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CONTACTS AND INTERACTIONS BETWEEN ROMANIANS AND TURKIC NOMADS The medieval ethnic and political structures in the Lower Danube area have attracted the attention of many specialists during the last few decades. Nonetheles, many aspects have remained unclarified or controversial. Unfortunately, certain conclusions have been coloured by nationalistic concerns and, although obviously biased, have spread widely. Consequently, replies to the point are necessary. Such things have been discussed elsewhere, but it is worth re-iterating the terms of the discussion, since, as Goethe put it, “it is necessary that truth be repeated again and again, because the error is advocated and propagated again and again, not only by one or another, but by very many people” (Und denn, man muss das Wahre immer wiederholen, weil auch der Irrtum um uns her immer wieder geprediget wird, und zwar nicht von einzelnen, sondern von der Masse).1 As a consequence of the fact that tribes of pastoralists from the Eurasian steppe lands took over the region north of the Danube Delta, the local population came into direct and lasting contact with the Turkic nomads Such contacts lasted several centuries. The Turkic communities that came to control the east-Carpathian area were heterogeneous, and consisted mainly of Pecheneg and Cuman tribes, although the Uzes, the Brodniks, and perhaps the Berendei must also be taken into consideration. The first Pecheneg incursion into the Lower Danube region, which is known from the sources, took place in 896, when the Pechenges drove away the Hungarians from Atelkuzu / Etelkuzu. Their occupation of the Bugeac and the Bărăgan appears to have been gradual, and they were followed by the Uzes, the Cumans and the Brodniks. The great Mongol invasion of 1236–1242 interrupted the independent development of the Turkic tribes in the region north of the Black and Caspian seas. Those who were not killed or did not flee to neighboring countries


Goethes Gespräche mit Eckermann, ed. F. Deibel (Leipzig, sine anno), p. 430.


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had to accept the hegemony of the Golden Horde. As they were in close proximity to regions that could offer shelter, most Turkic nomads from the lowlands by the Danube departed. They were quickly replaced by others, a phenomenon clearly confirmed by archaeology. Following the Mongol take-over in eastern Europe, there is an obvious increase in the number of burial assemblages attributed to the nomads between the Volga and the Dniester. Some have explained this increase in terms of populations movements along the river Ros, especially of the Black Caps (черные клобуки). Their migration must have taken place with the accord or even at the initiative of the Golden Horde rulers. A few burial assemblages in the Bugeac (Novokamenka and Trapovca), which have analogies on the Ros, may also be attributed to such movements of populations. The available archaeological evidence strongly suggests that the Turkic nomads who lived between the Danube and the Dniester in the aftermath of the Mongol invasion, were newcomers to the region.2 It is even possible that some of the Cumans who fled in 1282 from Hungary to the regions controlled by the Mongols3 chose to settle temporarily in the steppe lands north of the Danube. There is therefore sufficient evidence to advance the idea that in the Bugeac, much like in the rest of Desht-i Qipchaq, a Turkic-Mongol symbiosis was on its way during the second half of the thirteenth century. In fact, artifacts of nomadic origin have been found in the fourteenth-century occupation layer at Orheiul Vechi (now Trebujeni, Orhei county, Republic of Moldova), a town founded by the rulers of the Golden Horde.4 The Mongols maintained their positions of power in south-eastern Moldavia until ca. 1370,5 and it is likely that the Turkic nomads under the rule of the Horde (i.e., without any independence of their own) remained in the Bugeac until that date. However, Robert

2 Fedorov-Davydov, Kochevniki, p. 152; A. O. Dobroliubskii, “Этнический состав кочевого населения Северо-Западного Причерноморья в золотоордынское время,” in Памятники римского и средневекового времени в Северо-Западном Причерноморье (Kiev, 1982), pp. 30–34; idem, “Черные клобуки в Поднестровье и Побужье,” in Древности степного Причерноморья и Крыма, I, eds. G. N. Toshchev, G. I. Shakhrov, G. I. Shapovalov (Zaporozh’e, 1990), pp. 153–159. 3 Chronici Hungarici composito saeculi XIV, ed. A. Domanovszki, in SRH, I, pp. 471–472; Chronicon Posoniense, ed. A. Domanovszki, in SRH, II, p. 44; CPict, pp. 97–98 and 221; Chronicon Hungarorum Posoniense Maius (Chronica Regni Hungariae), in Analecta monumentorum Hungariae historicorum literariorum maximum inedita, ed. F. Toldy (Pesthini, 1862), p. 56. 4 E. N. Abyzova, P. P. Bârnea, “Исследования в Старом Орхее в 1979–1980 гг.,” in AIM v 1979–1980 gg. (1983), p. 55. 5 Spinei, Moldova, pp. 326–327.

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Roesler’s idea of Cumans, either still pagan or converted to Islam, remaining in Moldavia until 14106 is not supported by any historical source, but has uncritically been adopted by other historians as well.7 The available evidence thus shows that the political status of the Turkic nomads in southern Moldavia changed at least between ca. 900 and ca. 1350. Regardless of such changes, the newcomers were always in direct contact to the Romanians, since they occupied the lowlands previously inhabited by them. The Turkic-Romanian contacts withered after 1241–1242, most likely because the Mongols eliminated any political independence of the Turkic nomads. An examination of the areas occupied by the two communities may illuminate the details of the problem. Most scholars dealing with the presence of the nomads in the east-Carpathian region have attempted to delineate their area of direct control along a west-east, invisible boundary. Many still believe that the nomads ruled everything all the way to the Trotu ,8 Oituz and Bârlad rivers,9 to Hârlău,10 or even Bucovina, and that they took their herds to the Carpathian Mountains during the summer.11 However, the distribution of burial assemblages that can be associated with the presence of the Turkic populations shows a clear concentration of the nomadic population in the lowlands of southern Moldavia. When moving northwards into central and northern Moldavia, they did so only seasonally and along the major rivers in the region, the Dniester, the Prut, and their tributaries: the Răut, the Botna, the Jijia, etc. (Fig. 4). Given that among burial assemblages in northern and central Moldavia, which could be attributed to the Turkic nomads, the majority appear to be Cuman (Corjova, Hâncău≥i, Holboca, Ivanovca,

6 R. Roesler, Romänische Studien. Untersuchungen zur älteren Geschichte Romäniens (Leipzig, 1871), p. 334. 7 G. Kuun, Codex Cumanicus bibliothecae ad templum divi Marci Venetiarum (Budapest, 1880), p. LXXXVI; J. Marquart, “Über das Volkstum der Komanen,” in W. Bang and J. Marquart, “Osttürkische Dialektstudien,” Abhandlungen der Königlichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, NF, 13 (1914), no. 1, p. 33; S. Balić, “Der Islam im mittelalterlichen Ungarn,” Südost-Forschungen 23 (1964), pp. 23 and 33. 8 C. S. Mironescu, “Hotarul între Moldova i Muntenia,” Anuar de geografie i antropogeografie 2 (1910–1911), p. 93. 9 A. Sacerdo≥eanu, “Guillaume de Rubrouck et les Roumains au milieu du XIIIe siècle,” Mélanges de l’École roumaine en France 2 (1929), p. 239. 10 C. C. Giurescu, Tîrguri sau ora e i cetă≥i moldovene din secolul al X-lea pînă la mijlocul secolului al XVI-lea (Bucharest, 1967), p. 32. 11 D. Rassovsky, “Половцы, III. Пределы ‘Поля Половецкаго’,” SK 10 (1938), p. 160.


