing analytic geometry, he did not manage to do so since he did not take into account negative magnitudes and in every case the coordinate system was superimposed upon a given curve a posteriori instead of a priori. That is, equations were determined by curves, but curves were not determined by equations. Coordinates, variables, and equations were subsidiary notions applied to a specific geometric situation.[3]

Analytic geometry The eleventh century Persian mathematician Omar Khayy“m saw a strong relationship between geometry and algebra, and was moving in the right direction when he helped to close the gap between numerical and geometric algebra[4] with his geometric solution of the general cubic equations,[5] but the decisive step came later with Descartes.[4] Analytic geometry has traditionally been attributed to Renˆ Descartes[4][6][7] Descartes made significant progress with the methods in an essay entitled La Geometrie (Geometry), one of the three accompanying essays (appendices) published in 1637 together with his Discourse on the Method for Rightly Directing One's Reason and Searching for Truth in the Sciences, commonly referred to as Discourse on Method. This work, written in his native French tongue, and its philosophical principles, provided a foundation for Infinitesimal calculus in Europe. Initially the work was not well received, due, in part, to the many gaps in arguments and complicated equations. Only after the translation into Latin and the addition of commentary by van Schooten in 1649 (and further work thereafter) did Descarte's masterpiece receive due recognition.[8] Pierre Fermat also pioneered the development of analytic geometry. Although not published in his lifetime, a manuscript form of Ad locos planos et solidos isagoge (Introduction to Plane and Solid Loci) was circulating in Paris in 1637, just prior to the publication of Descartes' Discourse.[9] Clearly written and well received, the Introduction also laid the groundwork for analytical geometry. The key difference between Fermat's and Descartes' treatments is a matter of viewpoint. Fermat always started with an algebraic equation and then described the geometric curve which satisfied it, while Descartes starts with geometric curves and produces their equations as one of several properties of the curves.[8] As a consequence of this approach, Descartes had to deal with more complicated equations and he had to develop the methods to work with polynomial equations of higher degree.


Basic principles
In analytic geometry, the plane is given a coordinate system, by which every point has a pair of real number coordinates. The most common coordinate system to use is the Cartesian coordinate system, where each point has an x-coordinate representing its horizontal position, and a y-coordinate representing its vertical position. These are typically written as an ordered pair (x,€y). This system can also be used for three-dimensional geometry, where every point in Euclidean space is represented by an ordered triple of coordinates (x,€y,€z). Other coordinate systems are possible. On the plane the most common alternative is polar coordinates, where every point is represented by its radius r from the origin and its angle ¢. In three dimensions, common alternative coordinate systems include cylindrical coordinates and spherical coordinates.

Illustration of a Cartesian coordinate plane. Four points are marked and labeled with their coordinates: (2,3) in green, (€3,1) in red, (€1.5,€2.5) in blue, and the origin (0,0) in purple.

Equations of curves
In analytic geometry, any equation involving the coordinates specifies a subset of the plane, namely the solution set for the equation. For example, the equation y€=€x corresponds to the set of all the points on the plane whose

Analytic geometry x-coordinate and y-coordinate are equal. These points form a line, and y€=€x is said to be the equation for this line. In general, linear equations involving x and y specify lines, quadratic equations specify conic sections, and more complicated equations describe more complicated figures. Usually, a single equation corresponds to a curve on the plane. This is not always the case: the trivial equation x€=€x specifies the entire plane, and the equation x2€+€y2€=€0 specifies only the single point (0,€0). In three dimensions, a single equation usually gives a surface, and a curve must be specified as the intersection of two surfaces (see below), or as a system of parametric equations. The equation x2€+€y2€=€r2 is the equation for any circle with a radius of r.


Distance and angle
In analytic geometry, geometric notions such as distance and angle measure are defined using formulas. These definitions are designed to be consistent with the underlying Euclidean geometry. For example, using Cartesian coordinates on the plane, the distance between two points (x1,€y1) and (x2,€y2) is defined by the formula

which can be viewed as a version of the Pythagorean theorem. Similarly, the angle that a line makes with the horizontal can be defined by the formula

The distance formula on the plane follows from the Pythagorean theorem.

where m is the slope of the line.

Section of a line
In Analytical Geometry a section of a line can be given by the formula where (c,d)&(e,f) are the endpoints of the line & m:n is the ratio of division S(a,b)=(nc+me/m+n, nd+mf/m+n)

Transformations are applied to parent functions to turn it into a new function with similar characteristics. For example, the parent function y=1/x has a horizontal and a vertical asymptote, and occupies the first and third quadrant, and all of its transformed forms have one horizontal and vertical asymptote,and occupies either the 1st and 3rd or 2nd and 4th quadrant. In general, if y€=€f(x), then it can be transformed into y€=€af(b(x€€€k))€+€h. In the new transformed function, a is the factor that vertically stretches the function if it is greater than 1 or vertically compresses the function if it is less than 1, and for negative a values, the function is reflected in the x-axis. The b value compresses the graph of the function horizontally if greater than 1 and stretches the function horizontally if less than 1, and like a, reflects the function in the y-axis when it is negative. The k and h values introduce translations, h, vertical, and k horizontal. Positive h and k values mean the function is translated to the positive end of its axis and negative meaning translation towards the negative end. Transformations can be applied to any geometric equation whether or not the equation represents a function. Transformations can be considered as individual transactions or in combinations. Suppose that R(x,y) is a relation in the xy plane. For example x2€+€y2€-1=€0

Analytic geometry is the relation that describes the unit circle. The graph of R(x,y) is changed by standard transformations as follows: Changing x to x-h moves the graph to the right h units. Changing y to y-k moves the graph up k units. Changing x to x/b stretches the graph horizontally by a factor of b. (think of the x as being dilated) Changing y to y/a stretches the graph vertically. Changing x to xcosA+ ysinA and changing y to -xsinA + ycosA rotates the graph by an angle A. There are other standard transformation not typically studied in elementary analytic geometry because the transformations change the shape of objects in ways not usually considered. Skewing is an example of a transformation not usually considered. For more information, consult the Wikipedia article on affine transformations.


While this discussion is limited to the xy-plane, it can easily be extended to higher dimensions. For two geometric objects P and Q represented by the relations P(x,y) and Q(x,y) the intersection is the collection of all points (x,y) which are in both relations. For example, P might be the circle with radius 1 and center (0,0): P = {(x,y) | x2+y2=1} and Q might be the circle with radius 1 and center (1,0): Q = {(x,y) | (x-1)2+y2=1}. The intersection of these two circles is the collection of points which make both equations true. Does the point (0,0) make both equations true? Using (0,0) for (x,y), the equation for Q becomes (0-1)2+02=1 or (-1)2=1 which is true, so (0,0) is in the relation Q. On the other hand, still using (0,0) for (x,y) the equation for P becomes (0)2+02=1 or 0=1 which is false. (0,0) is not in P so it is not in the intersection. The intersection of P and Q can be found by solving the simultaneous equations: x2+y2 = 1 (x-1)2+y2 = 1 Traditional methods include substitution and elimination. Substitution: Solve the first equation for y in terms of x and then substitute the expression for y into the second equation. x2+y2 = 1 y2=1-x2 We then substitute this value for y2 into the other equation: (x-1)2+(1-x2)=1 and proceed to solve for x: x2 -2x +1 +1 -x2 =1 -2x = -1 x=Ã We next place this value of x in either of the original equations and solve for y: Ã2+y2 = 1 y2 = É

So that our intersection has two points:

Elimination: Add (or subtract) a multiple of one equation to the other equation so that one of the variables is eliminated. For our current example, If we subtract the first equation from the second we get: (x-1)2-x2=0 The y2 in the first equation is subtracted from the y2 in the second equation leaving no y term. y has been eliminated. We then

Analytic geometry solve the remaining equation for x, in the same way as in the substitution method. x2 -2x +1 +1 -x2 =1 -2x = -1 x=Ã We next place this value of x in either of the original equations and solve for y: Ã2+y2 = 1 y2 = É


So that our intersection has two points:

For conic sections, as many as 4 points might be in the intersection.

One type of intersection which is widely studied is the intersection of a geometric object with the x and y coordinate axes. The intersection of a geometric object and the y-axis is called the y-intercept of the object. The intersection of a geometric object and the x-axis is called the x-intercept of the object. For the line y=mx+b, the parameter b specifies the point where the line crosses the y axis. Depending on the context, either b or the point (0,b) is called the y-intercept.

Important themes of analytical geometry are ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ vector space definition of the plane distance problems the dot product, to get the angle of two vectors the cross product, to get a perpendicular vector of two known vectors (and also their spatial volume) intersection problems conic sections depending on the class, this may include rotation of coordinates and the general quadratic problems Ax2 + Bxy + Cy2 +Dx + Ey + F = 0. If the Bxy term is considered, rotations are generally used. Many of these problems involve linear algebra.

Here an example of a problem from the United States of America Mathematical Talent Search that can be solved via analytic geometry: Problem: In a convex pentagon in that order. Let Let , , , and be the midpoint of segment , the sides have lengths be the midpoints of the sides , and , , . , . , and , and be located at are located at , , , , , , , , and , though not necessarily , and , respectively. is

be the midpoint of segment , , , ,

. The length of segment

an integer. Find all possible values for the length of side Solution: Without loss of generality, let , , and Using the midpoint formula, the points

Analytic geometry


, , and Using the distance formula,






has to be an integer,

(see modular arithmetic) so


Modern analytic geometry
An analytic variety is defined locally as the set of common solutions of several equations involving analytic functions. It is analogous to the included concept of real or complex algebraic variety. Any complex manifold is an analytic variety. Since analytic varieties may have singular points, not all analytic varieties are manifolds. Analytic geometry is essentially equivalent to real and complex Algebraic geometry, as has been shown by Jean-Pierre Serre in his paper GAGA, the name of which is French for Algebraic geometry and analytic geometry. Nevertheless, the two fields remain distinct, as the methods of proof are quite different and algebraic geometry includes also geometry in finite characteristic.

[1] Boyer, Carl B. (1991). "The Age of Plato and Aristotle". A History of Mathematics (Second Edition ed.). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.. pp.€94•95. ISBN€0-471-54397-7. "Menaechmus apparently derived these properties of the conic sections and others as well. Since this material has a strong resemblance to the use of coordinates, as illustrated above, it has sometimes been maintained that Menaechmus had analytic geometry. Such a judgment is warranted only in part, for certainly Menaechmus was unaware that any equation in two unknown quantities determines a curve. In fact, the general concept of an equation in unknown quantities was alien to Greek thought. It was shortcomings in algebraic notations that, more than anything else, operated against the Greek achievement of a full-fledged coordinate geometry." [2] Boyer, Carl B. (1991). "Apollonius of Perga". A History of Mathematics (Second Edition ed.). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.. pp.€142. ISBN€0-471-54397-7. "The Apollonian treatise On Determinate Section dealt with what might be called an analytic geometry of one dimension. It considered the following general problem, using the typical Greek algebraic analysis in geometric form: Given four points A, B, C, D on a straight line, determine a fifth point P on it such that the rectangle on AP and CP is in a given ratio to the rectangle on BP and DP. Here, too, the problem reduces easily to the solution of a quadratic; and, as in other cases, Apollonius treated the question exhaustively, including the limits of possibility and the number of solutions." [3] Boyer, Carl B. (1991). "Apollonius of Perga". A History of Mathematics (Second Edition ed.). John Wiley & Sons, Inc.. pp.€156. ISBN€0-471-54397-7. "The method of Apollonius in the Conics in many respects are so similar to the modern approach that his work sometimes is judged to be an analytic geometry anticipating that of Descartes by 1800 years. The application of references lines in general, and of a diameter and a tangent at its extremity in particular, is, of course, not essentially different from the use fo a coordinate frame, whether rectangular or, more generally, oblique. Distances measured along the diameter from the point of tangency are the abscissas, and segments parallel to the tangent and intercepted between the axis and the curve are the ordinates. The Apollonian relationship between these abscissas and the corresponding ordinates are nothing more nor less than rhetorical forms of the equations of the curves. However, Greek geometric algebra did not provide for negative magnitudes; moreover, the coordinate system was in every case superimposed a posteriori upon a given curve in order to study its properties. There appear to be no cases in ancient geometry in which a coordinate frame of reference was laid down a priori for purposes of graphical representation of an equation or relationship, whether symbolically or rhetorically expressed. Of Greek geometry we may say that equations are determined by curves, but not that curves are determined by equations. Coordinates, variables, and equations were subsidiary notions derived from a specific geometric situation; [...] That Apollonius, the greatest geometer of antiquity, failed to develop analytic geometry, was probably the result of a poverty of curves rather than of thought. General methods are not necessary when problems concern always one of a limited number of particular cases."

Analytic geometry
[4] Boyer (1991). "The Arabic Hegemony". pp.€241•242. "Omar Khayyam (ca. 1050•1123), the "tent-maker," wrote an Algebra that went beyond that of al-Khwarizmi to include equations of third degree. Like his Arab predecessors, Omar Khayyam provided for quadratic equations both arithmetic and geometric solutions; for general cubic equations, he believed (mistakenly, as the sixteenth century later showed), arithmetic solutions were impossible; hence he gave only geometric solutions. The scheme of using intersecting conics to solve cubics had been used earlier by Menaechmus, Archimedes, and Alhazan, but Omar Khayyam took the praiseworthy step of generalizing the method to cover all third-degree equations (having positive roots). .. For equations of higher degree than three, Omar Khayyam evidently did not envision similar geometric methods, for space does not contain more than three dimensions, ... One of the most fruitful contributions of Arabic eclecticism was the tendency to close the gap between numerical and geometric algebra. The decisive step in this direction came much later with Descartes, but Omar Khayyam was moving in this direction when he wrote, "Whoever thinks algebra is a trick in obtaining unknowns has thought it in vain. No attention should be paid to the fact that algebra and geometry are different in appearance. Algebras are geometric facts which are proved."" [5] Glen M. Cooper (2003). "Omar Khayyam, the Mathmetician", The Journal of the American Oriental Society 123. [6] Stillwell, John (2004). "Analytic Geometry". Mathematics and its History (Second Edition ed.). Springer Science + Business Media Inc.. pp.€105. ISBN€0-387-95336-1. "the two founders of analytic geometry, Fermat and Descartes, were both strongly influenced by these developments." [7] Cooke, Roger (1997). "The Calculus". The History of Mathematics: A Brief Course. Wiley-Interscience. pp.€326. ISBN€0-471-18082-3. "The person who is popularly credited with being the discoverer of analytic geometry was the philosopher Renˆ Descartes (1596•1650), one of the most influential thinkers of the modern era." [8] Katz 1998, pg. 442 [9] Katz 1998, pg. 436


‚ Katz, Victor J. (1998), A History of Mathematics: An Introduction (2nd Ed.), Reading: Addison Wesley Longman, ISBN€0-321-01618-1

External links
‚ Coordinate Geometry topics (http://www.mathopenref.com/tocs/coordpointstoc.html) with interactive animations

Formula for primes


Formula for primes
In number theory, a formula for primes is a formula generating the prime numbers, exactly and without exception. No such formula which is easily computable is presently known. A number of constraints are known: what such a "formula" can and cannot be.

Prime formulas and polynomial functions
It is known that no non-constant polynomial function P(n) with integer coefficients exists that evaluates to a prime number for all integers n. The proof is: Suppose such a polynomial existed. Then P(1) would evaluate to a prime p, so . But for any k, also, so (as it is prime and divisible by p), but the only way for all k is if the polynomial function is constant. The same reasoning shows an even stronger result: no non-constant polynomial function P(n) exists that evaluates to a prime number for almost all integers n. Euler first noticed (in 1772) that the quadratic polynomial P(n) = n2 - n + 41 is prime for all positive integers less than 41. The primes for n = 1, 2, 3... are 41, 43, 47, 53, 61, 71... The differences between the terms are 2, 4, 6, 8, 10... For n = 41, it produces a square number, 1681, which is equal to 41†41, the smallest composite number for this formula. If 41 divides n it divides P(n) too. The phenomenon is related to the Ulam spiral, which is also implicitly quadratic, and the class number; this polynomial is related to the Heegner number , and there are analogous polynomials for , corresponding to other Heegner numbers. It is known, based on Dirichlet's theorem on arithmetic progressions, that linear polynomial functions produce infinitely many primes as long as a and b are relatively prime (though no such function will assume prime values for all values of n). Moreover, the Green•Tao theorem says that for any k there exists a pair of a and b with the property that is prime for any n from 0 to k€€€1. However, the best known result of such type is for k = 26: 43142746595714191 + 5283234035979900n is prime for all n from 0 to 25 (Andersen 2010). It is not even known whether there exists a univariate polynomial of degree at least 2 that assumes an infinite number of values that are prime; see Bunyakovsky conjecture.

Formula based on a system of Diophantine equations
A system of 14 Diophantine equations in 26 variables can be used to obtain a Diophantine representation of the set of all primes. Jones et al. (1976) proved that a given number k€+€2 is prime if and only if the following system of 14 Diophantine equations has a solution in the natural numbers: •0 = •1 = •2 = •3 = •4 = •5 = •6 = •7 = =0 =0 =0 =0 =0 =0 =0 =0

Formula for primes •8 = •9 = •10 = •11 = •12 = •13 = =0 =0 =0 =0 =0 =0


The 14 equations •0, ƒ, •13 can be used to produce a prime-generating polynomial inequality in 26 variables: i.e.:

is a polynomial inequality in 26 variables, and the set of prime numbers is identical to the set of positive values taken on by the left-hand side as the variables a, b, ƒ, z range over the nonnegative integers. A general theorem of Matiyasevich says that if a set is defined by a system of Diophantine equations, it can also be defined by a system of Diophantine equations in only 9 variables. Hence, there is a prime-generating polynomial as above with only 10 variables. However, its degree is large (in the order of 1045). On the other hand, there also exists such a set of equations of degree only 4, but in 58 variables.(Jones 1982)

Formula for primes


Formulas using the floor function
Using the floor function (defined to be the largest integer less than or equal to the real number x), one can construct several formulas that take only prime numbers as values for all positive integers n.

Mills's formula
The first such formula known was established in 1947 by W. H. Mills, who proved that there exists a real number A such that

is a prime number for all positive integers n. If the Riemann hypothesis is true, then the smallest such A has a value of around 1.3063... and is known as Mills' constant. This formula has no practical value, because very little is known about the constant (not even whether it is rational), and there is no known way of calculating the constant without finding primes in the first place.

Converting the sieve of Eratosthenes to prime number formulas
There is another, quite different formula discovered by Sebasti“n MartÊn-Ruiz (Rivera n.d.) and proved with Jonathan Sondow (Martin-Ruiz & Sondow 2002):

Note the following equalities:


is the prime counting function.

Formula for primes


Converting primality tests to prime number formulas
Any primality test can be used as the basis for a prime number formula. In effect, a test for the primality of n is a computation of the function IsPrime(n), defined by:

If the primality test is given by a condition on some formula involving IsPrime(n). Using a product,

then that formula gives a formula for

For a prime

,the product above is not 0. So,

where n is more than 1. However, the product is very large or very small where n is a prime so

Moreover, we need not calculate product up to k=l=n.

Wilson's theorem states that n is prime if and only if it divides formula, two intermediate functions are introduced:

To express this by an explicit

Then Wilson's theorem says that

This can be further specified by an explicit formula for IsInteger(x). Some options are:

: formula by C. P. Willans (Bowyer n.d.) Then, for example, taking the first option gives a formula for IsPrime(n) using Wilson's theorem:

Not using the function IsInteger,

Once IsPrime(n) can be computed, the prime counting function

can as well, since by definition

Formula for primes


can then compute a function testing whether a given integer n is the mth prime:

The function IsZero(x) can likewise be expressed by a formula:

Finally, the IsNthPrime(

) function can be used to produce a formula for the nth prime:

The upper bound 2n comes from Bertrand's postulate, which implies that there is a sequence of primes where Thus, involving the arithmetic

Substituting the formulas above and applying Wilson's theorem gives a formula for operations and the floor function. Other such formulas are:

in which the following equality is important:


by Sebasti“n MartÊn-Ruiz and proved with Jonathan Sondow (Martin-Ruiz & Sondow 2002). A similar formula for was given earlier by Stephen Regimbal (Regimbal 1975).

Recurrence relation
Another prime generator is defined by the recurrence relation

where gcd(x, y) denotes the greatest common divisor of x and y. The sequence of differences an + 1 € an starts with 1, 1, 1, 5, 3, 1, 1, 1, 1, 11, 3, 1, 1 (sequence A132199 in OEIS). Rowland (2008) proved that this sequence contains only ones and prime numbers.

Formula for primes


‚ Andersen, Jens Kruse (2010), Primes in Arithmetic Progression Records [1], retrieved 2010-04-13. ‚ Bowyer, Adrian (n.d.), "Formulae for Primes" [2], Eprint arXiv:math/0611761: 11761, arXiv:math/0611761, Bibcode€2006math.....11761F, retrieved 2008-07-09. ‚ Jones, James P.; Sato, Daihachiro; Wada, Hideo; Wiens, Douglas (1976), "Diophantine representation of the set of prime numbers" [3], American Mathematical Monthly (Mathematical Association of America) 83 (6): 449•464, doi:10.2307/2318339, JSTOR€2318339. ‚ Jones, James P. (1982), "Universal diophantine equation", Journal of Symbolic Logic 47 (3): 549•571, doi:10.2307/2273588. ‚ Martin-Ruiz, Sebastian; Sondow, Jonathan (2002). "Formulas for ‹(n) and the nth prime". arXiv:math/0210312.. ‚ Regimbal, Stephen (1975), "An explicit Formula for the k-th prime number", Mathematics Magazine (Mathematical Association of America) 48 (4): 230•232, doi:10.2307/2690354, JSTOR€2690354. ‚ Rivera, Carlos (n.d.), Problem 38. Sebasti†n Mart…n Ruiz- Prime formulas [4], retrieved 2008-07-09. ‚ Rowland, Eric S. (2008), "A Natural Prime-Generating Recurrence" [5], Journal of Integer Sequences 11: 08.2.8, arXiv:0710.3217, Bibcode€2008JIntS..11...28R. ‚ Matiyasevich, Yuri V. (2006), "Formulas for Prime Numbers", Eprint arXiv:math/0611761: 11761, arXiv:math/0611761, Bibcode€2006math.....11761F (Tabachnikov, Serge, Kvant selecta: algebra and analysis, 1, AMS Bookstore, ISBN€978-0-8218-1915-9, pp 13. [6]).
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] http:/ / users. cybercity. dk/ ~dsl522332/ math/ aprecords. htm http:/ / people. bath. ac. uk/ ensab/ Primes/ http:/ / mathdl. maa. org/ mathDL/ ?pa=content& sa=viewDocument& nodeId=2967& pf=1 http:/ / www. primepuzzles. net/ problems/ prob_038. htm http:/ / www. cs. uwaterloo. ca/ journals/ JIS/ VOL11/ Rowland/ rowland21. html http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=oLKlk5o6WroC& pg=PA13

External links
‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Prime Formulas (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/PrimeFormulas.html)" from MathWorld. ‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Prime-Generating Polynomial (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/ Prime-GeneratingPolynomial.html)" from MathWorld. ‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Mill's Constant (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/MillsConstant.html)" from MathWorld. ‚ A Venugopalan. Formula for primes, twinprimes, number of primes and number of twinprimes. Proceedings of the Indian Academy of Sciences†Mathematical Sciences, Vol. 92, No 1, September 1983, pp.€49•52. Page 49 (http://www.ias.ac.in/jarch/mathsci/92/00000050.pdf), 50 (http://www.ias.ac.in/jarch/mathsci/92/ 00000051.pdf), 51 (http://www.ias.ac.in/jarch/mathsci/92/00000052.pdf), 52 (http://www.ias.ac.in/ jarch/mathsci/92/00000053.pdf), errata (http://www.ias.ac.in/jarch/mathsci/93/00000068.pdf).

Probability theory


Probability theory
Probability theory is the branch of mathematics concerned with probability, the analysis of random phenomena.[1] The central objects of probability theory are random variables, stochastic processes, and events: mathematical abstractions of non-deterministic events or measured quantities that may either be single occurrences or evolve over time in an apparently random fashion. If an individual coin toss or the roll of dice is considered to be a random event, then if repeated many times the sequence of random events will exhibit certain patterns, which can be studied and predicted. Two representative mathematical results describing such patterns are the law of large numbers and the central limit theorem. As a mathematical foundation for statistics, probability theory is essential to many human activities that involve quantitative analysis of large sets of data. Methods of probability theory also apply to descriptions of complex systems given only partial knowledge of their state, as in statistical mechanics. A great discovery of twentieth century physics was the probabilistic nature of physical phenomena at atomic scales, described in quantum mechanics.

The mathematical theory of probability has its roots in attempts to analyze games of chance by Gerolamo Cardano in the sixteenth century, and by Pierre de Fermat and Blaise Pascal in the seventeenth century (for example the "problem of points"). Christiaan Huygens published a book on the subject in 1657[2] and in the 19th century a big work was done by Laplace in what can be considered today as the classic interpretation.[3] Initially, probability theory mainly considered discrete events, and its methods were mainly combinatorial. Eventually, analytical considerations compelled the incorporation of continuous variables into the theory. This culminated in modern probability theory, on foundations laid by Andrey Nikolaevich Kolmogorov. Kolmogorov combined the notion of sample space, introduced by Richard von Mises, and measure theory and presented his axiom system for probability theory in 1933. Fairly quickly this became the mostly undisputed axiomatic basis for modern probability theory but alternatives exist, in particular the adoption of finite rather than countable additivity by Bruno de Finetti.[4]

Most introductions to probability theory treat discrete probability distributions and continuous probability distributions separately. The more mathematically advanced measure theory based treatment of probability covers both the discrete, the continuous, any mix of these two and more.

Consider an experiment that can produce a number of outcomes. The collection of all results is called the sample space of the experiment. The power set of the sample space is formed by considering all different collections of possible results. For example, rolling a die produces one of six possible results. One collection of possible results corresponds to getting an odd number. Thus, the subset {1,3,5} is an element of the power set of the sample space of die rolls. These collections are called events. In this case, {1,3,5} is the event that the die falls on some odd number. If the results that actually occur fall in a given event, that event is said to have occurred. Probability is a way of assigning every "event" a value between zero and one, with the requirement that the event made up of all possible results (in our example, the event {1,2,3,4,5,6}) be assigned a value of one. To qualify as a probability distribution, the assignment of values must satisfy the requirement that if you look at a collection of mutually exclusive events (events that contain no common results, e.g., the events {1,6}, {3}, and {2,4} are all mutually exclusive), the probability that at least one of the events will occur is given by the sum of the probabilities

Probability theory of all the individual events.[5] The probability that any one of the events {1,6}, {3}, or {2,4} will occur is 5/6. This is the same as saying that the probability of event {1,2,3,4,6} is 5/6. This event encompasses the possibility of any number except five being rolled. The mutually exclusive event {5} has a probability of 1/6, and the event {1,2,3,4,5,6} has a probability of 1 absolute certainty.


Discrete probability distributions
Discrete probability theory deals with events that occur in countable sample spaces. Examples: Throwing dice, experiments with decks of cards, and random walk. Classical definition: Initially the probability of an event to occur was defined as number of cases favorable for the event, over the number of total outcomes possible in an equiprobable sample space: see Classical definition of probability. For example, if the event is "occurrence of an even number when a die is rolled", the probability is given by ,

since 3 faces out of the 6 have even numbers and each face has the same probability of appearing. Modern definition: The modern definition starts with a finite or countable set called the sample space, which relates to the set of all possible outcomes in classical sense, denoted by . It is then assumed that for each element , an intrinsic "probability" value 1. 2. That is, the probability function f(x) lies between zero and one for every value of x in the sample space £, and the sum of f(x) over all values x in the sample space £ is equal to 1. An event is defined as any subset of the sample space . The probability of the event is defined as is attached, which satisfies the following properties:

So, the probability of the entire sample space is 1, and the probability of the null event is 0. The function mapping a point in the sample space to the "probability" value is called a probability mass

function abbreviated as pmf. The modern definition does not try to answer how probability mass functions are obtained; instead it builds a theory that assumes their existence.

Continuous probability distributions
Continuous probability theory deals with events that occur in a continuous sample space. Classical definition: The classical definition breaks down when confronted with the continuous case. See Bertrand's paradox. Modern definition: If the outcome space of a random variable X is the set of real numbers ( then a function called the cumulative distribution function (or cdf) That is, F(x) returns the probability that X will be less than or equal to x. The cdf necessarily satisfies the following properties. 1. 2. 3. If is absolutely continuous, i.e., its derivative exists and integrating the derivative gives us the cdf back again, then the random variable X is said to have a probability density function or pdf or simply density is a monotonically non-decreasing, right-continuous function; exists, defined by ) or a subset thereof, .

Probability theory


For a set

, the probability of the random variable X being in


In case the probability density function exists, this can be written as

Whereas the pdf exists only for continuous random variables, the cdf exists for all random variables (including discrete random variables) that take values in These concepts can be generalized for multidimensional cases on and other continuous sample spaces.

Measure-theoretic probability theory
The raison d'¤tre of the measure-theoretic treatment of probability is that it unifies the discrete and the continuous cases, and makes the difference a question of which measure is used. Furthermore, it covers distributions that are neither discrete nor continuous nor mixtures of the two. An example of such distributions could be a mix of discrete and continuous distributions†for example, a random variable that is 0 with probability 1/2, and takes a random value from a normal distribution with probability 1/2. It can still be studied to some extent by considering it to have a pdf of , where is the Dirac delta function. Other distributions may not even be a mix, for example, the Cantor distribution has no positive probability for any single point, neither does it have a density. The modern approach to probability theory solves these problems using measure theory to define the probability space: Given any set If , (also called sample space) and a Ë-algebra on it, a measure defined on is called a for any cdf, probability measure if is the Borel Ë-algebra on the set of real numbers, then there is a unique probability measure on and vice versa. The measure corresponding to a cdf is said to be induced by the cdf. This measure coincides with the pmf for discrete variables, and pdf for continuous variables, making the measure-theoretic approach free of fallacies. The probability of a set in the Ë-algebra is defined as

where the integration is with respect to the measure

induced by

Along with providing better understanding and unification of discrete and continuous probabilities, measure-theoretic treatment also allows us to work on probabilities outside , as in the theory of stochastic processes. For example to study Brownian motion, probability is defined on a space of functions.

Probability distributions
Certain random variables occur very often in probability theory because they well describe many natural or physical processes. Their distributions therefore have gained special importance in probability theory. Some fundamental discrete distributions are the discrete uniform, Bernoulli, binomial, negative binomial, Poisson and geometric distributions. Important continuous distributions include the continuous uniform, normal, exponential, gamma and beta distributions.

Probability theory


Convergence of random variables
In probability theory, there are several notions of convergence for random variables. They are listed below in the order of strength, i.e., any subsequent notion of convergence in the list implies convergence according to all of the preceding notions. Weak convergence: A sequence of random variables variable if their respective cumulative distribution functions of , wherever distribution function distribution. Most common short hand notation: Convergence in probability: The sequence of random variables random variable in probability if is said to converge towards the for every Ì > 0. converges weakly to the random converge to the cumulative

is continuous. Weak convergence is also called convergence in

Most common short hand notation: Strong convergence: The sequence of random variables variable convergence. Most common short hand notation: As the names indicate, weak convergence is weaker than strong convergence. In fact, strong convergence implies convergence in probability, and convergence in probability implies weak convergence. The reverse statements are not always true. strongly if is said to converge towards the random . Strong convergence is also known as almost sure

Law of large numbers
Common intuition suggests that if a fair coin is tossed many times, then roughly half of the time it will turn up heads, and the other half it will turn up tails. Furthermore, the more often the coin is tossed, the more likely it should be that the ratio of the number of heads to the number of tails will approach unity. Modern probability provides a formal version of this intuitive idea, known as the law of large numbers. This law is remarkable because it is not assumed in the foundations of probability theory, but instead emerges out of these foundations as a theorem. Since it links theoretically derived probabilities to their actual frequency of occurrence in the real world, the law of large numbers is considered as a pillar in the history of statistical theory and has had widespread influence.[6] The law of large numbers (LLN) states that the sample average

of a sequence of independent and identically distributed random variables expectation , provided that the expectation of is finite.

converges towards their common

It is in the different forms of convergence of random variables that separates the weak and the strong law of large numbers

It follows from the LLN that if an event of probability p is observed repeatedly during independent experiments, the ratio of the observed frequency of that event to the total number of repetitions converges towards p. For example, if probability 1-p, then are independent Bernoulli random variables taking values 1 with probability p and 0 with for all i, so that converges to p almost surely.

Probability theory


Central limit theorem
"The central limit theorem (CLT) is one of the great results of mathematics." (Chapter 18 in ubiquitous occurrence of the normal distribution in nature.

) It explains the

The theorem states that the average of many independent and identically distributed random variables with finite variance tends towards a normal distribution irrespective of the distribution followed by the original random variables. Formally, let be independent random variables with mean and variance Then the sequence of random variables

converges in distribution to a standard normal random variable.

[1] "Probability theory, Encyclopaedia Britannica" (http:/ / www. britannica. com/ ebc/ article-9375936). Britannica.com. . Retrieved 2012-02-12. [2] Grinstead, Charles Miller; James Laurie Snell. "Introduction". Introduction to Probability. pp.€vii. [3] H“jek, Alan. "Interpretations of Probability" (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ archives/ sum2012/ entries/ probability-interpret/ ). . Retrieved 2012-06-20. [4] ""The origins and legacy of Kolmogorov's Grundbegriffe", by Glenn Shafer and Vladimir Vovk" (http:/ / www. probabilityandfinance. com/ articles/ 04. pdf) (PDF). . Retrieved 2012-02-12. [5] Ross, Sheldon. A First course in Probability, 8th Edition. Page 26-27. [6] "Leithner & Co Pty Ltd - Value Investing, Risk and Risk Management - Part I" (http:/ / www. leithner. com. au/ circulars/ circular17. htm). Leithner.com.au. 2000-09-15. . Retrieved 2012-02-12. [7] David Williams, "Probability with martingales", Cambridge 1991/2008

External links
‚ Animation (http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9eaOxgT5ys0) on the probability space of dice.

‚ Pierre Simon de Laplace (1812). Analytical Theory of Probability. The first major treatise blending calculus with probability theory, originally in French: Thˆorie Analytique des Probabilitˆs. ‚ Andrei Nikolajevich Kolmogorov (1950). Foundations of the Theory of Probability. The modern measure-theoretic foundation of probability theory; the original German version (Grundbegriffe der Wahrscheinlichkeitrechnung) appeared in 1933. ‚ Patrick Billingsley (1979). Probability and Measure. New York, Toronto, London: John Wiley and Sons. ‚ Olav Kallenberg; Foundations of Modern Probability, 2nd ed. Springer Series in Statistics. (2002). 650 pp.€ISBN 0-387-95313-2 ‚ Henk Tijms (2004). Understanding Probability. Cambridge Univ. Press. A lively introduction to probability theory for the beginner. ‚ Olav Kallenberg; Probabilistic Symmetries and Invariance Principles. Springer -Verlag, New York (2005). 510 pp.€ISBN 0-387-25115-4 ‚ Gut, Allan (2005). Probability: A Graduate Course. Springer-Verlag. ISBN€0-387-22833-0.



Probability (or likelihood[1]) is a measure of how likely it is that something will happen or that a statement is true. Probabilities are given a value between 0 (will not happen) and 1 (will happen).[2] The higher the probability of an event, the more certain we are that the event will happen. These concepts have been given an axiomatic mathematical derivation in probability theory, which is used widely in such areas of study as mathematics, statistics, finance, gambling, science, artificial intelligence/machine learning and philosophy to, for example, draw inferences about the expected frequency of events. Probability theory is also used to describe the underlying mechanics and regularities of complex systems.

When dealing with experiments that are random and well-defined in a purely theoretical setting (like tossing a fair coin), probabilities describe the statistical number of outcomes considered divided by the number of all outcomes (tossing a fair coin twice will yield HH with probability 1/4, because the four outcomes HH, HT, TH and TT are possible). When it comes to practical application, however, the word probability does not have a singular direct definition. In fact, there are two major categories of probability interpretations, whose adherents possess conflicting views about the fundamental nature of probability: 1. Objectivists assign numbers to describe some objective or physical state of affairs. The most popular version of objective probability is frequentist probability, which claims that the probability of a random event denotes the relative frequency of occurrence of an experiment's outcome, when repeating the experiment. This interpretation considers probability to be the relative frequency "in the long run" of outcomes.[3] A modification of this is propensity probability, which interprets probability as the tendency of some experiment to yield a certain outcome, even if it is performed only once. 2. Subjectivists assign numbers per subjective probability, i.e., as a degree of belief.[4] The most popular version of subjective probability is Bayesian probability, which includes expert knowledge as well as experimental data to produce probabilities. The expert knowledge is represented by some (subjective) prior probability distribution. The data is incorporated in a likelihood function. The product of the prior and the likelihood, normalized, results in a posterior probability distribution that incorporates all the information known to date.[5] Starting from arbitrary, subjective probabilities for a group of agents, some Bayesians claim that all agents will eventually have sufficiently similar assessments of probabilities, given enough evidence.

The word Probability derives from the Latin probabilitas, which can also mean probity, a measure of the authority of a witness in a legal case in Europe, and often correlated with the witness's nobility. In a sense, this differs much from the modern meaning of probability, which, in contrast, is a measure of the weight of empirical evidence, and is arrived at from inductive reasoning and statistical inference.[6]

The scientific study of probability is a modern development. Gambling shows that there has been an interest in quantifying the ideas of probability for millennia, but exact mathematical descriptions arose much later. There are reasons of course, for the slow development of the mathematics of probability. Whereas games of chance provided the impetus for the mathematical study of probability, fundamental issues are still obscured by the superstitions of gamblers.[7]



According to Richard Jeffrey, "Before the middle of the seventeenth century, the term 'probable' (Latin probabilis) meant approvable, and was applied in that sense, univocally, to opinion and to action. A probable action or opinion was one such as sensible people would undertake or hold, in the circumstances."[8] However, in legal contexts especially, 'probable' could also apply to propositions for which there was good evidence.[9] Aside from elementary work by Girolamo Cardano in the 16th century, the doctrine of probabilities dates to the correspondence of Pierre de Fermat and Blaise Pascal (1654). Christiaan Huygens (1657) gave the earliest known scientific treatment of the subject.[10] Jakob Bernoulli's Ars Conjectandi (posthumous, 1713) and Abraham de Moivre's Doctrine of Chances (1718) treated the subject as a branch of mathematics.[11] See Ian Hacking's The Emergence of Probability[6] and James Franklin's The Science of Conjecture for histories of the early development of the very concept of mathematical probability.

Christiaan Huygens probably published the first book on probability

The theory of errors may be traced back to Roger Cotes's Opera Miscellanea (posthumous, 1722), but a memoir prepared by Thomas Simpson in 1755 (printed 1756) first applied the theory to the discussion of errors of observation. The reprint (1757) of this memoir lays down the axioms that positive and negative errors are equally probable, and that certain assignable limits define the range of all errors. Simpson also discusses continuous errors and describes a probability curve. The first two laws of error that were proposed both originated with Pierre-Simon Laplace. The first law was published in 1774 and stated that the frequency of an error could be expressed as an exponential function of the numerical magnitude of the error, disregarding sign. The second law of error was proposed in 1778 by Laplace and stated that the frequency of the error is an exponential function of the square of the error.[12] The second law of error is called the normal distribution or the Gauss law. "It is difficult historically to attribute that law to Gauss, who in spite of his well-known precocity had probably not made this discovery before he was two years old."[12] Daniel Bernoulli (1778) introduced the principle of the maximum product of the probabilities of a system of concurrent errors. Adrien-Marie Legendre (1805) developed the method of least squares, and introduced it in his Nouvelles mˆthodes pour la dˆtermination des orbites des com tes (New Methods for Determining the Orbits of Comets). In ignorance of Legendre's contribution, an Irish-American writer, Robert Adrain, editor of "The Analyst" (1808), first deduced the law of facility of error,


is a constant depending on precision of observation, and

is a scale

factor ensuring that the area under the curve equals 1. He gave two proofs, the second being essentially the same as John Herschel's (1850). Gauss gave the first proof that seems to have been known in Europe (the third after Adrain's) in Carl Friedrich Gauss 1809. Further proofs were given by Laplace (1810, 1812), Gauss (1823), James Ivory (1825, 1826), Hagen (1837), Friedrich Bessel (1838), W. F. Donkin (1844, 1856), and Morgan Crofton (1870). Other contributors were Ellis (1844), De Morgan (1864), Glaisher (1872), and Giovanni Schiaparelli (1875). Peters's (1856) formula for r, the probable error of a single observation, is well known. In the nineteenth century authors on the general theory included Laplace, Sylvestre Lacroix (1816), Littrow (1833), Adolphe Quetelet (1853), Richard Dedekind (1860), Helmert (1872), Hermann Laurent (1873), Liagre, Didion, and

Probability Karl Pearson. Augustus De Morgan and George Boole improved the exposition of the theory. Andrey Markov introduced the notion of Markov chains (1906), which played an important role in stochastic processes theory and its applications. The modern theory of probability based on the measure theory was developed by Andrey Kolmogorov (1931). On the geometric side (see integral geometry) contributors to The Educational Times were influential (Miller, Crofton, McColl, Wolstenholme, Watson, and Artemas Martin).


Like other theories, the theory of probability is a representation of probabilistic concepts in formal terms†that is, in terms that can be considered separately from their meaning. These formal terms are manipulated by the rules of mathematics and logic, and any results are interpreted or translated back into the problem domain. There have been at least two successful attempts to formalize probability, namely the Kolmogorov formulation and the Cox formulation. In Kolmogorov's formulation (see probability space), sets are interpreted as events and probability itself as a measure on a class of sets. In Cox's theorem, probability is taken as a primitive (that is, not further analyzed) and the emphasis is on constructing a consistent assignment of probability values to propositions. In both cases, the laws of probability are the same, except for technical details. There are other methods for quantifying uncertainty, such as the Dempster-Shafer theory or possibility theory, but those are essentially different and not compatible with the laws of probability as usually understood.

Probability theory is applied in everyday life in risk assessment and in trade on financial markets. Governments apply probabilistic methods in environmental regulation, where it is called pathway analysis. A good example is the effect of the perceived probability of any widespread Middle East conflict on oil prices†which have ripple effects in the economy as a whole. An assessment by a commodity trader that a war is more likely vs. less likely sends prices up or down, and signals other traders of that opinion. Accordingly, the probabilities are neither assessed independently nor necessarily very rationally. The theory of behavioral finance emerged to describe the effect of such groupthink on pricing, on policy, and on peace and conflict.[13] The discovery of rigorous methods to assess and combine probability assessments has changed society. It is important for most citizens to understand how probability assessments are made, and how they contribute to decisions. Another significant application of probability theory in everyday life is reliability. Many consumer products, such as automobiles and consumer electronics, use reliability theory in product design to reduce the probability of failure. Failure probability may influence a manufacture's decisions on a product's warranty.[14] The cache language model and other statistical language models that are used in natural language processing are also examples of applications of probability theory.

Mathematical treatment
Consider an experiment that can produce a number of results. The collection of all results is called the sample space of the experiment. The power set of the sample space is formed by considering all different collections of possible results. For example, rolling a die can produce six possible results. One collection of possible results gives an odd number on the die. Thus, the subset {1,3,5} is an element of the power set of the sample space of die rolls. These collections are called "events." In this case, {1,3,5} is the event that the die falls on some odd number. If the results that actually occur fall in a given event, the event is said to have occurred.

Probability A probability is a way of assigning every event a value between zero and one, with the requirement that the event made up of all possible results (in our example, the event {1,2,3,4,5,6}) is assigned a value of one. To qualify as a probability, the assignment of values must satisfy the requirement that if you look at a collection of mutually exclusive events (events with no common results, e.g., the events {1,6}, {3}, and {2,4} are all mutually exclusive), the probability that at least one of the events will occur is given by the sum of the probabilities of all the individual events.[15] The probability of an event A is written as P(A), p(A) or Pr(A).[16] This mathematical definition of probability can extend to infinite sample spaces, and even uncountable sample spaces, using the concept of a measure. The opposite or complement of an event A is the event [not A] (that is, the event of A not occurring); its probability is given by P(not A) = 1 - P(A).[17] As an example, the chance of not rolling a six on a six-sided die is 1 • (chance of rolling a six) . See Complementary event for a more complete treatment. If both events A and B occur on a single performance of an experiment, this is called the intersection or joint probability of A and B, denoted as .


Independent probability
If two events, A and B are independent then the joint probability is

for example, if two coins are flipped the chance of both being heads is Mutually exclusive

If either event A or event B or both events occur on a single performance of an experiment this is called the union of the events A and B denoted as . If two events are mutually exclusive then the probability of either occurring is

For example, the chance of rolling a 1 or 2 on a six-sided die is Not mutually exclusive If the events are not mutually exclusive then

For example, when drawing a single card at random from a regular deck of cards, the chance of getting a heart or a face card (J,Q,K) (or one that is both) is , because of the 52 cards of a deck 13 are hearts, 12 are face cards, and 3 are both: here the possibilities included in the "3 that are both" are included in each of the "13 hearts" and the "12 face cards" but should only be counted once.

Conditional probability
Conditional probability is the probability of some event A, given the occurrence of some other event B. Conditional probability is written , and is read "the probability of A, given B". It is defined by[19]



is formally undefined by this expression. However, it is possible to define a

conditional probability for some zero-probability events using a Ë-algebra of such events (such as those arising from a continuous random variable). For example, in a bag of 2 red balls and 2 blue balls (4 balls in total), the probability of taking a red ball is ; however, when taking a second ball, the probability of it being either a red ball or a blue ball depends on the ball

Probability previously taken, such as, if a red ball was taken, the probability of picking a red ball again would be red and 2 blue balls would have been remaining.

219 since only 1

Summary of probabilities Summary of probabilities
Event A not A A or B Probability

A and B

A given B

Relation to randomness
In a deterministic universe, based on Newtonian concepts, there would be no probability if all conditions are known, (Laplace's demon). In the case of a roulette wheel, if the force of the hand and the period of that force are known, the number on which the ball will stop would be a certainty. Of course, this also assumes knowledge of inertia and friction of the wheel, weight, smoothness and roundness of the ball, variations in hand speed during the turning and so forth. A probabilistic description can thus be more useful than Newtonian mechanics for analyzing the pattern of outcomes of repeated rolls of roulette wheel. Physicists face the same situation in kinetic theory of gases, where the system, while deterministic in principle, is so complex (with the number of molecules typically the order of magnitude of Avogadro constant 6.02”1023) that only statistical description of its properties is feasible. Probability theory is required to describe quantum phenomena.[20] A revolutionary discovery of early 20th century physics was the random character of all physical processes that occur at sub-atomic scales and are governed by the laws of quantum mechanics. The objective wave function evolves deterministically but, according to the Copenhagen interpretation, it deals with probabilities of observing, the outcome being explained by a wave function collapse when an observation is made. However, the loss of determinism for the sake of instrumentalism did not meet with universal approval. Albert Einstein famously remarked in a letter to Max Born: "I am convinced that God does not play dice".[21] Like Einstein, Erwin Schr‡dinger, who discovered the wave function, believed quantum mechanics is a statistical approximation of an underlying deterministic reality.[22] In modern interpretations, quantum decoherence accounts for subjectively probabilistic behavior.



[1] "Probability" (http:/ / machaut. uchicago. edu/ ?resource=Webster's& word=probability& use1913=on). Webster‚s Revised Unabridged Dictionary. G & C Merriam, 1913 [2] Feller, W. (1968), An Introduction to Probability Theory and its Applications (Volume 1). ISBN 0-471-25708-7 [3] Hacking, Ian (1965). The Logic of Statistical Inference. Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-05165-7. [4] Finetti, Bruno de (1970). "Logical foundations and measurement of subjective probability". Acta Psychologica 34: 129•145. doi:10.1016/0001-6918(70)90012-0. [5] Hogg, Robert V.; Craig, Allen; McKean, Joseph W. (2004). Introduction to Mathematical Statistics (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River: Pearson. ISBN€0-13-008507-3. [6] Hacking, I. (2006) The Emergence of Probability: A Philosophical Study of Early Ideas about Probability, Induction and Statistical Inference, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-521-68557-3 [7] Freund, John. (1973) Introduction to Probability. Dickenson ISBN 978-0822100782 (p. 1) [8] Jeffrey, R.C., Probability and the Art of Judgment, Cambridge University Press. (1992). pp. 54-55 . ISBN 0-521-39459-7 [9] Franklin, J. (2001) The Science of Conjecture: Evidence and Probability Before Pascal, Johns Hopkins University Press. (pp. 22, 113, 127) [10] Abrams, William, A Brief History of Probability (http:/ / www. secondmoment. org/ articles/ probability. php), Second Moment, , retrieved 2008-05-23 [11] Ivancevic, Vladimir G.; Ivancevic, Tijana T. (2008). Quantum leap : from Dirac and Feynman, across the universe, to human body and mind. Singapore ; Hackensack, NJ: World Scientific. p.€16. ISBN€978-981-281-927-7. [12] Wilson EB (1923) "First and second laws of error". Journal of the American Statistical Association, 18, 143 [13] Singh, Laurie (2010) "Whither Efficient Markets? Efficient Market Theory and Behavioral Finance". The Finance Professionals' Post, 2010. [14] Gorman, Michael (2011) "Management Insights". Management Science [15] [16] [17] [18] [19] [20] [21] [22] Ross, Sheldon. A First course in Probability, 8th Edition. Page 26-27. Olofsson (2005) Page 8. Olofsson (2005), page 9 Olofsson (2005) page 35. Olofsson (2005) page 29. Burgi, Mark (2010) "Interpretations of Negative Probabilities", p. 1. arXiv:1008.1287v1 Jedenfalls bin ich •berzeugt, da¥ der Alte nicht w•rfelt. Moore, W.J. (1992). Schrždinger: Life and Thought. Cambridge University Press. p.€479. ISBN€0-521-43767-9.

‚ Kallenberg, O. (2005) Probabilistic Symmetries and Invariance Principles. Springer -Verlag, New York. 510 pp.€ISBN 0-387-25115-4 ‚ Kallenberg, O. (2002) Foundations of Modern Probability, 2nd ed. Springer Series in Statistics. 650 pp.€ISBN 0-387-95313-2 ‚ Olofsson, Peter (2005) Probability, Statistics, and Stochastic Processes, Wiley-Interscience. 504 pp ISBN 0-471-67969-0.

External links
‚ Virtual Laboratories in Probability and Statistics (Univ. of Ala.-Huntsville) (http://www.math.uah.edu/stat/) ‚ Probability (http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b00bqf61) on In Our Time at the BBC. ( listen now (http:// www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/console/b00bqf61/In_Our_Time_Probability)) ‚ Probability and Statistics EBook (http://wiki.stat.ucla.edu/socr/index.php/EBook) ‚ Edwin Thompson Jaynes. Probability Theory: The Logic of Science. Preprint: Washington University, (1996). † HTML index with links to PostScript files (http://omega.albany.edu:8008/JaynesBook.html) and PDF (http:// bayes.wustl.edu/etj/prob/book.pdf) (first three chapters) ‚ People from the History of Probability and Statistics (Univ. of Southampton) (http://www.economics.soton.ac. uk/staff/aldrich/Figures.htm) ‚ Probability and Statistics on the Earliest Uses Pages (Univ. of Southampton) (http://www.economics.soton.ac. uk/staff/aldrich/Probability Earliest Uses.htm)

Probability ‚ Earliest Uses of Symbols in Probability and Statistics (http://jeff560.tripod.com/stat.html) on Earliest Uses of Various Mathematical Symbols (http://jeff560.tripod.com/mathsym.html) ‚ Probability Homework Help, Definitions, Distribution Calculators and Study Guides (http://mathmajor.org/ probability-and-statistics/) ‚ A tutorial on probability and BayesŠ theorem devised for first-year Oxford University students (http://www. celiagreen.com/charlesmccreery/statistics/bayestutorial.pdf) ‚ pdf file of An Anthology of Chance Operations (1963) (http://ubu.com/historical/young/index.html) at UbuWeb ‚ Probability Theory Guide for Non-Mathematicians (http://probability.infarom.ro) ‚ Understanding Risk and Probability (http://www.bbc.co.uk/raw/money/express_unit_risk/) with BBC raw ‚ Introduction to Probability - eBook (http://www.dartmouth.edu/~chance/teaching_aids/books_articles/ probability_book/book.html), by Charles Grinstead, Laurie Snell Source (http://bitbucket.org/shabbychef/ numas_text/) (GNU Free Documentation License) ‚ (English)(Italian) Bruno de Finetti, ProbabilitŸ e induzione (http://amshistorica.unibo.it/35), Bologna, CLUEB, 1993. ISBN 88-8091-176-7 (digital version)


Pascal's triangle
In mathematics, Pascal's triangle is a triangular array of the binomial coefficients. It is named after the French mathematician Blaise Pascal in much of the Western world, although other mathematicians studied it centuries before him in India, Greece, Iran, China, Germany, and Italy.[1] The rows of Pascal's triangle are conventionally enumerated starting with row n€=€0 at the top. The entries in each row are numbered from the left beginning with k€=€0 and are usually staggered relative to the numbers in the adjacent rows. A simple The first six rows of Pascal's triangle construction of the triangle proceeds in the following manner. On row 0, write only the number€1. Then, to construct the elements of following rows, add the number above and to the left with the number above and to the right to find the new value. If either the number to the right or left is not present, substitute a zero in its place. For example, the first number in the first row is 0€+€1€=€1, whereas the numbers 1 and 3 in the third row are added to produce the number 4 in the fourth row. This construction is related to the binomial coefficients by Pascal's rule, which says that if


for any nonnegative integer n and any integer k between 0 and n.[2] Pascal's triangle has higher dimensional generalizations. The three-dimensional version is called Pascal's pyramid or Pascal's tetrahedron, while the general versions are called Pascal's simplices.

Pascal's triangle


Each number in the triangle is the sum of the two directly above it.

The set of numbers that form Pascal's triangle were known before Pascal. However, Pascal developed many uses of it and was the first one to organize all the information together in his treatise, Traitˆ du triangle arithmˆtique (1653). The numbers originally arose from Hindu studies of combinatorics and binomial numbers and the Greeks' study of figurate numbers.[3] The earliest explicit depictions of a triangle of binomial coefficients occur in the 10th century in commentaries on the Chandas Shastra, an Ancient Indian book on Sanskrit prosody written by Pingala in or before the 2nd century BC.[4] While Pingala's work only survives in fragments, the commentator Halayudha, around 975, used the triangle to explain obscure references to Meru-prastaara, the "Staircase of Mount Meru". It was also realised that the shallow diagonals of the triangle sum to the Fibonacci numbers. In 1068, four columns of the first sixteen rows were given by the mathematician Bhattotpala, who realized the combinatorial significance.[4] At around the same time, it was discussed in Persia (Iran) by the Yang Hui (Pascal's) triangle, as depicted by the Persian mathematician, Al-Karaji (953•1029).[5] It was later repeated Chinese using rod numerals. by the Persian poet-astronomer-mathematician Omar Khayy“m (1048•1131); thus the triangle is referred to as the Khayyam-Pascal triangle or Khayyam triangle in Iran. Several theorems related to the triangle were known, including the binomial theorem. Khayyam used a method of finding nth roots based on the binomial expansion, and therefore on the binomial coefficients. Pascal's triangle was known in China in the early 11th century through the work of the Chinese mathematician Jia Xian (1010•1070). In 13th century, Yang Hui (1238•1298) presented the triangle and hence it is still called Yang Hui's triangle in China.[6]

Pascal's triangle


Petrus Apianus (1495•1552) published the triangle on the frontispiece of his book on business calculations in the 16th century. This is the first record of the triangle in Europe. In Italy, it is referred to as Tartaglia's triangle, named for the Italian algebraist Niccol— Fontana Tartaglia (1500•77). Tartaglia is credited with the general formula for solving cubic polynomials, (which may in fact be from Scipione del Ferro but was published by Gerolamo Cardano 1545).
Blaise Pascal's version of the triangle

Pascal's Traitˆ du triangle arithmˆtique (Treatise on Arithmetical Triangle) was published posthumously in 1665. In this, Pascal collected several results then known about the triangle, and employed them to solve problems in probability theory. The triangle was later named after Pascal by Pierre Raymond de Montmort (1708) who called it "Table de M. Pascal pour les combinaisons" (French: Table of Mr. Pascal for combinations) and Abraham de Moivre (1730) who called it "Triangulum Arithmeticum PASCALIANUM" (Latin: Pascal's Arithmetic Triangle), which became the modern Western name.[7]

Binomial expansions
Pascal's triangle determines the coefficients which arise in binomial expansions. For an example, consider the expansion (x + y)2 = x2 + 2xy + y2 = 1x2y0 + 2x1y1 + 1x0y2. Notice the coefficients are the numbers in row two of Pascal's triangle: 1,€2,€1. In general, when a binomial like x + y is raised to a positive integer power we have: (x + y)n = a0xn + a1xn€1y + a2xn€2y2 + ... + an€1xyn€1 + anyn, where the coefficients ai in this expansion are precisely the numbers on row n of Pascal's triangle. In other words,

This is the binomial theorem. Notice that the entire right diagonal of Pascal's triangle corresponds to the coefficient of yn in these binomial expansions, while the next diagonal corresponds to the coefficient of xyn€1 and so on. To see how the binomial theorem relates to the simple construction of Pascal's triangle, consider the problem of calculating the coefficients of the expansion of (x€+€1)n+1 in terms of the corresponding coefficients of (x€+€1)n (setting y = 1 for simplicity). Suppose then that


The two summations can be reorganized as follows:

Pascal's triangle


(because of how raising a polynomial to a power works, a0 =€an =€1). We now have an expression for the polynomial (x€+€1)n+1 in terms of the coefficients of (x€+€1)n (these are the ais), which is what we need if we want to express a line in terms of the line above it. Recall that all the terms in a diagonal going from the upper-left to the lower-right correspond to the same power of x, and that the a-terms are the coefficients of the polynomial (x€+€1)n, and we are determining the coefficients of (x€+€1)n+1. Now, for any given i not 0 or n€+€1, the coefficient of the xi term in the polynomial (x€+€1)n+1 is equal to ai (the figure above and to the left of the figure to be determined, since it is on the same diagonal)€+€ai€1 (the figure to the immediate right of the first figure). This is indeed the simple rule for constructing Pascal's triangle row-by-row. It is not difficult to turn this argument into a proof (by mathematical induction) of the binomial theorem. Since (a€+€b)n€=€bn(a/b€+ €1)n, the coefficients are identical in the expansion of the general case. An interesting consequence of the binomial theorem is obtained by setting both variables x and y equal to one. In this case, we know that (1€+€1)n =€2n, and so

In other words, the sum of the entries in the nth row of Pascal's triangle is the nth power of€2.

A second useful application of Pascal's triangle is in the calculation of combinations. For example, the number of combinations of n things taken k at a time (called n choose k) can be found by the equation

But this is also the formula for a cell of Pascal's triangle. Rather than performing the calculation, one can simply look up the appropriate entry in the triangle. For example, suppose a basketball team has 10 players and wants to know how many ways there are of selecting 8. Provided we have the first row and the first entry in a row numbered 0, the answer is entry 8 in row 10: 45. That is, the solution of 10 choose 8 is 45.

Pascal's triangle


Relation to binomial distribution and convolutions
When divided by 2n, the nth row of Pascal's triangle becomes the binomial distribution in the symmetric case where p =€1/2. By the central limit theorem, this distribution approaches the normal distribution as n increases. This can also be seen by applying Stirling's formula to the factorials involved in the formula for combinations. This is related to the operation of discrete convolution in two ways. First, polynomial multiplication exactly corresponds to discrete convolution, so that repeatedly convolving the sequence {...,€0,€0,€1,€1,€0,€0,€...} with itself corresponds to taking powers of 1€+€x, and hence to generating the rows of the triangle. Second, repeatedly convolving the distribution function for a random variable with itself corresponds to calculating the distribution function for a sum of n independent copies of that variable; this is exactly the situation to which the central limit theorem applies, and hence leads to the normal distribution in the limit.

Pascal's triangle


Patterns and properties
Pascal's triangle has many properties and contains many patterns of numbers.

‚ The sum of the elements of a single row is twice the sum of the row preceding it. For example, row€0 (the first row) has a value of 1, row€1 has a value of 2, row€2 has a value of 4, and so forth. This is because every item in row produces two items in the next row: one left and one right. The sum of the elements of row€n is equal to 2n. ‚ The value of a row, if each entry is considered a decimal place (and numbers larger than 9 carried over accordingly) is a power of 11 ( 11n, for row€n). Thus, in row€2, —1, 2, 1˜ becomes 112, while —1, 5, 10, 10, 5, 1˜ in row€five becomes (after carrying) 161,051, which is 115. This property is explained by setting x = 10 in the binomial expansion of (x + 1)n, and adjusting values to the decimal system. But x can be chosen to allow rows to represent values in any base. ‚ In base 3: 1 2 13 = 42 (16) ‚ —1, 3, 3, 1˜ ™ 2 1 0 13 = 43 (64) ‚ In base 9: 1 2 19 = 102 (100) ‚ 1 3 3 19 = 103 (1000)

‚ —1, 5, 10, 10, 5, 1˜ ™ 1 6 2 1 5 19 = 105 (100000) In particular (see previous property), for x = 1 place value remains constant (1place=1). Thus entries can simply be added in interpreting the value of a row. ‚ Some of the numbers in Pascal's triangle correlate to numbers in LozaniÍ's triangle. ‚ The sum of the squares of the elements of row€n equals the middle element of row€2n. For example, 12€+€42€+€62€+€42€+€12 =€70. In general form:
1000th row of Pascal's triangle, arranged vertically, with grey-scale representations of decimal digits of the coefficients right-aligned. The left boundary of the dark segment-like shape corresponds roughly to the graph of the logarithm of the binomial coefficients, and illustrates that they form a log-concave sequence.

‚ Another interesting pattern is that on any row€n, where n is even, the middle term minus the term two spots to the left equals a Catalan number, specifically the (n/2 + 1) Catalan number. For example: on row€4, 6 € 1 = 5, which is the 3rd Catalan number, and 4/2 + 1 = 3. ‚ Another interesting property of Pascal's triangle is that in a row€p where p is a prime number, all the terms in that row except the 1s are multiples of€p. This can be proven easily, since if , then p has no factors save for 1 and itself. Every entry in the triangle is an integer, so therefore by definition factors of and are . However, there is no possible way p itself can show up in the

denominator, so therefore p (or some multiple of it) must be left in the numerator, making the entire entry a multiple of p. ‚ Parity: To count odd terms in row€n, convert n to binary. Let x be the number of 1s in the binary representation. Then number of odd terms will be 2x.[8]

Pascal's triangle


The diagonals of Pascal's triangle contain the figurate numbers of simplices: ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ The diagonals going along the left and right edges contain only 1's. The diagonals next to the edge diagonals contain the natural numbers in order. Moving inwards, the next pair of diagonals contain the triangular numbers in order. The next pair of diagonals contain the tetrahedral numbers in order, and the next pair give pentatope numbers.

The symmetry of the triangle implies that the nth d-dimensional number is equal to the dth n-dimensional number. An alternative formula that does not involve recursion is as follows:

where n(d) is the rising factorial. The geometric meaning of a function Pd is: Pd(1) = 1 for all d. Construct a d-dimensional triangle (a 3-dimensional triangle is a tetrahedron) by placing additional dots below an initial dot, corresponding to Pd(1) = 1. Place these dots in a manner analogous to the placement of numbers in Pascal's triangle. To find Pd(x), have a total of x dots composing the target shape. Pd(x) then equals the total number of dots in the shape. A 0-dimensional triangle is a point and a 1-dimensional triangle is simply a line, and therefore P0(x) = 1 and P1(x) = x, which is the sequence of natural numbers. The number of dots in each layer corresponds to Pd€€€1(x).

Calculating an individual row or diagonal by itself (Gray's Theory)
This algorithm is an alternative to the standard method of calculating individual cells with factorials. Starting at the left, the first cell's value is€1. For each subsequent cell, the value is determined by multiplying the value to its left by a slowly changing fraction:

where r€=€row€+€1, starting with 0 at the top, and c = the column, starting with 0 on the left. For example, to calculate row 5, r€=€6. The first value is 1. The next value is 1€†€5/1 =€5. The numerator decreases by one, and the denominator increases by one with each step. So 5€†€4/2 =€10. Then 10€†€3/3 =€10. Then 10€†€2/4 =€5. Then 5€†€1/5 =€1. Notice that the last cell always equals 1, the final multiplication is included for completeness of the series. A similar pattern exists on a downward diagonal. Starting with the one and the natural number in the next cell, form a fraction. To determine the next cell, increase the numerator and denominator each by one, and then multiply the previous result by the fraction. For example, the row starting with 1 and 7 form a fraction of€7/1. The next cell is 7€†€8/2 =€28. The next cell is 28€†€9/3 =€84. (Note that for any individual row it is only necessary to calculate half (rounded up) the terms in the row due to symmetry.)

Pascal's triangle


Overall patterns and properties
‚ The pattern obtained by coloring only the odd numbers in Pascal's triangle closely resembles the fractal called the Sierpinski triangle. This resemblance becomes more and more accurate as more rows are considered; in the limit, as the number of rows approaches infinity, the resulting pattern is the Sierpinski triangle, assuming a fixed perimeter.[9] More generally, numbers could be colored differently according to whether or not they are multiples of 3, 4, etc.; this results in other similar patterns.

Sierpinski triangle

‚ Imagine each number in the triangle is a node in a grid which is connected to the adjacent numbers above and below it. Now for any node in the grid, count the number of paths there are in the grid (without backtracking) which connect this node to the top node (1) of the triangle. The answer is the Pascal number associated to that node. The interpretation of the number in Pascal's Triangle as the number of paths to that number from the tip means that on a Plinko game board shaped like a triangle, the probability of winning prizes nearer the center will be higher than winning prizes on the edges.

Pascal's triangle overlaid on a grid gives the number of unique paths to each square, assuming only right and down movements are considered.

Pascal's triangle ‚ One property of the triangle is revealed if the rows are left-justified. In the triangle below, the diagonal coloured bands sum to successive Fibonacci numbers.
1 1 1 1 2 1 3 1 4 1 3 6 1 4 1 5 1 6 1 7 1


1 5 10 10

1 6 15 20 15

1 7 21 35 35 21

1 8 28 56 70 56 28 8 1

Construction as matrix exponential
Due to its simple construction by factorials, a very basic representation of Pascal's triangle in terms of the matrix exponential can be given: Pascal's triangle is the exponential of the matrix which has the sequence 1, 2, 3, 4, ƒ on its subdiagonal and zero everywhere else.

Number of elements of polytopes
Pascal's triangle can be used as a lookup table for the number of elements (such as edges and corners) within a polytope (such as a triangle, a tetrahedron, a square and a cube).

Binomial matrix as matrix exponential. All the dots represent 0.

Let's begin by considering the 3rd line of Pascal's triangle, with values 1, 3, 3, 1. A 2-dimensional triangle has one 2-dimensional element (itself), three 1-dimensional elements (lines, or edges), and three 0-dimensional elements (vertices, or corners). The meaning of the final number (1) is more difficult to explain (but see below). Continuing with our example, a tetrahedron has one 3-dimensional element (itself), four 2-dimensional elements (faces), six 1-dimensional elements (edges), and four 0-dimensional elements (vertices). Adding the final 1 again, these values correspond to the 4th row of the triangle (1, 4, 6, 4, 1). Line 1 corresponds to a point, and Line 2 corresponds to a line segment (dyad). This pattern continues to arbitrarily high-dimensioned hyper-tetrahedrons (known as simplices). To understand why this pattern exists, one must first understand that the process of building an n-simplex from an (n€€€1)-simplex consists of simply adding a new vertex to the latter, positioned such that this new vertex lies outside of the space of the original simplex, and connecting it to all original vertices. As an example, consider the case of building a tetrahedron from a triangle, the latter of whose elements are enumerated by row 3 of Pascal's triangle: 1 face, 3 edges, and 3 vertices (the meaning of the final 1 will be explained shortly). To build a tetrahedron from a triangle, we position a new vertex above the plane of the triangle and connect this vertex to all three vertices of the original triangle. The number of a given dimensional element in the tetrahedron is now the sum of two numbers: first the number of that element found in the original triangle, plus the number of new elements, each of which is built upon elements of one fewer dimension from the original triangle. Thus, in the tetrahedron, the number of cells (polyhedral elements) is 0 (the original triangle possesses none) + 1 (built upon the single face of the original triangle) = 1; the number of faces is 1 (the original triangle itself) + 3 (the new faces, each built upon an edge of the original triangle) = 4; the number of edges is 3 (from the original triangle) + 3 (the new edges, each built upon a vertex of the original triangle) = 6; the number of new vertices is 3 (from the original triangle) + 1 (the new vertex that was added to create the

Pascal's triangle tetrahedron from the triangle) = 4. This process of summing the number of elements of a given dimension to those of one fewer dimension to arrive at the number of the former found in the next higher simplex is equivalent to the process of summing two adjacent numbers in a row of Pascal's triangle to yield the number below. Thus, the meaning of the final number (1) in a row of Pascal's triangle becomes understood as representing the new vertex that is to be added to the simplex represented by that row to yield the next higher simplex represented by the next row. This new vertex is joined to every element in the original simplex to yield a new element of one higher dimension in the new simplex, and this is the origin of the pattern found to be identical to that seen in Pascal's triangle. A similar pattern is observed relating to squares, as opposed to triangles. To find the pattern, one must construct an analog to Pascal's triangle, whose entries are the coefficients of (x€+€2)Row Number, instead of (x€+€1)Row Number. There are a couple ways to do this. The simpler is to begin with Row 0 = 1 and Row 1 = 1, 2. Proceed to construct the analog triangles according to the following rule:


That is, choose a pair of numbers according to the rules of Pascal's triangle, but double the one on the left before adding. This results in: 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 14 12 84 10 60 280 8 40 160 560 6 24 80 240 672 4 12 32 80 192 448 2 4 8 16 32 64 128

The other way of manufacturing this triangle is to start with Pascal's triangle and multiply each entry by 2k, where k is the position in the row of the given number. For example, the 2nd value in row 4 of Pascal's triangle is 6 (the slope of 1s corresponds to the zeroth entry in each row). To get the value that resides in the corresponding position in the analog triangle, multiply 6 by 2Position Number = 6€†€22 = 6€†€4 = 24. Now that the analog triangle has been constructed, the number of elements of any dimension that compose an arbitrarily dimensioned cube (called a hypercube) can be read from the table in a way analogous to Pascal's triangle. For example, the number of 2-dimensional elements in a 2-dimensional cube (a square) is one, the number of 1-dimensional elements (sides, or lines) is 4, and the number of 0-dimensional elements (points, or vertices) is 4. This matches the 2nd row of the table (1, 4, 4). A cube has 1 cube, 6 faces, 12 edges, and 8 vertices, which corresponds to the next line of the analog triangle (1, 6, 12, 8). This pattern continues indefinitely. To understand why this pattern exists, first recognize that the construction of an n-cube from an (n€€€1)-cube is done by simply duplicating the original figure and displacing it some distance (for a regular n-cube, the edge length) orthogonal to the space of the original figure, then connecting each vertex of the new figure to its corresponding vertex of the original. This initial duplication process is the reason why, to enumerate the dimensional elements of an n-cube, one must double the first of a pair of numbers in a row of this analog of Pascal's triangle before summing to yield the number below. The initial doubling thus yields the number of "original" elements to be found in the next higher n-cube and, as before, new elements are built upon those of one fewer dimension (edges upon vertices, faces upon edges, etc.). Again, the last number of a row represents the number of new vertices to be added to generate the next higher n-cube. In this triangle, the sum of the elements of row m is equal to 3m€€€1. Again, to use the elements of row 5 as an example: , which is equal to .

Pascal's triangle


Fourier transform of sin(x)n+1/x
As stated previously, the coefficients of (x€+€1)n are the nth row of the triangle. Now the coefficients of (x€€€1)n are the same, except that the sign alternates from +1 to €1 and back again. After suitable normalization, the same pattern of numbers occurs in the Fourier transform of sin(x)n+1/x. More precisely: if n is even, take the real part of the transform, and if n is odd, take the imaginary part. Then the result is a step function, whose values (suitably normalized) are given by the nth row of the triangle with alternating signs. For example, the values of the step function that results from:

compose the 4th row of the triangle, with alternating signs. This is a generalization of the following basic result (often used in electrical engineering):

is the boxcar function. The corresponding row of the triangle is row 0, which consists of just the number€1. If n is congruent to 2 or to 3 mod 4, then the signs start with€€1. In fact, the sequence of the (normalized) first terms corresponds to the powers of i, which cycle around the intersection of the axes with the unit circle in the complex plane:

Elementary cellular automaton
The pattern produced by an elementary cellular automaton using rule 60 is exactly Pascal's triangle of binomial coefficients reduced modulo 2 (black cells correspond to odd binomial coefficients).[10] Rule 102 also produces this pattern when trailing zeros are omitted. Rule 90 produces the same pattern but with an empty cell separating each entry in the rows.

Pascal's Triangle can be extended to negative row numbers. First write the triangle in the following form:
m = 0 m = 1 m = 2 m = 3 m = 4 m = 5 ... n=0 1 n=1 1 n=2 1 n=3 1 n=4 1 0 1 2 3 4 0 0 1 3 6 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 ... ... ... ... ...

Next, extend the column of 1s upwards:

Pascal's triangle


m = 0 m = 1 m = 2 m = 3 m = 4 m = 5 ... n = €4 1 n = €3 1 n = €2 1 n = €1 1 n=0 n=1 n=2 n=3 n=4 1 1 1 1 1 0 1 2 3 4 0 0 1 3 6 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Now the rule:

can be rearranged to:

which allows calculation of the other entries for negative rows:
m = 0 m = 1 m = 2 m = 3 m = 4 m = 5 ... n = €4 1 n = €3 1 n = €2 1 n = €1 1 n=0 n=1 n=2 n=3 n=4 1 1 1 1 1 €4 €3 €2 €1 0 1 2 3 4 10 6 3 1 0 0 1 3 6 €20 €10 €4 €1 0 0 0 1 4 35 15 5 1 0 0 0 0 1 €56 €21 €6 €1 0 0 0 0 0 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

This extension preserves the property that the values in the mth column viewed as a function of n are fit by an order m polynomial, namely . This extension also preserves the property that the values in the nth row correspond to the coefficients of :

For example:

Another option for extending Pascal's triangle to negative rows comes from extending the other line of 1s:

Pascal's triangle


m = €4 m = €3 m = €2 m = €1 m = 0 m = 1 m = 2 m = 3 m = 4 m = 5 ... n = €4 1 n = €3 n = €2 n = €1 n=0 n=1 n=2 n=3 n=4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ...

Applying the same rule as before leads to
m = €4 m = €3 m = €2 m = €1 m = 0 m = 1 m = 2 m = 3 m = 4 m = 5 ... n = €4 1 n = €3 €3 n = €2 3 n = €1 €1 n=0 n=1 n=2 n=3 n=4 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 €2 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 €1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 3 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 3 6 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 4 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 ... ... ... .. ... ... ... ... ...

Note that this extension also has the properties that just as

we have

Also, just as summing along the lower-left to upper-right diagonals of the Pascal matrix yields the Fibonacci numbers, this second type of extension still sums to the Fibonacci numbers for negative index.

Pascal's triangle Either of these extensions can be reached if we define


and take certain limits of the Gamma function,


[1] Peter Fox (1998). Cambridge University Library: the great collections (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=xxlgKP5thL8C& pg=PA13). Cambridge University Press. p.€13. ISBN€978-0-521-62647-7. . [2] [3] [4] [5] The binomial coefficient is conventionally set to zero if k is either less than zero or greater than n. Pascal's Triangle | World of Mathematics Summary (http:/ / www. bookrags. com/ research/ pascals-triangle-wom/ ) A. W. F. Edwards. Pascal's arithmetical triangle: the story of a mathematical idea. JHU Press, 2002. Pages 30•31. O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Abu Bekr ibn Muhammad ibn al-Husayn Al-Karaji" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-andrews. ac. uk/ Biographies/ Al-Karaji. html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews, . [6] Weisstein, Eric W. (2003). CRC concise encyclopedia of mathematics, p.2169. ISBN 978-1-58488-347-0. [7] Fowler, David (January 1996). "The Binomial Coefficient Function". The American Mathematical Monthly 103 (1): 1•17. doi:10.2307/2975209. JSTOR€2975209. See in particular p. 11. [8] Fine, N. J. (1947), "Binomial coefficients modulo a prime", American Mathematical Monthly 54: 589•592, doi:10.2307/2304500, MR0023257. See in particular Theorem 2, which gives a generalization of this fact for all prime moduli. [9] Wolfram, S. (1984). "Computation Theory of Cellular Automata". Comm. Math. Phys. 96: 15•57. Bibcode€1984CMaPh..96...15W. doi:10.1007/BF01217347. [10] Wolfram, S. (2002). A New Kind of Science. Champaign IL: Wolfram Media. pp.€870, 931•2.