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Frumu ica, Pârte tii de Jos, and Seli te), it is likely that their expansion into the region took place especially before the Mongol invasion. Unlike the nomads, who preferred the lowlands and the everglades rich in grass, the settlements of the Romanian population may be found everywhere in the landscape of Moldavia, with the only exception of the mountain tops (Figs. 2–3). The latter was visited only periodically by shepherds and hunters. The old idea that Romanians were a mountain population, when not motivated by nationalistic views, may have been based on the undeniable fact that the Balkan Vlachs are indeed a mountain population. Moreover, several ancient historians regarded the Dacians as mountaineers. L. Annaeus Florus even claimed that the Dacians clung to the mountains (Daci montibus inhaerent).12 In reality, as archaeology has meanwhile demonstrated, Florus’ claim is just as exclusive as the above-mentioned opinion concerning Romanians. The densely forested highlands, especially the mountains, with a landscape, climate, and flora considerably different from those of the lowlands, were ill-suited for animal husbandry, especially for raising horses. The landscape of the highlands of the eastern Carpathians is therefore unfriendly to nomadic horsemen, who instead preferred the lowlands and the everglades. The zone of contact between natives and nomads did not remain the same over the 350 years of Turkic presence in the steppe lands north of the Danube Delta. The Pecheneg communities established between the late ninth and the late eleventh century in the Bugeac and the Bărăgan do not seem to have been too numerous, and, as a consequence, native settlements continued to exist in that region.13 Romanians began to withdraw from the low- into the forested highlands only when the number of nomads in the Lower Danube region began to increase. By the mid-eleventh century, most settlements of the Dridu culture in the lowlands had been abandoned. The majority of the population in the contact zone between low- and highlands, and even in some hilly regions of southern Moldavia, had moved out completely by the late twelfth century. Such radical changes in the demographic structure of

FHDR, I, pp. 524–525 (Florus). I. Nestor, “Formarea poporului român,” in Istoria poporului român, ed. A. O≥etea (Bucharest, 1970), p. 111; Diaconu, Petchénègues, pp. 22–24; M. Sâmpetru, “Le région du Bas-Danube au Xe siècle de notre ère,” Dacia, NS, 18 (1974), pp. 254–262; E. Corbu, Sudul României în evul mediu timpuriu (secolele VIII–XI). Repere arheologice (Brăila, 2006), pp. 10–45 and 122–212.
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the region were caused primarily by the incursions of the nomads, who in turn looked for an expansion of their pasture lands. The migration of the Pechenegs, the Cumans and the other Turkic groups created a climate of uncertainty for farmers and their families, who preferred to move away from the lands now controlled by the nomads. * * * The peculiar aspects of the Romanian-Turkic contacts are best illustrated by medieval place names and onomastics, as well as by old Turkic loans in Romanian. For decades, studies dedicated to this problem were based only on a number of acceptable, yet imprecise observations, a situation which Nicolae Iorga aptly defined as “new plaster over old walls” (tencuială nouă peste ziduri vechi).14 Ever since the nineteenth century, scholars have associated various ethnic names of Turkic origin with personal or place names in Romania, Russia, Ukraine, Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia, Croatia, and Poland. The east-Carpathian area figures prominently among the regions with a significant number of place names of Turkic origin. Most of them appear to be of Cuman: Coman, Comănel, Comăne ti,15 and the like. The Uz and the Oituz,16 both tributaries of the Trotu river, as well as the Huzun,17 a tributary of the Prut, have been associated with Uzes. Similarly, the name of the village Berinde ti has been associated with the Berendei,18 that of the villae Borodniceni with the Brodniks,19 and

N. Iorga, Cugetări, ed. B. Theodorescu (Bucharest, sine anno), p. 260. I. Gherghel, “Cercetări privitoare la istoria comanilor, II,” Revista Tinerimea română, SN, 3 (1899), p. 390; O. Densusianu, Histoire de la langue roumaine. I—Les origines; II—Le seizième siècle, ed. V. Rusu (Bucharest, 1997), p. 355; G. Poboran, “Cumanii-Comani,” Arhivele Olteniei 2 (1923), no. 5, p. 17; N. Drăganu, Românii în veacurile IX–XIV pe baza toponimiei i a onomasticii (Bucharest, 1933), p. 530; I. Iordan, Toponimia românească (Bucharest, 1963), pp. 269–270; H. F. Wendt, Die türkische Elemente im Rumänischen (Berlin, 1960), p. 172; L. Keller, “Qïpčaq, kuman, kun. Megjegyzések a polovecek önelnevezéséhez”, in Nomád népvándorlások, magyar honfoglalás, eds S. Felföldi, B. Sinkovics (Budapest, 2001), p. 143. 16 A. D. Xenopol, Une énigme historique. Les Roumains au Moyen Age (Paris, 1885), p. 149; C. Nec ulescu, “Năvălirea uzilor prin ˘ările Române în Imperiul bizantin,” RIR 9 (1939), p. 204; L. Rásonyi, Hidak a Dunán. A régi török népek a Dunánál (Budapest, 1981), pp. 93 and 99; M. A. Ekrem, Din istoria turcilor dobrogeni (Bucharest, 1994), p. 17. 17 I. Conea and I. Donat, “Contribution à l’étude de la toponymie petchénèguecomane de la Plaine Roumaine du Bas-Danube,” in Contributions onomastiques publiées à l’occasion du VIe Congrès international des sciences onomastiques à Munich du 24 au 28 août 1958, eds. I. Iordan, E. Petrovici, M. Sala (Bucharest, 1958), p. 158 with n. 1. 18 L. Rásonyi Nagy, “Der Volksname Берендей,” SK 6 (1933), p. 219. 19 M. Costăchescu, Documente moldovene ti de la tefan cel Mare (Ia i, 1933), p. 96.
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10–11. Capro u (Ia i. S. I. pp. Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Arhiva Istorică Centrală a Statului. and the Uzes. V. Papadopul Calimach. as deriving from the Hungarian word for Pecheneg. of an authentically Turkic origin is Berinde ti. DIR. 15. 76. Nume de persoane i nume de locuri române ti (Bucharest. “Havaselve és Moldva népei a X–XII. 364–370. DRH. Noti≥ă istorică despre Bârlad (Bârlad. By contrast. Vasilescu. Sovetov.24 Berindee ti (Berendie ti. v. p. Vitencu. ed. Catalog de documente 1393–1849. Irimescu (Bucharest. Din tezaurul documentar sucevean. Bălan. 24. II. Regleanu. C. first recorded in 1507. Picegani and the Pechenegs. origin and nothing to do with the Pechenegs. p. G. Irimescu. the name of a deserted village on the right bank of the river Siret. p. Tezaurul toponimic al României. 1983).22 Equally doubtful are by now the associations between Borodniceni and the Brodniks. Repertoriul istoric al unită≥ilor administrativ-teritoriale. first recorded in 1597. no.” RIR 1 (1931). III. C. eds. pp. pp. Pătru≥. Moldovanu (Ia i. Quirini).” Ethnographia népélet 46 (1935). I. N. v. Berinde ti). pp. 4–7 and 23–27. V. which is first mentioned in the written sources in 1453. V.A. pp. numerous place names have been associated with them. near Săbăoani (Neam≥ county). if less illustrious. A. Surete i izvoade (Ia i). near Heci (Lespezi commune. 9.A. 378. Ceau u. 154. Gh. Bisseni in Latin). I. 331. 4: D. besenyö (Bessi. 1991). 2005). “O nouă sinteză a trecutului nostru. IV. Dragnev. Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма. 1984). pp. 40–42. I. Uz and Oituz. 235–236. Ia i county). 241. p. Svetlichnaia. A-O. XVI.A. a deserted village on the 20 Al. both place names have a very different. nos. 25 Călători. pp. Lükö. 33. Toponimia Moldovei în cartografia europeană veche (cca 1395–1789) (Ia i. 1–4. 1942). nos. Cherepnin (Kishinev. Documente moldovene ti din Bucovina (offprint from Anuarul LIV al “Liceului Real Ortodox” din Cernău≥i) (Cernău≥i. as well as Huzun and the Uzes. Ghibănescu. I. 24 T. 1929). 22 Al. Moldovanu. 42. XXII. and 247–248.21 Some have meanwhile raised doubts about any possible relation between the names of the two rivers. 510 with n. VI (Bucharest. 48. no. M. Gheorghian. XXI (1929). 23.23 Equally Turkic is the are the names of Berindee ti. Originea românilor. 63 and 327. Nichitici. a deserted village at the mouth of Costâna (Suceava county). V (1908). D. XVII. which actually are not of Pecheneg origin. I. and 501. 23 DRH. 4. p. 21 G. nos. also lists Bă eni and Be ine ti. 2. 1772–1988. P. 3. M. 1978). L. 2005). 1923). 728. VII. pp. 92. 251–252. Philippide. Gh.20 Primarily because of a general tendency among historians to exaggerate the role of the Pechenegs in the political and military developments of the Romanian lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. 1464–1740. II. II. 155–163. I. 42 (B. 192–193. However.A. pp. M. V. 27–28. Românii. p. p. 1889). századbán. Documente bucovinene. on the right bank of the river Suceava. 40 and 95. Tezaurul toponimic al României. pp. near Bârlad. two place names in northern and central Moldavia. D. DIR. co-ord. with the Pechenegs. See also no. 52 and 78. no.312 chapter four the place name Picegani. Miron. Unită≥i simple (Localită≥i i mo ii). Giurescu. 103 and 1092. Drăganu. Moldova. 1. 1. p. p. . and 282. t. pp. 269–270. Moldova. II (1907). IV. eds. eds.25 Berindie ti. L. II. another deserted village on the Siret. ed. Al. 132. V. I (Ia i.