External links
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Pascal triangle" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=p/ p071790), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Pascal's triangle (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/PascalsTriangle.html)" from MathWorld. ‚ The Old Method Chart of the Seven Multiplying Squares (http://www.york.ac.uk/depts/maths/histstat/ images/triangle.gif) (from the Ssu Yuan Y• Chien of Chu Shi-Chieh, 1303, depicting the first nine rows of Pascal's triangle) ‚ Implementation of Pascal Triangle in Java (http://pinch-hitter.livejournal.com/13183.html) • with conversion of higher digits to single digits. ‚ Pascal's Treatise on the Arithmetic Triangle (http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/RareBooks/PascalTraite) (page images of Pascal's treatise, 1655; summary (http://www.lib.cam.ac.uk/RareBooks/PascalTraite/pascalintro. pdf)) ‚ Earliest Known Uses of Some of the Words of Mathematics (P) (http://jeff560.tripod.com/p.html) ‚ Leibniz and Pascal triangles (http://www.cut-the-knot.org/Curriculum/Combinatorics/LeibnitzTriangle. shtml) ‚ Dot Patterns, Pascal's Triangle, and Lucas' Theorem (http://www.cut-the-knot.org/Curriculum/Algebra/ DotPatterns.shtml) ‚ Omar Khayyam the mathematician (http://www.stetson.edu/~efriedma/periodictable/html/O.html) ‚ Info on Pascal's Triangle (http://ptri1.tripod.com) ‚ Explanation of Pascal's Triangle and common occurrences, including link to interactive version specifying # of rows to view (http://mathforum.org/dr.math/faq/faq.pascal.triangle.html) ‚ Interactive Implementation of Pascal Triangle in SQL (http://www.pascaltriangle.info)

Binomial distribution


Binomial distribution
Probability mass function

Cumulative distribution function

Notation Parameters Support PMF CDF Mean Median Mode Variance Skewness Ex. kurtosis Entropy MGF

B(n, p) n ‹ N0 † number of trials p ‹ [0,1] † success probability in each trial k ‹ { 0, ƒ, n } † number of successes

np šnp› or œnp• š(n + 1)p› or š(n + 1)p› € 1 np(1€€€p)

Binomial distribution

CF PGF Fisher information (continuous parameter only)

In probability theory and statistics, the binomial distribution is the discrete probability distribution of the number of successes in a sequence of n independent yes/no experiments, each of which yields success with probability p. Such a success/failure experiment is also called a Bernoulli experiment or Bernoulli trial; when n = 1, the binomial distribution is a Bernoulli distribution. The binomial distribution is the basis for the popular binomial test of statistical significance.
Binomial distribution for

The binomial distribution is frequently used to model the number of successes in a sample of size n drawn with replacement from a population of size N. If the sampling is carried out without replacement, the draws are not independent and so the resulting distribution is a hypergeometric distribution, not a binomial one. However, for N much larger than n, the binomial distribution is a good approximation, and widely used.


(green) and


Probability mass function
In general, if the random variable K follows the binomial distribution with parameters n and p, we write K€~€B(n,€p). The probability of getting exactly k successes in n trials is given by the probability mass function:

Binomial distribution for with and as in Pascal's triangle ) ends up in the . ) is The probability that a ball in a Galton box with 8 layers ( central bin (

for k€=€0,€1,€2,€...,€n, where

Binomial distribution


is the binomial coefficient (hence the name of the distribution) "n€choose€k", also denoted C(n,€k),€€nCk, or nCk. The formula can be understood as follows: we want k successes (pk) and n€€€k failures (1€€€p)n€€€k. However, the k successes can occur anywhere among the n trials, and there are C(n,€k) different ways of distributing k successes in a sequence of n trials. In creating reference tables for binomial distribution probability, usually the table is filled in up to n/2 values. This is because for k€>€n/2, the probability can be calculated by its complement as

Looking at the expression ¦(k,€n,€p) as a function of k, there is a k value that maximizes it. This k value can be found by calculating

and comparing it to 1. There is always an integer M that satisfies

¦(k,€n,€p) is monotone increasing for k€<€M and monotone decreasing for k€>€M, with the exception of the case where (n€+€1)p is an integer. In this case, there are two values for which ¦ is maximal: (n€+€1)p and (n€+€1)p€€€1. M is the most probable (most likely) outcome of the Bernoulli trials and is called the mode. Note that the probability of it occurring can be fairly small.

Cumulative distribution function
The cumulative distribution function can be expressed as:


is the "floor" under x, i.e. the greatest integer less than or equal to x.

It can also be represented in terms of the regularized incomplete beta function, as follows:

For k Πnp, upper bounds for the lower tail of the distribution function can be derived. In particular, Hoeffding's inequality yields the bound

and Chernoff's inequality can be used to derive the bound

Moreover, these bounds are reasonably tight when p = 1/2, since the following expression holds for all k ‚ 3n/8[1]

Binomial distribution


Suppose a biased coin comes up heads with probability 0.3 when tossed. What is the probability of achieving 0, 1,..., 6 heads after six tosses?


Mean and variance
If X ~ B(n, p) (that is, X is a binomially distributed random variable), then the expected value of X is

and the variance is

Mode and median
Usually the mode of a binomial B(n, p) distribution is equal to , where is the floor function. However when (n€+€1)p is an integer and p is neither 0 nor 1, then the distribution has two modes: (n€+€1)p and (n€+€1)p€€€1. When p is equal to 0 or 1, the mode will be 0 and n correspondingly. These cases can be summarized as follows:

In general, there is no single formula to find the median for a binomial distribution, and it may even be non-unique. However several special results have been established: ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ If np is an integer, then the mean, median, and mode coincide and equal np.[3][4] Any median m must lie within the interval šnp›€Œ€m€Œ€œnp•.[5] A median m cannot lie too far away from the mean: |m € np| Œ min{ ln 2, max{p, 1 € p} }.[6] The median is unique and equal to m€=€round(np) in cases when either p Œ 1 € ln 2 or p ‚ ln 2 or |m€€€np|€Œ€min{p,€1€€€p} (except for the case when p€=€Ã and n is odd).[5][6]

‚ When p€=€1/2 and n is odd, any number m in the interval Ã(n€€€1)€Œ€m€Œ€Ã(n€+€1) is a median of the binomial distribution. If p€=€1/2 and n is even, then m€=€n/2 is the unique median.

Binomial distribution


Covariance between two binomials
If two binomially distributed random variables X and Y are observed together, estimating their covariance can be useful. Using the definition of covariance, in the case n€=€1 (thus being Bernoulli trials) we have

The first term is non-zero only when both X and Y are one, and ”X and ”Y are equal to the two probabilities. Defining pB as the probability of both happening at the same time, this gives and for n such trials again due to independence

If X and Y are the same variable, this reduces to the variance formula given above.

Relationship to other distributions
Sums of binomials
If X€~€B(n,€p) and Y€~€B(m,€p) are independent binomial variables with the same probability p, then X€+€Y is again a binomial variable; its distribution is

Conditional binomials
If X€~€B(n,€p) and, conditional on X, Y€~€B(X,€q), then Y is a simple binomial variable with distribution

Bernoulli distribution
The Bernoulli distribution is a special case of the binomial distribution, where n€=€1. Symbolically, X€~€B(1,€p) has the same meaning as X€~€Bern(p). Conversely, any binomial distribution, B(n,€p), is the sum of n independent Bernoulli trials, Bern(p), each with the same probability p.

Poisson binomial distribution
The binomial distribution is a special case of the Poisson binomial distribution, which is a sum of n independent non-identical Bernoulli trials Bern(pi). If X has the Poisson binomial distribution with p1€=€ƒ€=€pn€=p then X€~€B(n,€p).

Binomial distribution


Normal approximation
If n is large enough, then the skew of the distribution is not too great. In this case a reasonable approximation to B(n,€p) is given by the normal distribution

and this basic approximation can be improved in a simple way by using a suitable continuity correction. The basic approximation generally improves as n increases (at least 20) and is better when p is not near to 0 or 1.[7] Various rules of thumb may be used to decide whether n is large enough, and p is far enough from the extremes of zero or one: ‚ One rule is that both x=np and n(1€€€p) must be greater than€5. However, the specific number varies from source to source, and depends on how good an Binomial PDF and normal approximation for n€=€6 and p€=€0.5 approximation one wants; some sources give 10 which gives virtually the same results as the following rule for large n until n is very large (ex: x=11, n=7752). ‚ A second rule[7] is that for n > 5 the normal approximation is adequate if

‚ Another commonly used rule holds that the normal approximation is appropriate only if everything within 3 standard deviations of its mean is within the range of possible values, that is if

The following is an example of applying a continuity correction. Suppose one wishes to calculate Pr(X€Œ€8) for a binomial random variable X. If Y has a distribution given by the normal approximation, then Pr(X€Œ€8) is approximated by Pr(Y€Œ€8.5). The addition of 0.5 is the continuity correction; the uncorrected normal approximation gives considerably less accurate results. This approximation, known as de Moivre•Laplace theorem, is a huge time-saver when undertaking calculations by hand (exact calculations with large n are very onerous); historically, it was the first use of the normal distribution, introduced in Abraham de Moivre's book The Doctrine of Chances in 1738. Nowadays, it can be seen as a consequence of the central limit theorem since B(n,€p) is a sum of n independent, identically distributed Bernoulli variables with parameter€p. This fact is the basis of a hypothesis test, a "proportion z-test," for the value of p using x/n, the sample proportion and estimator of p, in a common test statistic.[8] For example, suppose one randomly samples n people out of a large population and ask them whether they agree with a certain statement. The proportion of people who agree will of course depend on the sample. If groups of n people were sampled repeatedly and truly randomly, the proportions would follow an approximate normal distribution with mean equal to the true proportion p of agreement in the population and with standard deviation Ë€=€(p(1€€€p)/n)1/2. Large sample sizes n are good because the standard deviation, as a proportion of the expected value, gets smaller, which allows a more precise estimate of the unknown parameter€p.

Binomial distribution


Poisson approximation
The binomial distribution converges towards the Poisson distribution as the number of trials goes to infinity while the product np remains fixed. Therefore the Poisson distribution with parameter § = np can be used as an approximation to B(n, p) of the binomial distribution if n is sufficiently large and p is sufficiently small. According to two rules of thumb, this approximation is good if n€‚€20 and p€Œ€0.05, or if n€‚€100 and np€Œ€10.[9]

Limiting distributions
‚ Poisson limit theorem: As n approaches ž and p approaches 0 while np remains fixed at °€>€0 or at least np approaches °€>€0, then the Binomial(n,€p) distribution approaches the Poisson distribution with expected value °. ‚ de MoivreƒLaplace theorem: As n approaches ž while p remains fixed, the distribution of

approaches the normal distribution with expected value€0 and variance€1. This result is sometimes loosely stated by saying that the distribution of X is asymptotically normal with expected value€np and variance€np(1€€€p). This result is a specific case of the central limit theorem.

Confidence intervals
Even for quite large values of n, the actual distribution of the mean is signi¾cantly nonnormal.[10] Because of this problem several methods to estimate confidence intervals have been proposed. Let n1 be the number of successes out of n, the total number of trials, and let

be the proportion of successes. Let z•/2 be the 100 ( 1 € • / 2 )th percentile of the standard normal distribution. ‚ Wald method

A continuity correction of 0.5/n may be added. ‚ Agresti-Coull method[11]

Here the estimate of p is modified to

‚ ArcSine method[12]

‚ Wilson (score) method[13]

The exact (Clopper-Pearson) method is the most conservative.[10] The Wald method although commonly recommended in the text books is the most biased.

Binomial distribution


Generating binomial random variates
Methods for random number generation where the marginal distribution is a binomial distribution are well-established. [14][15] One way to generate random samples from a binomial distribution is to use an inversion algorithm. To do so, one must calculate the probability that P(x=k) for all values n through k. These probabilities should sum to a value close to one, in order to encompass the entire sample space. Then by using a Linear congruential generator to generate samples uniform between 0 and 1, one can transform the calculated samples U[0,1] into discrete numbers by using the probabilities calculated in step one.

[1] Matou ek, J, Vondrak, J: The Probabilistic Method (lecture notes) (http:/ / kam. mff. cuni. cz/ ~matousek/ prob-ln. ps. gz). [2] Hamilton Institute. "The Binomial Distribution" (http:/ / www. hamilton. ie/ ollie/ EE304/ Binom. pdf) October 20, 2010. [3] Neumann, P. (1966). "Îber den Median der Binomial- and Poissonverteilung" (in German). Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Technischen Universit¨t Dresden 19: 29•33. [4] Lord, Nick. (July 2010). "Binomial averages when the mean is an integer", The Mathematical Gazette 94, 331-332. [5] Kaas, R.; Buhrman, J.M. (1980). "Mean, Median and Mode in Binomial Distributions". Statistica Neerlandica 34 (1): 13•18. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9574.1980.tb00681.x. [6] Hamza, K. (1995). "The smallest uniform upper bound on the distance between the mean and the median of the binomial and Poisson distributions". Statistics & Probability Letters 23: 21•25. doi:10.1016/0167-7152(94)00090-U. [7] Box, Hunter and Hunter (1978). Statistics for experimenters. Wiley. p.€130. [8] NIST/SEMATECH, "7.2.4. Does the proportion of defectives meet requirements?" (http:/ / www. itl. nist. gov/ div898/ handbook/ prc/ section2/ prc24. htm) e-Handbook of Statistical Methods. [9] NIST/SEMATECH, " Counts Control Charts" (http:/ / www. itl. nist. gov/ div898/ handbook/ pmc/ section3/ pmc331. htm), e-Handbook of Statistical Methods. [10] Brown LD, Cai T. and DasGupta A (2001). Interval estimation for a binomial proportion (with discussion). Statist Sci 16: 101•133 [11] Agresti A, Coull BA (1998) "Approximate is better than 'exact' for interval estimation of binomial proportions". The American Statistician 52:119•126 [12] Pires MA () Confidence intervals for a binomial proportion: comparison of methods and software evaluation. [13] Wilson EB (1927) "Probable inference, the law of succession, and statistical inference". Journal of the American Statistical Association 22: 209•212 [14] Devroye, Luc (1986) Non-Uniform Random Variate Generation, New York: Springer-Verlag. (See especially Chapter X, Discrete Univariate Distributions (http:/ / luc. devroye. org/ chapter_ten. pdf)) [15] Kachitvichyanukul, V.; Schmeiser, B. W. (1988). "Binomial random variate generation". Communications of the ACM 31 (2): 216•222. doi:10.1145/42372.42381.

Bernoulli trial


Bernoulli trial
In the theory of probability and statistics, a Bernoulli trial is an experiment whose outcome is random and can be either of two possible outcomes, "success" and "failure". The mathematical formalization of the Bernoulli trial is known as the Bernoulli process. This article offers an elementary introduction to the concept, whereas the article on the Bernoulli process offers a more advanced treatment. In practice it refers to a single experiment which can have one of two possible outcomes. These events can be phrased into "yes or no" questions: ‚ Did the coin land heads? ‚ Was the newborn child a girl? Therefore success and failure are labels for outcomes, and should not be construed literally. The term "success" in this sense consists in the result meeting specified conditions, not in any moral judgement. Examples of Bernoulli trials include ‚ Flipping a coin. In this context, obverse ("heads") conventionally denotes success and reverse ("tails") denotes failure. A fair coin has the probability of success 0.5 by definition. ‚ Rolling a die, where a six is "success" and everything else a "failure". ‚ In conducting a political opinion poll, choosing a voter at random to ascertain whether that voter will vote "yes" in an upcoming referendum.

Independent repeated trials of an experiment with two outcomes only are called Bernoulli trials. Call one of the outcomes "success" and the other outcome "failure". Let be the probability of success in a Bernoulli trial. Then the probability of failure . Random variables describing Bernoulli trials are often encoded using the convention that 1 = "success", 0 = "failure". Closely related to a Bernoulli trial is a binomial experiment, which consists of a fixed number of statistically independent Bernoulli trials, each with a probability of success , and counts the number of successes. A random variable corresponding to a binomial is denoted by probability of exactly successes in the experiment . Bernoulli trials may also lead to negative binomial distributions (which count the number of successes in a series of repeated Bernoulli trials until a specified number of failures are seen), as well as various other distributions. When multiple Bernoulli trials are performed, each with its own probability of success, these are sometimes referred to as Poisson trials.[1] , and is said to have a binomial distribution. The is given by: is given by

Bernoulli trial


Example: Tossing Coins
Consider the simple experiment where a fair coin is tossed four times. Find the probability that exactly two of the tosses result in heads.

For this experiment, let a heads be defined as a success and a tails as a failure. Because the coin is assumed to be fair, the probability of success is . Thus the probability of failure, , is given by . Using the equation above, the probability of exactly two tosses out of four total tosses resulting in a heads is given by:


[1] Rajeev Motwani and P. Raghavan. Randomized Algorithms. Cambridge University Press, New York (NY), 1995, p.67-68

External links
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Bernoulli trials" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=p/ b015690), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Bernoulli Trial (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/BernoulliTrial.html)" from MathWorld.

Bernoulli distribution


Bernoulli distribution
Bernoulli Parameters Support PMF


Mean Median


Variance Skewness Ex. kurtosis Entropy MGF CF PGF Fisher information

In probability theory and statistics, the Bernoulli distribution, named after Swiss scientist Jacob Bernoulli, is a discrete probability distribution, which takes value 1 with success probability and value 0 with failure probability . So if X is a random variable with this distribution, we have:

A classical example of a Bernoulli experiment is a single toss of a coin. The coin might come up heads with probability p and tails with probability 1-p. The experiment is called fair if p=0.5, indicating the origin of the terminology in betting (the bet is fair if both possible outcomes have the same probability). The probability mass function f of this distribution is

This can also be expressed as

Bernoulli distribution The expected value of a Bernoulli random variable X is , and its variance is


Bernoulli distribution is a special case of the Binomial distribution with n = 1.[1] The kurtosis goes to infinity for high and low values of p, but for kurtosis than any other probability distribution, namely -2. The Bernoulli distributions for 0„p„1 form an exponential family. The maximum likelihood estimator of p based on a random sample is the sample mean. the Bernoulli distribution has a lower

Related distributions
‚ If are independent, identically distributed (i.i.d.) random variables, all Bernoulli distributed with (binomial distribution). The Bernoulli success probability€p, then

distribution is simply . ‚ The categorical distribution is the generalization of the Bernoulli distribution for variables with any constant number of discrete values. ‚ The Beta distribution is the conjugate prior of the Bernoulli distribution. ‚ The geometric distribution is the number of Bernoulli trials needed to get one success.

[1] McCullagh and Nelder (1989), Section 4.2.2.

‚ McCullagh, Peter; Nelder, John (1989). Generalized Linear Models, Second Edition. Boca Raton: Chapman and Hall/CRC. ISBN€0-412-31760-5. ‚ Johnson, N.L., Kotz, S., Kemp A. (1993) Univariate Discrete Distributions (2nd Edition). Wiley. ISBN 0-471-54897-9

External links
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Binomial distribution" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index. php?title=p/b016420), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Weisstein, Eric W., " Bernoulli Distribution (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/BernoulliDistribution.html)" from MathWorld.

Pascal's Wager


Pascal's Wager
Pascal's Wager (also known as Pascal's Gamble) is an argument in apologetic philosophy which was devised by the seventeenth-century French philosopher, mathematician, and physicist, Blaise Pascal. It posits that there's more to be gained from wagering on the existence of God than from atheism, and that a rational person should live as though God exists, even though the truth of the matter cannot actually be known. Pascal formulated the wager within a Christian framework, and it was set out in section 233 of his posthumously published Pensˆes. (Pensˆes, meaning thoughts, was the name given to the collection of unpublished notes which, after Pascal's death, were assembled to form an incomplete treatise on Christian apologetics.) Historically, Pascal's Wager was groundbreaking because it charted new territory in probability theory, marked the first formal use of decision theory, and anticipated future philosophies such as existentialism, pragmatism, and voluntarism.[1]
Blaise Pascal

The wager
The philosophy uses the following logic (excerpts from Pensˆes, part III, Ï233): 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. "God is, or He is not" A Game is being played... where heads or tails will turn up. According to reason, you can defend either of the propositions. You must wager. (It's not optional.) Let us weigh the gain and the loss in wagering that God is. Let us estimate these two chances. If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing. 6. Wager, then, without hesitation that He is. (...) There is here an infinity of an infinitely happy life to gain, a chance of gain against a finite number of chances of loss, and what you stake is finite. And so our proposition is of infinite force, when there is the finite to stake in a game where there are equal risks of gain and of loss, and the infinite to gain.

The wager builds on the theme of other Pensˆes where Pascal systematically dismantles the notion that we can trust purely in reason. However, he does not consider reason to be useless or irrelevant. On the contrary, in note 273, he says, "If we submit everything to reason, our religion will have no mysterious and supernatural element. If we offend the principles of reason, our religion will be absurd and ridiculous." So, while Pascal is not precluding the use of reason, much of his notes are geared toward attacking absolute certainty, attempting to convince the reader of what he sees as the true range and limits of reason. As such, his work is often cited as one of the first works on Existentialism for thoughts like the following:

Pascal's Wager


Category Uncertainty in all

Quotation(s) This is what I see, and what troubles me. I look on all sides, and everywhere I see nothing but obscurity. Nature offers me [2] nothing that is not a matter of doubt and disquiet. For after all what is man in nature? A nothing in relation to infinity, all in relation to nothing, a central point between nothing [3] and all and infinitely far from understanding either. There is nothing so conformable to reason as this disavowal of reason. [4]

Uncertainty in Man's purpose Uncertainty in reason Uncertainty in science Uncertainty in religion

There no doubt exist natural laws, but once this fine reason of ours was corrupted, it corrupted everything.


If I saw no signs of a divinity, I would fix myself in denial. If I saw everywhere the marks of a Creator, I would repose peacefully in faith. But seeing too much to deny Him, and too little to assure me, I am in a pitiful state, and I would wish a [6] hundred times that if a god sustains nature it would reveal Him without ambiguity. We understand nothing of the works of God unless we take it as a principle that He wishes to blind some and to enlighten [7] others.

Uncertainty in skepticism

It is not certain that everything is uncertain.


Pascal asks the reader to analyze the position of mankind, this crisis of existence and lack of complete understanding. While Mankind can discern a great deal through reason, it is also hopelessly removed from knowing everything through it. He describes Mankind as a finite being trapped within an incomprehensible infinity. Thrust into being from non-being for a brief life only to go out again, with no explanation whatsoever of "Why?" or "What?" or "How?". The finite nature of our being constrains reason with respect to every form of knowledge. Now, assuming that reason alone cannot determine whether or not God exists, the ontological question is reduced to a coin toss. However, making a choice to live as though God exists or does not exist is unavoidable even if the ontological question is inconclusive. In Pascal's assessment, participation in this Wager is not optional because Mankind is already thrust into existence. So even if God's existence cannot be independently confirmed or denied, nevertheless the Wager is necessary and the possible scenarios must be considered and decided upon pragmatically.

The wager is described in Pensˆes this way: If there is a God, He is infinitely incomprehensible, since, having neither parts nor limits, He has no affinity to us. We are then incapable of knowing either what He is or if He is.... ..."God is, or He is not." But to which side shall we incline? Reason can decide nothing here. There is an infinite chaos which separated us. A game is being played at the extremity of this infinite distance where heads or tails will turn up. What will you wager? According to reason, you can do neither the one thing nor the other; according to reason, you can defend neither of the propositions. Do not, then, reprove for error those who have made a choice; for you know nothing about it. "No, but I blame them for having made, not this choice, but a choice; for again both he who chooses heads and he who chooses tails are equally at fault, they are both in the wrong. The true course is not to wager at all." Yes; but you must wager. It is not optional. You are embarked. Which will you choose then? Let us see. Since you must choose, let us see which interests you least. You have two things to lose, the true and the good; and two things to stake, your reason and your will, your knowledge and your happiness; and your nature has two things to shun, error and misery. Your reason is no more shocked in choosing one rather than the other, since you must of necessity choose. This is one point settled. But your happiness? Let us weigh the gain and the loss in wagering that God is. Let us estimate these two chances. If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose

Pascal's Wager nothing. Wager, then, without hesitation that He is. "That is very fine. Yes, I must wager; but I may perhaps wager too much." Let us see. Since there is an equal risk of gain and of loss, if you had only to gain two lives, instead of one, you might still wager. But if there were three lives to gain, you would have to play (since you are under the necessity of playing), and you would be imprudent, when you are forced to play, not to chance your life to gain three at a game where there is an equal risk of loss and gain. But there is an eternity of life and happiness. And this being so, if there were an infinity of chances, of which one only would be for you, you would still be right in wagering one to win two, and you would act stupidly, being obliged to play, by refusing to stake one life against three at a game in which out of an infinity of chances there is one for you, if there were an infinity of an infinitely happy life to gain. But there is here an infinity of an infinitely happy life to gain, a chance of gain against a finite number of chances of loss, and what you stake is finite.[4] Pascal begins by painting a situation where both the existence and non-existence of God are impossible to prove by human reason. So, supposing that reason cannot determine the truth between the two options, one must "wager" by weighing the possible consequences. PascalŠs assumption is that, when it comes to making the decision, no one can refuse to participate; withholding assent is impossible because we are already "embarked", effectively living out the choice. We only have two things to stake, our "reason" and our "happiness". Pascal considers that if there is "equal risk of loss and gain" (i.e. a coin toss), then human reason is powerless to address the question of whether God exists or not. That being the case, then human reason can only decide the question according to possible resulting happiness of the decision, weighing the gain and loss in believing that God exists and likewise in believing that God does not exist. He points out that if a wager was between the equal chance of gaining two lifetimes of happiness and gaining nothing, then a person would be a fool to bet on the latter. The same would go if it was three lifetimes of happiness versus nothing. He then argues that it is simply unconscionable by comparison to bet against an eternal life of happiness for the possibility of gaining nothing. The wise decision is to wager that God exists, since "If you gain, you gain all; if you lose, you lose nothing", meaning one can gain eternal life if God exists, but if not, one will be no worse off in death than if one had not believed. On the other hand, if you bet against God, win or lose, you either gain nothing or lose everything. You are either unavoidably annihilated (in which case, nothing matters one way or the other) or lose the opportunity of eternal happiness. In note 194, speaking about those who live apathetically betting against God, he sums up by remarking, "It is to the glory of religion to have for enemies men so unreasonable..."


Inability to believe
Pascal addressed the difficulty that 'reason' and 'rationality' pose to genuine belief by proposing that "acting as if [one] believed" could "cure [one] of unbelief":
But at least learn your inability to believe, since reason brings you to this, and yet you cannot believe. Endeavour then to convince yourself, not by increase of proofs of God, but by the abatement of your passions. You would like to attain faith, and do not know the way; you would like to cure yourself of unbelief, and ask the remedy for it. Learn of those who have been bound like you, and who now stake all their possessions. These are people who know the way which you would follow, and who are cured of an ill of which you would be cured. Follow the way by which they began; by acting as if they believed, taking the holy water, having masses said, etc. Even this will naturally make you believe, and deaden your acuteness. Pensˆes Section III note 233, Translation by W. F. Trotter

Pascal's Wager


Analysis with decision theory
The possibilities defined by Pascal's Wager can be thought of as a decision under uncertainty with the values of the following decision matrix. (Pascal did not mention hell, nor did he address what the outcome would be of "God exists + Living as if God does not exist," the prospect of infinite gain being sufficient to make his point.)
God exists (G) Belief (B) +ž (infinite gain) God does not exist (~G) -1 (finite loss) +1 (finite gain)

Disbelief (~B) €ž (infinite loss)

Given these values, the option of living as if God exists (B) dominates the option of living as if God does not exist (~B), as long as one assumes a positive probability that God exists. In other words, the expected value gained by choosing B is greater than or equal to that of choosing ~B. In fact, according to decision theory, the only value that matters in the above matrix is the +ž (infinitely positive). Any matrix of the following type (where f1, f2, and f3 are all finite positive or negative numbers) results in (B) as being the only rational decision.[9]
God exists (G) God does not exist (~G) Belief (B) Disbelief (~B) +ž f2 f1 f3

Criticism of Pascal's Wager began in his own day, and came from both staunch atheists (who question the 'benefits' of a deity whose 'realm' is beyond reason), and the religiously orthodox (who primarily take issue with the wager's deistic and agnostic language). It is criticized for not proving God's existence, encouragement of false belief and the problem of which religion and which God should be worshiped.[10]

Failure as proof
Voltaire (another prominent French writer of the Enlightenment) a generation after Pascal, rejected the notion that the wager was 'proof of God' as "indecent and childish", adding, "the interest I have to believe a thing is no proof that such a thing exists."[11] Pascal, however, did not advance the wager as a proof, but rather as a necessary pragmatic decision, that is 'impossible to avoid'.[12] He argued that abstaining is not an option, and 'reason is incapable of divining the truth'; thus, a decision of whether or not to believe must be made by 'considering the consequences of each possibility'. Honestly judged however, Voltaire's critique concerns not at all the character of pascalian wager as God`s existence proof, as surmised here, but the fact that the very beliefs Pascal tries to promote are not at all believable and convincing (the philosopher hints to the fact that Pascal, as a catholic jansenist, believed the doctrine that only a small - and already predestined - portion of humanity will eventually be saved by his Christian God); in this context Voltaire explains that no matter how far someone is tempted with rewards in order to believe such a Christian dogma of salvation and such a god, the results will be at best a faint belief. In his view, such a critical thinker as he is, needs some very hard proofs in order to believe in a cruel and morally defective god, some reasons other than the mere promised (but also hard-to-believe) pascalian reward.[13] As ƒtienne Souriau explained, in order to believe in such a morally unbelievable god, the bettor needs to be sure God really means seriously to honour the bet; he says that the wager takes as guaranteed the fact that this God accepts too the bet, fact which is far from being proved; Pascal's bettor is here like the fool who seeing a leaf floating on a river's waters and quivering at some point, for few seconds, between the two sides of a stone, says: ˆI bet a million with Rothschild that it takes finally the left path.‰ And,

Pascal's Wager effectively, the leaf passed on the left side of the stone, but unfortunately for the fool Rothschild never said too, ˆI bet‰.[14]


Argument from inconsistent revelations
Since there have been many religions throughout history, and therefore many conceptions of God (or gods), some assert that all of them need to be factored into the wager, in an argument known as the argument from inconsistent revelations. This, its proponents argue, would lead to a high probability of believing in "the wrong god", which, they claim, eliminates the mathematical advantage Pascal claimed with his Wager. Denis Diderot, a contemporary of Voltaire, concisely expressed this opinion when asked about the wager, saying "an Imam could reason the same way".[15] J. L. Mackie notes that "the church within which alone salvation is to be found is not necessarily the Church of Rome, but perhaps that of the Anabaptists or the Mormons or the Muslim Sunnis or the worshipers of Kali or of Odin."[16] Another version of this objection argues that for every religion that promulgates rules, there exists another religion that has rules of the opposite kind. If a certain action leads one closer to salvation in the former religion, it leads one further away from it in the latter. Therefore, the expected value of following a certain religion could be negative. Or, one could also argue that there is an infinite number of mutually exclusive religions (which is a subset of the set of all possible religions), and that the probability of any one of them being true is zero; therefore the expected value of following a certain religion is zero. Pascal considers this type of objection briefly in the notes compiled into the Pensˆes, and dismisses it as obviously wrong and disingenuous:[17]
What say [the unbelievers] then? "Do we not see," say they, "that the brutes live and die like men, and Turks like Christians? They have their ceremonies, their prophets, their doctors, their saints, their monks, like us," etc. If you care but little to know the truth, that is enough to leave you in repose. But if you desire with all your heart to know it, it is not enough; look at it in detail. That would be sufficient for a question in philosophy; but not here, where everything is at stake. And yet, after a superficial reflection of this kind, we go to amuse ourselves, etc. Let us inquire of this same religion whether it does not give a reason for this obscurity; perhaps it will teach it to us.

This short but densely packed passage, which alludes to numerous themes discussed elsewhere in the Pensˆes, has given rise to many pages of scholarly analysis. Pascal says that unbelievers who rest content with the many-religions objection are people whose scepticism has seduced them into a fatal "repose". If they were really bent on knowing the truth, they would be persuaded to examine "in detail" whether Christianity is like any other religion, but they just cannot be bothered.[19] Their objection might be sufficient were the subject concerned merely some "question in philosophy", but not "here, where everything is at stake". In "a matter where they themselves, their eternity, their all are concerned",[18] they can manage no better than "a superficial reflection" ("une reflexion lˆg’re") and, thinking they have scored a point by asking a leading question, they go off to amuse themselves.[20] As Pascal scholars observe, Pascal regarded the many-religions objection as a rhetorical ploy, a "trap"[21] that he had no intention of falling into. If, however, any who raised it were sincere, they would want to examine the matter "in detail". In that case, they could get some pointers by turning to his chapter on "other religions". As David Wetsel notes, Pascal's treatment of the pagan religions is brisk: "As far as Pascal is concerned, the demise of the pagan religions of antiquity speaks for itself. Those pagan religions which still exist in the New World, in India, and in Africa are not even worth a second glance. They are obviously the work of superstition and ignorance and have nothing in them which might interest 'les gens habiles' ('clever men')[22]"[23] Islam warrants more attention, being distinguished from paganism (which for Pascal presumably includes all the other non-Christian religions) by its claim to be a revealed religion. Nevertheless, Pascal concludes that the religion founded by Mohammed can on several counts be shown to be devoid of divine authority, and that therefore, as a path to the knowledge of God, it is as much a dead end as paganism.[24] Judaism, in view of its close links to Christianity, he deals with elsewhere.[25]

Pascal's Wager The many-religions objection is taken more seriously by some later apologists of the wager, who argue that, of the rival options, only those awarding infinite happiness affect the wager's dominance. In the opinion of these apologists "finite, semi-blissful promises such as Kali's or Odin's" therefore drop out of consideration.[26] Also, the infinite bliss that the rival conception of God offers has to be mutually exclusive. If Christ's promise of bliss can be attained concurrently with Jehovah's and Allah's (all three being identified as the God of Abraham), there is no conflict in the decision matrix in the case where the cost of believing in the wrong conception of God is neutral (limbo/purgatory/spiritual death), although this would be countered with an infinite cost in the case where not believing in the correct conception of God results in punishment (hell).[26] Furthermore, ecumenical interpretations of the Wager[27] argue that it could even be suggested that believing in a generic God, or a god by the wrong name, is acceptable so long as that conception of God has similar essential characteristics of the conception of God considered in Pascal's Wager (perhaps the God of Aristotle). Proponents of this line of reasoning suggest that either all of the conceptions of God or gods throughout history truly boil down to just a small set of "genuine options",[28] or that if Pascal's Wager can simply bring a person to believe in "generic theism" it has done its job.[29]


Argument from inauthentic belief
Some critics argue that Pascal's Wager could only ever be an argument for feigning belief, which is dishonest. In addition, it is absurd to think that God, being just and omniscient, would not be able to see through this deceptive strategy on the part of the "believer", thus nullifying the benefits of the wager.[30] Since these criticisms are concerned not with the validity of the wager itself, but with its possible aftermath † namely that a person who has been convinced of the overwhelming odds in favor of belief might still find himself unable to sincerely believe † they are tangential to the thrust of the wager. What such critics are objecting to is Pascal's subsequent advice to an unbeliever who, having concluded that the only rational way to wager is in favor of God's existence, points out, reasonably enough, that this by no means makes him a believer. This hypothetical unbeliever complains, "I am so made that I cannot believe. What would you have me do?"[31] Pascal, far from suggesting that God can be deceived by outward show, says that God does not regard it at all: "God looks only at what is inward."[32] For a person who is already convinced of the odds of the wager but cannot seem to put his heart into the belief, he offers practical advice. Explicitly addressing the question of inability to believe, Pascal argues that if the wager is valid, the inability to believe is irrational, and therefore must be caused by feelings: "your inability to believe, because reason compels you to [believe] and yet you cannot, [comes] from your passions." This inability, therefore, can be overcome by diminishing these irrational sentiments: "Learn from those who were bound like you. . . . Follow the way by which they began: that is by doing everything as if they believed, by taking holy water, by having Masses said, etc. Naturally, even this will make you believe and will dull you. †'But this is what I am afraid of.' †And why? What have you to lose?"[33] In a similar vein, some other critics have objected to Pascal's Wager on the grounds that he wrongly assumes what type of epistemic character God would likely value in his rational creatures if he existed. More specifically, Richard Carrier has objected by positing an alternative conception of God that prefers his creatures to be honest inquirers and disapproves of thoughtless or feigned belief:
Suppose there is a god who is watching us and choosing which souls of the deceased to bring to heaven, and this god really does want only the morally good to populate heaven. He will probably select from only those who made a significant and responsible effort to discover the truth. . .Therefore, only such people can be sufficiently moral and trustworthy to deserve a place in heaven † unless God wishes to fill heaven with the morally lazy, irresponsible, or untrustworthy. The End of Pascal's Wager: Only Nontheists Go to Heaven

However, as noted above, nowhere in the establishment of the wager does Pascal appeal to feigned belief; God, being omniscient, would not succumb to such trickery and unwittingly reward the disingenuous. Rather, in the

Pascal's Wager passage following the establishment of the wager, Pascal addresses a hypothetical person who has already weighed the rationality of believing in God through the wager and is convinced by it, but remains unable to sincerely believe. Again, as noted above, Pascal offers this person a way to escape the irrational sentiment that compels him to withhold belief in God after the validity of the wager has been rationally conceded. This way consists of applying oneself to spiritual discipline, study, and community. In practical terms, therefore, this "alternative" scenario of God valuing rational belief and honest inquiry which is offered by Carrier and other critics is actually not very different from Pascal's own formulation of the scenario. Indeed, Pascal is unabashed in his criticism of people who are apathetic about considering the issue of whether God exists. In note 194, he retorts: "This carelessness in a matter which concerns themselves, their eternity, their all, moves me more to anger than pity; it astonishes and shocks me; it is to me monstrous." Far from glorifying blind irrationality, one of the chief aims of Pascal's arguments in the Pensˆes was to shake people out of their ignorant complacency so that they could rationally approach this most crucial existential matter. Pascal says in note 225: "Atheism shows strength of mind, but only to a certain degree." Unbelievers who persistently endeavor in an honest, rational effort to search for the truth are commended by Pascal, to the exclusion of those who are dismissive and disingenuous.


‚ The Sophist Protagoras had an agnostic position regarding the gods, but he nevertheless continued to worship the gods. This could be considered as an early version of the wager.[35] ‚ In the famous tragedy of Euripides Bacchae, Kadmos states an early version of Pascal's wager. It is noteworthy that at the end of the tragedy Dionysos, the god to whom Kadmos referred, appears and punishes him for thinking in this way. Euripides, quite clearly, considered and dismissed the wager in this tragedy.[36] ‚ The Christian apologist Arnobius of Sicca (d.330) stated an early version of the argument in his book Against the Pagans.[37] ‚ An instantiation of this argument, within the Islamic kalam tradition, was discussed by Imam al-Haramayn al-Juwayni (d. 478/1085) in his Kitab al-irshad ila-qawati al-adilla fi usul al-i'tiqad, or A Guide to the Conclusive Proofs for the Principles of Belief.[38] ‚ In the Sanskrit classic S€rasamuccaya, Vararuci makes a similar argument to Pascal's wager.[39]

[1] Alan H“jek, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ pascal-wager/ index. html) [2] Pensˆe #229 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_229) [3] Pensˆe #72 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_72) [4] Pensˆe #272 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_272) [5] Pensˆe #294 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_294) [6] Pensˆe #229 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_565) [7] Pensˆe #565 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_565) [8] Pensˆe #387 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_387) [9] Alan H“jek, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ pascal-wager/ index. html#4) [10] http:/ / robertnielsen21. wordpress. com/ 2012/ 05/ 06/ the-flaws-of-pascals-wager/ [11] Remarques sur les Pensees de Pascal XI (http:/ / www. voltaire-integral. com/ Html/ 22/ 07_Pascal. html) [12] Durant, Will and Ariel (1965). The Age of Voltaire. pp.€370. [13] Vous me promettez lŠempire du monde si je crois que vous avez raison: je souhaite alors, de tout mon coeur, que vous ayez raison; mais jusquŠ¼ ce que vous me lŠayez prouvˆ, je ne puis vous croire. [ƒ] JŠai intˆr¿t, sans doute, quŠil y ait un Dieu; mais si dans votre syst’me Dieu nŠest venu que pour si peu de personnes; si le petit nombre des ˆlus est si effrayant; si je ne puis rien du tout par moi-m¿me, dites-moi, je vous prie, quel intˆr¿t jŠai ¼ vous croire? NŠai-je pas un intˆr¿t visible ¼ ¿tre persuadˆ du contraire? De quel front osez-vous me montrer un bonheur infini, auquel dŠun million dŠhommes un seul ¼ peine a droit dŠaspirer? [14] Ð vrai dire le cˆl’bre pari de Pascal, ou plutÑt le pari que Pascal propose au libertin n'est pas une option dˆsintˆressˆe mais un pari de joueur. Si le libertin joue ÒcroixÓ, parie que Dieu existe, il gagne (si Dieu existe) la vie ˆternelle et la bˆatitude infinie, et risque seulement de perdre les misˆrables plaisirs de sa vie actuelle. Cette mise ne compte pas au regard du gain possible qui est infini. Seulement, l'argument suppose

Pascal's Wager
que Dieu accepte le pari, que Dieu dit Òje tiensÓ. Sans quoi, nous dit Souriau, le libertin Ò est comme ce fou : il voit une feuille au fil de l'eau, hˆsiter entre deux cÑtˆs d'un caillou. Il dit : Òje parie un million avec Rothschild qu'elle passera ¼ droiteÓ. La feuille passe ¼ droite et le fou dit : Òj'ai gagnˆ un millionÓ. OÔ est sa folie? Ce n'est pas que le million n'existe pas, c'est que Rothschild n'a pas dit : Òje tiensÓ. Ó. (Cf. l'admirable analyse du pari de Pascal in Souriau, L'ombre de Dieu, p. 47 sq.) - La Philosophie, Tome 2 (La Connaissance), Denis Huisman, Andrˆ Vergez, Marabout 1994, pp.462-63 [15] Diderot, Denis (1875-77) [1746]. J. Assˆzar. ed (in French). Pensˆes philosophiques, LIX, Volume 1. pp.€167. [16] Mackie, J. L. (1982). The Miracle of Theism, Oxford, pg. 203 [17] Wetsel, David (1994). Pascal and Disbelief: Catechesis and Conversion in the Pensˆes. Washington, D. C.: The Catholic University of America Press, p. 117. ISBN 0-8132-1328-2 [18] Pensˆe #226 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_226) [19] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, p. 370. [20] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, p. 238. [21] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, pp. 118 (quotation from Jean Mesnard), 236. [22] Pensˆe #251 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_251) [23] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, p. 181. [24] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, p. 182. [25] Wetsel, Pascal and Disbelief, p. 180. [26] Alan H“jek, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http:/ / plato. stanford. edu/ entries/ pascal-wager/ notes. html#7) [27] For example: Jeff Jordan, Gambling on God: Essays on Pascal's Wager, 1994, Rowman & Littlefield. [28] Paul Saka, The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy - Pascal's Wager (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ p/ pasc-wag. htm#SH3a) [29] Paul Saka, The Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy - Pascal's Wager (http:/ / www. iep. utm. edu/ p/ pasc-wag. htm#SH3d) [30] The God Delusion pp. 104. [31] Pensˆe #233 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_233) [32] Pensˆe #904 (http:/ / www. gutenberg. org/ files/ 18269/ 18269-h/ 18269-h. htm#p_904) [33] Pensˆe #233. Gˆrard Ferreyrolles, ed. Paris: Librairie Gˆnˆrale FranÈaise, 2000. [34] The End of Pascal's Wager: Only Nontheists Go to Heaven (http:/ / www. infidels. org/ library/ modern/ richard_carrier/ heaven. html) [35] Boyarin, Daniel (2009). Socrates & the fat rabbis. University of Chicago Press. p.€48. ISBN€0-226-06916-8. [36] Aleksandrovich FlorenskiŽ, Pavel (1997). Plots of epiphany: prison-escape in Acts of the Apostles. Princeton University Press. pp.€595. ISBN€0-691-03243-2. [37] Weaver, John B. (2004). The pillar and ground of the truth. Walter de Gruyter. p.€37. ISBN€978-3-11-018266-8. [38] al-Juwayni A Guide to Conclusive Proofs for the Principles of Belief, 6 [39] Nicholas Ostler (2005). Empires of the Word, HarperCollins.


‚ al-Juwayni, Imam al-Haramayn; Dr. Paul E. Walker (translator) (2000). A Guide to Conclusive Proofs for the Principles of Belief. Reading, UK: Garnet Publishing. pp.€6•7. ISBN€1-85964-157-1. ‚ Leslie Armour, Infini Rien: Pascal's Wager and the Human Paradox (The Journal of the History of Philosophy Monograph Series), Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1993. ‚ James Cargile, "Pascal's Wager," in Contemporary Perspectives on Religious Epistemology, eds. R. Douglas Geivett and Brendan Sweetman, Oxford University Press, 1992. ‚ Jeff Jordan, ed. Gambling on God, Lanham MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994. (A collection of the most recent articles on the Wager with a full bibliography.) ‚ Jeff Jordan, Pascal's Wager: Pragmatic Arguments and Belief in God, Oxford University Press, 2007 (No doubt not the "final word", but certainly the most thorough and definitive discussion thus far.) ‚ William G. Lycan and George N. Schlesinger, "You Bet Your Life: Pascal's Wager Defended," in Contemporary Perspectives on Religious Epistemology, eds. R. Douglas Geivett and Brendan Sweetman, Oxford University Press, 1992. ‚ Michael Martin, Atheism, Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1990, (Pp.€229•238 presents the argument about a god who punishes believers.) ‚ Thomas V. Morris, "Pascalian Wagering," in Contemporary Perspectives on Religious Epistemology, eds. R. Douglas Geivett and Brendan Sweetman, Oxford University Press, 1992. ‚ Nicholas Rescher, Pascal‚s Wager: A Study of Practical Reasoning in Philosophical Theology, University of Notre Dame Press, 1985. (The first book-length treatment of the Wager in English.)

Pascal's Wager ‚ Jamie Whyte, Crimes against Logic, McGraw-Hill, 2004, (Section with argument about Wager) ‚ Elizabeth Holowecky, "Taxes and God", KPMG Press, 2008, (Phone interview)


External links to primary text
‚ Pascal's Pensees Part III † "The Necessity of the Wager" The wager itself is found in #233 (Trotter translation) (http://www.classicallibrary.org/pascal/pensees/pensees03.htm). ‚ Section III of Blaise Pascal's Pensˆes, Translated by W. F. Trotter (with forward by T.S. Elliot), Project Guttenburg (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/18269/18269-h/18269-h.htm#SECTION_III) - The wager is found at note #233

Other external links
Standard references: ‚ Pascal's Wager in the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http://www.iep.utm.edu/p/pasc-wag.htm) ‚ Pascal's Wager in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/pascal-wager/)

‚ Pascal's Wager: Pragmatic Arguments and Belief in God (2006) (http://www.oxfordscholarship.com/oso/ public/content/philosophy/9780199291328/toc.html) by Jordan, Jeff, University of Delaware, 2006 ‚ Ambiguity, Pessimism, and Rational Religious Choice (2010) (http://www.springerlink.com/content/ c768204032543277) by Tigran Melkonyan and Mark Pingle Theory and Decision, 2010, Volume 69, Number 3, Pages 417-438

‚ The Empty Wager (http://newsweek.washingtonpost.com/onfaith/sam_harris/2007/04/ the_cost_of_betting_on_faith.html) by Sam Harris ‚ The Rejection of Pascal's Wager (http://www.rejectionofpascalswager.net/pascal.html) by Paul Tobin ‚ Pascal's Mugging (http://www.nickbostrom.com/papers/pascal.pdf) by Nick Bostrom

‚ Theistic Belief and Religious Uncertainty (http://www.infidels.org/library/modern/jeffrey_jordan/belief. html) by Jeffrey Jordan



In calculus, a branch of mathematics, the derivative is a measure of how a function changes as its input changes. Loosely speaking, a derivative can be thought of as how much one quantity is changing in response to changes in some other quantity; for example, the derivative of the position of a moving object with respect to time is the object's instantaneous velocity. The derivative of a function at a chosen input value describes the best linear approximation of the function near that input value. Informally, The graph of a function, drawn in black, and a the derivative is the ratio of the infinitesimal change of the output over tangent line to that function, drawn in red. The the infinitesimal change of the input producing that change of output. slope of the tangent line is equal to the derivative For a real-valued function of a single real variable, the derivative at a of the function at the marked point. point equals the slope of the tangent line to the graph of the function at that point. In higher dimensions, the derivative of a function at a point is a linear transformation called the linearization.[1] A closely related notion is the differential of a function. The process of finding a derivative is called differentiation. The reverse process is called antidifferentiation. The fundamental theorem of calculus states that antidifferentiation is the same as integration. Differentiation and integration constitute the two fundamental operations in single-variable calculus.



Differentiation and the derivative
Differentiation is a method to compute the rate at which a dependent output y changes with respect to the change in the independent input x. This rate of change is called the derivative of y with respect to x. In more precise language, the dependence of y upon x means that y is a function of x. This functional relationship is often denoted y = f(x), where f denotes the function. If x and y are real numbers, and if the graph of y is plotted against x, the derivative measures the slope of this graph at each point. The simplest case is when y is a linear function of x, meaning that the graph of y divided by x is a straight line. In this case, y = f(x) = m x + b, for real numbers m and b, and the slope m is given by

At each point, the derivative of

is the slope of a line that is

tangent to the curve. The line is always tangent to the blue curve; its slope is the derivative. Note derivative is positive where green line appears, negative where red line appears, and zero where black line appears .

where the symbol Õ (the uppercase form of the Greek letter Delta) is an

abbreviation for "change in." This formula is true because y + Õy = f(x+ Õx) = m (x + Õx) + b = m x + b + m Õx = y + mÕx. It follows that Õy = m Õx. This gives an exact value for the slope of a straight line. If the function f is not linear (i.e. its graph is not a straight line), however, then the change in y divided by the change in x varies: differentiation is a method to find an exact value for this rate of change at any given value of x.

Figure 1. The tangent line at (x, f(x))



Figure 2. The secant to curve y= f(x) determined by points (x, f(x)) and (x+h, f(x+h))

Figure 3. The tangent line as limit of secants

The idea, illustrated by Figures 1-3, is to compute the rate of change as the limiting value of the ratio of the differences Õy / Õx as Õx becomes infinitely small. In Leibniz's notation, such an infinitesimal change in x is denoted by dx, and the derivative of y with respect to x is written

suggesting the ratio of two infinitesimal quantities. (The above expression is read as "the derivative of y with respect to x", "d y by d x", or "d y over d x". The oral form "d y d x" is often used conversationally, although it may lead to confusion.) The most common approach[2] to turn this intuitive idea into a precise definition uses limits, but there are other methods, such as non-standard analysis.[3]

Definition via difference quotients
Let f be a real valued function. In classical geometry, the tangent line to the graph of the function f at a real number a was the unique line through the point (a, f(a)) that did not meet the graph of f transversally, meaning that the line did not pass straight through the graph. The derivative of y with respect to x at a is, geometrically, the slope of the tangent line to the graph of f at a. The slope of the tangent line is very close to the slope of the line through (a, f(a)) and a nearby point on the graph, for example (a + h, f(a + h)). These lines are called secant lines. A value of h close to zero gives a good approximation to the slope of the tangent line, and smaller values (in absolute value) of h will, in general, give better approximations. The slope m of the secant line is the difference between the y values of these points divided by the difference between the x values, that is,

This expression is Newton's difference quotient. The derivative is the value of the difference quotient as the secant lines approach the tangent line. Formally, the derivative of the function f at a is the limit

Derivative of the difference quotient as h approaches zero, if this limit exists. If the limit exists, then f is differentiable at a. Here fŸ (a) is one of several common notations for the derivative (see below). Equivalently, the derivative satisfies the property that


which has the intuitive interpretation (see Figure 1) that the tangent line to f at a gives the best linear approximation

to f near a (i.e., for small h). This interpretation is the easiest to generalize to other settings (see below). Substituting 0 for h in the difference quotient causes division by zero, so the slope of the tangent line cannot be found directly using this method. Instead, define Q(h) to be the difference quotient as a function of h:

Q(h) is the slope of the secant line between (a, f(a)) and (a + h, f(a + h)). If f is a continuous function, meaning that its graph is an unbroken curve with no gaps, then Q is a continuous function away from h = 0. If the limit exists, meaning that there is a way of choosing a value for Q(0) that makes the graph of Q a continuous function, then the function f is differentiable at a, and its derivative at a equals Q(0). In practice, the existence of a continuous extension of the difference quotient Q(h) to h = 0 is shown by modifying the numerator to cancel h in the denominator. Such manipulations can make the limiting value of Q for small h clear even though Q is still not defined at h = 0. This process can be long and tedious for complicated functions, and many shortcuts are commonly used to simplify the process.

The squaring function f(x) = x¬ is differentiable at x = 3, and its derivative there is 6. This result is established by calculating the limit as h approaches zero of the difference quotient of f(3):

The last expression shows that the difference quotient equals 6 + h when h „ 0 and is undefined when h = 0, because of the definition of the difference quotient. However, the definition of the limit says the difference quotient does not need to be defined when h = 0. The limit is the result of letting h go to zero, meaning it is the value that 6 + h tends to as h becomes very small:

Hence the slope of the graph of the squaring function at the point (3, 9) is 6, and so its derivative at x = 3 is f '(3) = 6. More generally, a similar computation shows that the derivative of the squaring function at x = a is f '(a) = 2a.



Continuity and differentiability
If y = f(x) is differentiable at a, then f must also be continuous at a. As an example, choose a point a and let f be the step function that returns a value, say 1, for all x less than a, and returns a different value, say 10, for all x greater than or equal to a. f cannot have a derivative at a. If h is negative, then a + h is on the low part of the step, so the secant line from a to a + h is very steep, and as h tends to zero the slope tends to infinity. If h is positive, then a + h is on the high part of the step, so the secant line from a to a + h has slope zero. Consequently the secant lines do not approach any single slope, so the limit of the difference quotient does not exist.[4]

This function does not have a derivative at the marked point, as the function is not continuous there.

However, even if a function is continuous at a point, it may not be differentiable there. For example, the absolute value function y = |x| is continuous at x = 0, but it is not differentiable there. If h is positive, then the slope of the secant line from 0 to h is one, whereas if h is negative, then the slope of the secant line from 0 to h is negative one. This can be seen graphically as a "kink" or a "cusp" in the graph at x = 0. Even a function with a smooth graph is not differentiable at a point where its tangent is vertical: For instance, the function y = x1/3 is not differentiable at x = 0. In summary: for a function f to have a derivative it is necessary for the function f to be continuous, but continuity alone is not sufficient.

The absolute value function is continuous, but fails to be differentiable at x = 0 since the tangent slopes do not approach the same value from the left as they do from the right.

Most functions that occur in practice have derivatives at all points or at almost every point. Early in the history of calculus, many mathematicians assumed that a continuous function was differentiable at most points. Under mild conditions, for example if the function is a monotone function or a Lipschitz function, this is true. However, in 1872 Weierstrass found the first example of a function that is continuous everywhere but differentiable nowhere. This example is now known as the Weierstrass function. In 1931, Stefan Banach proved that the set of functions that have a derivative at some point is a meager set in the space of all continuous functions.[5] Informally, this means that hardly any continuous functions have a derivative at even one point.

The derivative as a function
Let f be a function that has a derivative at every point a in the domain of f. Because every point a has a derivative, there is a function that sends the point a to the derivative of f at a. This function is written f…(x) and is called the derivative function or the derivative of f. The derivative of f collects all the derivatives of f at all the points in the domain of f. Sometimes f has a derivative at most, but not all, points of its domain. The function whose value at a equals f…(a) whenever f…(a) is defined and elsewhere is undefined is also called the derivative of f. It is still a function, but its domain is strictly smaller than the domain of f. Using this idea, differentiation becomes a function of functions: The derivative is an operator whose domain is the set of all functions that have derivatives at every point of their domain and whose range is a set of functions. If we

Derivative denote this operator by D, then D(f) is the function f…(x). Since D(f) is a function, it can be evaluated at a point a. By the definition of the derivative function, D(f)(a) = fŸ(a). For comparison, consider the doubling function f(x) = 2x; f is a real-valued function of a real number, meaning that it takes numbers as inputs and has numbers as outputs:


The operator D, however, is not defined on individual numbers. It is only defined on functions:

Because the output of D is a function, the output of D can be evaluated at a point. For instance, when D is applied to the squaring function,

D outputs the doubling function,

which we named f(x). This output function can then be evaluated to get f(1) = 2, f(2) = 4, and so on.

Higher derivatives
Let f be a differentiable function, and let f…(x) be its derivative. The derivative of f…(x) (if it has one) is written f……(x) and is called the second derivative of f. Similarly, the derivative of a second derivative, if it exists, is written f………(x) and is called the third derivative of f. These repeated derivatives are called higher-order derivatives. If x(t) represents the position of an object at time t, then the higher-order derivatives of x have physical interpretations. The second derivative of x is the derivative of xŸ(t), the velocity, and by definition this is the object's acceleration. The third derivative of x is defined to be the jerk, and the fourth derivative is defined to be the jounce. A function f need not have a derivative, for example, if it is not continuous. Similarly, even if f does have a derivative, it may not have a second derivative. For example, let

Calculation shows that f is a differentiable function whose derivative is

f…(x) is twice the absolute value function, and it does not have a derivative at zero. Similar examples show that a function can have k derivatives for any non-negative integer k but no (k + 1)-order derivative. A function that has k successive derivatives is called k times differentiable. If in addition the kth derivative is continuous, then the function is said to be of differentiability class Ck. (This is a stronger condition than having k derivatives. For an example, see differentiability class.) A function that has infinitely many derivatives is called infinitely differentiable or smooth. On the real line, every polynomial function is infinitely differentiable. By standard differentiation rules, if a polynomial of degree n is differentiated n times, then it becomes a constant function. All of its subsequent derivatives are identically zero. In particular, they exist, so polynomials are smooth functions.

Derivative The derivatives of a function f at a point x provide polynomial approximations to that function near x. For example, if f is twice differentiable, then


in the sense that

If f is infinitely differentiable, then this is the beginning of the Taylor series for f.

Inflection point
A point where the second derivative of a function changes sign is called an inflection point.[6] At an inflection point, the second derivative may be zero, as in the case of the inflection point x=0 of the function y=x3, or it may fail to exist, as in the case of the inflection point x=0 of the function y=x1/3. At an inflection point, a function switches from being a convex function to being a concave function or vice versa.

Notations for differentiation
Leibniz's notation
The notation for derivatives introduced by Gottfried Leibniz is one of the earliest. It is still commonly used when the equation y = f(x) is viewed as a functional relationship between dependent and independent variables. Then the first derivative is denoted by

and was once thought of as an infinitesimal quotient. Higher derivatives are expressed using the notation

for the nth derivative of y = f(x) (with respect to x). These are abbreviations for multiple applications of the derivative operator. For example,

With Leibniz's notation, we can write the derivative of y at the point x = a in two different ways:

Leibniz's notation allows one to specify the variable for differentiation (in the denominator). This is especially relevant for partial differentiation. It also makes the chain rule easy to remember:[7]



Lagrange's notation
Sometimes referred to as prime notation,[8] one of the most common modern notations for differentiation is due to Joseph-Louis Lagrange and uses the prime mark, so that the derivative of a function f(x) is denoted fŸ(x) or simply fŸ. Similarly, the second and third derivatives are denoted and To denote the number of derivatives beyond this point, some authors use Roman numerals in superscript, whereas others place the number in parentheses: or The latter notation generalizes to yield the notation f (n) for the nth derivative of f † this notation is most useful when we wish to talk about the derivative as being a function itself, as in this case the Leibniz notation can become cumbersome.

Newton's notation
Newton's notation for differentiation, also called the dot notation, places a dot over the function name to represent a time derivative. If y = f(t), then and denote, respectively, the first and second derivatives of y with respect to t. This notation is used exclusively for time derivatives, meaning that the independent variable of the function represents time. It is very common in physics and in mathematical disciplines connected with physics such as differential equations. While the notation becomes unmanageable for high-order derivatives, in practice only very few derivatives are needed.

Euler's notation
Euler's notation uses a differential operator D, which is applied to a function f to give the first derivative Df. The second derivative is denoted D2f, and the nth derivative is denoted Dnf. If y = f(x) is a dependent variable, then often the subscript x is attached to the D to clarify the independent variable x. Euler's notation is then written or ,

although this subscript is often omitted when the variable x is understood, for instance when this is the only variable present in the expression. Euler's notation is useful for stating and solving linear differential equations.

Computing the derivative
The derivative of a function can, in principle, be computed from the definition by considering the difference quotient, and computing its limit. In practice, once the derivatives of a few simple functions are known, the derivatives of other functions are more easily computed using rules for obtaining derivatives of more complicated functions from simpler ones.

Derivatives of elementary functions
Most derivative computations eventually require taking the derivative of some common functions. The following incomplete list gives some of the most frequently used functions of a single real variable and their derivatives. ‚ Derivatives of powers: if

where r is any real number, then



wherever this function is defined. For example, if

, then

and the derivative function is defined only for positive x, not for x = 0. When r = 0, this rule implies that fŸ(x) is zero for x „ 0, which is almost the constant rule (stated below). ‚ Exponential and logarithmic functions:

‚ Trigonometric functions:

‚ Inverse trigonometric functions:

Rules for finding the derivative
In many cases, complicated limit calculations by direct application of Newton's difference quotient can be avoided using differentiation rules. Some of the most basic rules are the following. ‚ Constant rule: if f(x) is constant, then

‚ Sum rule: for all functions f and g and all real numbers ‚ Product rule: for all functions f and g. By extension, this means that the derivative of a constant times a function is the constant times the derivative of the function: ‚ Quotient rule: for all functions f and g at all inputs where g „ 0. ‚ Chain rule: If , then and .



Example computation
The derivative of


Here the second term was computed using the chain rule and third using the product rule. The known derivatives of the elementary functions x2, x4, sin(x), ln(x) and exp(x) = ex, as well as the constant 7, were also used.

Derivatives in higher dimensions
Derivatives of vector valued functions
A vector-valued function y(t) of a real variable sends real numbers to vectors in some vector space Rn. A vector-valued function can be split up into its coordinate functions y1(t), y2(t), ƒ, yn(t), meaning that y(t) = (y1(t), ..., yn(t)). This includes, for example, parametric curves in R2 or R3. The coordinate functions are real valued functions, so the above definition of derivative applies to them. The derivative of y(t) is defined to be the vector, called the tangent vector, whose coordinates are the derivatives of the coordinate functions. That is,


if the limit exists. The subtraction in the numerator is subtraction of vectors, not scalars. If the derivative of y exists for every value of t, then y‚ is another vector valued function. If e1, ƒ, en is the standard basis for Rn, then y(t) can also be written as y1(t)e1 + ƒ + yn(t)en. If we assume that the derivative of a vector-valued function retains the linearity property, then the derivative of y(t) must be

because each of the basis vectors is a constant. This generalization is useful, for example, if y(t) is the position vector of a particle at time t; then the derivative yŸ(t) is the velocity vector of the particle at time t.

Partial derivatives
Suppose that f is a function that depends on more than one variable. For instance,

f can be reinterpreted as a family of functions of one variable indexed by the other variables: In other words, every value of x chooses a function, denoted fx, which is a function of one real number.[9] That is,

Once a value of x is chosen, say a, then f(x,y) determines a function fa that sends y to a¬ + ay + y¬:



In this expression, a is a constant, not a variable, so fa is a function of only one real variable. Consequently the definition of the derivative for a function of one variable applies:

The above procedure can be performed for any choice of a. Assembling the derivatives together into a function gives a function that describes the variation of f in the y direction:

This is the partial derivative of f with respect to y. Here is a rounded d called the partial derivative symbol. To distinguish it from the letter d, is sometimes pronounced "der", "del", or "partial" instead of "dee". In general, the partial derivative of a function f(x1, ƒ, xn) in the direction xi at the point (a1 ƒ, an) is defined to be:

In the above difference quotient, all the variables except xi are held fixed. That choice of fixed values determines a function of one variable

and, by definition,

In other words, the different choices of a index a family of one-variable functions just as in the example above. This expression also shows that the computation of partial derivatives reduces to the computation of one-variable derivatives. An important example of a function of several variables is the case of a scalar-valued function f(x1,...xn) on a domain in Euclidean space Rn (e.g., on R¬ or RÖ). In this case f has a partial derivative f/ xj with respect to each variable xj. At the point a, these partial derivatives define the vector

This vector is called the gradient of f at a. If f is differentiable at every point in some domain, then the gradient is a vector-valued function ¡f that takes the point a to the vector ¡f(a). Consequently the gradient determines a vector field.

Directional derivatives
If f is a real-valued function on Rn, then the partial derivatives of f measure its variation in the direction of the coordinate axes. For example, if f is a function of x and y, then its partial derivatives measure the variation in f in the x direction and the y direction. They do not, however, directly measure the variation of f in any other direction, such as along the diagonal line y = x. These are measured using directional derivatives. Choose a vector

The directional derivative of f in the direction of v at the point x is the limit

In some cases it may be easier to compute or estimate the directional derivative after changing the length of the vector. Often this is done to turn the problem into the computation of a directional derivative in the direction of a unit vector. To see how this works, suppose that v = °u. Substitute h = k/° into the difference quotient. The difference quotient becomes:



This is ° times the difference quotient for the directional derivative of f with respect to u. Furthermore, taking the limit as h tends to zero is the same as taking the limit as k tends to zero because h and k are multiples of each other. Therefore Dv(f) = °Du(f). Because of this rescaling property, directional derivatives are frequently considered only for unit vectors. If all the partial derivatives of f exist and are continuous at x, then they determine the directional derivative of f in the direction v by the formula:

This is a consequence of the definition of the total derivative. It follows that the directional derivative is linear in v, meaning that Dv + w(f) = Dv(f) + Dw(f). The same definition also works when f is a function with values in Rm. The above definition is applied to each component of the vectors. In this case, the directional derivative is a vector in Rm.

Total derivative, total differential and Jacobian matrix
When f is a function from an open subset of Rn to Rm, then the directional derivative of f in a chosen direction is the best linear approximation to f at that point and in that direction. But when n > 1, no single directional derivative can give a complete picture of the behavior of f. The total derivative, also called the (total) differential, gives a complete picture by considering all directions at once. That is, for any vector v starting at a, the linear approximation formula holds:

Just like the single-variable derivative, f Ÿ(a) is chosen so that the error in this approximation is as small as possible. If n and m are both one, then the derivative f Ÿ(a) is a number and the expression f Ÿ(a)v is the product of two numbers. But in higher dimensions, it is impossible for f Ÿ(a) to be a number. If it were a number, then f Ÿ(a)v would be a vector in Rn while the other terms would be vectors in Rm, and therefore the formula would not make sense. For the linear approximation formula to make sense, f Ÿ(a) must be a function that sends vectors in Rn to vectors in Rm, and f Ÿ(a)v must denote this function evaluated at v. To determine what kind of function it is, notice that the linear approximation formula can be rewritten as

Notice that if we choose another vector w, then this approximate equation determines another approximate equation by substituting w for v. It determines a third approximate equation by substituting both w for v and a + v for a. By subtracting these two new equations, we get

If we assume that v is small and that the derivative varies continuously in a, then f Ÿ(a + v) is approximately equal to f Ÿ(a), and therefore the right-hand side is approximately zero. The left-hand side can be rewritten in a different way using the linear approximation formula with v + w substituted for v. The linear approximation formula implies:

This suggests that f Ÿ(a) is a linear transformation from the vector space Rn to the vector space Rm. In fact, it is possible to make this a precise derivation by measuring the error in the approximations. Assume that the error in these linear approximation formula is bounded by a constant times ||v||, where the constant is independent of v but

Derivative depends continuously on a. Then, after adding an appropriate error term, all of the above approximate equalities can be rephrased as inequalities. In particular, f Ÿ(a) is a linear transformation up to a small error term. In the limit as v and w tend to zero, it must therefore be a linear transformation. Since we define the total derivative by taking a limit as v goes to zero, f Ÿ(a) must be a linear transformation. In one variable, the fact that the derivative is the best linear approximation is expressed by the fact that it is the limit of difference quotients. However, the usual difference quotient does not make sense in higher dimensions because it is not usually possible to divide vectors. In particular, the numerator and denominator of the difference quotient are not even in the same vector space: The numerator lies in the codomain Rm while the denominator lies in the domain Rn. Furthermore, the derivative is a linear transformation, a different type of object from both the numerator and denominator. To make precise the idea that f Ÿ (a) is the best linear approximation, it is necessary to adapt a different formula for the one-variable derivative in which these problems disappear. If f : R ™ R, then the usual definition of the derivative may be manipulated to show that the derivative of f at a is the unique number f Ÿ(a) such that


This is equivalent to

because the limit of a function tends to zero if and only if the limit of the absolute value of the function tends to zero. This last formula can be adapted to the many-variable situation by replacing the absolute values with norms. The definition of the total derivative of f at a, therefore, is that it is the unique linear transformation f Ÿ(a) : Rn ™ Rm such that

Here h is a vector in Rn, so the norm in the denominator is the standard length on Rn. However, fŸ(a)h is a vector in Rm, and the norm in the numerator is the standard length on Rm. If v is a vector starting at a, then f Ÿ(a)v is called the pushforward of v by f and is sometimes written f*v. If the total derivative exists at a, then all the partial derivatives and directional derivatives of f exist at a, and for all v, f Ÿ(a)v is the directional derivative of f in the direction v. If we write f using coordinate functions, so that f = (f1, f2, ..., fm), then the total derivative can be expressed using the partial derivatives as a matrix. This matrix is called the Jacobian matrix of f at a:

The existence of the total derivative fŸ(a) is strictly stronger than the existence of all the partial derivatives, but if the partial derivatives exist and are continuous, then the total derivative exists, is given by the Jacobian, and depends continuously on a. The definition of the total derivative subsumes the definition of the derivative in one variable. That is, if f is a real-valued function of a real variable, then the total derivative exists if and only if the usual derivative exists. The Jacobian matrix reduces to a 1†1 matrix whose only entry is the derivative fŸ(x). This 1†1 matrix satisfies the property that f(a + h) € f(a) € f Ÿ(a)h is approximately zero, in other words that

Up to changing variables, this is the statement that the function

is the best linear

approximation to f at a. The total derivative of a function does not give another function in the same way as the one-variable case. This is because the total derivative of a multivariable function has to record much more information than the derivative of a

Derivative single-variable function. Instead, the total derivative gives a function from the tangent bundle of the source to the tangent bundle of the target. The natural analog of second, third, and higher-order total derivatives is not a linear transformation, is not a function on the tangent bundle, and is not built by repeatedly taking the total derivative. The analog of a higher-order derivative, called a jet, cannot be a linear transformation because higher-order derivatives reflect subtle geometric information, such as concavity, which cannot be described in terms of linear data such as vectors. It cannot be a function on the tangent bundle because the tangent bundle only has room for the base space and the directional derivatives. Because jets capture higher-order information, they take as arguments additional coordinates representing higher-order changes in direction. The space determined by these additional coordinates is called the jet bundle. The relation between the total derivative and the partial derivatives of a function is paralleled in the relation between the kth order jet of a function and its partial derivatives of order less than or equal to k.


The concept of a derivative can be extended to many other settings. The common thread is that the derivative of a function at a point serves as a linear approximation of the function at that point. ‚ An important generalization of the derivative concerns complex functions of complex variables, such as functions from (a domain in) the complex numbers C to C. The notion of the derivative of such a function is obtained by replacing real variables with complex variables in the definition. If C is identified with R¬ by writing a complex number z as x + i y, then a differentiable function from C to C is certainly differentiable as a function from R¬ to R¬ (in the sense that its partial derivatives all exist), but the converse is not true in general: the complex derivative only exists if the real derivative is complex linear and this imposes relations between the partial derivatives called the Cauchy Riemann equations † see holomorphic functions. ‚ Another generalization concerns functions between differentiable or smooth manifolds. Intuitively speaking such a manifold M is a space that can be approximated near each point x by a vector space called its tangent space: the prototypical example is a smooth surface in RÖ. The derivative (or differential) of a (differentiable) map f: M ™ N between manifolds, at a point x in M, is then a linear map from the tangent space of M at x to the tangent space of N at f(x). The derivative function becomes a map between the tangent bundles of M and N. This definition is fundamental in differential geometry and has many uses † see pushforward (differential) and pullback (differential geometry). ‚ Differentiation can also be defined for maps between infinite dimensional vector spaces such as Banach spaces and Frˆchet spaces. There is a generalization both of the directional derivative, called the GÅteaux derivative, and of the differential, called the Frˆchet derivative. ‚ One deficiency of the classical derivative is that not very many functions are differentiable. Nevertheless, there is a way of extending the notion of the derivative so that all continuous functions and many other functions can be differentiated using a concept known as the weak derivative. The idea is to embed the continuous functions in a larger space called the space of distributions and only require that a function is differentiable "on average". ‚ The properties of the derivative have inspired the introduction and study of many similar objects in algebra and topology † see, for example, differential algebra. ‚ The discrete equivalent of differentiation is finite differences. The study of differential calculus is unified with the calculus of finite differences in time scale calculus. ‚ Also see arithmetic derivative.



[1] Differential calculus, as discussed in this article, is a very well established mathematical discipline for which there are many sources. Almost all of the material in this article can be found in Apostol 1967, Apostol 1969, and Spivak 1994. [2] Spivak 1994, chapter 10. [3] See Differential (infinitesimal) for an overview. Further approaches include the Radon•Nikodym theorem, and the universal derivation (see K•hler differential). [4] Despite this, it is still possible to take the derivative in the sense of distributions. The result is nine times the Dirac measure centered at a. [5] Banach, S. (1931), "Uber die Baire'sche Kategorie gewisser Funktionenmengen", Studia. Math. (3): 174•179.. Cited by Hewitt, E and Stromberg, K (1963), Real and abstract analysis, Springer-Verlag, Theorem 17.8 [6] Apostol 1967, Ï4.18 [7] In the formulation of calculus in terms of limits, the du symbol has been assigned various meanings by various authors. Some authors do not assign a meaning to du by itself, but only as part of the symbol du/dx. Others define dx as an independent variable, and define du by du = dx•fŸ(x). In non-standard analysis du is defined as an infinitesimal. It is also interpreted as the exterior derivative of a function u. See differential (infinitesimal) for further information. [8] "The Notation of Differentiation" (http:/ / web. mit. edu/ wwmath/ calculus/ differentiation/ notation. html). MIT. 1998. . Retrieved 24 October 2012. [9] This can also be expressed as the adjointness between the product space and function space constructions.

‚ Anton, Howard; Bivens, Irl; Davis, Stephen (February 2, 2005), Calculus: Early Transcendentals Single and Multivariable (8th ed.), New York: Wiley, ISBN€978-0-471-47244-5 ‚ Apostol, Tom M. (June 1967), Calculus, Vol. 1: One-Variable Calculus with an Introduction to Linear Algebra, 1 (2nd ed.), Wiley, ISBN€978-0-471-00005-1 ‚ Apostol, Tom M. (June 1969), Calculus, Vol. 2: Multi-Variable Calculus and Linear Algebra with Applications, 1 (2nd ed.), Wiley, ISBN€978-0-471-00007-5 ‚ Courant, Richard; John, Fritz (December 22, 1998), Introduction to Calculus and Analysis, Vol. 1, Springer-Verlag, ISBN€978-3-540-65058-4 ‚ Eves, Howard (January 2, 1990), An Introduction to the History of Mathematics (6th ed.), Brooks Cole, ISBN€978-0-03-029558-4 ‚ Larson, Ron; Hostetler, Robert P.; Edwards, Bruce H. (February 28, 2006), Calculus: Early Transcendental Functions (4th ed.), Houghton Mifflin Company, ISBN€978-0-618-60624-5 ‚ Spivak, Michael (September 1994), Calculus (3rd ed.), Publish or Perish, ISBN€978-0-914098-89-8 ‚ Stewart, James (December 24, 2002), Calculus (5th ed.), Brooks Cole, ISBN€978-0-534-39339-7 ‚ Thompson, Silvanus P. (September 8, 1998), Calculus Made Easy (Revised, Updated, Expanded ed.), New York: St. Martin's Press, ISBN€978-0-312-18548-0

Online books
‚ Crowell, Benjamin (2003), Calculus (http://www.lightandmatter.com/calc/) ‚ Garrett, Paul (2004), Notes on First-Year Calculus (http://www.math.umn.edu/~garrett/calculus/), University of Minnesota ‚ Hussain, Faraz (2006), Understanding Calculus (http://www.understandingcalculus.com/) ‚ Keisler, H. Jerome (2000), Elementary Calculus: An Approach Using Infinitesimals (http://www.math.wisc. edu/~keisler/calc.html) ‚ Mauch, Sean (2004), Unabridged Version of Sean's Applied Math Book (http://www.its.caltech.edu/~sean/ book/unabridged.html) ‚ Sloughter, Dan (2000), Difference Equations to Differential Equations (http://synechism.org/drupal/de2de/) ‚ Strang, Gilbert (1991), Calculus (http://ocw.mit.edu/ans7870/resources/Strang/strangtext.htm)

Derivative ‚ Stroyan, Keith D. (1997), A Brief Introduction to Infinitesimal Calculus (http://www.math.uiowa.edu/ ~stroyan/InfsmlCalculus/InfsmlCalc.htm) ‚ Wikibooks, Calculus (http://en.wikibooks.org/wiki/Calculus)


Web pages
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Derivative" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=p/ d031260), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Khan Academy: Derivative lesson 1 (http://www.khanacademy.org/video/ calculus--derivatives-1--new-hd-version?playlist=Calculus) ‚ Weisstein, Eric W. " Derivative. (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/Derivative.html)" From MathWorld ‚ Derivatives of Trigonometric functions (http://www.ugrad.math.ubc.ca/coursedoc/math100/notes/ derivative/trig2.html), UBC

Integration is an important concept in mathematics and, together with its inverse, differentiation, is one of the two main operations in calculus. Given a function f of a real variable x and an interval [a, b] of the real line, the definite integral

is defined informally to be the area of the region in the xy-plane bounded by the graph of f, the x-axis, and the vertical lines x = a and x = b, such that area above the x-axis adds to the total, and that below the x-axis subtracts from the total. The term integral may also refer to the notion of the antiderivative, a function F whose derivative is the given function f. In this case, it is called an indefinite integral and is written:
A definite integral of a function can be represented as the signed area of the region bounded by its graph.