nos. 259.34 Comăne ti (Cavadine ti and D. 169–170. G. idem. Catalog de documente din Arhivele Statului Ia i. I.26 Berinde ti. Acte interne (1408–1660). 1989). Istrate. nos. 20. File de istorie. no. 25). Catalog. 414. Miron. n. no. situated on the Jeravă≥ creek. Satele din parohia Săbăoani (secolele XVII–XVIII) (Bacău. 76. p. 331. 31 Tezaurul. I. 232. first mentioned in the nineteenth century.30 Comanul. ed. 766.A. Bulat. G. Tezaurul. 418.t. 2002). V. p. I. Isac (Bucharest. 124–127. v. Antonovici. 1400–1864. a place name in Bode ti. 19. Stoica. Ceau u. I. Moldova. pp. which is mentioned in charters dated to 1409. Lahovari. III. II (see above. 1. p. p. I. V. p. no. ed. p. eds. C. nos. I. Brătianu. near the village of Lunge ti (Gala≥i county). I. an estate and subsequently (in the 1800s) a village. G. v. I. pp. 266. T. Din tezaurul arhivistic vasluian. pp. Duca (Bucharest. 1986). a hill in Tescani (Bere ti-Tazlău commune. 623. near Micle ti (Vaslui county). deserted in the 1700s.27 Coman (Comana). I. 93. 24). 1. 65. pp. n. p. pp. 1899). Colec≥ia de documente de la Filiala Arhivelor Statului. 1398–1595. Ghibănescu. Comăne ti). 1998).A. 221. I. Gh. I. Dic≥ionarul istoric. nos. Capro u. Cojocaru. XVI. 120–121. XVI. 1. Stoica. Documentele mănăstirii Văratec (Chi inău. Gh. Tezaurul. and 978. XXV. Stoica). idem (C. 1924).29 Comanul. 24. 767.A. XVII. 145–146. first mentioned in 1618. 1. 18.. a village on the Turlui. 2004). 27 Tezaurul. v. Irimescu (Bucharest. no. IV. 63. Toponimia Moldovei în documente scrise în limbi străine (exclusiv slavona). Ciubotaru. XXIV. 2006). 170. Dic≥ionarul istoric al localită≥ilor trotu ene (One ti. G. 26 DIR. 203. I. Gr. 1959). Valea Trotu ului. Bacău county). 328. co-ord. IV (Bârlad. Suceava. nos. attested in 1676.33 Comăne ti (Comănial). the territory of which is now incorporated into Gâ teni (Răcăciuni commune. DIR. I. p. no. L. 33 DRH. on the left of the river Tazlău. M. II. no. 50–60.A. no.31 Comăna (Comana. p. Bacău county). a hamlet included in Arbore (Suceava county). II (Bucharest. nos. Moldovanu (Ia i. p. 32 I.contacts and interactions 313 Vaslui. eds. Moldova. Bacău county). 326–331. a mountain peak next to Schitu Frumoasa (Balcani commune. Enciclopedie (One ti. pp. Comunită≥i tăcute. 34 DRH. no. 1 (see above. Documente bârlădene. I. pp. 28 DRH. p. Zahariuc (Ia i. 419. 232.A. 1. 38–39. Marele dic≥ionar geografic al României. in the Tazlău valley. 30 Gh. XVIII. 6. C. I. 502–503. 1999). 572–573. M. recorded in 1497. 1332–1850. XXI. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. Pilat. mentioned in 1404. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului. Valea Trotu ului. D. 116. 1939). jude≥ul Bacău. an estate and hamlet. 1989). 202. 2–3. 1388–1918. 153. DRH. 3. 29 DRH. 759. Tezaurul. Tezaurul toponimic al României. on the Coman creek. a village on the Rebricea. Surete. and 177–182. mentioned in 1398 and 1404. V. I.32 Comănău≥i. Neam≥ county). 76. a left-bank tributary of the Siret. near Tătăru i (Ia i county). Zaharia (Bucharest. I.A. DIR. 14. Tocilescu. 133–134. Bacău county). 1476 and 1659. 104.28 Coman (Sănduleni commune.A. 498. I. a tributary of the Bârlad. I. 66. 266. Tezaurul. 309–310. pp. Catalog de documente .A. near Bătrâne ti (Icu e ti commune. Capro u and P. eds. a deserted village on the Crasna. 54. 332. pp. Comanul. 92–93.