The integrals discussed in this article are termed definite integrals. The principles of integration were formulated independently by Isaac Newton and Gottfried Leibniz in the late 17th century. Through the fundamental theorem of calculus, which they independently developed, integration is connected with differentiation: if f is a continuous real-valued function defined on a closed interval [a, b], then, once an antiderivative F of f is known, the definite integral of f over that interval is given by

Integrals and derivatives became the basic tools of calculus, with numerous applications in science and engineering. The founders of the calculus thought of the integral as an infinite sum of rectangles of infinitesimal width. A rigorous mathematical definition of the integral was given by Bernhard Riemann. It is based on a limiting procedure which approximates the area of a curvilinear region by breaking the region into thin vertical slabs. Beginning in the nineteenth century, more sophisticated notions of integrals began to appear, where the type of the function as well as the domain over which the integration is performed has been generalised. A line integral is defined for functions of two or three variables, and the interval of integration [a, b] is replaced by a certain curve connecting two points on the plane or in the space. In a surface integral, the curve is replaced by a piece of a surface in the three-dimensional

Integral space. Integrals of differential forms play a fundamental role in modern differential geometry. These generalizations of integrals first arose from the needs of physics, and they play an important role in the formulation of many physical laws, notably those of electrodynamics. There are many modern concepts of integration, among these, the most common is based on the abstract mathematical theory known as Lebesgue integration, developed by Henri Lebesgue.


Pre-calculus integration
The first documented systematic technique capable of determining integrals is the method of exhaustion of the ancient Greek astronomer Eudoxus (ca. 370 BC), which sought to find areas and volumes by breaking them up into an infinite number of shapes for which the area or volume was known. This method was further developed and employed by Archimedes in the 3rd century BC and used to calculate areas for parabolas and an approximation to the area of a circle. Similar methods were independently developed in China around the 3rd century AD by Liu Hui, who used it to find the area of the circle. This method was later used in the 5th century by Chinese father-and-son mathematicians Zu Chongzhi and Zu Geng to find the volume of a sphere (Shea 2007; Katz 2004, pp.€125•126). The next significant advances in integral calculus did not begin to appear until the 16th century. At this time the work of Cavalieri with his method of indivisibles, and work by Fermat, began to lay the foundations of modern calculus, with Cavalieri computing the integrals of xn up to degree n = 9 in Cavalieri's quadrature formula. Further steps were made in the early 17th century by Barrow and Torricelli, who provided the first hints of a connection between integration and differentiation. Barrow provided the first proof of the fundamental theorem of calculus. Wallis generalized Cavalieri's method, computing integrals of x to a general power, including negative powers and fractional powers.

Newton and Leibniz
The major advance in integration came in the 17th century with the independent discovery of the fundamental theorem of calculus by Newton and Leibniz. The theorem demonstrates a connection between integration and differentiation. This connection, combined with the comparative ease of differentiation, can be exploited to calculate integrals. In particular, the fundamental theorem of calculus allows one to solve a much broader class of problems. Equal in importance is the comprehensive mathematical framework that both Newton and Leibniz developed. Given the name infinitesimal calculus, it allowed for precise analysis of functions within continuous domains. This framework eventually became modern calculus, whose notation for integrals is drawn directly from the work of Leibniz.

Formalizing integrals
While Newton and Leibniz provided a systematic approach to integration, their work lacked a degree of rigour. Bishop Berkeley memorably attacked the vanishing increments used by Newton, calling them "ghosts of departed quantities". Calculus acquired a firmer footing with the development of limits. Integration was first rigorously formalized, using limits, by Riemann. Although all bounded piecewise continuous functions are Riemann integrable on a bounded interval, subsequently more general functions were consideredۥ particularly in the context of Fourier analysisۥ to which Riemann's definition does not apply, and Lebesgue formulated a different definition of integral, founded in measure theory (a subfield of real analysis). Other definitions of integral, extending Riemann's and Lebesgue's approaches, were proposed. These approaches based on the real number system are the ones most common today, but alternative approaches exist, such as a definition of integral as the standard part of an infinite Riemann sum, based on the hyperreal number system.



Historical notation
Isaac Newton used a small vertical bar above a variable to indicate integration, or placed the variable inside a box. The vertical bar was easily confused with or , which Newton used to indicate differentiation, and the box notation was difficult for printers to reproduce, so these notations were not widely adopted. The modern notation for the indefinite integral was introduced by Gottfried Leibniz in 1675 (Burton 1988, p.€359; Leibniz 1899, p.€154). He adapted the integral symbol, ƒ, from the letter © (long s), standing for summa (written as ©umma; Latin for "sum" or "total"). The modern notation for the definite integral, with limits above and below the integral sign, was first used by Joseph Fourier in Mˆmoires of the French Academy around 1819•20, reprinted in his book of 1822 (Cajori 1929, pp.€249•250; Fourier 1822, Ï231).

Terminology and notation
The simplest case, the integral over x of a real-valued function f(x), is written as

The integral sign ¢ represents integration. The dx indicates that we are integrating over x; x is called the variable of integration. In correct mathematical typography, the dx is separated from the integrand by a space (as shown). Some authors use an upright d (that is, dx instead of dx). Inside the ¢...dx is the expression to be integrated, called the integrand. In this case the integrand is the function f(x). Because there is no domain specified, the integral is called an indefinite integral. When integrating over a specified domain, we speak of a definite integral. Integrating over a domain D is written as or if the domain is an interval [a, b] of x;

The domain D or the interval [a, b] is called the domain of integration. If a function has an integral, it is said to be integrable. In general, the integrand may be a function of more than one variable, and the domain of integration may be an area, volume, a higher dimensional region, or even an abstract space that does not have a geometric structure in any usual sense (such as a sample space in probability theory). In the modern Arabic mathematical notation, which aims at pre-university levels of education in the Arab world and is written from right to left, a reflected integral symbol is used (W3C 2006). The variable of integration dx has different interpretations depending on the theory being used. It can be seen as strictly a notation indicating that x is a dummy variable of integration; if the integral is seen as a Riemann sum, dx is a reflection of the weights or widths d of the intervals of x; in Lebesgue integration and its extensions, dx is a measure; in non-standard analysis, it is an infinitesimal; or it can be seen as an independent mathematical quantity, a differential form. More complicated cases may vary the notation slightly. In Leibniz's notation, dx is interpreted an infinitesimal change in x, but his interpretation lacks rigour in the end. Nonetheless Leibniz's notation is the most common one today; and as few people are in need of full rigour, even his interpretation is still used in many settings.

Integrals appear in many practical situations. If a swimming pool is rectangular with a flat bottom, then from its length, width, and depth we can easily determine the volume of water it can contain (to fill it), the area of its surface (to cover it), and the length of its edge (to rope it). But if it is oval with a rounded bottom, all of these quantities call for integrals. Practical approximations may suffice for such trivial examples, but precision engineering (of any discipline) requires exact and rigorous values for these elements.



To start off, consider the curve y = f(x) between x = 0 and x = 1 with f(x) = ‡x. We ask: What is the area under the function f, in the interval from 0 to 1? and call this (yet unknown) area the integral of f. The notation for this integral will be

As a first approximation, look at the unit square given by the sides x = 0 to x = 1 and y = f(0) = 0 and y = f(1) = 1. Its area is exactly 1. As it is, the true value of the integral must be somewhat less. Decreasing the width of the approximation rectangles shall give a better result; so Approximations to integral of ‡x from 0 to 1, cross the interval in five steps, using the approximation points 0, 1/5, with ×€5 right samples (above) and ×€12 left 2/5, and so on to 1. Fit a box for each step using the right end height of samples (below) each curve piece, thus ‡(1£5), ‡(2£5), and so on to ‡1 = 1. Summing the areas of these rectangles, we get a better approximation for the sought integral, namely

Notice that we are taking a sum of finitely many function values of f, multiplied with the differences of two subsequent approximation points. We can easily see that the approximation is still too large. Using more steps produces a closer approximation, but will never be exact: replacing the 5 subintervals by twelve as depicted, we will get an approximate value for the area of 0.6203, which is too small. The key idea is the transition from adding finitely many differences of approximation points multiplied by their respective function values to using infinitely many fine, or infinitesimal steps. As for the actual calculation of integrals, the fundamental theorem of calculus, due to Newton and Leibniz, is the fundamental link between the operations of differentiating and integrating. Applied to the square root curve, f(x) = x1/2, it says to look at the antiderivative F(x) = (2/3)x3/2, and simply take F(1) € F(0), where 0 and 1 are the boundaries of the interval [0,1]. So the exact value of the area under the curve is computed formally as

(This is a case of a general rule, that for f(x) = xq, with q „ €1, the related function, the so-called antiderivative is F(x) = xq + 1/(q + 1).) The notation

conceives the integral as a weighted sum, denoted by the elongated s, of function values, f(x), multiplied by infinitesimal step widths, the so-called differentials, denoted by dx. The multiplication sign is usually omitted. Historically, after the failure of early efforts to rigorously interpret infinitesimals, Riemann formally defined integrals as a limit of weighted sums, so that the dx suggested the limit of a difference (namely, the interval width). Shortcomings of Riemann's dependence on intervals and continuity motivated newer definitions, especially the Lebesgue integral, which is founded on an ability to extend the idea of "measure" in much more flexible ways. Thus the notation

refers to a weighted sum in which the function values are partitioned, with ¹ measuring the weight to be assigned to each value. Here A denotes the region of integration.

Integral Differential geometry, with its "calculus on manifolds", gives the familiar notation yet another interpretation. Now f(x) and dx become a differential form, Ø = f(x) dx, a new differential operator d, known as the exterior derivative is introduced, and the fundamental theorem becomes the more general Stokes' theorem,


from which Green's theorem, the divergence theorem, and the fundamental theorem of calculus follow. More recently, infinitesimals have reappeared with rigor, through modern innovations such as non-standard analysis. Not only do these methods vindicate the intuitions of the pioneers; they also lead to new mathematics. Although there are differences between these conceptions of integral, there is considerable overlap. Thus, the area of the surface of the oval swimming pool can be handled as a geometric ellipse, a sum of infinitesimals, a Riemann integral, a Lebesgue integral, or as a manifold with a differential form. The calculated result will be the same for all.

Formal definitions
There are many ways of formally defining an integral, not all of which are equivalent. The differences exist mostly to deal with differing special cases which may not be integrable under other definitions, but also occasionally for pedagogical reasons. The most commonly used definitions of integral are Riemann integrals and Lebesgue integrals.

Riemann integral
The Riemann integral is defined in terms of Riemann sums of functions with respect to tagged partitions of an interval. Let [a,b] be a closed interval of the real line; then a tagged partition of [a,b] is a finite sequence

Integral approached as Riemann sum based on tagged partition, with irregular sampling positions and widths (max in red). True value is 3.76; estimate is 3.648.


276 This partitions the interval [a,b] into n sub-intervals [xi€1, xi] indexed by i, each of which is "tagged" with a distinguished point ti ‹ [xi€1, xi]. A Riemann sum of a function f with respect to such a tagged partition is defined as

thus each term of the sum is the area of a rectangle with height equal to the function value at the distinguished point of the given sub-interval, and width the same as the sub-interval width. Let Õi = xi€xi€1 be the width of sub-interval i; then the mesh of such a tagged partition is the width of the largest sub-interval formed by the partition, maxi=1ƒn Õi. The Riemann integral of a function f over the interval [a,b] is equal to S if:
Riemann sums converging as intervals halve, whether sampled at ×€right, ×€minimum, ×€maximum, or ×€left.

For all Ì > 0 there exists À > 0 such that, for any tagged partition [a,b] with mesh less than À, we


When the chosen tags give the maximum (respectively, minimum) value of each interval, the Riemann sum becomes an upper (respectively, lower) Darboux sum, suggesting the close connection between the Riemann integral and the Darboux integral.

Lebesgue integral
It is often of interest, both in theory and applications, to be able to pass to the limit under the integral. For instance, a sequence of functions can frequently be constructed that approximate, in a suitable sense, the solution to a problem. Then the integral of the solution function should be the limit of the integrals of the approximations. However, many functions that can be obtained as limits are not Riemann integrable, and so such limit theorems do not hold with the Riemann integral. Therefore it is of great importance to have a definition of the integral that allows a wider class of functions to be integrated (Rudin 1987).

Riemann•Darboux's integration (blue) and Lebesgue integration (red).

Such an integral is the Lebesgue integral, that exploits the following fact to enlarge the class of integrable functions: if the values of a function are rearranged over the domain, the integral of a function should remain the same. Thus Henri Lebesgue introduced the integral bearing his name, explaining this integral thus in a letter to Paul Montel: I have to pay a certain sum, which I have collected in my pocket. I take the bills and coins out of my pocket and give them to the creditor in the order I find them until I have reached the total sum. This is the Riemann integral. But I can proceed differently. After I have taken all the money out of my pocket I order the bills and

Integral coins according to identical values and then I pay the several heaps one after the other to the creditor. This is my integral.
Source: (Siegmund-Schultze 2008)


As Folland (1984, p.€56) puts it, "To compute the Riemann integral of f, one partitions the domain [a,b] into subintervals", while in the Lebesgue integral, "one is in effect partitioning the range of f". The definition of the Lebesgue integral thus begins with a measure, ¹. In the simplest case, the Lebesgue measure ¹(A) of an interval A = [a,b] is its width, b € a, so that the Lebesgue integral agrees with the (proper) Riemann integral when both exist. In more complicated cases, the sets being measured can be highly fragmented, with no continuity and no resemblance to intervals. Using the "partitioning the range of f" philosophy, the integral of a non-negative function f : R ™ R should be the sum over t of the areas between a thin horizontal strip between y = t and y = t + dt. This area is just ¹{ x : f(x) > t} dt. Let f¤(t) = ¹{ x : f(x) > t}. The Lebesgue integral of f is then defined by (Lieb & Loss 2001)

where the integral on the right is an ordinary improper Riemann integral (note that f¤ is a strictly decreasing positive function, and therefore has a well-defined improper Riemann integral). For a suitable class of functions (the measurable functions) this defines the Lebesgue integral. A general measurable function f is Lebesgue integrable if the area between the graph of f and the x-axis is finite:

In that case, the integral is, as in the Riemannian case, the difference between the area above the x-axis and the area below the x-axis:


Other integrals
Although the Riemann and Lebesgue integrals are the most widely used definitions of the integral, a number of others exist, including: ‚ The Darboux integral which is equivalent to a Riemann integral, meaning that a function is Darboux-integrable if and only if it is Riemann-integrable, and the values of the two integrals, if they exist, are equal. Darboux integrals have the advantage of being simpler to define than Riemann integrals. ‚ The Riemann•Stieltjes integral, an extension of the Riemann integral. ‚ The Lebesgue-Stieltjes integral, further developed by Johann Radon, which generalizes the Riemann•Stieltjes and Lebesgue integrals. ‚ The Daniell integral, which subsumes the Lebesgue integral and Lebesgue-Stieltjes integral without the dependence on measures. ‚ The Haar integral, used for integration on locally compact topological groups, introduced by Alfrˆd Haar in 1933. ‚ The Henstock•Kurzweil integral, variously defined by Arnaud Denjoy, Oskar Perron, and (most elegantly, as the gauge integral) Jaroslav Kurzweil, and developed by Ralph Henstock.

Integral ‚ The ItÙ integral and Stratonovich integral, which define integration with respect to semimartingales such as Brownian motion. ‚ The Young integral, which is a kind of Riemann•Stieltjes integral with respect to certain functions of unbounded variation. ‚ The rough path integral defined for functions equipped with some additional "rough path" structure, generalizing stochastic integration against both semimartingales and processes such as the fractional Brownian motion.


‚ The collection of Riemann integrable functions on a closed interval [a, b] forms a vector space under the operations of pointwise addition and multiplication by a scalar, and the operation of integration

is a linear functional on this vector space. Thus, firstly, the collection of integrable functions is closed under taking linear combinations; and, secondly, the integral of a linear combination is the linear combination of the integrals,

‚ Similarly, the set of real-valued Lebesgue integrable functions on a given measure space E with measure ” is closed under taking linear combinations and hence form a vector space, and the Lebesgue integral

is a linear functional on this vector space, so that

‚ More generally, consider the vector space of all measurable functions on a measure space (E,”), taking values in a locally compact complete topological vector space V over a locally compact topological field K, f : E ™ V. Then one may define an abstract integration map assigning to each function f an element of V or the symbol †,

that is compatible with linear combinations. In this situation the linearity holds for the subspace of functions whose integral is an element of V (i.e. "finite"). The most important special cases arise when K is R, C, or a finite extension of the field Qp of p-adic numbers, and V is a finite-dimensional vector space over K, and when K=C and V is a complex Hilbert space. Linearity, together with some natural continuity properties and normalisation for a certain class of "simple" functions, may be used to give an alternative definition of the integral. This is the approach of Daniell for the case of real-valued functions on a set X, generalized by Nicolas Bourbaki to functions with values in a locally compact topological vector space. See (Hildebrandt 1953) for an axiomatic characterisation of the integral.



Inequalities for integrals
A number of general inequalities hold for Riemann-integrable functions defined on a closed and bounded interval [a, b] and can be generalized to other notions of integral (Lebesgue and Daniell). ‚ Upper and lower bounds. An integrable function f on [a, b], is necessarily bounded on that interval. Thus there are real numbers m and M so that m Œ f (x) Œ M for all x in [a, b]. Since the lower and upper sums of f over [a, b] are therefore bounded by, respectively, m(b € a) and M(b € a), it follows that

‚ Inequalities between functions. If f(x) Œ g(x) for each x in [a, b] then each of the upper and lower sums of f is bounded above by the upper and lower sums, respectively, of g. Thus

This is a generalization of the above inequalities, as M(b € a) is the integral of the constant function with value M over [a, b]. In addition, if the inequality between functions is strict, then the inequality between integrals is also strict. That is, if f(x) < g(x) for each x in [a, b], then

‚ Subintervals. If [c, d] is a subinterval of [a, b] and f(x) is non-negative for all x, then

‚ Products and absolute values of functions. If f and g are two functions then we may consider their pointwise products and powers, and absolute values:

If f is Riemann-integrable on [a, b] then the same is true for |f|, and

Moreover, if f and g are both Riemann-integrable then f 2, g 2, and fg are also Riemann-integrable, and

This inequality, known as the Cauchy•Schwarz inequality, plays a prominent role in Hilbert space theory, where the left hand side is interpreted as the inner product of two square-integrable functions f and g on the interval [a, b]. ‚ Hžlder's inequality. Suppose that p and q are two real numbers, 1 Œ p, q Œ ž with 1/p + 1/q = 1, and f and g are two Riemann-integrable functions. Then the functions |f|p and |g|q are also integrable and the following H‡lder's inequality holds:

For p = q = 2, H‡lder's inequality becomes the Cauchy•Schwarz inequality. ‚ Minkowski inequality. Suppose that p ‚ 1 is a real number and f and g are Riemann-integrable functions. Then |f|p, |g|p and |f + g|p are also Riemann integrable and the following Minkowski inequality holds:

Integral An analogue of this inequality for Lebesgue integral is used in construction of Lp spaces.


In this section f is a real-valued Riemann-integrable function. The integral

over an interval [a, b] is defined if a < b. This means that the upper and lower sums of the function f are evaluated on a partition a = x0 Œ x1 Œ . . . Œ xn = b whose values xi are increasing. Geometrically, this signifies that integration takes place "left to right", evaluating f within intervals [x i , x i +1] where an interval with a higher index lies to the right of one with a lower index. The values a and b, the end-points of the interval, are called the limits of integration of f. Integrals can also be defined if a > b: ‚ Reversing limits of integration. If a > b then define

This, with a = b, implies: ‚ Integrals over intervals of length zero. If a is a real number then

The first convention is necessary in consideration of taking integrals over subintervals of [a, b]; the second says that an integral taken over a degenerate interval, or a point, should be zero. One reason for the first convention is that the integrability of f on an interval [a, b] implies that f is integrable on any subinterval [c, d], but in particular integrals have the property that: ‚ Additivity of integration on intervals. If c is any element of [a, b], then

With the first convention the resulting relation

is then well-defined for any cyclic permutation of a, b, and c. Instead of viewing the above as conventions, one can also adopt the point of view that integration is performed of differential forms on oriented manifolds only. If M is such an oriented m-dimensional manifold, and M' is the same manifold with opposed orientation and ª is an m-form, then one has:

These conventions correspond to interpreting the integrand as a differential form, integrated over a chain. In measure theory, by contrast, one interprets the integrand as a function f with respect to a measure and integrates over a subset A, without any notion of orientation; one writes Differential form: Relation with measures for details. to indicate integration over a subset A. This is a minor distinction in one dimension, but becomes subtler on higher dimensional manifolds; see



Fundamental theorem of calculus
The fundamental theorem of calculus is the statement that differentiation and integration are inverse operations: if a continuous function is first integrated and then differentiated, the original function is retrieved. An important consequence, sometimes called the second fundamental theorem of calculus, allows one to compute integrals by using an antiderivative of the function to be integrated.

Statements of theorems
‚ Fundamental theorem of calculus. Let f be a continuous real-valued function defined on a closed interval [a, b]. Let F be the function defined, for all x in [a, b], by

Then, F is continuous on [a, b], differentiable on the open interval (a, b), and

for all x in (a, b). ‚ Second fundamental theorem of calculus. Let f be a real-valued function defined on a closed interval [a, b] that admits an antiderivative g on [a, b]. That is, f and g are functions such that for all x in [a, b],

If f is integrable on [a, b] then

Improper integrals
A "proper" Riemann integral assumes the integrand is defined and finite on a closed and bounded interval, bracketed by the limits of integration. An improper integral occurs when one or more of these conditions is not satisfied. In some cases such integrals may be defined by considering the limit of a sequence of proper Riemann integrals on progressively larger intervals. If the interval is unbounded, for instance at its upper end, then the improper integral is the limit as that endpoint goes to infinity.

If the integrand is only defined or finite on a half-open interval, for instance (a,b], then again a limit may provide a finite result.

The improper integral

has unbounded intervals for both domain and range. That is, the improper integral is the limit of proper integrals as one endpoint of the interval of integration approaches either a specified real number, or ž, or €ž. In more complicated cases, limits are required at both endpoints, or at interior points.

Consider, for example, the function

integrated from 0 to ž (shown right). At the lower bound, as

x goes to 0 the function goes to ž, and the upper bound is itself ž, though the function goes to 0. Thus this is a doubly improper integral. Integrated, say, from 1 to 3, an ordinary Riemann sum suffices to produce a result of º/6.



To integrate from 1 to ž, a Riemann sum is not possible. However, any finite upper bound, say t (with t > 1), gives a well-defined result, . This has a finite limit as t goes to infinity, namely º/2. Similarly, the integral from

allows a Riemann sum as well, coincidentally again producing º/6. Replacing 1/3 by an arbitrary positive value s (with s < 1) is equally safe, giving . This, too, has a finite limit as s goes to zero, namely º/2. Combining the the two fragments, the result of this improper integral is

This process does not guarantee success; a limit may fail to exist, or may be unbounded. For example, over the bounded interval 0 to 1 the integral of 1/x does not converge; and over the unbounded interval 1 to ž the integral of does not converge. It may also happen that an integrand is unbounded at an interior point, in which case the integral must be split at that point, and the limit integrals on both sides must exist and must be bounded. Thus

The improper integral

is unbounded internally, but both left and right limits exist.

But the similar integral

cannot be assigned a value in this way, as the integrals above and below zero do not independently converge. (However, see Cauchy principal value.)



Multiple integration
Integrals can be taken over regions other than intervals. In general, an integral over a set E of a function f is written:

Here x need not be a real number, but can be another suitable quantity, for instance, a vector in R3. Fubini's theorem shows that such integrals can be rewritten as an iterated integral. In other words, the integral can be calculated by integrating one coordinate at a time. Just as the definite integral of a positive function of one variable represents the area of the region between the graph of the function and the x-axis, the double integral of a positive function of two variables represents the volume of the region between the surface defined by the function and the plane which contains its domain. (The same volume Double integral as volume under a surface. can be obtained via the triple integral€† the integral of a function in three variables€† of the constant function f(x, y, z) = 1 over the above mentioned region between the surface and the plane.) If the number of variables is higher, then the integral represents a hypervolume, a volume of a solid of more than three dimensions that cannot be graphed. For example, the volume of the cuboid of sides 4 † 6 † 5 may be obtained in two ways: ‚ By the double integral

of the function f(x, y) = 5 calculated in the region D in the xy-plane which is the base of the cuboid. For example, if a rectangular base of such a cuboid is given via the xy inequalities 3 Πx Π7, 4 Πy Π10, our above double integral now reads

From here, integration is conducted with respect to either x or y first; in this example, integration is first done with respect to x as the interval corresponding to x is the inner integral. Once the first integration is completed via the method or otherwise, the result is again integrated with respect to the other variable. The result will equate to the volume under the surface. ‚ By the triple integral

of the constant function 1 calculated on the cuboid itself.



Line integrals
The concept of an integral can be extended to more general domains of integration, such as curved lines and surfaces. Such integrals are known as line integrals and surface integrals respectively. These have important applications in physics, as when dealing with vector fields. A line integral (sometimes called a path integral) is an integral where the function to be integrated is evaluated along a curve. Various different line integrals are in use. In the case of a closed curve it is also called a contour integral. The function to be integrated may be a scalar field or a vector field. The value of the line integral is the sum of values of the field at all A line integral sums together elements along a points on the curve, weighted by some scalar function on the curve curve. (commonly arc length or, for a vector field, the scalar product of the vector field with a differential vector in the curve). This weighting distinguishes the line integral from simpler integrals defined on intervals. Many simple formulas in physics have natural continuous analogs in terms of line integrals; for example, the fact that work is equal to force, F, multiplied by displacement, s, may be expressed (in terms of vector quantities) as:

For an object moving along a path in a vector field . This gives the line integral

such as an electric field or gravitational field, the total work to

done by the field on the object is obtained by summing up the differential work done in moving from

Surface integrals
A surface integral is a definite integral taken over a surface (which may be a curved set in space); it can be thought of as the double integral analog of the line integral. The function to be integrated may be a scalar field or a vector field. The value of the surface integral is the sum of the field at all points on the surface. This can be achieved by splitting the surface into surface elements, which provide the partitioning for Riemann sums. For an example of applications of surface integrals, consider a vector The definition of surface integral relies on field v on a surface S; that is, for each point x in S, v(x) is a vector. splitting the surface into small surface elements. Imagine that we have a fluid flowing through S, such that v(x) determines the velocity of the fluid at x. The flux is defined as the quantity of fluid flowing through S in unit amount of time. To find the flux, we need to take the dot product of v with the unit surface normal to S at each point, which will give us a scalar field, which we integrate over the surface:

The fluid flux in this example may be from a physical fluid such as water or air, or from electrical or magnetic flux. Thus surface integrals have applications in physics, particularly with the classical theory of electromagnetism.



Integrals of differential forms
A differential form is a mathematical concept in the fields of multivariable calculus, differential topology and tensors. The modern notation for the differential form, as well as the idea of the differential forms as being the wedge products of exterior derivatives forming an exterior algebra, was introduced by ƒlie Cartan. We initially work in an open set in Rn. A 0-form is defined to be a smooth function f. When we integrate a function f over an m-dimensional subspace S of Rn, we write it as

(The superscripts are indices, not exponents.) We can consider dx1 through dxn to be formal objects themselves, rather than tags appended to make integrals look like Riemann sums. Alternatively, we can view them as covectors, and thus a measure of "density" (hence integrable in a general sense). We call the dx1, ƒ,dxn basic 1-forms. We define the wedge product, "¥", a bilinear "multiplication" operator on these elements, with the alternating property that for all indices a. Note that alternation along with linearity and associativity implies dxb¥dxa = €dxa¥dxb. This also ensures that the result of the wedge product has an orientation. We define the set of all these products to be basic 2-forms, and similarly we define the set of products of the form dxa¥dxb¥dxc to be basic 3-forms. A general k-form is then a weighted sum of basic k-forms, where the weights are the smooth functions f. Together these form a vector space with basic k-forms as the basis vectors, and 0-forms (smooth functions) as the field of scalars. The wedge product then extends to k-forms in the natural way. Over Rn at most n covectors can be linearly independent, thus a k-form with k > n will always be zero, by the alternating property. In addition to the wedge product, there is also the exterior derivative operator d. This operator maps k-forms to (k+1)-forms. For a k-form Ø = f dxa over Rn, we define the action of d by:

with extension to general k-forms occurring linearly. This more general approach allows for a more natural coordinate-free approach to integration on manifolds. It also allows for a natural generalisation of the fundamental theorem of calculus, called Stokes' theorem, which we may state as

where Ø is a general k-form, and Á denotes the boundary of the region Á. Thus, in the case that Ø is a 0-form and Á is a closed interval of the real line, this reduces to the fundamental theorem of calculus. In the case that Ø is a 1-form and Á is a two-dimensional region in the plane, the theorem reduces to Green's theorem. Similarly, using 2-forms, and 3-forms and Hodge duality, we can arrive at Stokes' theorem and the divergence theorem. In this way we can see that differential forms provide a powerful unifying view of integration.



The discrete equivalent of integration is summation. Summations and integrals can be put on the same foundations using the theory of Lebesgue integrals or time scale calculus.

Computing integrals
The most basic technique for computing definite integrals of one real variable is based on the fundamental theorem of calculus. Let f(x) be the function of x to be integrated over a given interval [a, b]. Then, find an antiderivative of f; that is, a function F such that F' = f on the interval. Provided the integrand and integral have no singularities on the path of integration, by the fundamental theorem of calculus, The integral is not actually the antiderivative, but the fundamental theorem provides a way to use antiderivatives to evaluate definite integrals. The most difficult step is usually to find the antiderivative of f. It is rarely possible to glance at a function and write down its antiderivative. More often, it is necessary to use one of the many techniques that have been developed to evaluate integrals. Most of these techniques rewrite one integral as a different one which is hopefully more tractable. Techniques include: ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Integration by substitution Integration by parts Changing the order of integration Integration by trigonometric substitution Integration by partial fractions Integration by reduction formulae Integration using parametric derivatives Integration using Euler's formula Differentiation under the integral sign Contour integration

Alternate methods exist to compute more complex integrals. Many nonelementary integrals can be expanded in a Taylor series and integrated term by term. Occasionally, the resulting infinite series can be summed analytically. The method of convolution using Meijer G-functions can also be used, assuming that the integrand can be written as a product of Meijer G-functions. There are also many less common ways of calculating definite integrals; for instance, Parseval's identity can be used to transform an integral over a rectangular region into an infinite sum. Occasionally, an integral can be evaluated by a trick; for an example of this, see Gaussian integral. Computations of volumes of solids of revolution can usually be done with disk integration or shell integration. Specific results which have been worked out by various techniques are collected in the list of integrals.

Symbolic algorithms
Many problems in mathematics, physics, and engineering involve integration where an explicit formula for the integral is desired. Extensive tables of integrals have been compiled and published over the years for this purpose. With the spread of computers, many professionals, educators, and students have turned to computer algebra systems that are specifically designed to perform difficult or tedious tasks, including integration. Symbolic integration has been one of the motivations for the development of the first such systems, like Macsyma. A major mathematical difficulty in symbolic integration is that in many cases, a closed formula for the antiderivative of a rather simple-looking function does not exist. For instance, it is known that the antiderivatives of the functions exp(x2), xx and (sin x)/x cannot be expressed in the closed form involving only rational and exponential functions,

Integral logarithm, trigonometric and inverse trigonometric functions, and the operations of multiplication and composition; in other words, none of the three given functions is integrable in elementary functions, which are the functions which may be built from rational functions, roots of a polynomial, logarithm, and exponential functions. The Risch algorithm provides a general criterion to determine whether the antiderivative of an elementary function is elementary, and, if it is, to compute it. Unfortunately, it turns out that functions with closed expressions of antiderivatives are the exception rather than the rule. Consequently, computerized algebra systems have no hope of being able to find an antiderivative for a randomly constructed elementary function. On the positive side, if the 'building blocks' for antiderivatives are fixed in advance, it may be still be possible to decide whether the antiderivative of a given function can be expressed using these blocks and operations of multiplication and composition, and to find the symbolic answer whenever it exists. The Risch algorithm, implemented in Mathematica and other computer algebra systems, does just that for functions and antiderivatives built from rational functions, radicals, logarithm, and exponential functions. Some special integrands occur often enough to warrant special study. In particular, it may be useful to have, in the set of antiderivatives, the special functions of physics (like the Legendre functions, the hypergeometric function, the Gamma function, the Incomplete Gamma function and so on۠ see Symbolic integration for more details). Extending the Risch's algorithm to include such functions is possible but challenging and has been an active research subject. More recently a new approach has emerged, using D-finite function, which are the solutions of linear differential equations with polynomial coefficients. Most of the elementary and special functions are D-finite and the integral of a D-finite function is also a D-finite function. This provide an algorithm to express the antiderivative of a D-finite function as the solution of a differential equation. This theory allows also to compute a definite integrals of a D-function as the sum of a series given by the first coefficients and an algorithm to compute any coefficient.[1]


Numerical quadrature
The integrals encountered in a basic calculus course are deliberately chosen for simplicity; those found in real applications are not always so accommodating. Some integrals cannot be found exactly, some require special functions which themselves are a challenge to compute, and others are so complex that finding the exact answer is too slow. This motivates the study and application of numerical methods for approximating integrals, which today use floating-point arithmetic on digital electronic computers. Many of the ideas arose much earlier, for hand calculations; but the speed of general-purpose computers like the ENIAC created a need for improvements. The goals of numerical integration are accuracy, reliability, efficiency, and generality. Sophisticated methods can vastly outperform a naive method by all four measures (Dahlquist & Bj‡rck 2008; Kahaner, Moler & Nash 1989; Stoer & Bulirsch 2002). Consider, for example, the integral

which has the exact answer 94/25 = 3.76. (In ordinary practice the answer is not known in advance, so an important task€† not explored here€† is to decide when an approximation is good enough.) A ˆcalculus book‰ approach divides the integration range into, say, 16 equal pieces, and computes function values.



Spaced function values
x €2.00 €1.50 €1.00 €0.50 0.00 0.50 1.00 1.50 2.00

f(x) 2.22800

2.45663 2.67200 2.32475 0.64400 €0.92575 €0.94000 €0.16963 0.83600 €1.25 €0.75 €0.25 0.25 0.75 1.25 1.75



2.33041 2.58562 2.62934 1.64019 €0.32444 €1.09159 €0.60387 0.31734

Using the left end of each piece, the rectangle method sums 16 function values and multiplies by the step width, h, here 0.25, to get an approximate value of 3.94325 for the integral. The accuracy is not impressive, but calculus formally uses pieces of infinitesimal width, so initially this may seem little cause for concern. Indeed, repeatedly doubling the number of steps eventually produces an approximation of 3.76001. However, 218 pieces are required, a great computational expense for such little accuracy; and a reach for greater accuracy can force steps so small that arithmetic precision becomes an obstacle. A better approach replaces the horizontal tops of the rectangles with slanted tops touching the function at the ends of each piece. This Numerical quadrature methods: ×€Rectangle, trapezium rule is almost as easy to calculate; it sums all 17 function ×€Trapezoid, ×€Romberg, ×€Gauss values, but weights the first and last by one half, and again multiplies by the step width. This immediately improves the approximation to 3.76925, which is noticeably more accurate. Furthermore, only 210 pieces are needed to achieve 3.76000, substantially less computation than the rectangle method for comparable accuracy. Romberg's method builds on the trapezoid method to great effect. First, the step lengths are halved incrementally, giving trapezoid approximations denoted by T(h0), T(h1), and so on, where hk+1 is half of hk. For each new step size, only half the new function values need to be computed; the others carry over from the previous size (as shown in the table above). But the really powerful idea is to interpolate a polynomial through the approximations, and extrapolate to T(0). With this method a numerically exact answer here requires only four pieces (five function values)! The Lagrange polynomial interpolating {hk,T(hk)}k = 0ƒ2 = {(4.00,6.128), (2.00,4.352), (1.00,3.908)} is 3.76 + 0.148h2, producing the extrapolated value 3.76 at h = 0. Gaussian quadrature often requires noticeably less work for superior accuracy. In this example, it can compute the function values at just two x positions, •2£‡3, then double each value and sum to get the numerically exact answer. The explanation for this dramatic success lies in error analysis, and a little luck. An n-point Gaussian method is exact for polynomials of degree up to 2n€1. The function in this example is a degree 3 polynomial, plus a term that cancels because the chosen endpoints are symmetric around zero. (Cancellation also benefits the Romberg method.) Shifting the range left a little, so the integral is from €2.25 to 1.75, removes the symmetry. Nevertheless, the trapezoid method is rather slow, the polynomial interpolation method of Romberg is acceptable, and the Gaussian method requires the least work€† if the number of points is known in advance. As well, rational interpolation can use the same trapezoid evaluations as the Romberg method to greater effect.



Quadrature method cost comparison
Method Points Trapezoid 1048577 Romberg 257 €6.3†10€15 Rational 129 8.8†10€15 Gauss 36 3.1†10€15

Rel. Err. €5.3†10€13 Value

In practice, each method must use extra evaluations to ensure an error bound on an unknown function; this tends to offset some of the advantage of the pure Gaussian method, and motivates the popular Gauss•Kronrod quadrature formulae. Symmetry can still be exploited by splitting this integral into two ranges, from €2.25 to €1.75 (no symmetry), and from €1.75 to 1.75 (symmetry). More broadly, adaptive quadrature partitions a range into pieces based on function properties, so that data points are concentrated where they are needed most. Simpson's rule, named for Thomas Simpson (1710•1761), uses a parabolic curve to approximate integrals. In many cases, it is more accurate than the trapezoidal rule and others. The rule states that

with an error of

The computation of higher-dimensional integrals (for example, volume calculations) makes important use of such alternatives as Monte Carlo integration. A calculus text is no substitute for numerical analysis, but the reverse is also true. Even the best adaptive numerical code sometimes requires a user to help with the more demanding integrals. For example, improper integrals may require a change of variable or methods that can avoid infinite function values, and known properties like symmetry and periodicity may provide critical leverage.