IX). Cronica liuzilor pe 1803. 2007). IX (1800–1899). Din tezaurul documentar. p. 36 DIR. on the Lăpu na. Svetlicinâi. in Uricarul.A. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. I. According to N. pp. mentioned in a document of 1598. 490. 58. ed. 1986). 106 and 161. no. ed. ed. I. n. Dragnev. pp. p. 428–429.A. Ciubotaru. Inventar de documente. pp. I. v. 38 DIR. no. pp. Comuna Vulture ti. p. Gr. N. p. 532–533. 57. Suceava county). E. V (Cernău≥i. 267. 352. p. N. 129. Ghibănescu. DRH. 205–206. first recorded in 1459. XVIII. 3. Chelcu (Ia i. 4 (see above. Studiu de istorie socială. 268. Toponimia minoră a Bucovinei. XVI. Ciubotaru. pp. 83–84 and 119.36 Comăne ti. 2003). 1464–1740.A. 431–432. Tezaurul.38 Comăne ti. no.” pp.” AIIA 19 (1982). Vaslui). G. Dragnev (Chi inău. 87–88. Studii i documente cu privire la istoria românilor. 2006). . co-ord. V. 25). no. ed. 29. XVI. a tributary of the river Solone≥. I. I. 62. nos. pp. 1. VIII (Ia i. I. Gh. no. 29. Bociarov. Ia i—jud. 135. 1103. Perspectivă istorică (II). Documente interne (Bucharest. 11–12. nos. p. eds. XXIV. Familia Onciul. no. 357. Capro u (Ia i. Acte interne (1741–1755). 233–239. Gala≥i county). n. “Un sat dispărut. p. III.A. p. II (Cernău≥i. IV. I. 1751–1774. p. pp. I. Gr. v. 1. SN. Domeniul mănăstirilor din Bucovina în secolele XIV–XVIII. N. pp. 1938). I. no. Tezaurul. N. III. Oiconimele. 381–382. Onomastică (Ia i. T. V. no. 1980). 335.37 Comăne ti (Boto ana commune. XXIV. 24). Tomescu. XVI. IV. ed. Crăciun. Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. I. 1886). 2004). Tezaurul. Codrescu.-I. XVII. pp. p. II. 251. VIII (1741–1799). p. Găne≥. 196. 49. near Fere ti (Vaslui county). p. 300. I. 35). 163. Ceau u. “Toponimia bazinului hidrografic Rebricea ( jud. 4. p.A. 57. 144. L. 1. 1934).39 Comăne ti (Bacău (1399–1877). 590–591. D. I. no. Crăciun. ed. I. 87.” p. Cronica liuzilor pe 1803 (see above. in Uricarul. 540. Th. Dan. nos. Documente privitoare la istoria ˘ării Moldovei în secolul al XVIII-lea. Capro u (Ia i. 233–234. Iorga. IV. XXI. 539–540. a village on the Horincea. 925. pp. 2005). Condica Abe≥edară. 1911). 37 DIR. M. IV (Cernău≥i. Documente bucovinene. Gârnea≥ă (Bucharest. 12–13 (1981–1982). 2006). eds. a village that merged with Suharău in 1968 (Boto ani county)—on the Ba eu—first mentioned in 1613. 114. 4 and 57–58. 213. n. 69. no. Surete i izvoade. VIII (Ia i. v.A. Gr. 1927). 1886). frequently mentioned beginning with 1601. “Sate răză e ti. the village is now ˘igăne ti on Sărata rivulet. Grămadă. 2001).A. 35). 206–208. XXVI. at the mouth of Lăpu ni≥a. C. 216–217. p. 268. nos. 35 DRH.35 Comăne ti. 1. Popescu-Sireteanu (Rădău≥i. “Sate răză e ti în Moldova la mijlocul secolului al XIX-lea. 9. 91. Studiu i documente (Cernău≥i. idem. Bălan. Din tezaurul documentar (see above. p. p. II (see above. VII.314 chapter four commune. Documente bucovinene. 1939). 189 and 192. 42. I. p. 35. 24). 70. “Un sat dispărut: Comăne ti pe Rebricea.” CIs. 39. 95–100. V. 39 DIR. M. pp. p. recorded for the first time in 1546. DRH. T. v. 151. Republic of Moldova). no. “ tiri catagrafice din Biserica Moldovei în 1809. n. Toponimie i continuitate în Moldova de Nord (Ia i. 1996). XVII.A. and 1178. C. 510.. no. I. I. M.” Arhivele Basarabiei 3 (1931). Condica Abe≥edară (see above. pp. idem. DIR. Capro u (Ia i. p. Bălan. a deserted village near Bol≥un (Ungheni county. 1914). 115. 466. Capro u (Ia i. p. pp. D. VII (Ia i. pp. Căr≥i domne ti i zapise (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. v.” AIIA 29 (1992). 169. p. 4. pp. 68 A-L. eds. Tezaurul. pp. 283. n. p. a village situated on the Hotari. 67 G. 802. Ciubotaru. pp.t. I. a deserted village in the former county (≥inut) of Vaslui.

11. nos. recorded in a document of 1448. eds. M. n. “ tiri catagrafice. X.A. Dic≥ionarul geografic al Bucovinei (Bucharest. 42 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Direc≥ia Arhivelor Centrale. 209. I. 3. Stoicescu. 46.contacts and interactions 315 county). p. p. and P. 14. 39). A. no. 142. 30). 534. N. Cărămidaru (Bucharest. IX. Toponimia minoră. no. 1986). Hacquet). ed. nos. “Condica visteriei Moldovei din anul 1816. 154. 35. 60. Storojine≥ district. Tezaurul. N. 2. I. Repertoriul bibliografic al localită≥ilor i monumentelor medievale din Moldova (Bucharest. Valea Trotu ului (see above. p. Moldovei i ˘ării Române ti. nos. II. pp. no. Stoide. 676. and C. DRH. E. D. 70–71. no. 24. VIII. 634. 1992). 760. 41 DRH. C. ed. Tinculescu. 1783–1900. Grigorovitza. 26. Acte interne (1771–1780). n. p. and 790–793. and 156. no. no. I. 1. 572 and 574. 29). XXVI.” p. Grămadă. 2005). 93–95. Cronica copiată de Ioasaf Luca.A. near Viile (Fâr≥ăne ti commune. 89 (A. 54. Veress. no. P. eds. pp. 8–11. 368. Brătianu. a town that developed out of a a village in the Trotu valley. Z. idem. pp. C. komar. 1934). near Tămă eni). mountain tributary of the Tazlău. 19. I. “Vechile pece≥i săte ti bucovinene. G. 248. 180. VIII. Tomescu. 1993). Recensămîntul popula≥iei Moldovei din anii 1772–1773 i 1774. C. pp.” AIIA. 132. 115–117. pp. n. 1975). Mihail (Chi inău. Din tezaurul documentar. Stoica. which is located on the Upper Siret river and was first recorded in the charters in 160742 is not the alteration by means rhotacism of the name Comăne ti. pp.40 Comăne tilor (Seli tea). VII. 172. Documente privitoare la istoria Ardealului. 57. Condica Abe≥edară. 146. 202. I. p. Dmitriev (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. Dic≥ionarul istoric. 1974). no. Soveja. G. as initially believed. 816 (B. 221. Regleanu. Istrati. I (1898). 280. Cernău≥i / Chernivtsi region. 6–9. and 187. nos. M. Documente bucovinene. Familia Onciul (see above. Supl. pp. Em. Birceanu (Bucharest. no. trempel (Bucharest. Acte i scrisori (1602–1606) (Bucharest. 1908). 4. p. I. 48. 21. pp.A. at the mouth of the Cneaja (Chineja). p. II (1899). nos. idem. Coman (a tributary of the Bistri≥a). Condica lui Constantin Mavrocordat. Marele dic≥ionar (see above. 266. XXIV. 1453 and 1528. ed. 924. 267. VII. 16–18. and 75. and 788. p. 255. 287 (Kományfalva). I. 120. 227. Rela≥iile economice ale Bra ovului cu Moldova de la începutul secolului al XVIII-lea pînă la 1850 (Chi inău. Chiriacescu. Supl. Ciucă. M. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. XXV. pp. but a different name derived from the Ukrainian word for mosquito. 247. Weiss). Comanac (a tributary of the Miletin). 264. 179. p.41 The name of the village Comăre ti (now Komarivtsi. pp. Istrati (Ia i.43 40 A. ed. p. Capro u (Ia i. 267. pp. 15 and 54. originating from the Go man Mountains). XXV. idem. Colec≥ia de documente de la Arhivele Statului Bacău (1424–1848). nos. 189–190 (I. D. . Opere. G. Capro u. C. Gala≥i county). I. idem. VII. Tocilescu. Bălan. 679. p. 1976). 240 and 333. Of Turkic origin are also such river names as Berendi (a tributary of the Siret. pp. p. 1982). I (1979). Coman (a right-bank. DRH. XXIII. Neculce.” Codrul Cosminului 10 (1936–1939). 235. pp. no. p. IX. Zaharia. 1975). 376. Giorgini). VII. Călători. 117. eds. Călători. 237. p. 43 Lahovari. Letopise≥ul ˘ării Moldovei i o samă de cuvinte. XXVI. 317. I. 446. and 268. 781. 114. Ukraine). 170–172. and Uz (a right-hand tributary of the Trotu ). 2) (Kishinev.