Some important definite integrals
Mathematicians have used definite integrals as a tool to define identities. Among these identities is the definition of the Euler•Mascheroni constant:

the Gamma function:

and the Laplace transform which is widely used in engineering:



[1] http:/ / algo. inria. fr/ chyzak/ mgfun. html

‚ Apostol, Tom M. (1967), Calculus, Vol.‡1: One-Variable Calculus with an Introduction to Linear Algebra (2nd ed.), Wiley, ISBN€978-0-471-00005-1 ‚ Bourbaki, Nicolas (2004), Integration I, Springer Verlag, ISBN€3-540-41129-1. In particular chapters III and IV. ‚ Burton, David M. (2005), The History of Mathematics: An Introduction (6th ed.), McGraw-Hill, p.€359, ISBN€978-0-07-305189-5 ‚ Cajori, Florian (1929), A History Of Mathematical Notations Volume II (http://www.archive.org/details/ historyofmathema027671mbp), Open Court Publishing, pp.€247•252, ISBN€978-0-486-67766-8 ‚ Dahlquist, Germund; Bj‡rck, Úke (2008), "Chapter€5: Numerical Integration" (http://www.mai.liu.se/~akbjo/ NMbook.html), Numerical Methods in Scientific Computing, Volume I, Philadelphia: SIAM ‚ Folland, Gerald B. (1984), Real Analysis: Modern Techniques and Their Applications (1st ed.), John Wiley & Sons, ISBN€978-0-471-80958-6 ‚ Fourier, Jean Baptiste Joseph (1822), Thˆorie analytique de la chaleur (http://books.google.com/ books?id=TDQJAAAAIAAJ), Chez Firmin Didot, p’re et fils, p.€Ï231 Available in translation as Fourier, Joseph (1878), The analytical theory of heat (http://www.archive.org/ details/analyticaltheory00fourrich), Freeman, Alexander (trans.), Cambridge University Press, pp.€200•201 ‚ Heath, T. L., ed. (2002), The Works of Archimedes (http://www.archive.org/details/ worksofarchimede029517mbp), Dover, ISBN€978-0-486-42084-4 (Originally published by Cambridge University Press, 1897, based on J. L. Heiberg's Greek version.) ‚ Hildebrandt, T. H. (1953), "Integration in abstract spaces" (http://projecteuclid.org/euclid.bams/1183517761), Bulletin of the American Mathematical Society 59 (2): 111•139, ISSN€0273-0979 ‚ Kahaner, David; Moler, Cleve; Nash, Stephen (1989), "Chapter€5: Numerical Quadrature", Numerical Methods and Software, Prentice Hall, ISBN€978-0-13-627258-8 ‚ Katz, Victor J. (2004), A History of Mathematics, Brief Version, Addison-Wesley, ISBN€978-0-321-16193-2 ‚ Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1899), Gerhardt, Karl Immanuel, ed., Der Briefwechsel von Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz mit Mathematikern. Erster Band (http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AAX2762.0001.001), Berlin: Mayer & M•ller ‚ Lieb, Elliott; Loss, Michael (2001), Analysis (2 ed.), AMS Chelsea, ISBN€978-0821827833 ‚ Miller, Jeff, Earliest Uses of Symbols of Calculus (http://jeff560.tripod.com/calculus.html), retrieved 2009-11-22 ‚ OŠConnor, J. J.; Robertson, E. F. (1996), A history of the calculus (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ HistTopics/The_rise_of_calculus.html), retrieved 2007-07-09 ‚ Rudin, Walter (1987), "Chapter€1: Abstract Integration", Real and Complex Analysis (International ed.), McGraw-Hill, ISBN€978-0-07-100276-9 ‚ Saks, Stanis‹aw (1964), Theory of the integral (http://matwbn.icm.edu.pl/kstresc.php?tom=7&wyd=10& jez=) (English translation by L. C. Young. With two additional notes by Stefan Banach. Second revised ed.), New York: Dover ‚ Shea, Marilyn (May 2007), Biography of Zu Chongzhi (http://hua.umf.maine.edu/China/astronomy/tianpage/ 0014ZuChongzhi9296bw.html), University of Maine, retrieved 9 January 2009 ‚ Siegmund-Schultze, Reinhard (2008), "Henri Lebesgue", in Timothy Gowers, June Barrow-Green, Imre Leader, Princeton Companion to Mathematics, Princeton University Press. ‚ Stoer, Josef; Bulirsch, Roland (2002), "Chapter€3: Topics in Integration", Introduction to Numerical Analysis (3rd ed.), Springer, ISBN€978-0-387-95452-3.

Integral ‚ W3C (2006), Arabic mathematical notation (http://www.w3.org/TR/arabic-math/)


External links
‚ Hazewinkel, Michiel, ed. (2001), "Integral" (http://www.encyclopediaofmath.org/index.php?title=p/i051340), Encyclopedia of Mathematics, Springer, ISBN€978-1-55608-010-4 ‚ Riemann Sum (http://mathworld.wolfram.com/RiemannSum.html) by Wolfram Research ‚ Introduction to definite integrals (http://www.khanacademy.org/video/ introduction-to-definite-integrals?playlist=Calculus) by Khan Academy

Online books
‚ Keisler, H. Jerome, Elementary Calculus: An Approach Using Infinitesimals (http://www.math.wisc.edu/ ~keisler/calc.html), University of Wisconsin ‚ Stroyan, K.D., A Brief Introduction to Infinitesimal Calculus (http://www.math.uiowa.edu/~stroyan/ InfsmlCalculus/InfsmlCalc.htm), University of Iowa ‚ Mauch, Sean, Sean's Applied Math Book (http://www.its.caltech.edu/~sean/book/unabridged.html), CIT, an online textbook that includes a complete introduction to calculus ‚ Crowell, Benjamin, Calculus (http://www.lightandmatter.com/calc/), Fullerton College, an online textbook ‚ Garrett, Paul, Notes on First-Year Calculus (http://www.math.umn.edu/~garrett/calculus/) ‚ Hussain, Faraz, Understanding Calculus (http://www.understandingcalculus.com), an online textbook ‚ Kowalk, W.P., Integration Theory (http://einstein.informatik.uni-oldenburg.de/20910.html), University of Oldenburg. A new concept to an old problem. Online textbook ‚ Sloughter, Dan, Difference Equations to Differential Equations (http://math.furman.edu/~dcs/book), an introduction to calculus ‚ Numerical Methods of Integration (http://numericalmethods.eng.usf.edu/topics/integration.html) at Holistic Numerical Methods Institute ‚ P.S. Wang, Evaluation of Definite Integrals by Symbolic Manipulation (http://www.lcs.mit.edu/publications/ specpub.php?id=660) (1972)€† a cookbook of definite integral techniques

Isaac Newton


Isaac Newton
Sir Isaac Newton

Godfrey Kneller's 1689 portrait of Isaac Newton (age 46). Born 25 December 1642

[NS: 4 January 1643]


Woolsthorpe-by-Colsterworth, Lincolnshire, England Died 20 March 1726 (aged 83)

[OS: 20 March 1726 [1] NS: 31 March 1727]
Kensington, Middlesex, England Resting place Residence Nationality Fields Westminster Abbey England English (later British) ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Institutions ‚ ‚ ‚ Physics Natural philosophy Mathematics Astronomy Alchemy Christian theology

University of Cambridge Royal Society Royal Mint

Alma mater

Trinity College, Cambridge [2] Isaac Barrow [3][4] Benjamin Pulleyn Roger Cotes William Whiston

Academic advisors ‚ ‚ Notable students ‚ ‚

Isaac Newton

Known€for ‚ ‚ ‚ Newtonian mechanics Universal gravitation Infinitesimal calculus ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Influences ‚ ‚ ‚ Influenced ‚ ‚ Optics Binomial series Principia Newton's method

[5] Henry More

[6] Polish Brethren [7] Robert Boyle Nicolas Fatio de Duillier John Keill Signature

Sir Isaac Newton PRS MP (25 December 1642€• 20 March 1726) was an English physicist, mathematician, astronomer, natural philosopher, alchemist and theologian, who has been considered by many to be the greatest and most influential scientist who ever lived.[8][9] His monograph Philosophi• Naturalis Principia Mathematica, published in 1687, laid the foundations for most of classical mechanics. In this work, Newton described universal gravitation and the three laws of motion, which dominated the scientific view of the physical universe for the next three centuries. Newton showed that the motion of objects on Earth and that of celestial bodies is governed by the same set of natural laws: by demonstrating the consistency between Kepler's laws of planetary motion and his theory of gravitation he removed the last doubts about heliocentrism and advanced the scientific revolution. The Principia is generally considered to be one of the most important scientific books ever written, both due to the specific physical laws the work successfully described, and for its style, which assisted in setting standards for scientific publication down to the present time. Newton built the first practical reflecting telescope[10] and developed a theory of colour based on the observation that a prism decomposes white light into the many colours that form the visible spectrum. He also formulated an empirical law of cooling and studied the speed of sound. In mathematics, Newton shares the credit with Gottfried Leibniz for the development of differential and integral calculus. He generalised the binomial theorem to non-integer exponents, developed Newton's method for approximating the roots of a function, and contributed to the study of power series. Although an unorthodox Christian, Newton was deeply religious and his occult studies took up a substantial part of his life. He secretly rejected Trinitarianism and refused holy orders.[11]

Early life
Isaac Newton was born (according to the Julian calendar in use in England at the time) on Christmas Day, 25 December 1642, (NS 4 January 1643.[1]) at Woolsthorpe Manor in Woolsthorpe-by-Colsterworth, a hamlet in the county of Lincolnshire. He was born three months after the death of his father, a prosperous farmer also named Isaac Newton. Born prematurely, he was a small child; his mother Hannah Ayscough reportedly said that he could have fit inside a quart mug (– 1.1 litres). When Newton was three, his mother remarried and went to live with her new husband, the Reverend Barnabus Smith, leaving her son in the care of his maternal grandmother, Margery Ayscough. The young Isaac disliked his stepfather and maintained some enmity towards his mother for marrying him, as revealed by this entry in a list of sins committed up to the age of 19: "Threatening my father and mother Smith to

Isaac Newton burn them and the house over them."[12] Although it was claimed that he was once engaged,[13] Newton never married. From the age of about twelve until he was seventeen, Newton was educated at The King's School, Grantham. He was removed from school, and by October 1659, he was to be found at Woolsthorpe-by-Colsterworth, where his mother, widowed by now for a second time, attempted to make a farmer of him. He hated farming.[14] Henry Stokes, master at the King's School, persuaded his mother to send him back to school so that he might complete his education. Motivated partly by a desire for revenge against a schoolyard bully, he became the top-ranked student.[15] The Cambridge psychologist Simon Baron-Cohen considers it "fairly certain" that Newton had Asperger syndrome.[16] In June 1661, he was admitted to Trinity College, Cambridge as a sizar • a sort of work-study role.[17] At that time, the college's teachings were based on those of Aristotle, whom Newton supplemented with modern philosophers, such as Descartes, and astronomers such as Copernicus, Galileo, and Kepler. In 1665, he discovered the generalised binomial theorem and began to develop a mathematical theory that later became infinitesimal calculus. Soon after Newton had obtained his degree in August 1665, the university temporarily closed as a precaution against the Great Plague. Although he had been undistinguished as a Cambridge student,[18] Newton's private studies at his home in Woolsthorpe over the subsequent two years saw the development of his theories on calculus,[19] optics and the law of gravitation. In 1667, he returned to Cambridge as a fellow of Trinity.[20] Fellows were required to become ordained priests, something Newton desired to avoid due to his unorthodox views. Luckily for Newton, there was no specific deadline for ordination, and it could be postponed indefinitely. The problem became more severe later when Newton was elected for the prestigious Lucasian Chair. For such a significant appointment, ordaining normally could not be dodged. Nevertheless, Newton managed to avoid it by means of a special permission from Charles II (see "Middle years" section below).


Newton in a 1702 portrait by Godfrey Kneller

Isaac Newton (Bolton, Sarah K. Famous Men of Science. NY: Thomas Y. Crowell & Co., 1889)

Middle years
Mathematics Newton's work has been said "to distinctly advance every branch of mathematics then studied".[21] His work on the subject usually referred to as fluxions or calculus, seen in a manuscript of October 1666, is now published among Newton's mathematical papers.[22] The author of the manuscript De analysi per aequationes numero terminorum infinitas, sent by Isaac Barrow to John Collins in June 1669, was identified by Barrow in a letter sent to Collins in August of that year as:[23] Mr Newton, a fellow of our College, and very young€... but of an extraordinary genius and proficiency in these things. Newton later became involved in a dispute with Leibniz over priority in the development of infinitesimal calculus (the Leibniz•Newton calculus controversy). Most modern historians believe that Newton and Leibniz developed infinitesimal calculus independently, although with very different notations. Occasionally it has been suggested that Newton published almost nothing about it until 1693, and did not give a full account until 1704, while Leibniz began publishing a full account of his methods in 1684. (Leibniz's notation and "differential Method", nowadays recognised

Isaac Newton as much more convenient notations, were adopted by continental European mathematicians, and after 1820 or so, also by British mathematicians.) Such a suggestion, however, fails to notice the content of calculus which critics of Newton's time and modern times have pointed out in Book 1 of Newton's Principia itself (published 1687) and in its forerunner manuscripts, such as De motu corporum in gyrum ("On the motion of bodies in orbit"), of 1684. The Principia is not written in the language of calculus either as we know it or as Newton's (later) 'dot' notation would write it. But his work extensively uses an infinitesimal calculus in geometric form, based on limiting values of the ratios of vanishing small quantities: in the Principia itself Newton gave demonstration of this under the name of 'the method of first and last ratios'[24] and explained why he put his expositions in this form,[25] remarking also that 'hereby the same thing is performed as by the method of indivisibles'. Because of this, the Principia has been called "a book dense with the theory and application of the infinitesimal calculus" in modern times[26] and "lequel est presque tout de ce calcul" ('nearly all of it is of this calculus') in Newton's time.[27] His use of methods involving "one or more orders of the infinitesimally small" is present in his De motu corporum in gyrum of 1684[28] and in his papers on motion "during the two decades preceding 1684".[29] Newton had been reluctant to publish his calculus because he feared controversy and criticism.[30] He was close to the Swiss mathematician Nicolas Fatio de Duillier. In 1691, Duillier started to write a new version of Newton's Principia, and corresponded with Leibniz.[31] In 1693 the relationship between Duillier and Newton deteriorated, and the book was never completed. Starting in 1699, other members of the Royal Society (of which Newton was a member) accused Leibniz of plagiarism, and the dispute broke out in full force in 1711. The Royal Society proclaimed in a study that it was Newton who was the true discoverer and labelled Leibniz a fraud. This study was cast into doubt when it was later found that Newton himself wrote the study's concluding remarks on Leibniz. Thus began the bitter controversy which marred the lives of both Newton and Leibniz until the latter's death in 1716.[32] Newton is generally credited with the generalised binomial theorem, valid for any exponent. He discovered Newton's identities, Newton's method, classified cubic plane curves (polynomials of degree three in two variables), made substantial contributions to the theory of finite differences, and was the first to use fractional indices and to employ coordinate geometry to derive solutions to Diophantine equations. He approximated partial sums of the harmonic series by logarithms (a precursor to Euler's summation formula), and was the first to use power series with confidence and to revert power series. Newton's work on infinite series was inspired by Simon Stevin's decimals.[33] He was appointed Lucasian Professor of Mathematics in 1669 on Barrow's recommendation. In that day, any fellow of Cambridge or Oxford was required to become an ordained Anglican priest. However, the terms of the Lucasian professorship required that the holder not be active in the church (presumably so as to have more time for science). Newton argued that this should exempt him from the ordination requirement, and Charles II, whose permission was needed, accepted this argument. Thus a conflict between Newton's religious views and Anglican orthodoxy was averted.[34]


Isaac Newton Optics From 1670 to 1672, Newton lectured on optics.[36] During this period he investigated the refraction of light, demonstrating that a prism could decompose white light into a spectrum of colours, and that a lens and a second prism could recompose the multicoloured spectrum into white light.[37] Modern scholarship has revealed that Newton's analysis and resynthesis of white light owes a debt to corpuscular alchemy.[38] He also showed that the coloured light does not change its properties by separating out a coloured beam and shining it on various objects. Newton noted that regardless of whether it was reflected or scattered or transmitted, it stayed the same colour. Thus, he observed that colour is the result of objects interacting with already-coloured light rather than objects generating the colour themselves. This is known as Newton's theory of colour.[39]


A replica of Newton's second Reflecting telescope that he presented to the Royal Society [35] in 1672

From this work, he concluded that the lens of any refracting telescope would suffer from the dispersion of light into colours (chromatic aberration). As a proof of the concept, he constructed a telescope using a mirror as the objective to bypass that problem.[40] Building the design, the first known functional reflecting telescope, today known as a Newtonian telescope,[40] involved solving the problem of a suitable mirror material and shaping technique. Newton ground his own mirrors out of a custom composition of highly reflective speculum metal, using Newton's rings to judge the quality of the optics for his telescopes. In late 1668[41] he was able to produce this first reflecting telescope. In 1671, the Illustration of a dispersive prism decomposing white light into the Royal Society asked for a demonstration of his colours of the spectrum, as discovered by Newton reflecting telescope.[42] Their interest encouraged him to publish his notes On Colour, which he later expanded into his Opticks. When Robert Hooke criticised some of Newton's ideas, Newton was so offended that he withdrew from public debate. Newton and Hooke had brief exchanges in 1679•80, when Hooke, appointed to manage the Royal Society's correspondence, opened up a correspondence intended to elicit contributions from Newton to Royal Society transactions,[43] which had the effect of stimulating Newton to work out a proof that the elliptical form of planetary orbits would result from a centripetal force inversely proportional to the square of the radius vector (see Newton's law of universal gravitation • History and De motu corporum in gyrum). But the two men remained generally on poor terms until Hooke's death.[44]

Isaac Newton


Newton argued that light is composed of particles or corpuscles, which were refracted by accelerating into a denser medium. He verged on soundlike waves to explain the repeated pattern of reflection and transmission by thin films (Opticks Bk.II, Props. 12), but still retained his theory of 'fits' that disposed corpuscles to be reflected or transmitted (Props.13). Later physicists instead favoured a purely wavelike explanation of light to account for the interference patterns, and the general phenomenon of diffraction. Today's quantum mechanics, photons and the idea of wave•particle duality bear only a minor resemblance to Newton's understanding of light. In his Hypothesis of Light of 1675, Newton posited the existence of the ether to transmit forces between particles. The contact with the theosophist Henry More, revived his interest in alchemy. He replaced the ether with occult forces based on Hermetic ideas of attraction and repulsion between particles. John Maynard Keynes, who acquired Facsimile of a 1682 letter from Isaac Newton to many of Newton's writings on alchemy, stated that "Newton was not [45] Dr William Briggs, commenting on Briggs' "A the first of the age of reason: He was the last of the magicians." New Theory of Vision". Newton's interest in alchemy cannot be isolated from his contributions to science.[5] This was at a time when there was no clear distinction between alchemy and science. Had he not relied on the occult idea of action at a distance, across a vacuum, he might not have developed his theory of gravity. (See also Isaac Newton's occult studies.) In 1704, Newton published Opticks, in which he expounded his corpuscular theory of light. He considered light to be made up of extremely subtle corpuscles, that ordinary matter was made of grosser corpuscles and speculated that through a kind of alchemical transmutation "Are not gross Bodies and Light convertible into one another, ...and may not Bodies receive much of their Activity from the Particles of Light which enter their Composition?"[46] Newton also constructed a primitive form of a frictional electrostatic generator, using a glass globe (Optics, 8th Query). In an article entitled "Newton, prisms, and the 'opticks' of tunable lasers[47] it is indicated that Newton in his book Opticks was the first to show a diagram using a prism as a beam expander. In the same book he describes, via diagrams, the use of multiple-prism arrays. Some 278 years after Newton's discussion, multiple-prism beam expanders became central to the development of narrow-linewidth tunable lasers. Also, the use of these prismatic beam expanders led to the multiple-prism dispersion theory.[47] Mechanics and gravitation In 1679, Newton returned to his work on (celestial) mechanics, i.e., gravitation and its effect on the orbits of planets, with reference to Kepler's laws of planetary motion. This followed stimulation by a brief exchange of letters in 1679•80 with Hooke, who had been appointed to manage the Royal Society's correspondence, and who opened a correspondence intended to elicit contributions from Newton to Royal Society transactions.[43] Newton's reawakening interest in astronomical matters received further stimulus by the appearance of a comet in the winter of 1680•1681, on which he corresponded with John Flamsteed.[48] After the exchanges with Hooke, Newton worked out a proof that the elliptical form of planetary orbits would result from a

Newton's own copy of his Principia, with hand-written corrections for the second edition

Isaac Newton centripetal force inversely proportional to the square of the radius vector (see Newton's law of universal gravitation • History and De motu corporum in gyrum). Newton communicated his results to Edmond Halley and to the Royal Society in De motu corporum in gyrum, a tract written on about 9 sheets which was copied into the Royal Society's Register Book in December 1684.[49] This tract contained the nucleus that Newton developed and expanded to form the Principia. The Principia was published on 5 July 1687 with encouragement and financial help from Edmond Halley. In this work, Newton stated the three universal laws of motion that enabled many of the advances of the Industrial Revolution which soon followed and were not to be improved upon for more than 200 years, and are still the underpinnings of the non-relativistic technologies of the modern world. He used the Latin word gravitas (weight) for the effect that would become known as gravity, and defined the law of universal gravitation. In the same work, Newton presented a calculus-like method of geometrical analysis by 'first and last ratios', gave the first analytical determination (based on Boyle's law) of the speed of sound in air, inferred the oblateness of the spheroidal figure of the Earth, accounted for the precession of the equinoxes as a result of the Moon's gravitational attraction on the Earth's oblateness, initiated the gravitational study of the irregularities in the motion of the moon, provided a theory for the determination of the orbits of comets, and much more. Newton made clear his heliocentric view of the solar system€• developed in a somewhat modern way, because already in the mid-1680s he recognised the "deviation of the Sun" from the centre of gravity of the solar system.[50] For Newton, it was not precisely the centre of the Sun or any other body that could be considered at rest, but rather "the common centre of gravity of the Earth, the Sun and all the Planets is to be esteem'd the Centre of the World", and this centre of gravity "either is at rest or moves uniformly forward in a right line" (Newton adopted the "at rest" alternative in view of common consent that the centre, wherever it was, was at rest).[51] Newton's postulate of an invisible force able to act over vast distances led to him being criticised for introducing "occult agencies" into science.[52] Later, in the second edition of the Principia (1713), Newton firmly rejected such criticisms in a concluding General Scholium, writing that it was enough that the phenomena implied a gravitational attraction, as they did; but they did not so far indicate its cause, and it was both unnecessary and improper to frame hypotheses of things that were not implied by the phenomena. (Here Newton used what became his famous expression "hypotheses non fingo"[53]). With the Principia, Newton became internationally recognised.[54] He acquired a circle of admirers, including the Swiss-born mathematician Nicolas Fatio de Duillier, with whom he formed an intense relationship. This abruptly ended in 1693, and at the same time Newton suffered a nervous breakdown.[55]


Classification of cubics
Besides the work of Newton and others on calculus, the first important demonstration of the power of analytic geometry was Newton's classification of cubic curves in the Euclidean plane in the late 1600s. He divided them into four types, satisfying different equations, and in 1717 Stirling, probably with Newton's help, proved that every cubic was one of these four. Newton also claimed that the four types could be obtained by plane projection from one of them, and this was proved in 1731.[56]

Isaac Newton


Later life
In the 1690s, Newton wrote a number of religious tracts dealing with the literal interpretation of the Bible. Henry More's belief in the Universe and rejection of Cartesian dualism may have influenced Newton's religious ideas. A manuscript he sent to John Locke in which he disputed the existence of the Trinity was never published. Later works€• The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended (1728) and Observations Upon the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John (1733)€• were published after his death. He also devoted a great deal of time to alchemy (see above). Newton was also a member of the Parliament of England from 1689 to 1690 and in 1701, but according to some accounts his only comments were to complain about a cold draught in the chamber and request that the window be closed.[57] Newton moved to London to take up the post of warden of the Royal Mint in 1696, a position that he had obtained through the patronage of Charles Montagu, 1st Earl of Halifax, then Chancellor of the Exchequer. He took charge of England's great recoining, somewhat treading on the toes of Lord Lucas, Governor of the Tower (and securing the job of deputy comptroller of the temporary Chester branch for Edmond Halley). Newton became perhaps the best-known Master of the Mint upon the death of Thomas Neale in 1699, a position Newton held for the last 30 years of his life.[58][59] These appointments were intended as sinecures, but Newton took them seriously, retiring from his Cambridge duties in 1701, and exercising his power to reform the currency and punish clippers and counterfeiters. As Master of the Mint in 1717 in the "Law of Queen Anne" Newton moved the Pound Sterling de facto from the silver standard to the gold standard by setting the bimetallic relationship between gold coins and the silver penny in favour of gold. This caused silver sterling coin to be melted and shipped out of Britain. Newton was made President of the Royal Society in 1703 and an associate of the French Acadˆmie des Sciences. In his position at the Royal Society, Newton made an enemy of John Flamsteed, the Astronomer Royal, by prematurely publishing Flamsteed's Historia Coelestis Britannica, which Newton had used in his studies.[60]
Isaac Newton in old age in 1712, portrait by Sir James Thornhill

In April 1705, Queen Anne knighted Newton during a royal visit to Trinity College, Cambridge. The knighthood is likely to have been motivated by political considerations connected with the Parliamentary election in May 1705, rather than any recognition of Newton's scientific work or services as Master of the Mint.[62] Newton was the second scientist to be knighted, after Sir Francis Bacon. Towards the end of his life, Newton took up residence at Cranbury Park, near Winchester with his niece and her husband, until his death in 1726.[63] His half-niece, Catherine Barton Conduitt,[64] served as his hostess in social affairs at his house on Jermyn Street in London; he was her "very loving Uncle,"[65] according to his letter to her when she was recovering from smallpox.

Personal coat of arms of Sir Isaac [61] Newton

Newton died in his sleep in London on 20 March 1726 (OS 20 March 1726; NS 31 March 1727)[1] and was buried in Westminster Abbey. A bachelor, he had divested much of his estate to relatives during his last years, and died intestate. After his death, Newton's hair was examined and found to contain mercury, probably resulting from his alchemical pursuits. Mercury poisoning could explain Newton's eccentricity in late life.[66]

Isaac Newton


After death
Fame French mathematician Joseph-Louis Lagrange often said that Newton was the greatest genius who ever lived, and once added that Newton was also "the most fortunate, for we cannot find more than once a system of the world to establish."[67] English poet Alexander Pope was moved by Newton's accomplishments to write the famous epitaph: Nature and nature's laws lay hid in night; God said "Let Newton be" and all was light. Newton himself had been rather more modest of his own achievements, famously writing in a letter to Robert Hooke in February 1676: If I have seen further it is by standing on the shoulders of giants.[68] Two writers think that the above quote, written at a time when Newton and Hooke were in dispute over optical discoveries, was an oblique attack on Hooke (said to have been short and hunchbacked), rather thanۥ or in addition toۥ a statement of modesty.[69][70] On the other hand, the widely known proverb about standing on the shoulders of giants published among others by 17th-century poet George Herbert (a former orator of the University of Cambridge and fellow of Trinity College) in his Jacula Prudentum (1651), had as its main point that "a dwarf on a giant's shoulders sees farther of the two", and so its effect as an analogy would place Newton himself rather than Hooke as the 'dwarf'. In a later memoir, Newton wrote: I do not know what I may appear to the world, but to myself I seem to have been only like a boy playing on the sea-shore, and diverting myself in now and then finding a smoother pebble or a prettier shell than ordinary, whilst the great ocean of truth lay all undiscovered before me.[71] Albert Einstein kept a picture of Newton on his study wall alongside ones of Michael Faraday and James Clerk Maxwell.[72] Newton remains influential to today's scientists, as demonstrated by a 2005 survey of members of Britain's Royal Society (formerly headed by Newton) asking who had the greater effect on the history of science, Newton or Einstein. Royal Society scientists deemed Newton to have made the greater overall contribution.[73] In 1999, an opinion poll of 100 of today's leading physicists voted Einstein the "greatest physicist ever;" with Newton the runner-up, while a parallel survey of rank-and-file physicists by the site PhysicsWeb gave the top spot to Newton.[74] Commemorations

Isaac Newton


Newton's monument (1731) can be seen in Westminster Abbey, at the north of the entrance to the choir against the choir screen, near his tomb. It was executed by the sculptor Michael Rysbrack (1694•1770) in white and grey marble with design by the architect William Kent. The monument features a figure of Newton reclining on top of a sarcophagus, his right elbow resting on several of his great books and his left hand pointing to a scroll with a mathematical design. Above him is a pyramid and a celestial globe showing the signs of the Zodiac and the path of the comet of 1680. A relief panel depicts putti using instruments such as a telescope and prism.[75] The Latin inscription on the base translates as: Here is buried Isaac Newton, Knight, who by a strength of mind almost divine, and mathematical principles peculiarly his own, Newton statue on display at the explored the course and figures of the planets, the paths of comets, Oxford University Museum of the tides of the sea, the dissimilarities in rays of light, and, what no Natural History other scholar has previously imagined, the properties of the colours thus produced. Diligent, sagacious and faithful, in his expositions of nature, antiquity and the holy Scriptures, he vindicated by his philosophy the majesty of God mighty and good, and expressed the simplicity of the Gospel in his manners. Mortals rejoice that there has existed such and so great an ornament of the human race! He was born on 25 December 1642, and died on 20 March 1726/7.€† Translation from G.L. Smyth, The Monuments and Genii of St. Paul's Cathedral, and of Westminster Abbey (1826), ii, 703•4.[75] From 1978 until 1988, an image of Newton designed by Harry Ecclestone appeared on Series D Ä1 banknotes issued by the Bank of England (the last Ä1 notes to be issued by the Bank of England). Newton was shown on the reverse of the notes holding a book and accompanied by a telescope, a prism and a map of the Solar System.[76] A statue of Isaac Newton, looking at an apple at his feet, can be seen at the Oxford University Museum of Natural History. A large bronze statue, Newton, after William Blake, by Eduardo Paolozzi, dated 1995 and inspired by Blake's etching, dominates the piazza of the British Library in London.

Personal life
Newton never married, and no evidence has been uncovered that he had any romantic relationship. Although it is impossible to verify, it is commonly believed that he died a virgin, as has been commented on by such figures as mathematician Charles Hutton,[77] economist John Maynard Keynes,[78] and physicist Carl Sagan.[79]
Eduardo Paolozzi's Newton, after William Blake (1995), outside the British Library

French writer and philosopher Voltaire, who was in London at the time of Newton's funeral, claimed to have verified the fact, writing that "I have had that confirmed by the doctor and the surgeon who were with him when he died"[80] (allegedly he stated on his deathbed that he was a virgin[81][82]). In 1733, Voltaire publicly stated that Newton "had neither passion nor weakness; he never went near any woman".[83][84] Newton did have a close friendship with the Swiss mathematician Nicolas Fatio de Duillier, whom he met in London around 1690.[85] Their friendship came to an unexplained end in 1693. Some of their correspondence has survived.

Isaac Newton


Religious views
In a minority view, T.C. Pfizenmaier argues that Newton held the Eastern Orthodox view on the Trinity rather than the Western one held by Roman Catholics, Anglicans and most Protestants.[86] However, this type of view 'has lost support of late with the availability of Newton's theological papers',[87] and now most scholars identify Newton as an Antitrinitarian monotheist.[6][88] 'In Newton's eyes, worshipping Christ as God was idolatry, to him the fundamental sin'.[89] Historian Stephen D. Snobelen says of Newton, "Isaac Newton was a heretic. But€... he never made a public declaration of his private faith†which the orthodox would have deemed extremely radical. He hid his faith so well that scholars are still unravelling his personal beliefs."[6] Snobelen concludes that Newton was at least a Socinian sympathiser (he owned and had thoroughly read at least eight Socinian books), possibly an Arian and almost certainly an Newton's tomb in Westminster anti-trinitarian.[6] In an age notable for its religious intolerance, there are few Abbey public expressions of Newton's radical views, most notably his refusal to receive holy orders and his refusal, on his death bed, to receive the sacrament when it was offered to him.[6] Although the laws of motion and universal gravitation became Newton's best-known discoveries, he warned against using them to view the Universe as a mere machine, as if akin to a great clock. He said, "Gravity explains the motions of the planets, but it cannot explain who set the planets in motion. God governs all things and knows all that is or can be done."[90] Along with his scientific fame, Newton's studies of the Bible and of the early Church Fathers were also noteworthy. Newton wrote works on textual criticism, most notably An Historical Account of Two Notable Corruptions of Scripture. He placed the crucifixion of Jesus Christ at 3 April, AD 33, which agrees with one traditionally accepted date.[91] He also tried unsuccessfully to find hidden messages within the Bible. Newton wrote more on religion than he did on natural science. He believed in a rationally immanent world, but he rejected the hylozoism implicit in Leibniz and Baruch Spinoza. The ordered and dynamically informed Universe could be understood, and must be understood, by an active reason. In his correspondence, Newton claimed that in writing the Principia "I had an eye upon such Principles as might work with considering men for the belief of a Deity".[92] He saw evidence of design in the system of the world: "Such a wonderful uniformity in the planetary system must be allowed the effect of choice". But Newton insisted that divine intervention would eventually be required to reform the system, due to the slow growth of instabilities.[93] For this, Leibniz lampooned him: "God Almighty wants to wind up his watch from time to time: otherwise it would cease to move. He had not, it seems, sufficient foresight to make it a perpetual motion."[94] Newton's position was vigorously defended by his follower Samuel Clarke in a famous correspondence. A century later, Pierre-Simon Laplace's work "Celestial Mechanics" had a natural explanation for why the planet orbits don't require periodic divine intervention.[95]

Effect on religious thought
Newton and Robert Boyle's mechanical philosophy was promoted by rationalist pamphleteers as a viable alternative to the pantheists and enthusiasts, and was accepted hesitantly by orthodox preachers as well as dissident preachers like the latitudinarians.[96] The clarity and simplicity of science was seen as a way to combat the emotional and metaphysical superlatives of both superstitious enthusiasm and the threat of atheism,[97] and at the same time, the second wave of English deists used Newton's discoveries to demonstrate the possibility of a "Natural Religion".

Isaac Newton

303 The attacks made against pre-Enlightenment "magical thinking", and the mystical elements of Christianity, were given their foundation with Boyle's mechanical conception of the Universe. Newton gave Boyle's ideas their completion through mathematical proofs and, perhaps more importantly, was very successful in popularising them.[98] Newton refashioned the world governed by an interventionist God into a world crafted by a God that designs along rational and universal principles.[99] These principles were available for all people to discover, allowed people to pursue their own aims fruitfully in this life, not the next, and to perfect themselves with their own rational powers.[100]

Newton, by William Blake; here, Newton is depicted critically as a "divine geometer".

Newton saw God as the master creator whose existence could not be denied in the face of the grandeur of all creation.[101][102][103] His spokesman, Clarke, rejected Leibniz' theodicy which cleared God from the responsibility for l'origine du mal by making God removed from participation in his creation, since as Clarke pointed out, such a deity would be a king in name only, and but one step away from atheism.[104] But the unforeseen theological consequence of the success of Newton's system over the next century was to reinforce the deist position advocated by Leibniz.[105] The understanding of the world was now brought down to the level of simple human reason, and humans, as Odo Marquard argued, became responsible for the correction and elimination of evil.[106]

End of the world
In a manuscript he wrote in 1704 in which he describes his attempts to extract scientific information from the Bible, he estimated that the world would end no earlier than 2060. In predicting this he said, "This I mention not to assert when the time of the end shall be, but to put a stop to the rash conjectures of fanciful men who are frequently predicting the time of the end, and by doing so bring the sacred prophesies into discredit as often as their predictions fail."[107]

Enlightenment philosophers
Enlightenment philosophers chose a short history of scientific predecessorsۥ Galileo, Boyle, and Newton principallyۥ as the guides and guarantors of their applications of the singular concept of Nature and Natural Law to every physical and social field of the day. In this respect, the lessons of history and the social structures built upon it could be discarded.[108] It was Newton's conception of the Universe based upon Natural and rationally understandable laws that became one of the seeds for Enlightenment ideology.[109] Locke and Voltaire applied concepts of Natural Law to political systems advocating intrinsic rights; the physiocrats and Adam Smith applied Natural conceptions of psychology and self-interest to economic systems; and sociologists criticised the current social order for trying to fit history into Natural models of progress. Monboddo and Samuel Clarke resisted elements of Newton's work, but eventually rationalised it to conform with their strong religious views of nature.