the name of the river Peceneaga (a tributary of the Slănic. The first written record of the creek Peceneaga in north-eastern Wallachia appears to be from 1632. печеняга (Peceneaga Veche) and Р. Ghinea. Berindie ti) (Arge county). Comani (Mehedin≥i county). ed. IV 1633–1639 (Bucharest. Comăne ti (Brăila county).-D. Coumans. tiri despre popula≥ia românească a Dobrogei în hăr≥i medievale i moderne [Constan≥a. now within the Olt county).B. pp. v. D. 1960). S.45 There are place names in the Romanian Plain which recall the ethnic name of the Pechenegs. the Picineagul mountain (the former Muscel district). Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti din Arhivele Statului. III. II. Rădulescu (Bucharest. 1956). 47 DRH. D. eds. R. Duca-Tinculescu. M. but such names appear significantly later in written documents: the Peceneaga forest (Brăila county). XVII (1601–1625). 1621–1632. and M. Comăne ti (Gorj county). Caraca . Principatele Române.48 44 DRH.B. Comăne ti (Mehedin≥i county).47 Place and river names such as these have matches across the Danube. . M.B.44 Some of those villages were deserted in the early modern period. S. 19. p. 314. 1991). 1947). and Comăni≥a (Comăni≥i) (Olt county). 1985). passim. S. 45 Diaconu. M. eds. 351. 1993). Kandel. p. Duca-Tinculescu. tefănescu. Muntenia) derive from the ethnic names Berendei and Cumans: Berindei (Berindeni) (Olt county). 11 and 36. Berindeiasca (near Bucharest). DIR. Vătafu-Găitan. the Peceneaga village (Teleorman county). I. Ciucă (Bucharest. n. eds. p. I. Berendeasa) (Buzău county). Donat. I. 56. passim. Berinde ti (Berende ti. Originea i afirmarea lor (Bucharest. Gh. when other names of the same category were recorded and survived as such. Soveja. Comăneasa (Olt county). Histoire de la langue roumaine (see above. 1640–1644 (Bucharest. Ciucă. M. no. 24–25 and 44. 46 Densusianu. Ciucă. pp. Berinde ti (Berende ti. p. 26. 1369–1600.-D. Vătafu-Găitan (Bucharest. Indicele numelor de locuri. N. Donat. стар. . which in turn flows into the Buzău river) is older. Comani (Comanca) (Olt county). XXIII. Comăne ti (the former Vla ca district). 1981). N. D. XXI–XXV. Comanca (the former Romana≥i district. in Dobrudja: Peceneaga (Tulcea county) and Pecineaga (Constan≥a county). нов. I. 15). and Th. VI. V . 1601–1620. sine anno]. Kandel (Bucharest. 1645–1649. 1978). Indicele numelor de locuri. XI. Comana (Giurgiu county). печеняга (Peceneaga Nouă). In all probability. Ghinea.46 etc. 1974).-D. Berindeasca. eds. Cioran. XXXI–XXXVII. A Russian map of 1835 indicates two creeks near Peceneaga in Tulcea county: Р. Comanca (Vâlcea county). Popescu. Sec≥ia istorică de la Arhivele Statului din Bucure ti.-R. Caraca . C. Comani (Dolj county). v. Istoria medie a României. Gr. XIII–XVI. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. eds. DIR. S. I–VIII. Giurescu.316 chapter four A great number of fifteenth-seventeenth-century village and estate names in Wallachia (˘ara Românească. M. t. Duca-Tinculescu.B. Mircea (Bucharest. Dragomir (Bucharest. eds. 48 C.

ed. p. “Un document inedit din 1582 privind boierii români din ˘ara Făgăra ului. Documente (see above. as well as in Dobrudja: Comana (Constan≥a county). on the Drin. p. two villages. 101. no. I.” Българска историческа библиотека. 286. Comana de Jos (Kwmana. Nistor. V. and another one. begründet von Max Vasmer. H. 259. pp. no. I. Kumaritza. Ciho. p. Kumanovči. Komanov and Komańcza in Galicia. appear frequently in written sources of the fifteenth to seventeenth century. 1981). Kumanich. Schulz. Lukács. 433. in the Mikhalovce region of Slovakia. Stoianov.51 By contrast with Moldavia and Wallachia. 88. The village Comandău (Covasna county). Prodan (Bucharest. 51 Russisches Geographisches Namenbuch. 188–189. I. Bulgaro-Turcica. Diaconu. Coper.” in Timpul Istoriei. 3–4. 1932). 26–27. etc. кумано-печенежка антропонимика в българските земи през XV век (Sofia. and R. 1931). etc. Felsö Komana). 256. 50 Stoianov. On the left bank of the Olt river. eds. Alsó Komana) and Comana de Sus (Kwman. III. 52 Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen. There is also a village called Kumoniu (Kumantzy. Komanowa near Tiraspol. no. Bulgaro-Turcica. co-ord. Kumanić. Prinz. which probably dates from the earlier modern period. Coumans. G. J. Kumanitza. V (1596–1599) (Bucharest. 109. Komanitza and Komanov in the vicinity of Minsk. eds. Mladenov. Prodan. as early as the first half of the fourteenth century. “Печенези и узи-кумани въ българската история. Kumanovskaia Iuridika (Kumanówka) and Kumanovtzy (Kumanowce) in Podolia. I. in northern Albania. 188. Koman / Kuman. (all in Bulgaria). Memoire et patrimoine. G.49 In addition. VI. Kumanova Čuka. Kumanishnaia in the Tver region.. G. Gündisch. Siegmann (Wiesbaden. 192. no. no. 276. Kumantzi. near the city of Priština (Kosovo). 110. Gündisch. 2000). Kumanovka near Kiev. were recorded in documents. 130. pp.52 They still exist today. 1976). p. Urbariile ˘ării Făgăra ului. V. VI (1600–1601) (Bucharest. eds. D. 1970). . 377–378. Kumanovo (in Macedonia). p. M. and. two villages with quasi-identical names. Komanovo and Kumanovo. Komanevo in the regions Vitebsk and Vologda.50 Similar names may be found in east-Slavic territories: Koman. 1. 1969). only a few place names derived from the name of the Cumans are known from Transylvania. 49 St. II. Nussbächer. pp. 40). Doerfer. in collab. 1651–1680. 1933). Kumancie) in the vicinity of Vilnius (Lithuania). pp. Acte i scrisori (1585–1592) (Bucharest. 4 (1931).contacts and interactions 317 The name of the Cumans also appears in place names in the eastern and central Balkans. Kumanov. 287. 191. 3–4. История на изучаването на Codex Cumanicus. with H. 122. east of Făgăra . L. Неславянска.. A. Ursu≥iu and M. 358. Komanica (Komanitza). Gündisch (Bucharest. 121. 337 and 675. Memorie i patrimoniu / Le temps de l’Histoire. Kumaničevo. there is a village named Komani / Koman. ed. 1601–1650. I. Bräuer. Komanfalva. 162. V. 195. 3766. Kuman’ in the Chernihiv (Chernigov) region. 284. IV. etc. D. Ursu≥iu (Bucharest. 267. История. Kumanič. K. Kománya. pp. In honorem emeritae Ligiae Bârzu. Veress. pp. 89. n. G. Kumanite (Kumaniti). 176.

1966). V. 1–10. 503. nor do they appear exclusively within the regions they often raided. See also O≥a. 57 DRH. “Revela≥ii toponimice pentru istoria ne tiută a românilor.” AARMSI. . I. Derehlui / Derlui. 1998). 343. 1. Urlui. (Bucharest. 334. 1927). Philippide.” in Monografia geografică a Republicii Populare Române. 1960). Csánki. “Popula≥ii nomade de stepă din Banat (secolele XI–XIV). p. 1890). IV) (Pozsony. 89. 62. 1896). “Les noms Cahul et Cogalnic ne dérivent pas d’΄Όγγλος. “Ursprung der südkarpatischen Flussnamen in Rumänien. Ser. 246–251. HomorodChemenfalău. XIII. Histoire.–29.53 In Cri ana. no. n. Neagu (Brăila. 198–201. D. Banatul montan în evul mediu (Timi oara. idem.” in Prinos lui Petre Diaconu la 80 de ani. 501. 1183–1430. Aspectele ei geografice. ed. pp. Interpretări române ti (Bucharest. pp. Panaitescu. 1932–1933). I. 68. 508. 53 Suciu. T. II (Ia i. “Domenii ale pecenegilor i cumanilor în Banatul istoric.C. no. Teslui. Iorga. III. p. See also S. 42. 96–98. Câteva nume topice române ti de origine cumană (offprint from Anuarul Liceului Na≥ional din Ia i. idem. III. I. 55 Oklevelek Temesvármegye és Temesvárváros történetéhez. 23 (1940–1941). Conea. 162–163. F. 57 All those examples show that place names recalling the name of the Cumans appear within a vast area inhabited by Romanians. to the west from the Apuseni Mountains. I. 109. 54 D. ed. Gustav Weigand first put forward the idea that the names of the left-bank tributaries of the Danube ending in -ui (Bahlui. I. Văsui) are of Turkic origin. eds. no. the village Comăne ti (Arad county) appears in documents in the 1400s as Komanyfalva. P. Dic≥ionar.” in Contributions onomastiques (see above. 110. I. p. Pecenegii i cumanii. “Sprachgeographisches aus dem Gebiete der rumänischen Toponomastik. Suhului. XIII. Vaslui. O≥a. where there were also two creeks called Komanpathak. 520. 376. Giurescu. Zaharia (Bucharest. p. It it quite obvious that such place names are not restricted to the area previously inhabited by Cumans. Magyarország történelmi földrajza a Hunyadiak korában. Weigand. pp. DRH. 59 Al.” Byzantinoslavica 9 (1947). 235. I. C. “Toponimia. Pesty (Temesvármegye és Temesvárváros története. p. P. Krandjalov. Hotnog. pp. ˘eicu. 519. p. Ortvay. 403. 17). p. I. Geografia fizică. 736. 232. 58 G.59 and D. 163. 67.C.” Studii de istorie a Banatului 26–27 (2002–2003). 2004). 1997). P. pp. pp. 372–373 and 375. but instead appear in parts of the Europe to which they never went.58 The theory of the German philologist was embraced by almost everyone. I. “Domenii ale pecenegilor i cumanilor. Dic≥ionar istoric al localită≥ilor din Transilvania.318 chapter four is located farther to the east. Originea românilor. Covurlui. Turlui. Jahresbericht des Institut für rumänische Sprache zu Leipzig (1921). p. p. The name of Comăne ti (Bra ov county) is even newer.54 A village with the name of Comanfalva55 and another called Kunfalu56 were also mentioned in the fourteenth century as being in Banat. pp. as well as by other neighboring nations. 56 D. I (Budapest. Suciu. Iordan. I (Bucharest. Gherasimov et al. pp. Teleormanul. ed. Cândea. M. as it replaced in the twentieth the old name.” 26.” p. T. p. no. On the basis of names of rivers ending in -ui (meaning river or valley) which appear in great numbers in Siberia and central Asia. no. 1947). Sîrbu. 28–29.

the Turlui. I. 10). Documentele moldovene ti de la tefăni≥ă voevod . idem. with two tributaries. Coumans. M. II (1932). I. 1975). idem. n. Bogdan. C. and many others. 1970).” in Relations. G. or Copcui (a deserted village situated in the former Ismail county). the lake Cuhurlui (also called Covurlui or Cugurlui ). p. Ivănescu. 41–42. Documentele lui tefan cel Mare. II (Bucharest. pp. pp.B. Istoria limbii române (Ia i. as well as from historical sources pertaining to Turkic incursions to the west from the Romanian Plain. the river and the lake Covurlui. 31–32. Nume de locuri (Bucharest. 1913). the Perlui. 16. the Suhu(r)lui. pp. 1980). the possibility of nomadic burial assemblages being discovered on the right bank of the Olt River must not be excluded. Călmă≥ui (Hânce ti district). C. 8. Teslui for four. and in the region to the east from the Middle Prut Plain. 22. at the southern end of Lake Ialpug. 53. Diaconu. Eremia. In the Carpathian-Dniester region. and the Vaslui. 14. Turlui (a deserted village in the former Bacău county). in the former Ismail county. a tributary of the Ciuluc. three creeks called Călmă≥ui. 437. Ion Conea and Ion Donat have studied river names in the Romanian Plain with remarkable results. Nume de localită≥i. 1933). 1972). river names of Turkic origin appear in great numbers in southern Oltenia. Ia i county). 31–33. C. nos. Graur. recorded in documents in 1385 and in subsequent years. Documentele moldovene ti de la Bogdan voevod (1504–1517) (Bucharest. Băldălui and Urlui for three. 198. Călmă≥ui. Some of those names also apply to villages established nearby: Bahluiu (Cotnari commune. a tributary of the Tazlău. p. the Copcui. which do not occur to the west from the Olt river. n. 60 Conea and Donat. Suhurluiul cu Apă and Suhurluiul Sec. I. p. in the former Ismail county. Al. “Contribution” (see above. Donat. some of them repeated for different rivers: Călmă≥ui for eight different rivers. all within the Călmă≥ui Plain. They identified 47 names of rivers ending in -ui and -lui. A. 292–293. Costăchescu. etc. a tributary of the Prut. 7. Giurescu. pp. 1 (Bucharest. 62 I. idem. Documente moldovene ti de la tefan cel Mare (Ia i. I (1931). Gala≥i county). names ending -ui commonly apply to rivulets and creeks: the Bahlui. where there is even a “Ford of the Cumans”—Vadul Cumanilor (Коуманскыи Брод). Vaslui (Vaslui county). Studiu de toponimie moldovenească (Chi inău. in the Covurlui Plain. north of Leova. Istoria românilor.61 Judging from such evidence. a tributary of the Bârlad. 17). 143–152. pp. the Der(eh)lui. in the Covurlui Plain.62 Tîrguri (see above. 1940).contacts and interactions 319 after an initial hesitancy. a tributary of the Jijia. Călmă≥ui (Grivi≥a commune. D. at Ostri≥a. 103. Giurescu. “The Romanians south of the Carpathians and the migratory peoples in the tenth–thirteenth centuries. etc. 61 DRH.60 Unlike the distribution of nomadic burial assemblages. Documentele moldovene ti înainte de tefan cel Mare (Ia i).