As warden of the Royal Mint, Newton estimated that 20 percent of the coins taken in during The Great Recoinage of 1696 were counterfeit. Counterfeiting was high treason, punishable by the felon's being hanged, drawn and quartered. Despite this, convicting the most flagrant criminals could be extremely difficult. However, Newton proved to be equal to the task.[110] Disguised as a habituˆ of bars and taverns, he gathered much of that evidence himself.[111] For all the barriers placed to prosecution, and separating the branches of government, English law still had ancient and formidable customs of authority. Newton had himself made a justice of the peace in all the home

Isaac Newton counties†there is a draft of a letter regarding this matter stuck into Newton's personal first edition of his Philosophi• Naturalis Principia Mathematica which he must have been amending at the time.[112] Then he conducted more than 100 cross-examinations of witnesses, informers, and suspects between June 1698 and Christmas 1699. Newton successfully prosecuted 28 coiners.[113] One of Newton's cases as the King's attorney was against William Chaloner.[114] Chaloner's schemes included setting up phony conspiracies of Catholics and then turning in the hapless conspirators whom he had entrapped. Chaloner made himself rich enough to posture as a gentleman. Petitioning Parliament, Chaloner accused the Mint of providing tools to counterfeiters (a charge also made by others). He proposed that he be allowed to inspect the Mint's processes in order to improve them. He petitioned Parliament to adopt his plans for a coinage that could not be counterfeited, while at the same time striking false coins.[115] Newton put Chaloner on trial for counterfeiting and had him sent to Newgate Prison in September 1697. But Chaloner had friends in high places, who helped him secure an acquittal and his release.[114] Newton put him on trial a second time with conclusive evidence. Chaloner was convicted of high treason and hanged, drawn and quartered on 23 March 1699 at Tyburn gallows.[116]


Laws of motion
In the Principia, Newton gives the famous three laws of motion, stated here in modern form. Newton's First Law (also known as the Law of Inertia) states that an object at rest tends to stay at rest and that an object in uniform motion tends to stay in uniform motion unless acted upon by a net external force. The meaning of this law is the existence of reference frames (called inertial frames) where objects not acted upon by forces move in uniform motion (in particular, they may be at rest). Newton's Second Law states that an applied force, with time. Mathematically, this is expressed as , on an object equals the rate of change of its momentum, ,

Since the law applies only to systems of constant mass,[117] m can be brought out of the derivative operator. By substitution using the definition of acceleration, the equation can be written in the iconic form

The first and second laws represent a break with the physics of Aristotle, in which it was believed that a force was necessary in order to maintain motion. They state that a force is only needed in order to change an object's state of motion. The SI unit of force is the newton, named in Newton's honour. Newton's Third Law states that for every action there is an equal and opposite reaction. This means that any force exerted onto an object has a counterpart force that is exerted in the opposite direction back onto the first object. A common example is of two ice skaters pushing against each other and sliding apart in opposite directions. Another example is the recoil of a firearm, in which the force propelling the bullet is exerted equally back onto the gun and is felt by the shooter. Since the objects in question do not necessarily have the same mass, the resulting acceleration of the two objects can be different (as in the case of firearm recoil). Unlike Aristotle's, Newton's physics is meant to be universal. For example, the second law applies both to a planet and to a falling stone. The vector nature of the second law addresses the geometrical relationship between the direction of the force and the manner in which the object's momentum changes. Before Newton, it had typically been assumed that a planet orbiting the Sun would need a forward force to keep it moving. Newton showed instead that all that was needed was an inward attraction from the Sun. Even many decades after the publication of the Principia, this counterintuitive idea was not universally accepted, and many scientists preferred Descartes' theory of vortices.[118]

Isaac Newton


Apple incident

Reputed descendants of Newton's apple tree, at the Cambridge University Botanic Garden and the Instituto Balseiro library garden

Newton himself often told the story that he was inspired to formulate his theory of gravitation by watching the fall of an apple from a tree.[119] Although it has been said that the apple story is a myth and that he did not arrive at his theory of gravity in any single moment,[120] acquaintances of Newton (such as William Stukeley, whose manuscript account of 1752 has been made available by the Royal Society)[121] do in fact confirm the incident, though not the cartoon version that the apple actually hit Newton's head. Stukeley recorded in his Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton's Life a conversation with Newton in Kensington on 15 April 1726:[122] ... We went into the garden, & drank tea under the shade of some appletrees, only he, & myself. amidst other discourse, he told me, he was just in the same situation, as when formerly, the notion of gravitation came into his mind. "why should that apple always descend perpendicularly to the ground," thought he to him self: occasion'd by the fall of an apple, as he sat in a comtemplative mood: "why should it not go sideways, or upwards? but constantly to the earths centre? assuredly, the reason is, that the earth draws it. there must be a drawing power in matter. & the sum of the drawing power in the matter of the earth must be in the earths centre, not in any side of the earth. therefore dos this apple fall perpendicularly, or toward the centre. if matter thus draws matter; it must be in proportion of its quantity. therefore the apple draws the earth, as well as the earth draws the apple." John Conduitt, Newton's assistant at the Royal Mint and husband of Newton's niece, also described the event when he wrote about Newton's life:[123] In the year 1666 he retired again from Cambridge to his mother in Lincolnshire. Whilst he was pensively meandering in a garden it came into his thought that the power of gravity (which brought an apple from a tree to the ground) was not limited to a certain distance from earth, but that this power must extend much further than was usually thought. Why not as high as the Moon said he to himself & if so, that must influence her motion & perhaps retain her in her orbit, whereupon he fell a calculating what would be the effect of that supposition. In similar terms, Voltaire wrote in his Essay on Epic Poetry (1727), "Sir Isaac Newton walking in his gardens, had the first thought of his system of gravitation, upon seeing an apple falling from a tree." It is known from his notebooks that Newton was grappling in the late 1660s with the idea that terrestrial gravity extends, in an inverse-square proportion, to the Moon; however it took him two decades to develop the full-fledged theory.[124] The question was not whether gravity existed, but whether it extended so far from Earth that it could also be the force holding the Moon to its orbit. Newton showed that if the force decreased as the inverse square of the

Isaac Newton distance, one could indeed calculate the Moon's orbital period, and get good agreement. He guessed the same force was responsible for other orbital motions, and hence named it "universal gravitation". Various trees are claimed to be "the" apple tree which Newton describes. The King's School, Grantham, claims that the tree was purchased by the school, uprooted and transported to the headmaster's garden some years later. The staff of the [now] National Trust-owned Woolsthorpe Manor dispute this, and claim that a tree present in their gardens is the one described by Newton. A descendant of the original tree[125] can be seen growing outside the main gate of Trinity College, Cambridge, below the room Newton lived in when he studied there. The National Fruit Collection at Brogdale[126] can supply grafts from their tree, which appears identical to Flower of Kent, a coarse-fleshed cooking variety.[127]


‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Method of Fluxions (1671) Of Natures Obvious Laws & Processes in Vegetation (unpublished, c. 1671•75)[128] De motu corporum in gyrum (1684) Philosophi• Naturalis Principia Mathematica (1687) Opticks (1704) Reports as Master of the Mint [129] (1701•25)

‚ Arithmetica Universalis (1707) ‚ The System of the World, Optical Lectures, The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms, (Amended) and De mundi systemate (published posthumously in 1728) ‚ Observations on Daniel and The Apocalypse of St. John (1733) ‚ An Historical Account of Two Notable Corruptions of Scripture (1754)

[1] During Newton's lifetime, two calendars were in use in Europe: the Julian ("Old Style") calendar in protestant and Orthodox regions, including Britain; and the Gregorian ("New Style") calendar in Roman Catholic Europe. At Newton's birth, Gregorian dates were ten days ahead of Julian dates: thus his birth is recorded as taking place on 25 December 1642 Old Style, but can be converted to a New Style (modern) date of 4 January 1643. By the time of his death, the difference between the calendars had increased to eleven days: moreover, he died in the period after the start of the New Style year on 1 January, but before that of the Old Style new year on 25 March. His death occurred on 20 March 1726 according to the Old Style calendar, but the year is usually adjusted to 1727. A full conversion to New Style gives the date 31 March 1727. [2] Mordechai Feingold, Barrow, Isaac (1630•1677) (http:/ / www. oxforddnb. com/ view/ article/ 1541), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, September 2004; online edn, May 2007. Retrieved 24 February 2009; explained further in Mordechai Feingold's " Newton, Leibniz, and Barrow Too: An Attempt at a Reinterpretation (http:/ / www. jstor. org/ stable/ 236236)" in Isis, Vol. 84, No. 2 (June 1993), pp. 310•338. [3] "Newton, Isaac" (http:/ / www. chlt. org/ sandbox/ lhl/ dsb/ page. 50. a. php) in the Dictionary of Scientific Biography, n.4. [4] Gjersten, Derek (1986). The Newton Handbook. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. [5] Westfall, Richard S. (1983) [1980]. Never at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp.€530•1. ISBN€978-0-521-27435-7. [6] Snobelen, Stephen D. (1999). "Isaac Newton, heretic: the strategies of a Nicodemite" (http:/ / www. isaac-newton. org/ heretic. pdf) (PDF). British Journal for the History of Science 32 (4): 381•419. doi:10.1017/S0007087499003751. . [7] Stokes, Mitch (2010). Isaac Newton (http:/ / books. google. gr/ books?id=zpsoSXCeg5gC& pg=PA97& lpg=PA97& dq=#v=onepage& q="Boyle influenced Newton"& f=false). Thomas Nelson. p.€97. ISBN€1595553037. . Retrieved 17 October 2012. [8] See below, under Fame. [9] Burt, Daniel S. (2001). The biography book: a reader's guide to nonfiction, fictional, and film biographies of more than 500 of the most fascinating individuals of all time (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jpFrgSAaKAUC). Greenwood Publishing Group. p.€315. ISBN€1-57356-256-4. ., Extract of page 315 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=jpFrgSAaKAUC& pg=PA315) [10] "The Early Period (1608•1672)" (http:/ / etoile. berkeley. edu/ ~jrg/ TelescopeHistory/ Early_Period. html). James R. Graham's Home Page. . Retrieved 3 February 2009. [11] Christianson, Gale E. (1996). Isaac Newton and the scientific revolution (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=O61ypNXvNkUC& pg=PA74). Oxford University Press. p.€74. ISBN€0-19-509224-4. . [12] Cohen, I.B. (1970). Dictionary of Scientific Biography, Vol. 11, p.43. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons

Isaac Newton
[13] This claim was made Dr. Stukeley in 1727, in a letter about Newton written to Dr. Richard Mead. Charles Hutton, who in the late 18th century collected oral traditions about earlier scientists, declares that there "do not appear to be any sufficient reason for his never marrying, if he had an inclination so to do. It is much more likely that he had a constitutional indifference to the state, and even to the sex in general." Charles Hutton "A Mathematical and Philosophical Dictionary" (1795/6) II p.100. [14] Westfall 1994, pp 16•19 [15] White 1997, p. 22 [16] James, Ioan (January 2003). "Singular scientists". Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 96 (1): 36•39. doi:10.1258/jrsm.96.1.36. PMC€539373. PMID€12519805. [17] Michael White, Isaac Newton (1999) page 46 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=l2C3NV38tM0C& pg=PA24& dq=storer+ intitle:isaac+ intitle:newton& lr=& num=30& as_brr=0& as_pt=ALLTYPES#PPA46,M1) [18] ed. Michael Hoskins (1997). Cambridge Illustrated History of Astronomy, p.€159. Cambridge University Press [19] Newton, Isaac. "Waste Book" (http:/ / cudl. lib. cam. ac. uk/ view/ MS-ADD-04004/ ). Cambridge University Digital Library. . Retrieved 10 January 2012. [20] Venn, J.; Venn, J. A., eds. (1922•1958). " Newton, Isaac (http:/ / venn. lib. cam. ac. uk/ cgi-bin/ search. pl?sur=& suro=c& fir=& firo=c& cit=& cito=c& c=all& tex=RY644J& sye=& eye=& col=all& maxcount=50)". Alumni Cantabrigienses (10 vols) (online ed.). Cambridge University Press. [21] W W Rouse Ball (1908), "A short account of the history of mathematics", at page 319. [22] D T Whiteside (ed.), The Mathematical Papers of Isaac Newton (Volume 1), (Cambridge University Press, 1967), part 7 "The October 1666 Tract on Fluxions", at page 400, in 2008 reprint (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=1ZcYsNBptfYC& pg=PA400). [23] D Gjertsen (1986), "The Newton handbook", (London (Routledge & Kegan Paul) 1986), at page 149. [24] Newton, 'Principia', 1729 English translation, at page 41 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Tm0FAAAAQAAJ& pg=PA41). [25] Newton, 'Principia', 1729 English translation, at page 54 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=Tm0FAAAAQAAJ& pg=PA54). [26] Clifford Truesdell, Essays in the History of Mechanics (Berlin, 1968), at p.99. [27] In the preface to the Marquis de L'Hospital's Analyse des Infiniment Petits (Paris, 1696). [28] Starting with De motu corporum in gyrum, see also (Latin) Theorem 1 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=uvMGAAAAcAAJ& pg=RA1-PA2). [29] D T Whiteside (1970), "The Mathematical principles underlying Newton's Principia Mathematica" in Journal for the History of Astronomy, vol.1, pages 116•138, especially at pages 119•120. [30] Stewart 2009, p.107 [31] Westfall 1980, pp 538•539 [32] Ball 1908, p. 356ff [33] B‹aszczyk, Piotr; Katz, Mikhail; Sherry, David (2012), "Ten misconceptions from the history of analysis and their debunking", Foundations of Science, arXiv:1202.4153, doi:10.1007/s10699-012-9285-8 [34] White 1997, p. 151 [35] King, Henry C (2003). ''The History of the Telescope'' By Henry C. King, Page 74 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=KAWwzHlDVksC& dq=history+ of+ the+ telescope& printsec=frontcover). Google Books. ISBN€978-0-486-43265-6. . Retrieved 16 January 2010. [36] Newton, Isaac. "Hydrostatics, Optics, Sound and Heat" (http:/ / cudl. lib. cam. ac. uk/ view/ MS-ADD-03970/ ). Cambridge University Digital Library. . Retrieved 10 January 2012. [37] Ball 1908, p. 324 [38] William R. Newman, "Newton's Early Optical Theory and its Debt to Chymistry," in Danielle Jacquart and Michel Hochmann, eds., Lumi re et vision dans les sciences et dans les arts (Geneva: Droz, 2010), pp. 283-307. A free access online version of this article can be found at the Chymistry of Isaac Newton project (http:/ / webapp1. dlib. indiana. edu/ newton/ html/ Newton_optics-alchemy_Jacquart_paper. pdf) [39] Ball 1908, p. 325 [40] White 1997, p170 [41] Hall, Alfred Rupert (1996). '''Isaac Newton: adventurer in thought''', by Alfred Rupert Hall, page 67 (http:/ / books. google. com/ ?id=32IDpTdthm4C& pg=PA67& lpg=PA67& dq=newton+ reflecting+ telescope+ + 1668+ letter+ 1669& q=newton reflecting telescope 1668 letter 1669). Google Books. ISBN€978-0-521-56669-8. . Retrieved 16 January 2010. [42] White 1997, p168 [43] See 'Correspondence of Isaac Newton, vol.2, 1676•1687' ed. H W Turnbull, Cambridge University Press 1960; at page 297, document No. 235, letter from Hooke to Newton dated 24 November 1679. [44] Iliffe, Robert (2007) Newton. A very short introduction, Oxford University Press 2007 [45] Keynes, John Maynard (1972). "Newton, The Man". The Collected Writings of John Maynard Keynes Volume X. MacMillan St. Martin's Press. pp.€363•4. [46] Dobbs, J.T. (December 1982). "Newton's Alchemy and His Theory of Matter". Isis 73 (4): 523. doi:10.1086/353114. quoting Opticks [47] Duarte, F. J. (2000). "Newton, prisms, and the 'opticks' of tunable lasers" (http:/ / www. opticsjournal. com/ F. J. DuarteOPN(2000). pdf). Optics and Photonics News 11 (5): 24•25. Bibcode€2000OptPN..11...24D. doi:10.1364/OPN.11.5.000024. . [48] R S Westfall, 'Never at Rest', 1980, at pages 391•2. [49] D T Whiteside (ed.), 'Mathematical Papers of Isaac Newton', vol.6, 1684•1691, Cambridge University Press 1974, at page 30.


Isaac Newton
[50] See Curtis Wilson, "The Newtonian achievement in astronomy", pages 233•274 in R Taton & C Wilson (eds) (1989) The General History of Astronomy, Volume, 2A', at page 233 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=rkQKU-wfPYMC& pg=PA233). [51] Text quotations are from 1729 translation of Newton's Principia, Book 3 (1729 vol.2) at pages 232•233 (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=6EqxPav3vIsC& pg=PA233). [52] Edelglass et al., Matter and Mind, ISBN 0-940262-45-2. p. 54 [53] On the meaning and origins of this expression, see Kirsten Walsh, Does Newton feign an hypothesis? (https:/ / blogs. otago. ac. nz/ emxphi/ 2010/ 10/ does-newton-feign-an-hypothesis/ ), Early Modern Experimental Philosophy (https:/ / blogs. otago. ac. nz/ emxphi/ ), 18 October 2010. [54] Westfall 1980. Chapter 11. [55] Westfall 1980. pp 493•497 on the friendship with Fatio, pp 531•540 on Newton's breakdown. [56] Conics and Cubics, Robert Bix, Springer Undergraduate Texts in Mathematics, 2nd edition, 2006, Springer Verlag. [57] White 1997, p. 232 [58] "[ Newton: Physicist And ... Crime Fighter? (http:/ / www. npr. org/ templates/ story/ story. php?storyId=105012144|Isaac)]". Science Friday. 5 June 2009. NPR. [59] Thomas Levenson (2009). Newton and the counterfeiter : the unknown detective career of the world's greatest scientist. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. ISBN€978-0-15-101278-7. OCLC€276340857. [60] White 1997, p.317 [61] Gerard Michon. "Coat of arms of Isaac Newton" (http:/ / www. numericana. com/ arms/ index. htm#newton). Numericana.com. . Retrieved 16 January 2010. [62] "The Queen's 'great Assistance' to Newton's election was his knighting, an honor bestowed not for his contributions to science, nor for his service at the Mint, but for the greater glory of party politics in the election of 1705." Westfall 1994 p.245 [63] Yonge, Charlotte M. (1898). "Cranbury and Brambridge" (http:/ / www. online-literature. com/ charlotte-yonge/ john-keble/ 6/ ). John Keble's Parishes‡ƒ Chapter 6. www.online-literature.com. . Retrieved 23 September 2009. [64] Westfall 1980, p. 44. [65] Westfall 1980, p. 595 [66] "Newton, Isaac (1642•1726)" (http:/ / scienceworld. wolfram. com/ biography/ Newton. html). Eric Weisstein's World of Biography. . Retrieved 30 August 2006. [67] Fred L. Wilson, History of Science: Newton citing: Delambre, M. "Notice sur la vie et les ouvrages de M. le comte J. L. Lagrange," Oeuvres de Lagrange I. Paris, 1867, p. xx. [68] Letter from Isaac Newton to Robert Hooke, 5 February 1676, as transcribed in Jean-Pierre Maury (1992) Newton: Understanding the Cosmos, New Horizons [69] John Gribbin (2002) Science: A History 1543ƒ2001, p 164. [70] White 1997, p187. [71] Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton (1855) by Sir David Brewster (Volume II. Ch. 27) [72] "Einstein's Heroes: Imagining the World through the Language of Mathematics", by Robyn Arianrhod UQP, reviewed by Jane Gleeson-White, 10 November 2003, The Sydney Morning Herald [73] "Newton beats Einstein in polls of Royal Society scientists and the public" (http:/ / royalsociety. org/ News. aspx?id=1324& terms=Newton+ beats+ Einstein+ in+ polls+ of+ scientists+ and+ the+ public). The Royal Society. . [74] "Opinion poll. Einstein voted "greatest physicist ever" by leading physicists; Newton runner-up" (http:/ / news. bbc. co. uk/ 2/ hi/ science/ nature/ 541840. stm). BBC News. 29 November 1999. . Retrieved 17 January 2012. [75] "Famous People & the Abbey: Sir Isaac Newton" (http:/ / www. westminster-abbey. org/ our-history/ people/ sir-isaac-newton). Westminster Abbey. . Retrieved 13 November 2009. [76] "Withdrawn banknotes reference guide" (http:/ / www. bankofengland. co. uk/ banknotes/ denom_guide/ nonflash/ 1-SeriesD-Revised. htm). Bank of England. . Retrieved 27 August 2009. [77] Hutton, Charles (1815). A Philosophical and Mathematical Dictionary Containing... Memoirs of the Lives and Writings of the Most Eminent Authors, Volume 2 (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=_xk2AAAAQAAJ& pg=PA100& lpg=PA100& dq=Charles+ Hutton+ Isaac+ Newton+ constitutional+ indifference& source=bl& ots=gxI1T-5UzL& sig=NJHnmCqkPwNalnOSrUXZZgkfODs& hl=en#v=onepage& q=Charles Hutton Isaac Newton constitutional indifference& f=false). p.€100. . Retrieved 11 September 2012. [78] John Maynard Keynes. "Newton: the Man" (http:/ / www-history. mcs. st-and. ac. uk/ Extras/ Keynes_Newton. html). University of St Andrews School of Mathematics and Statistics. . Retrieved 11 September 2012. [79] Carl, Sagan (1980). Cosmos (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=_-XhL6_xsVkC& pg=PA55& lpg=PA55& dq=Isaac+ Newton+ virgin& source=bl& ots=pfxDt6lG8I& sig=u4GtOW8G0jCFdrppKL2o0j9ZAKU& hl=en& sa=X& ei=jrJJULeTIYnDigLs14Fo& ved=0CEMQ6AEwAzge#v=onepage& q=Isaac Newton virgin& f=false). New York: Random House. ISBN€0394502949. . Retrieved 11 September 2012. [80] Letters on England, 14, pp. 68-70, as referenced in the footnote for the quote in p. 6 of James Gleick's biography, Isaac Newton [81] Stokes, Mitch (2010). Isaac Newton (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=zpsoSXCeg5gC& pg=PA154& lpg=PA154& dq=Isaac+ Newton+ virgin+ confess& source=bl& ots=jL4JIVcIJe& sig=JYyHgrFXKVc_fQrc_Xr3FXjJYkw& hl=en#v=onepage& q=Isaac Newton virgin confess& f=false). Thomas Nelson. p.€154. ISBN€1595553037. . Retrieved 11 September 2012.


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[82] Foster, Jacob (2005). "Everybody Loves Einstein" (http:/ / www. oxonianreview. org/ issues/ 5-1/ 5-1foster. html). The Oxonian Review 5 (1). . [83] Gjertsen, Derek (1986). The Newton Handbook (http:/ / books. google. ca/ books?id=cqIOAAAAQAAJ& pg=PA105& lpg=PA105& dq=Isaac+ Newton+ virgin& source=bl& ots=Sf2QL1yV2J& sig=0m7VW3Ca0_jKFl-k-P8FNAATuaY& hl=en#v=onepage& q=Isaac Newton virgin& f=false). Taylor & Francis. p.€105. ISBN€0710202792. . Retrieved 11 September 2012. [84] Fara, Patricia (2011). Newton: The Making of Genius. Pan Macmillan. ISBN€1447204530. [85] Professor Robert A. Hatch, University of Florida. "Newton Timeline" (http:/ / web. clas. ufl. edu/ users/ ufhatch/ pages/ 13-NDFE/ newton/ 05-newton-timeline-m. htm). . Retrieved 13 August 2012. [86] Pfizenmaier, T.C. (1997). "Was Isaac Newton an Arian?". Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1): 57•80. [87] Snobelen, Stephen D. (1999). "Isaac Newton, heretic: the strategies of a Nicodemite" (http:/ / www. isaac-newton. org/ heretic. pdf) (PDF). British Journal for the History of Science 32 (4): 381•419. doi:10.1017/S0007087499003751. . [88] Avery Cardinal Dulles. The Deist Minimum (http:/ / www. firstthings. com/ print. php?type=article& year=2008& month=08& title_link=the-deist-minimum--28). January 2005. [89] Westfall, Richard S. (1994). The Life of Isaac Newton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-47737-9. [90] Tiner, J.H. (1975). Isaac Newton: Inventor, Scientist and Teacher. Milford, Michigan, U.S.: Mott Media. ISBN€0-915134-95-0. [91] John P. Meier, A Marginal Jew, v. 1, pp. 382•402 after narrowing the years to 30 or 33, provisionally judges 30 most likely. [92] Newton to Richard Bentley 10 December 1692, in Turnbull et al. (1959•77), vol 3, p. 233. [93] Opticks, 2nd Ed 1706. Query 31. [94] H. G. Alexander (ed) The Leibniz-Clarke correspondence, Manchester University Press, 1998, p. 11. [95] Neil Degrasse Tyson (November 2005). "The Perimeter of Ignorance" (http:/ / www. haydenplanetarium. org/ tyson/ read/ 2005/ 11/ 01/ the-perimeter-of-ignorance). Natural History Magazine. . [96] Jacob, Margaret C. (1976). The Newtonians and the English Revolution: 1689ƒ1720. Cornell University Press. pp.€37, 44. ISBN€0-85527-066-7. [97] Westfall, Richard S. (1958). Science and Religion in Seventeenth-Century England. New Haven: Yale University Press. p.€200. ISBN€0-208-00843-8. [98] Haakonssen, Knud. "The Enlightenment, politics and providence: some Scottish and English comparisons". In Martin Fitzpatrick ed.. Enlightenment and Religion: Rational Dissent in eighteenth-century Britain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.€64. ISBN€0-521-56060-8. [99] Frankel, Charles (1948). The Faith of Reason: The Idea of Progress in the French Enlightenment. New York: King's Crown Press. p.€1. [100] Germain, Gilbert G.. A Discourse on Disenchantment: Reflections on Politics and Technology. p.€28. ISBN€0-7914-1319-5. [101] Principia, Book III; cited in; Newton's Philosophy of Nature: Selections from his writings, p. 42, ed. H.S. Thayer, Hafner Library of Classics, NY, 1953. [102] A Short Scheme of the True Religion, manuscript quoted in Memoirs of the Life, Writings and Discoveries of Sir Isaac Newton by Sir David Brewster, Edinburgh, 1850; cited in; ibid, p. 65. [103] Webb, R.K. ed. Knud Haakonssen. "The emergence of Rational Dissent." Enlightenment and Religion: Rational Dissent in eighteenth-century Britain. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 1996. p19. [104] H. G. Alexander (ed) The Leibniz-Clarke correspondence, Manchester University Press, 1998, p. 14. [105] Westfall, 1958 p201. [106] Marquard, Odo. "Burdened and Disemburdened Man and the Flight into Unindictability," in Farewell to Matters of Principle. Robert M. Wallace trans. London: Oxford UP, 1989. [107] "Papers Show Isaac Newton's Religious Side, Predict Date of Apocalypse" (http:/ / web. archive. org/ web/ 20070813033620/ http:/ / www. christianpost. com/ article/ 20070619/ 28049_Papers_Show_Isaac_Newton's_Religious_Side,_Predict_Date_of_Apocalypse. htm). Associated Press. 19 June 2007. Archived from the original (http:/ / www. christianpost. com/ article/ 20070619/ 28049_Papers_Show_Isaac_Newton's_Religious_Side,_Predict_Date_of_Apocalypse. htm) on 13 August 2007. . Retrieved 1 August 2007. [108] Cassels, Alan. Ideology and International Relations in the Modern World. p2. [109] "Although it was just one of the many factors in the Enlightment, the success of Newtonian physics in providing a mathematical description of an ordered world clearly played a big part in the flowering of this movement in the eighteenth century" John Gribbin (2002) Science: A History 1543ƒ2001, p 241 [110] White 1997, p. 259 [111] White 1997, p. 267 [112] Newton, Isaac. "Philosophi© Naturalis Principia Mathematica" (http:/ / cudl. lib. cam. ac. uk/ view/ PR-ADV-B-00039-00001/ ). Cambridge University Digital Library. pp.€265•266. . Retrieved 10 January 2012. [113] Westfall 2007, p.73 [114] White 1997, p 269 [115] Westfall 1994, p 229 [116] Westfall 1980, pp. 571•5 [117] Halliday; Resnick. Physics. 1. pp.€199. ISBN€0-471-03710-9. "It is important to note that we cannot derive a general expression for Newton's second law for variable mass systems by treating the mass in F = dP/dt = d(Mv) as a variable. [...] We can use F = dP/dt to analyze variable mass systems only if we apply it to an entire system of constant mass having parts among which there is an interchange of mass."


Isaac Newton
[Emphasis as in the original] [118] Ball 1908, p. 337 [119] White 1997, p. 86 [120] Scott Berkun (27 August 2010). The Myths of Innovation (http:/ / books. google. com/ books?id=kPCgnc70MSgC& pg=PA4). O'Reilly Media, Inc.. p.€4. ISBN€978-1-4493-8962-8. . Retrieved 7 September 2011. [121] Newton's apple: The real story (http:/ / www. newscientist. com/ blogs/ culturelab/ 2010/ 01/ newtons-apple-the-real-story. php). New Scientist. 18 January 2010. . Retrieved 10 May 2010 [122] Hamblyn, Richard (2011). " Newtonian Apples: William Stukeley (http:/ / books. google. co. uk/ books?id=1xKFSqsDj0MC& pg=PT57)". The Art of Science. Pan Macmillan. ISBN€978-1-4472-0415-2. [123] Conduitt, John. "Keynes Ms. 130.4:Conduitt's account of Newton's life at Cambridge" (http:/ / www. newtonproject. sussex. ac. uk/ view/ texts/ normalized/ THEM00167). Newtonproject. Imperial College London. . Retrieved 30 August 2006. [124] I. Bernard Cohen and George E. Smith, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Newton (2002) p. 6 [125] Alberto A. Martinez Science Secrets: The Truth about Darwin's Finches, Einstein's Wife, and Other Myths, page 69 (University of Pittsburgh Press, 2011). ISBN 978-0-8229-4407-2 [126] "Brogdale€† Home of the National Fruit Collection" (http:/ / www. brogdale. org/ ). Brogdale.org. . Retrieved 20 December 2008. [127] "From the National Fruit Collection: Isaac Newton's Tree" (http:/ / www. brogdale. org. uk/ image1. php?varietyid=1089). . Retrieved 10 January 2009. [128] Newton's alchemical works (http:/ / webapp1. dlib. indiana. edu/ newton/ index. jsp) transcribed and online at Indiana University. Retrieved 11 January 2007. [129] http:/ / www. pierre-marteau. com/ editions/ 1701-25-mint-reports. html


‚ Ball, W.W. Rouse (1908). A Short Account of the History of Mathematics. New York: Dover. ISBN€0-486-20630-0. ‚ Christianson, Gale (1984). In the Presence of the Creator: Isaac Newton & His Times. New York: Free Press. ISBN€0-02-905190-8. This well documented work provides, in particular, valuable information regarding Newton's knowledge of Patristics ‚ Craig, John (1958). "Isaac Newton€• Crime Investigator". Nature 182 (4629): 149•152. Bibcode€1958Natur.182..149C. doi:10.1038/182149a0. ‚ Craig, John (1963). "Isaac Newton and the Counterfeiters". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 18 (2): 136•145. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1963.0017. ‚ Levenson, Thomas (2010). Newton and the Counterfeiter: The Unknown Detective Career of the World's Greatest Scientist. Mariner Books. ISBN€978-0-547-33604-6. ‚ Stewart, James (2009). Calculus: Concepts and Contexts. Cengage Learning. ISBN€978-0-495-55742-5. ‚ Westfall, Richard S. (1980, 1998). Never at Rest. Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-27435-4. ‚ Westfall, Richard S. (2007). Isaac Newton. Cambridge University Press. ISBN€978-0-19-921355-9. ‚ Westfall, Richard S. (1994). The Life of Isaac Newton. Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-47737-9. ‚ White, Michael (1997). Isaac Newton: The Last Sorcerer. Fourth Estate Limited. ISBN€1-85702-416-8.

Further reading
‚ Andrade, E. N. De C. (1950). Isaac Newton. New York: Chanticleer Press. ISBN€0-8414-3014-4. ‚ Bardi, Jason Socrates. The Calculus Wars: Newton, Leibniz, and the Greatest Mathematical Clash of All Time. 2006. 277 pp. excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/1560259922) ‚ Bechler, Zev (1991). Newton's Physics and the Conceptual Structure of the Scientific Revolution. Springer. ISBN€0-7923-1054-3.. ‚ Berlinski, David. Newton's Gift: How Sir Isaac Newton Unlocked the System of the World. (2000). 256 pages. excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0743217764) ISBN 0-684-84392-7 ‚ Buchwald, Jed Z. and Cohen, I. Bernard, eds. Isaac Newton's Natural Philosophy. MIT Press, 2001. 354 pages. excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0262524252)

Isaac Newton ‚ Casini, P (1988). "Newton's Principia and the Philosophers of the Enlightenment". Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London 42 (1): 35•52. doi:10.1098/rsnr.1988.0006. ISSN€0035•9149. JSTOR€531368. ‚ Christianson, Gale E (1996). Isaac Newton and the Scientific Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN€0-19-530070-X. See this site (http://www.amazon.com/dp/019530070X) for excerpt and text search. ‚ Christianson, Gale (1984). In the Presence of the Creator: Isaac Newton & His Times. New York: Free Press. ISBN€0-02-905190-8. ‚ Cohen, I. Bernard and Smith, George E., ed. The Cambridge Companion to Newton. (2002). 500 pp. focuses on philosophical issues only; excerpt and text search (http://www.amazon.com/dp/0521656966); complete edition online (http://www.questia.com/read/105054986) ‚ Cohen, I. B (1980). The Newtonian Revolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-22964-2. ‚ Craig, John (1946). Newton at the Mint. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. ‚ Dampier, William C; Dampier, M. (1959). Readings in the Literature of Science. New York: Harper & Row. ISBN€0-486-42805-2. ‚ de Villamil, Richard (1931). Newton, the Man. London: G.D. Knox.€• Preface by Albert Einstein. Reprinted by Johnson Reprint Corporation, New York (1972). ‚ Dobbs, B. J. T (1975). The Foundations of Newton's Alchemy or "The Hunting of the Greene Lyon". Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Gjertsen, Derek (1986). The Newton Handbook. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN€0-7102-0279-2. Gleick, James (2003). Isaac Newton. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN€0-375-42233-1. Halley, E (1687). "Review of Newton's Principia". Philosophical Transactions 186: 291•297. Hawking, Stephen, ed. On the Shoulders of Giants. ISBN 0-7624-1348-4 Places selections from Newton's Principia in the context of selected writings by Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo and Einstein Herivel, J. W. (1965). The Background to Newton's Principia. A Study of Newton's Dynamical Researches in the Years 1664ƒ84. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Keynes, John Maynard (1963). Essays in Biography. W. W. Norton & Co. ISBN€0-393-00189-X. Keynes took a close interest in Newton and owned many of Newton's private papers. Koyrˆ, A (1965). Newtonian Studies. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Newton, Isaac. Papers and Letters in Natural Philosophy, edited by I. Bernard Cohen. Harvard University Press, 1958,1978. ISBN 0-674-46853-8. Newton, Isaac (1642•1726). The Principia: a new Translation, Guide by I. Bernard Cohen ISBN 0-520-08817-4 University of California (1999) Pemberton, H (1728). A View of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophy. London: S. Palmer. Shamos, Morris H. (1959). Great Experiments in Physics. New York: Henry Holt and Company, Inc.. ISBN€0-486-25346-5. Shapley, Harlow, S. Rapport, and H. Wright. A Treasury of Science; "Newtonia" pp.€147•9; "Discoveries" pp.€150•4. Harper & Bros., New York, (1946). Simmons, J (1996). The Giant Book of Scientists ƒ The 100 Greatest Minds of all Time. Sydney: The Book Company. Stukeley, W. (1936). Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton's Life. London: Taylor and Francis. (edited by A. H. White; originally published in 1752) Westfall, R. S (1971). Force in Newton's Physics: The Science of Dynamics in the Seventeenth Century. London: Macdonald. ISBN€0-444-19611-0.


Religion ‚ Dobbs, Betty Jo Tetter. The Janus Faces of Genius: The Role of Alchemy in Newton's Thought. (1991), links the alchemy to Arianism ‚ Force, James E., and Richard H. Popkin, eds. Newton and Religion: Context, Nature, and Influence. (1999), 342pp . Pp. xvii + 325. 13 papers by scholars using newly opened manuscripts

Isaac Newton ‚ Ramati, Ayval. "The Hidden Truth of Creation: Newton's Method of Fluxions" British Journal for the History of Science 34: 417•438. in JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/4028372), argues that his calculus had a theological basis ‚ Snobelen, Stephen "'God of Gods, and Lord of Lords': The Theology of Isaac Newton's General Scholium to the Principia," Osiris, 2nd Series, Vol. 16, (2001), pp.€169•208 in JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/301985) ‚ Snobelen, Stephen D. (1999). "Isaac Newton, Heretic: The Strategies of a Nicodemite". British Journal for the History of Science 32 (4): 381•419. doi:10.1017/S0007087499003751. JSTOR€4027945. ‚ Pfizenmaier, Thomas C. (January 1997). "Was Isaac Newton an Arian?". Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1): 57•80. JSTOR€3653988. ‚ Wiles, Maurice. Archetypal Heresy. Arianism through the Centuries. (1996) 214 pages, with chapter 4 on 18th century England; pp.€77•93 on Newton, excerpt and text search (http://books.google.com/ books?id=DGksMzk37hMC&printsec=frontcover&dq="Arianism+through+the+Centuries"). Primary sources ‚ Newton, Isaac. The Principia: Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy. University of California Press, (1999). 974 pp. ‚ Brackenridge, J. Bruce. The Key to Newton's Dynamics: The Kepler Problem and the Principia: Containing an English Translation of Sections 1, 2, and 3 of Book One from the First (1687) Edition of Newton's Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy. University of California Press, 1996. 299 pp. ‚ Newton, Isaac. The Optical Papers of Isaac Newton. Vol. 1: The Optical Lectures, 1670ƒ1672. Cambridge U. Press, 1984. 627 pp. ‚ Newton, Isaac. Opticks (4th ed. 1730) online edition (http://books.google.com/ books?id=GnAFAAAAQAAJ&dq=newton+opticks&pg=PP1&ots=Nnl345oqo_& sig=0mBTaXUI_K6w-JDEu_RvVq5TNqc&prev=http://www.google.com/search?q=newton+opticks& rls=com.microsoft:en-us:IE-SearchBox&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&sourceid=ie7&rlz=1I7GGLJ&sa=X& oi=print&ct=title&cad=one-book-with-thumbnail) ‚ Newton, I. (1952). Opticks, or A Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections & Colours of Light. New York: Dover Publications. Newton, I. Sir Isaac Newton's Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy and His System of the World, tr. A. Motte, rev. Florian Cajori. Berkeley: University of California Press. (1934). Whiteside, D. T (1967•82). The Mathematical Papers of Isaac Newton. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN€0-521-07740-0.€• 8 volumes. Newton, Isaac. The correspondence of Isaac Newton, ed. H. W. Turnbull and others, 7 vols. (1959•77). Newton's Philosophy of Nature: Selections from His Writings edited by H. S. Thayer, (1953), online edition (http:/ /www.questia.com/read/5876270). Isaac Newton, Sir; J Edleston; Roger Cotes, Correspondence of Sir Isaac Newton and Professor Cotes, including letters of other eminent men (http://books.google.com/books?as_brr=1&id=OVPJ6c9_kKgC& vid=OCLC14437781&dq="isaac+newton"&jtp=I), London, John W. Parker, West Strand; Cambridge, John Deighton, 1850 (Google Books). Maclaurin, C. (1748). An Account of Sir Isaac Newton's Philosophical Discoveries, in Four Books. London: A. Millar and J. Nourse. Newton, I. (1958). Isaac Newton's Papers and Letters on Natural Philosophy and Related Documents, eds. I. B. Cohen and R. E. Schofield. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.


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‚ Newton, I. (1962). The Unpublished Scientific Papers of Isaac Newton: A Selection from the Portsmouth Collection in the University Library, Cambridge, ed. A. R. Hall and M. B. Hall. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ‚ Newton, I. (1975). Isaac Newton's 'Theory of the Moon's Motion' (1702). London: Dawson.