IV (1901). “Asupra hidronimelor Bahlui i Jijia. P. Lahovari. pp. t. a village in the Vrancea region. A. Bacău county). Copciac.63 There are also other place names ending in -ui: Acui. p. Berechet. A. Bociarov (Chi inău. Svetlicinîi. Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма. Tonguz(eni). M. 1978). Un capitol din colabora≥ia româno-barbară în evul mediu. Îndreptar bibliografic. L. Pereschiv. I. Cunduc. Documente i zapise moldovene ti de la Constantinopol (1607–1806) (Ia i. XVIII. Iorga. Cula. E. II (Chi inău. M. P. Geografie 18 (1972). Vinderei. Ciobanu (Chi inău. a lost village near Căinari. Ichel. II. Sucmezeu. Ciucur. Din tezaurul documentar (see above. ed. Tarcău. D. III (1900). 7 (1964). Tighina.” Limba i literatura moldovenească. Arbore. eds. Ser. V. L. Urmezeu. Cupcui. Dragnev. Sovetov. DIR. 1904).66 Dereneu.320 chapter four It is interesting to note that at Valea Zăbalei. 1928). a hill near Belce ti (Ia i county). Cuhure ti. Nume de localită≥i. t. pp. ed. the term balhui was recorded with the meaning of “a deep place in the water”.67 Delea. Bahlui. passim. Chi inău. c.” ASUI. P. 1987). in the former Tighina county. 1961). 8 (1927–28). etc. 1. XXI–XXVII. D. 99 (reprint in idem. Cahul. Besides the names mentioned above. 24). n. red. II (1988). a hill near Băsă ti (Pârjol commune. Fălciu.65 Bugeac. V (Kishinev. 89–90. V. . 362–376. Contribu≥ii la studiul istoriei românilor. red. 1992)—eds. Tuzora. a hill near Măstăcani (Gala≥i county). Nicu. p. XVI. 1937). Marele dic≥ionar (see above. Brătianu. II (see above. Eremia. Caltabuga. Alcedar. I—eds. Bului. C. 1986). Dragnev. pp. Borceac. N. Boldur. M. ˘ăpurdei. L. D. VI (Chi inău. Documente din Basarabia. Sec≥. DRH. . D. Teban. V. 1943). Originea. N. Sobari. Obreja. IV (Kishinev. Svetlichnaia. A. naia. A. red. Gala≥i. L. G. Nichitici. Din istoria Moldovei de Sud-Est până in anii ’30 ai sec. Dic≥ionarul geografic al Basarabiei (Bucharest. pp. Tazlău. Acui. Dragnev. Istoria Basarabiei. Atachi. n.” AARMSI. al XIX-lea (Chi inău. (1517–1527) (Ia i. Chi inău. VI. D. Chi lia (Mare and Mică). Studii asupra evului mediu românesc. P. V Cherepnin (Kishinev. Mihail. P. P. Tocilescu. V. V. 41–43. III—eds. 64 N. D. pp. Turla (= Dniester). Svetlichnaia. Nichitici. Sovetov. Svetlich. Iagorlâc. Tabac. I–III. Tuzla. Sinacău. Dragnev. Corhană. Dmitriev. L. E. Dragnev. II—eds. V. P. M. Chirtoagă. M. V. 59). Ordă ei. 66 Boldur. I. Ciuluc. I. 63 Al. P. 65 Philippide. Sovetov. 1999). XIX. I–V. eds. Istoria Basarabiei. L. I (1898).A. 67–71). Raevskii. 1991). 41–42. a village in the Cahul county. XVII. Căinari. 67 N. V (1902). Nichitici. Cherepnin (Kishinev. Hotin. “Toponime de origine iranică i turcică. 1982). I (Chi inău. n. Ciuhui. v. Russev. a village in the former Lăpu na county. Sagala. pp. several philologists and historians have assigned an old Turkic origin to other place names in the Carpathian-Dniester region: Tocsăbeni. V. v.A. I–IV. no. V. 30). VIII—gen. N. Z. Sovetov. Berheci.64 Bârlad. 44. 1998). Pashuto (Kishinev. It is possible that the river name Bahlui was formed on the basis of metathesis. red. Orhei. Puiu. Sovetov. Tomescu. I. 86–95. Localită≥ile Moldovei în documente i căr≥i vechi. Dragnev. “Imperiul cumanilor i domnia lui Băsărabă. I. Tecuci. pp. III. 1984). Papacostea (Bucharest. 59–60. 1948). V.

which appears as early as the tenth century in the work of Constantine Porphyrogenitus and was then recorded in Ottoman sources throughout the Late Middle Ages and the early modern period. It is worth mentioning that for many of the above-mentioned place (e. Cogîlnic and Cula in Bessarabia. 137–138. 7. 59).72 The same author believes that the names Ciuhur. “Hidronime române ti de origine slavă. one needs to verify whether any settlement existed there at the time the Pechenegs and the Cumans ruled over the steppe lands. Tighina. Judging from the available evidence. pp. 111–113. 72 I. Chi inău. all of which appear in sources between the fifteenth and the seventh century. Ia i. 31 (1986–1987). Căinari. Географические названия рассказывают. which appear in Bessarabia.71 According to Ion V. the name Tocsăbeni derives from a personal name. Γагаузские географические названия (Территория Пруто-Днестровского междуречья) (Kishinev. must have appeared only after the great Mongol invasion of 1241–1242. For example. Tuzora.69 Jijia. Moldovanu. 71 Chirtoagă. pp. place names such as Alcedar. Atachi. Tazlău.74 the Turkic name for the river Dniester (Rom. p. Hagidar. n. “Hidronimie românească. and Kunduk. ˘ăpurdei.. It is therefore possible that such names are in fact no older than the Tatar occupation of the Bugeac. pp. Tarcău.” pp. 1990). 64).73 But his arguments are not very convincing when attempting to derive from the language of the Geto-Dacians Turla. and Tiligul. 1992). Orhei. Idem. and river names such as Caltabuga. Alcedar. idem. 43–44. Nume de localită≥i (see above. (Kishinev. 74 Idem. A. See D. pp. Dron. 120–121. “Turla—denumire străveche daco-getică a Nistrului. 291–301 and 308–312. III. just as the name of the village Talabă (in the former Fălciu county) is in fact a personal name.” Tyragetia 9 (1999).” A UI.g. 68 69 . or Vinderei) and river names (Bârlad. it appears that no traces of settlements dated to the beginning of the second millennium have been found in any of the localities with names of supposedly Turkic origin. 44–45. 73 Idem. the Cumans. Hotin. For all villages with names thought to be of Turkic origin.” Anuar de lingvistică i istorie literară. Tazlău) the connection with the Pechenegs. Jijia. Eremia. or the Ottoman Turks remains uncertain. are also Old Turkic. Tighina. 101–102. pp.contacts and interactions 321 Ialpug. “Hidronimie românească (Basarabia i Transnistria). Tocsabă (Toxabă).70 Delacău. the Tatars.68 Bâc. Dron. pp. Lingvistică 24 (1977). Ciuluc. Nistru). “Sensul i originea unor vechi toponime dacoromâne. e. V. SN. 2nd ed. 142. According to another opinion both Jijia and Bârlad are of Slavic origin. Tonguz(eni). pp.” Tyragetia 6–7 (1998). Sec≥. 70 M. 142–144. n. Din istoria Moldovei (see above. Lozbă. and 144.