Isaac Newton


External links
‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Newton's Scholar Google profile (http://scholar.google.com.au/citations?user=xJaxiEEAAAAJ&hl=en) ScienceWorld biography (http://scienceworld.wolfram.com/biography/Newton.html) by Eric Weisstein Dictionary of Scientific Biography (http://www.chlt.org/sandbox/lhl/dsb/page.50.a.php) "The Newton Project" (http://www.newtonproject.sussex.ac.uk/prism.php?id=1) "The Newton Project • Canada" (http://www.isaacnewton.ca/) "Rebuttal of Newton's astrology" (http://web.archive.org/web/20080629021908/http://www.skepticreport. com/predictions/newton.htm) (via archive.org) "Newton's Religious Views Reconsidered" (http://www.galilean-library.org/snobelen.html) "Newton's Royal Mint Reports" (http://www.pierre-marteau.com/editions/1701-25-mint-reports.html) "Newton's Dark Secrets" (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/nova/newton/) - NOVA TV programme from The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: ‚ "Isaac Newton" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/newton/), by George Smith ‚ "Newton's Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ newton-principia/), by George Smith ‚ "Newton's Philosophy" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/newton-philosophy/), by Andrew Janiak ‚ "Newton's views on space, time, and motion" (http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/newton-stm/), by Robert Rynasiewicz "Newton's Castle" (http://www.tqnyc.org/NYC051308/index.htm) - educational material "The Chymistry of Isaac Newton" (http://www.dlib.indiana.edu/collections/newton), research on his alchemical writings "FMA Live!" (http://www.fmalive.com/) - program for teaching Newton's laws to kids Newton's religious position (http://www.adherents.com/people/pn/Isaac_Newton.html) The "General Scholium" to Newton's Principia (http://hss.fullerton.edu/philosophy/GeneralScholium.htm) Kandaswamy, Anand M. "The Newton/Leibniz Conflict in Context" (http://www.math.rutgers.edu/courses/ 436/Honors02/newton.html) Newton's First ODE (http://www.phaser.com/modules/historic/newton/index.html)€• A study by on how Newton approximated the solutions of a first-order ODE using infinite series O'Connor, John J.; Robertson, Edmund F., "Isaac Newton" (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/ Biographies/Newton.html), MacTutor History of Mathematics archive, University of St Andrews. Isaac Newton (http://genealogy.math.ndsu.nodak.edu/id.php?id=74313) at the Mathematics Genealogy Project "The Mind of Isaac Newton" (http://www.ltrc.mcmaster.ca/newton/) - images, audio, animations and interactive segments Enlightening Science (http://www.enlighteningscience.sussex.ac.uk/home) Videos on Newton's biography, optics, physics, reception, and on his views on science and religion Newton biography (University of St Andrews) (http://www-history.mcs.st-andrews.ac.uk/Mathematicians/ Newton.html) Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Newton, Sir Isaac". Encyclop•dia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. and see at s:Author:Isaac Newton for the following works about him: ‚ "Newton, Sir Isaac" in A Short Biographical Dictionary of English Literature by John William Cousin, London: J. M. Dent & Sons, 1910. ‚ "Newton, Isaac," in Dictionary of National Biography, London: Smith, Elder, & Co., (1885•1900) ‚ Memoirs of Sir Isaac Newton's life by William Stukeley, 1752 Writings by Newton

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Isaac Newton ‚ Newton's works • full texts, at the Newton Project (http://www.newtonproject.sussex.ac.uk/prism. php?id=43) ‚ The Newton Manuscripts at the National Library of Israel - the collection of all his religious writings (http://web. nli.org.il/sites/NLI/English/collections/Humanities/Pages/newton.aspx) ‚ Works by Isaac Newton (http://www.gutenberg.org/author/Isaac_Newton) at Project Gutenberg ‚ "Newton's Principia" (http://rack1.ul.cs.cmu.edu/is/newton/) • read and search ‚ Descartes, Space, and Body and A New Theory of Light and Colour (http://www.earlymoderntexts.com/), modernised readable versions by Jonathan Bennett ‚ Opticks, or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflexions and Colours of Light (http://www.archive.org/ stream/opticksoratreat00newtgoog#page/n6/mode/2up), full text on archive.org ‚ "Newton Papers" (http://cudl.lib.cam.ac.uk/collections/newton) - Cambridge Digital Library ‚ See Wikisource at s:Author:Isaac Newton for the following works by him: ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ ‚ Philosophiae Naturalis Principia Mathematica Opticks: or, a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of Light Observations upon the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John New Theory About Light and Colour An Historical Account of Two Notable Corruptions of Scripture
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Lucasian Professors of Mathematics (over 20 topics) Royal Society presidents 1700s (over 15 topics) Age of Enlightenment (over 60 topics) Metaphysics (over 130 topics) Philosophy of science (over 130 topics) Scientists whose names are used as SI units (over 20 topics)

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz Born July 1, 1646 Leipzig, Electorate of Saxony, Holy Roman Empire November 14, 1716 (aged€70) Hanover, Electorate of Hanover, Holy Roman Empire German 17th-/18th-century philosophy Western Philosophy


Nationality Era Region

Main€interests Mathematics, metaphysics, logic, theodicy, universal language Notable€ideas Infinitesimal calculus Monads Best of all possible worlds Leibniz formula for º Leibniz harmonic triangle Leibniz formula for determinants Leibniz integral rule Principle of sufficient reason Diagrammatic reasoning Notation for differentiation Proof of Fermat's little theorem Kinetic energy Entscheidungsproblem AST Law of Continuity Transcendental Law of Homogeneity Characteristica universalis Ars combinatoria Calculus ratiocinator [2] Universalwissenschaft

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (German: [Ž•¦tf§i•t Žv¨lh•lm f¦n Žla¨bn¨ts][3] or [Žla¨pn¨ts][4]) (July 1, 1646 • November 14, 1716) was a German mathematician and philosopher. He occupies a prominent place in the history of mathematics and the history of philosophy. Leibniz developed the infinitesimal calculus independently of Isaac Newton, and Leibniz's mathematical notation has been widely used ever since it was published. His visionary Law of Continuity and Transcendental Law of Homogeneity only found mathematical implementation in the 20th century. He became one of the most prolific inventors in the field of mechanical calculators. While working on adding automatic multiplication and division to Pascal's calculator, he was the first to describe a pinwheel calculator in 1685[5] and invented the Leibniz wheel, used in the arithmometer, the first mass-produced mechanical calculator. He also refined the binary number system, which is at the foundation of virtually all digital computers. In philosophy, Leibniz is mostly noted for his optimism, e.g., his conclusion that our Universe is, in a restricted sense, the best possible one that God could have created. Leibniz, along with Renˆ Descartes and Baruch Spinoza, was one of the three great 17th century advocates of rationalism. The work of Leibniz anticipated modern logic and analytic philosophy, but his philosophy also looks back to the scholastic tradition, in which conclusions are produced by applying reason to first principles or prior definitions rather than to empirical evidence. Leibniz made major contributions to physics and technology, and anticipated notions that surfaced much later in philosophy, probability theory, biology, medicine, geology, psychology, linguistics, and information science. He wrote works on philosophy, politics, law, ethics, theology, history, and philology. Leibniz's contributions to this vast array of subjects were scattered in various learned journals, in tens of thousands of letters, and in unpublished manuscripts. He wrote in several languages, but primarily in Latin, French, and German.[6] As of 2013, there is no complete gathering of the writings of Leibniz.[7]

Early life
Gottfried Leibniz was born on July 1, 1646 in Leipzig, Saxony (at the end of the Thirty Years' War), to Friedrich Leibniz and Catharina Schmuck. Friedrich noted in his family journal: "On Sunday 21 June [NS: 1 July] 1646, my son Gottfried Wilhelm is born into the world after six in the evening, É to seven [ein Viertel uff sieben], Aquarius rising."[8] His father (a German of Sorbian ancestry[9]) died when Leibniz was six years old, and from that point on he was raised by his mother. Her teachings influenced Leibniz's philosophical thoughts in his later life. Leibniz's father had been a Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Leipzig and Leibniz inherited his father's personal library. He was given free access to this from the age of seven. While Leibniz's schoolwork focused on a small canon of authorities, his father's library enabled him to study a wide variety of advanced philosophical and theological works • ones that he would not have otherwise been able to read until his college years.[10] Access to his father's library, largely written in Latin, also led to his proficiency in the Latin language. Leibniz was proficient in Latin by the age of 12, and he composed three hundred hexameters of Latin verse in a single morning for a special event at school at the age of 13.[11] He enrolled in his father's former university at age 15,[12] and he completed his bachelor's degree in philosophy in December 1662. He defended his Disputatio Metaphysica de Principio Individui, which addressed the principle of individuation, on June 9, 1663. Leibniz earned his master's degree in philosophy on February 7, 1664. He published and defended a dissertation Specimen Quaestionum Philosophicarum ex Jure collectarum, arguing for both a theoretical and a pedagogical relationship between philosophy and law, in December 1664. After one year of legal studies, he was awarded his bachelor's degree in Law on September 28, 1665.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz In 1666, at age 20, Leibniz published his first book, On the Art of Combinations, the first part of which was also his habilitation thesis in philosophy. His next goal was to earn his license and doctorate in Law, which normally required three years of study then. In 1666, the University of Leipzig turned down Leibniz's doctoral application and refused to grant him a doctorate in law, most likely due to his relative youth (he was 21 years old at the time).[13] Leibniz subsequently left Leipzig.[14] Leibniz then enrolled in the University of Altdorf, and almost immediately he submitted a thesis, which he had probably been working on earlier in Leipzig.[15] The title of his thesis was Disputatio Inauguralis De Casibus Perplexis In Jure. Leibniz earned his license to practice law and his Doctorate in Law in November 1666. He next declined the offer of an academic appointment at Altdorf, saying that "my thoughts were turned in an entirely different direction.[16] As an adult, Leibniz often introduced himself as "Gottfried von Leibniz". Also many posthumously published editions of his writings presented his name on the title page as "Freiherr G. W. von Leibniz." However, no document has ever been found from any contemporary government that stated his appointment to any form of nobility.[17]


Leibniz's first position was as a salaried alchemist in Nuremberg, though he may have only known fairly little about the subject at that time.[18] He soon met Johann Christian von Boyneburg (1622•1672), the dismissed chief minister of the Elector of Mainz, Johann Philipp von Sch‡nborn.[19] Von Boyneburg hired Leibniz as an assistant, and shortly thereafter reconciled with the Elector and introduced Leibniz to him. Leibniz then dedicated an essay on law to the Elector in the hope of obtaining employment. The stratagem worked; the Elector asked Leibniz to assist with the redrafting of the legal code for his Electorate.[20] In 1669, Leibniz was appointed Assessor in the Court of Appeal. Although von Boyneburg died late in 1672, Leibniz remained under the employment of his widow until she dismissed him in 1674. Von Boyneburg did much to promote Leibniz's reputation, and the latter's memoranda and letters began to attract favorable notice. Leibniz's service to the Elector soon followed a diplomatic role. He published an essay, under the pseudonym of a fictitious Polish nobleman, arguing (unsuccessfully) for the German candidate for the Polish crown. The main force in European geopolitics during Leibniz's adult life was the ambition of Louis XIV of France, backed by French military and economic might. Meanwhile, the Thirty Years' War had left German-speaking Europe exhausted, fragmented, and economically backward. Leibniz proposed to protect German-speaking Europe by distracting Louis as follows. France would be invited to take Egypt as a stepping stone towards an eventual conquest of the Dutch East Indies. In return, France would agree to leave Germany and the Netherlands undisturbed. This plan obtained the Elector's cautious support. In 1672, the French government invited Leibniz to Paris for discussion,[21] but the plan was soon overtaken by the outbreak of the Franco-Dutch War and became irrelevant. Napoleon's failed invasion of Egypt in 1798 can be seen as an unwitting implementation of Leibniz's plan. Thus Leibniz began several years in Paris. Soon after arriving, he met Dutch physicist and mathematician Christiaan Huygens and realised that his own knowledge of mathematics and physics was patchy. With Huygens as mentor, he began a program of self-study that soon pushed him to making major contributions to both subjects, including inventing his version of the differential and integral calculus. He met Nicolas Malebranche and Antoine Arnauld, the leading French philosophers of the day, and studied the writings of Descartes and Pascal, unpublished as well as published. He befriended a German mathematician, Ehrenfried Walther von Tschirnhaus; they corresponded for the rest of their lives. In 1675 he was admitted by the French Academy of Sciences as a foreign honorary member, despite his lack of attention to the academy.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


When it became clear that France would not implement its part of Leibniz's Egyptian plan, the Elector sent his nephew, escorted by Leibniz, on a related mission to the English government in London, early in 1673.[22] There Leibniz came into acquaintance of Henry Oldenburg and John Collins. He met with the Royal Society where he demonstrated a calculating machine that he had designed and had been building since 1670. The machine was able to execute all four basic operations (adding, subtracting, multiplying, and dividing), and the Society quickly made him an external member. The mission ended abruptly when news reached it of the Elector's death, whereupon Leibniz promptly returned to Paris and not, as had been planned, to Mainz.[23]

Stepped Reckoner

The sudden deaths of Leibniz's two patrons in the same winter meant that Leibniz had to find a new basis for his career. In this regard, a 1669 invitation from the Duke of Brunswick to visit Hanover proved fateful. Leibniz declined the invitation, but began corresponding with the Duke in 1671. In 1673, the Duke offered him the post of Counsellor which Leibniz very reluctantly accepted two years later, only after it became clear that no employment in Paris, whose intellectual stimulation he relished, or with the Habsburg imperial court was forthcoming.

House of Hanover, 1676•1716
Leibniz managed to delay his arrival in Hanover until the end of 1676 after making one more short journey to London, where he was later accused by Newton of being shown some of Newton's unpublished work on the calculus.[24] This fact was deemed evidence supporting the accusation, made decades later, that he had stolen the calculus from Newton. On the journey from London to Hanover, Leibniz stopped in The Hague where he met Leeuwenhoek, the discoverer of microorganisms. He also spent several days in intense discussion with Spinoza, who had just completed his masterwork, the Ethics.[25] Leibniz respected Spinoza's powerful intellect, but was dismayed by his conclusions that contradicted both Christian and Jewish orthodoxy. In 1677, he was promoted, at his request, to Privy Counselor of Justice, a post he held for the rest of his life. Leibniz served three consecutive rulers of the House of Brunswick as historian, political adviser, and most consequentially, as librarian of the ducal library. He thenceforth employed his pen on all the various political, historical, and theological matters involving the House of Brunswick; the resulting documents form a valuable part of the historical record for the period. Among the few people in north Germany to accept Leibniz were the Electress Sophia of Hanover (1630•1714), her daughter Sophia Charlotte of Hanover (1668•1705), the Queen of Prussia and his avowed disciple, and Caroline of Ansbach, the consort of her grandson, the future George II. To each of these women he was correspondent, adviser, and friend. In turn, they all approved of Leibniz more than did their spouses and the future king George I of Great Britain.[26] The population of Hanover was only about 10,000, and its provinciality eventually grated on Leibniz. Nevertheless, to be a major courtier to the House of Brunswick was quite an honor, especially in light of the meteoric rise in the prestige of that House during Leibniz's association with it. In 1692, the Duke of Brunswick became a hereditary Elector of the Holy Roman Empire. The British Act of Settlement 1701 designated the Electress Sophia and her descent as the royal family of England, once both King William III and his sister-in-law and successor, Queen Anne, were dead. Leibniz played a role in the initiatives and negotiations leading up to that Act, but not always an effective one. For example, something he published anonymously in England, thinking to promote the Brunswick cause, was

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz formally censured by the British Parliament. The Brunswicks tolerated the enormous effort Leibniz devoted to intellectual pursuits unrelated to his duties as a courtier, pursuits such as perfecting the calculus, writing about other mathematics, logic, physics, and philosophy, and keeping up a vast correspondence. He began working on the calculus in 1674; the earliest evidence of its use in his surviving notebooks is 1675. By 1677 he had a coherent system in hand, but did not publish it until 1684. Leibniz's most important mathematical papers were published between 1682 and 1692, usually in a journal which he and Otto Mencke founded in 1682, the Acta Eruditorum. That journal played a key role in advancing his mathematical and scientific reputation, which in turn enhanced his eminence in diplomacy, history, theology, and philosophy. The Elector Ernest Augustus commissioned Leibniz to write a history of the House of Brunswick, going back to the time of Charlemagne or earlier, hoping that the resulting book would advance his dynastic ambitions. From 1687 to 1690, Leibniz traveled extensively in Germany, Austria, and Italy, seeking and finding archival materials bearing on this project. Decades went by but no history appeared; the next Elector became quite annoyed at Leibniz's apparent dilatoriness. Leibniz never finished the project, in part because of his huge output on many other fronts, but also because he insisted on writing a meticulously researched and erudite book based on archival sources, when his patrons would have been quite happy with a short popular book, one perhaps little more than a genealogy with commentary, to be completed in three years or less. They never knew that he had in fact carried out a fair part of his assigned task: when the material Leibniz had written and collected for his history of the House of Brunswick was finally published in the 19th century, it filled three volumes. In 1708, John Keill, writing in the journal of the Royal Society and with Newton's presumed blessing, accused Leibniz of having plagiarized Newton's calculus.[27] Thus began the calculus priority dispute which darkened the remainder of Leibniz's life. A formal investigation by the Royal Society (in which Newton was an unacknowledged participant), undertaken in response to Leibniz's demand for a retraction, upheld Keill's charge. Historians of mathematics writing since 1900 or so have tended to acquit Leibniz, pointing to important differences between Leibniz's and Newton's versions of the calculus. In 1711, while traveling in northern Europe, the Russian Tsar Peter the Great stopped in Hanover and met Leibniz, who then took some interest in Russian matters for the rest of his life. In 1712, Leibniz began a two-year residence in Vienna, where he was appointed Imperial Court Councillor to the Habsburgs. On the death of Queen Anne in 1714, Elector George Louis became King George I of Great Britain, under the terms of the 1701 Act of Settlement. Even though Leibniz had done much to bring about this happy event, it was not to be his hour of glory. Despite the intercession of the Princess of Wales, Caroline of Ansbach, George I forbade Leibniz to join him in London until he Leibniz's correspondence, papers and notes from 1669-1704, completed at least one volume of the history of the National Library of Poland. Brunswick family his father had commissioned nearly 30 years earlier. Moreover, for George I to include Leibniz in his London court would have been deemed insulting to Newton, who was seen as having won the calculus priority dispute and whose standing in British official circles could not have been higher. Finally, his dear friend and defender, the Dowager Electress Sophia, died in 1714.


Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Leibniz died in Hanover in 1716: at the time, he was so out of favor that neither George I (who happened to be near Hanover at the time) nor any fellow courtier other than his personal secretary attended the funeral. Even though Leibniz was a life member of the Royal Society and the Berlin Academy of Sciences, neither organization saw fit to honor his passing. His grave went unmarked for more than 50 years. Leibniz was eulogized by Fontenelle, before the Academie des Sciences in Paris, which had admitted him as a foreign member in 1700. The eulogy was composed at the behest of the Duchess of Orleans, a niece of the Electress Sophia.

Personal life
Leibniz never married. He complained on occasion about money, but the fair sum he left to his sole heir, his sister's stepson, proved that the Brunswicks had, by and large, paid him well. In his diplomatic endeavors, he at times verged on the unscrupulous, as was all too often the case with professional diplomats of his day. On several occasions, Leibniz backdated and altered personal manuscripts, actions which put him in a bad light during the calculus controversy. On the other hand, he was charming, well-mannered, and not without humor and imagination.[28] He had many friends and admirers all over Europe. On Leibniz's religious views, although he is considered by some biographers as a deist since he did not believe in miracles and believed that Jesus Christ has no real role in the universe, he was nonetheless a theist.[29][30][31][32]

Leibniz's philosophical thinking appears fragmented, because his philosophical writings consist mainly of a multitude of short pieces: journal articles, manuscripts published long after his death, and many letters to many correspondents. He wrote only two book-length philosophical treatises, of which only the Thˆodicˆe of 1710 was published in his lifetime. Leibniz dated his beginning as a philosopher to his Discourse on Metaphysics, which he composed in 1686 as a commentary on a running dispute between Nicolas Malebranche and Antoine Arnauld. This led to an extensive and valuable correspondence with Arnauld;[33] it and the Discourse were not published until the 19th century. In 1695, Leibniz made his public entrˆe into European philosophy with a journal article titled "New System of the Nature and Communication of Substances".[34] Between 1695 and 1705, he composed his New Essays on Human Understanding, a lengthy commentary on John Locke's 1690 An Essay Concerning Human Understanding, but upon learning of Locke's 1704 death, lost the desire to publish it, so that the New Essays were not published until 1765. The Monadologie, composed in 1714 and published posthumously, consists of 90 aphorisms. Leibniz met Spinoza in 1676, read some of his unpublished writings, and has since been suspected of appropriating some of Spinoza's ideas. While Leibniz admired Spinoza's powerful intellect, he was also forthrightly dismayed by Spinoza's conclusions,[35] especially when these were inconsistent with Christian orthodoxy. Unlike Descartes and Spinoza, Leibniz had a thorough university education in philosophy. He was influenced by his Leipzig professor Jakob Thomasius, who also supervised his BA thesis in philosophy. Leibniz also eagerly read Francisco Su“rez, a Spanish Jesuit respected even in Lutheran universities. Leibniz was deeply interested in the new methods and conclusions of Descartes, Huygens, Newton, and Boyle, but viewed their work through a lens heavily tinted by scholastic notions. Yet it remains the case that Leibniz's methods and concerns often anticipate the logic, and analytic and linguistic philosophy of the 20th century.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


The Principles
Leibniz variously invoked one or another of seven fundamental philosophical Principles:[36] ‚ Identity/contradiction. If a proposition is true, then its negation is false and vice versa. ‚ Identity of indiscernibles. Two distinct things cannot have all their properties in common. If every predicate possessed by x is also possessed by y and vice versa, then entities x and y are identical; to suppose two things indiscernible is to suppose the same thing under two names. Frequently invoked in modern logic and philosophy. The "identity of indiscernibles" is often referred to as Leibniz's Law. It has attracted the most controversy and criticism, especially from corpuscular philosophy and quantum mechanics. ‚ Sufficient reason. "There must be a sufficient reason [often known only to God] for anything to exist, for any event to occur, for any truth to obtain."[37] ‚ Pre-established harmony.[38] "[T]he appropriate nature of each substance brings it about that what happens to one corresponds to what happens to all the others, without, however, their acting upon one another directly." (Discourse on Metaphysics, XIV) A dropped glass shatters because it "knows" it has hit the ground, and not because the impact with the ground "compels" the glass to split. ‚ Law of Continuity. Natura non saltum facit. ‚ Optimism. "God assuredly always chooses the best."[39] ‚ Plenitude. "Leibniz believed that the best of all possible worlds would actualize every genuine possibility, and argued in Thˆodicˆe that this best of all possible worlds will contain all possibilities, with our finite experience of eternity giving no reason to dispute nature's perfection." Leibniz would on occasion give a rational defense of a specific principle, but more often took them for granted.[40]

The monads
Leibniz's best known contribution to metaphysics is his theory of monads, as exposited in Monadologie. According to Leibniz, monads are elementary particles with blurred perception of each other. Monads can also be compared to the corpuscles of the Mechanical Philosophy of Renˆ Descartes and others. Monads are the ultimate elements of the universe. The monads are "substantial forms of being" with the following properties: they are eternal, indecomposable, individual, subject to their own laws, un-interacting, and each reflecting the entire universe in a pre-established harmony (a historically important example of panpsychism). Monads are centers of force; substance is force, while space, matter, and motion are merely phenomenal. The ontological essence of a monad is its irreducible simplicity. Unlike atoms, monads possess no material or spatial character. They also differ from atoms by their complete mutual independence, so that interactions among monads are only apparent. Instead, by virtue of the principle of pre-established harmony, each monad follows a preprogrammed set of "instructions" peculiar to itself, so that a monad "knows" what to do at each moment. (These "instructions" may be seen as analogs of the scientific laws governing subatomic particles.) By virtue of these intrinsic instructions, each monad is like a little mirror of the universe. Monads need not be "small"; e.g., each human being constitutes a monad, in which case free will is problematic. God, too, is a monad, and the existence of God can be inferred from the harmony prevailing among all other monads; God wills the pre-established harmony. Monads are purported to have gotten rid of the problematic: ‚ Interaction between mind and matter arising in the system of Descartes; ‚ Lack of individuation inherent to the system of Spinoza, which represents individual creatures as merely accidental.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Theodicy and optimism
(Note that the word "optimism" here is used in the classic sense of optimal, not in the mood-related sense, as being positively hopeful.) The Theodicy[41] tries to justify the apparent imperfections of the world by claiming that it is optimal among all possible worlds. It must be the best possible and most balanced world, because it was created by an all powerful and all knowing God, who would not choose to create an imperfect world if a better world could be known to him or possible to exist. In effect, apparent flaws that can be identified in this world must exist in every possible world, because otherwise God would have chosen to create the world that excluded those flaws. Leibniz asserted that the truths of theology (religion) and philosophy cannot contradict each other, since reason and faith are both "gifts of God" so that their conflict would imply God contending against himself. The Theodicy is Leibniz's attempt to reconcile his personal philosophical system with his interpretation of the tenets of Christianity.[42] This project was motivated in part by Leibniz's belief, shared by many conservative philosophers and theologians during the Enlightenment, in the rational and enlightened nature of the Christian religion, at least as this was defined in tendentious comparisons between Christian and non Western or "primitive" religious practices and beliefs. It was also shaped by Leibniz's belief in the perfectibility of human nature (if humanity relied on correct philosophy and religion as a guide), and by his belief that metaphysical necessity must have a rational or logical foundation, even if this metaphysical causality seemed inexplicable in terms of physical necessity (the natural laws identified by science). Because reason and faith must be entirely reconciled, any tenet of faith which could not be defended by reason must be rejected. Leibniz then approached one of the central criticisms of Christian theism:[43] if God is all good, all wise and all powerful, how did evil come into the world? The answer (according to Leibniz) is that, while God is indeed unlimited in wisdom and power, his human creations, as creations, are limited both in their wisdom and in their will (power to act). This predisposes humans to false beliefs, wrong decisions and ineffective actions in the exercise of their free will. God does not arbitrarily inflict pain and suffering on humans; rather he permits both moral evil (sin) and physical evil (pain and suffering) as the necessary consequences of metaphysical evil (imperfection), as a means by which humans can identify and correct their erroneous decisions, and as a contrast to true good. Further, although human actions flow from prior causes that ultimately arise in God, and therefore are known as a metaphysical certainty to God, an individual's free will is exercised within natural laws, where choices are merely contingently necessary, to be decided in the event by a "wonderful spontaneity" that provides individuals an escape from rigorous predestination. This theory drew controversy and refutations, that are collected in the article Best of all possible worlds.

Symbolic thought
Leibniz believed that much of human reasoning could be reduced to calculations of a sort, and that such calculations could resolve many differences of opinion: The only way to rectify our reasonings is to make them as tangible as those of the Mathematicians, so that we can find our error at a glance, and when there are disputes among persons, we can simply say: Let us calculate [calculemus], without further ado, to see who is right.[44] Leibniz's calculus ratiocinator, which resembles symbolic logic, can be viewed as a way of making such calculations feasible. Leibniz wrote memoranda[45] that can now be read as groping attempts to get symbolic logic†and thus his calculus†off the ground. But Gerhard and Couturat did not publish these writings until modern formal logic had emerged in Frege's Begriffsschrift and in writings by Charles Sanders Peirce and his students in the 1880s, and hence well after Boole and De Morgan began that logic in 1847. Leibniz thought symbols were important for human understanding. He attached so much importance to the invention of good notations that he attributed all his discoveries in mathematics to this. His notation for the infinitesimal

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz calculus is an example of his skill in this regard. C.S. Peirce, a 19th-century pioneer of semiotics, shared Leibniz's passion for symbols and notation, and his belief that these are essential to a well-running logic and mathematics. But Leibniz took his speculations much further. Defining a character as any written sign, he then defined a "real" character as one that represents an idea directly and not simply as the word embodying the idea. Some real characters, such as the notation of logic, serve only to facilitate reasoning. Many characters well known in his day, including Egyptian hieroglyphics, Chinese characters, and the symbols of astronomy and chemistry, he deemed not real.[46] Instead, he proposed the creation of a characteristica universalis or "universal characteristic", built on an alphabet of human thought in which each fundamental concept would be represented by a unique "real" character: It is obvious that if we could find characters or signs suited for expressing all our thoughts as clearly and as exactly as arithmetic expresses numbers or geometry expresses lines, we could do in all matters insofar as they are subject to reasoning all that we can do in arithmetic and geometry. For all investigations which depend on reasoning would be carried out by transposing these characters and by a species of calculus.[47] Complex thoughts would be represented by combining characters for simpler thoughts. Leibniz saw that the uniqueness of prime factorization suggests a central role for prime numbers in the universal characteristic, a striking anticipation of G‡del numbering. Granted, there is no intuitive or mnemonic way to number any set of elementary concepts using the prime numbers. Leibniz's idea of reasoning through a universal language of symbols and calculations however remarkably foreshadows great 20th century developments in formal systems, such as Turing completeness, where computation was used to define equivalent universal languages (see Turing degree). Because Leibniz was a mathematical novice when he first wrote about the characteristic, at first he did not conceive it as an algebra but rather as a universal language or script. Only in 1676 did he conceive of a kind of "algebra of thought", modeled on and including conventional algebra and its notation. The resulting characteristic included a logical calculus, some combinatorics, algebra, his analysis situs (geometry of situation), a universal concept language, and more. What Leibniz actually intended by his characteristica universalis and calculus ratiocinator, and the extent to which modern formal logic does justice to the calculus, may never be established.[48]


Formal logic
Leibniz is the most important logician between Aristotle and 1847, when George Boole and Augustus De Morgan each published books that began modern formal logic. Leibniz enunciated the principal properties of what we now call conjunction, disjunction, negation, identity, set inclusion, and the empty set. The principles of Leibniz's logic and, arguably, of his whole philosophy, reduce to two: 1. All our ideas are compounded from a very small number of simple ideas, which form the alphabet of human thought. 2. Complex ideas proceed from these simple ideas by a uniform and symmetrical combination, analogous to arithmetical multiplication. The formal logic that emerged early in the 20th century also requires, at minimum, unary negation and quantified variables ranging over some universe of discourse. Leibniz published nothing on formal logic in his lifetime; most of what he wrote on the subject consists of working drafts. In his book History of Western Philosophy, Bertrand Russell went so far as to claim that Leibniz had developed logic in his unpublished writings to a level which was reached only 200 years later.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Although the mathematical notion of function was implicit in trigonometric and logarithmic tables, which existed in his day, Leibniz was the first, in 1692 and 1694, to employ it explicitly, to denote any of several geometric concepts derived from a curve, such as abscissa, ordinate, tangent, chord, and the perpendicular.[49] In the 18th century, "function" lost these geometrical associations. Leibniz was the first to see that the coefficients of a system of linear equations could be arranged into an array, now called a matrix, which can be manipulated to find the solution of the system, if any. This method was later called Gaussian elimination. Leibniz's discoveries of Boolean algebra and of symbolic logic, also relevant to mathematics, are discussed in the preceding section. The best overview of Leibniz's writings on the calculus may be found in Bos (1974).[50]

Leibniz is credited, along with Sir Isaac Newton, with the invention of infinitesimal calculus (that comprises differential and integral calculus). According to Leibniz's notebooks, a critical breakthrough occurred on November 11, 1675, when he employed integral calculus for the first time to find the area under the graph of a function y€=€¦(x). He introduced several notations used to this day, for instance the integral sign ¢ representing an elongated S, from the Latin word summa and the d used for differentials, from the Latin word differentia. This cleverly suggestive notation for the calculus is probably his most enduring mathematical legacy. Leibniz did not publish anything about his calculus until 1684.[51] The product rule of differential calculus is still called "Leibniz's law". In addition, the theorem that tells how and when to differentiate under the integral sign is called the Leibniz integral rule. Leibniz exploited infinitesimals in developing the calculus, manipulating them in ways suggesting that they had paradoxical algebraic properties. George Berkeley, in a tract called The Analyst and also in De Motu, criticized these. A recent study argues that Leibnizian calculus was free of contradictions, and was better grounded than Berkeley's empiricist criticisms.[52] From 1711 until his death, Leibniz was engaged in a dispute with John Keill, Newton and others, over whether Leibniz had invented the calculus independently of Newton. This subject is treated at length in the article Leibniz-Newton controversy. Infinitesimals were officially banned from mathematics by the followers of Karl Weierstrass, but survived in science and engineering, and even in rigorous mathematics, via the fundamental computational device known as the differential. Beginning in 1960, Abraham Robinson worked out a rigorous foundation for Leibniz's infinitesimals, using model theory, in the context of a field of hyperreal numbers. The resulting non-standard analysis can be seen as a belated vindication of Leibniz's mathematical reasoning. Robinson's transfer principle is a mathematical implementation of Leibniz's heuristic law of continuity, while the standard part function implements the Leibnizian transcendental law of homogeneity.

Leibniz was the first to use the term analysis situs,[53] later used in the 19th century to refer to what is now known as topology. There are two takes on this situation. On the one hand, Mates, citing a 1954 paper in German by Jacob Freudenthal, argues: Although for Leibniz the situs of a sequence of points is completely determined by the distance between them and is altered if those distances are altered, his admirer Euler, in the famous 1736 paper solving the K‡nigsberg Bridge Problem and its generalizations, used the term geometria situs in such a sense that the situs remains unchanged under topological deformations. He mistakenly credits Leibniz with originating this concept. ...it is sometimes not realized that Leibniz used the term in an entirely different sense and hence can hardly be considered the founder of that part of mathematics.[54]

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz But Hideaki Hirano argues differently, quoting Mandelbrot:[55] To sample Leibniz' scientific works is a sobering experience. Next to calculus, and to other thoughts that have been carried out to completion, the number and variety of premonitory thrusts is overwhelming. We saw examples in 'packing,'...€My Leibniz mania is further reinforced by finding that for one moment its hero attached importance to geometric scaling. In "Euclidis Prota"..., which is an attempt to tighten Euclid's axioms, he states,...: 'I have diverse definitions for the straight line. The straight line is a curve, any part of which is similar to the whole, and it alone has this property, not only among curves but among sets.' This claim can be proved today.[56] Thus the fractal geometry promoted by Mandelbrot drew on Leibniz's notions of self-similarity and the principle of continuity: natura non facit saltus. We also see that when Leibniz wrote, in a metaphysical vein, that "the straight line is a curve, any part of which is similar to the whole", he was anticipating topology by more than two centuries. As for "packing", Leibniz told to his friend and correspondent Des Bosses to imagine a circle, then to inscribe within it three congruent circles with maximum radius; the latter smaller circles could be filled with three even smaller circles by the same procedure. This process can be continued infinitely, from which arises a good idea of self-similarity. Leibniz's improvement of Euclid's axiom contains the same concept.


Scientist and engineer
Leibniz's writings are currently discussed, not only for their anticipations and possible discoveries not yet recognized, but as ways of advancing present knowledge. Much of his writing on physics is included in Gerhardt's Mathematical Writings.

Leibniz contributed a fair amount to the statics and dynamics emerging about him, often disagreeing with Descartes and Newton. He devised a new theory of motion (dynamics) based on kinetic energy and potential energy, which posited space as relative, whereas Newton was thoroughly convinced that space was absolute. An important example of Leibniz's mature physical thinking is his Specimen Dynamicum of 1695.[57] Until the discovery of subatomic particles and the quantum mechanics governing them, many of Leibniz's speculative ideas about aspects of nature not reducible to statics and dynamics made little sense. For instance, he anticipated Albert Einstein by arguing, against Newton, that space, time and motion are relative, not absolute. Leibniz's rule is an important, if often overlooked, step in many proofs in diverse fields of physics. The principle of sufficient reason has been invoked in recent cosmology, and his identity of indiscernibles in quantum mechanics, a field some even credit him with having anticipated in some sense. Those who advocate digital philosophy, a recent direction in cosmology, claim Leibniz as a precursor. The vis viva Leibniz's vis viva (Latin for living force) is mv2, twice the modern kinetic energy. He realized that the total energy would be conserved in certain mechanical systems, so he considered it an innate motive characteristic of matter.[58] Here too his thinking gave rise to another regrettable nationalistic dispute. His vis viva was seen as rivaling the conservation of momentum championed by Newton in England and by Descartes in France; hence academics in those countries tended to neglect Leibniz's idea. In reality, both energy and momentum are conserved, so the two approaches are equally valid.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


Other natural science
By proposing that the earth has a molten core, he anticipated modern geology. In embryology, he was a preformationist, but also proposed that organisms are the outcome of a combination of an infinite number of possible microstructures and of their powers. In the life sciences and paleontology, he revealed an amazing transformist intuition, fueled by his study of comparative anatomy and fossils. One of his principal works on this subject, Protogaea, unpublished in his lifetime, has recently been published in English for the first time. He worked out a primal organismic theory.[59] In medicine, he exhorted the physicians of his time†with some results†to ground their theories in detailed comparative observations and verified experiments, and to distinguish firmly scientific and metaphysical points of view.

Social science
In psychology,[60] he anticipated the distinction between conscious and unconscious states. In public health, he advocated establishing a medical administrative authority, with powers over epidemiology and veterinary medicine. He worked to set up a coherent medical training programme, oriented towards public health and preventive measures. In economic policy, he proposed tax reforms and a national insurance program, and discussed the balance of trade. He even proposed something akin to what much later emerged as game theory. In sociology he laid the ground for communication theory.

In 1906, Garland published a volume of Leibniz's writings bearing on his many practical inventions and engineering work. To date, few of these writings have been translated into English. Nevertheless, it is well understood that Leibniz was a serious inventor, engineer, and applied scientist, with great respect for practical life. Following the motto theoria cum praxis, he urged that theory be combined with practical application, and thus has been claimed as the father of applied science. He designed wind-driven propellers and water pumps, mining machines to extract ore, hydraulic presses, lamps, submarines, clocks, etc. With Denis Papin, he invented a steam engine. He even proposed a method for desalinating water. From 1680 to 1685, he struggled to overcome the chronic flooding that afflicted the ducal silver mines in the Harz Mountains, but did not succeed.[61] Computation Leibniz may have been the first computer scientist and information theorist.[62] Early in life, he documented the binary numeral system (base 2), then revisited that system throughout his career.[63] He anticipated Lagrangian interpolation and algorithmic information theory. His calculus ratiocinator anticipated aspects of the universal Turing machine. In 1934, Norbert Wiener claimed to have found in Leibniz's writings a mention of the concept of feedback, central to Wiener's later cybernetic theory. In 1671, Leibniz began to invent a machine that could execute all four arithmetical operations, gradually improving it over a number of years. This "Stepped Reckoner" attracted fair attention and was the basis of his election to the Royal Society in 1673. A number of such machines were made during his years in Hanover, by a craftsman working under Leibniz's supervision. It was not an unambiguous success because it did not fully mechanize the operation of carrying. Couturat reported finding an unpublished note by Leibniz, dated 1674, describing a machine capable of performing some algebraic operations.[64] Leibniz also devised a (now reproduced) cipher machine, recovered by Nicholas Rescher in 2010.[65] Leibniz was groping towards hardware and software concepts worked out much later by Charles Babbage and Ada Lovelace. In 1679, while mulling over his binary arithmetic, Leibniz imagined a machine in which binary numbers were represented by marbles, governed by a rudimentary sort of punched cards.[66] Modern electronic digital computers replace Leibniz's marbles moving by gravity with shift registers, voltage gradients, and pulses of electrons, but otherwise they run roughly as Leibniz envisioned in 1679.

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz


While serving as librarian of the ducal libraries in Hanover and Wolfenbuettel, Leibniz effectively became one of the founders of library science. The latter library was enormous for its day, as it contained more than 100,000 volumes, and Leibniz helped design a new building for it, believed to be the first building explicitly designed to be a library. He also designed a book indexing system in ignorance of the only other such system then extant, that of the Bodleian Library at Oxford University. He also called on publishers to distribute abstracts of all new titles they produced each year, in a standard form that would facilitate indexing. He hoped that this abstracting project would eventually include everything printed from his day back to Gutenberg. Neither proposal met with success at the time, but something like them became standard practice among English language publishers during the 20th century, under the aegis of the Library of Congress and the British Library. He called for the creation of an empirical database as a way to further all sciences. His characteristica universalis, calculus ratiocinator, and a "community of minds"†intended, among other things, to bring political and religious unity to Europe†can be seen as distant unwitting anticipations of artificial languages (e.g., Esperanto and its rivals), symbolic logic, even the World Wide Web.

Advocate of scientific societies
Leibniz emphasized that research was a collaborative endeavor. Hence he warmly advocated the formation of national scientific societies along the lines of the British Royal Society and the French Academie Royale des Sciences. More specifically, in his correspondence and travels he urged the creation of such societies in Dresden, Saint Petersburg, Vienna, and Berlin. Only one such project came to fruition; in 1700, the Berlin Academy of Sciences was created. Leibniz drew up its first statutes, and served as its first President for the remainder of his life. That Academy evolved into the German Academy of Sciences, the publisher of the ongoing critical edition of his works.[67]

Lawyer, moralist
With the possible exception of Marcus Aurelius, no philosopher has ever had as much experience with practical affairs of state as Leibniz. Leibniz's writings on law, ethics, and politics[68] were long overlooked by English-speaking scholars, but this has changed of late.[