p. râu (river).. were very important for groups involved in a seasonal migration within a certain area. most place names derived from Turkic appellatives are to be found in southern Moldavia. In certain cases. 362. However. 29). This is also the region with the largest number of burial assemblages.” Buletin istoric (Episcopia RomanoCatolică Ia i) 1 (2000). Valea Trotu ului (see above. Hordilă. A XXXII-a Sesiune na≥ională de rapoarte arheologice. . perhaps because such bodies of water were not sufficiently important to the locals to employ more than a generic name. where most river names ending in -ui (-lui ) appear in the lowlands. Stoica. In the steppe lands of both Eurasia steppes and the region outside the Carpathian Mountains there are many river names of Turkic origin. 75 V Spinei. 274–275. “Câteva considera≥ii de ordin arheologic privind popula≥ia catolică din zona Romanului în secolele XIV–XIX. eadem. The name of the village Berindee ti. Campania 1997. tribes in the 10th–13th centuries. pp. “Relations of the local population of Moldavia with the nomad Turanian . which could be dated to the centuries during which the Turkic nomads ruled the steppe lands.” in Relations. was first recorded in 1597. Călăra i. vale (valley) and gârlă (brook). A ezări. which can be safely attributed to the Turkic nomads. 78 Zaharia etc. A ezări. River and place names ending in -ui cluster in southern Moldavia. no native names existed. but not dated between the tenth and the thirteenth century. Simlarly. 170. 70–74.76 No earlier occupation phase has been identified. 81–82. even of small creeks and rivulets. Neam≥. 77 Zaharia etc. n. Valea Trotu ului. pp. such as pârâu (creek). their contribution to the place names of region in which they lived must have been limited. 76 D. “Traian. Stoica.” in Cronica cercetărilor arheologice. the region in which the nomads moved along river valleys from the grazing fields next to the sea to the rich pasture land in the north. p..322 chapter four As the Turkic tribes were nomadic. Archaeological excavations in the area unearthed houses dated to the fourteenth and fifteenth century. By contrast. pp. near Săbăoani (Neam≥ county). p. 20–24 mai 1998 [Bucharest. as it is still the case today. jud. 362.75 The same situation may be noted in the Romanian Plain. Moreover. Such rivers may have well had Romanian names as well. 1998]. for they served for orientation within the steppe lands otherwise devoid of any permanent markers in the landscape. river names. p. 170. field surveys in Comăne ti (Bacău county)77 and Comăne ti (Gala≥i county)78 produced diagnostic material from several historical periods. Sorting out place names clearly associated with Turkic nomads leads to some important conclusions. the same is not true about river names.

p. VI. must have long disappeared from the region. place names derived from the name of the Pechenegs appear in parts of Ukraine and Russia. 80 DRH.A. such place names appear both in high. 165. 82 DRH. the number of such place names decreases as one moves from the west to the east.84 79 D. . I. Shcherbak.83 while the name of the estate and hamlet Comana. A. 50–63. pp.A. “Печенеги. 33. III. v. p. I. A few examples can clarify the point. II. where no Turkic tribes have never lived. III. 84 DRH. 83 DIR. at that particular time. without any participation of the Turkic tribes. DIR. Moreover. v.contacts and interactions 323 The conclusion seems inescapable: all those villages were in fact established at a much later time.A. In Wallachia. M.and lowlands. Comăne ti on the Ba eu river also derives from a personal name. a personal name recorded in 149782 and 1546. the son of Gali . I. The distribution of river and place names obviously has no relationship to the territories once ruled by the nomads.81 Comăne ti on the Rebricea derives from Comănel (Comănial). which were quite common in the Romanian lands both in the Middle Ages and later. but from personal names such as Coman and Berindei. from whose names they are supposedly derived. a clear indication that at the origin of the village name is in fact the personal name of the founder. 75 (Moscow–Leningrad. “Знаки на керамике и кирпичах из Саркела-Велой Вежи. p. where no traces of the presence of Turkic nomads have so far been found. who is mentioned in a document of 1495.79 In reality. no. Rassovsky. 1959). to whom prince Alexander the Good granted land on the Ba eu in 1412 to set up a village. no. At a close examination. which.A.” SK 6 (1933). 375. Two thirds of them in fact appear in the region between the Carpathians and the Siret. 104. Coman. 414. no. 81 DRH. XVI.A. 502. which is first attested under Alexander the Good (Alexandru cel Bun) (prince of Moldavia between 1400–1432) appears as Seli tea lui Coman80 in the subsequent decades. place and river names derived from the names of the Cumans. the Berindei and the Uzes appear primarily in the highlands. no. 398. Similarly. located on the Jeravă≥. торки и берендеи на Руси и въ Угріи.” MIA. 221. most place names such as Comăne ti or Berindee ti do not derive directly from ethnic names. no. recalls that of a certain Coman. XVI. The village Coman on the Turlui.A.

167. I (Bucharest.” Analele Brăilei. Togan (N. Buga / Buka. Tivan. the names appear to represent Transylvanian influences. Taban. 91 P. 68–96. 88 N. pp. Toxabă. Cihodaru. Borcea. 2.90 Agă . Basarab. Kuman / Koman. Colgeag.324 chapter four Taking into consideration the fact that most place names said to be of Turkic origin end in -e ti. Odobă. 268–269. 86 N. Buzdugan. “Considera≥ii în legătură cu popula≥ia Moldovei din perioada premergătoare invaziei tătarilor (1241). Ba . Constantinescu. Posoba. With no 85 L. no. Azgir. Turcul (Petre P. Berindei. In at least a number of cases. Paiandur. Čomak. Tamrătaš. The influence of the Turkic nomads on the Romanian vocabulary thus appears as much more indirect than the initial analysis of place names would have predicted. SN. Borcea. Istorie. Buldur. Chertan. Dorman. Čura. Rásonyi-Nagy. Borza.” Studii i cercetări tiin≥ifice. Iarcân. 85 Băsărabă. Baba.86 Aga. Cioban. Čakan. the conclusion can be that the people who named all those villages (Namengeber) were Romanians. Iorga. Korman. Buzdugan. Vuiupa. pp. Buga. Constantinescu).88 Udobă. 89 C. 1963). Interpretări (see above. Toxabă (Nicolae Iorga). “Valacho-turcica. 2. Olan. whereas others may have come from personal names of Cuman origin designating members of native communities who were not ethnic Cumans.” in Aus den Forschungsarbeiten der Mitglieder des Ungarischen Instituts und des Collegium Hungaricum in Berlin dem Andenken Robert Graggers gewidmet (Berlin–Leipzig. n. Coteanu. Lăzărescu-Zobian. 2 (1996). Toacxem.” in Turks. Bolsun. Utmeš (László Rásonyi-Nagy). 569–571. Selte. Čolpan. 1984). Kazan. it is not clear what specific criteria have been used for the selection of those. Bulat. 61. Balyk. Coman. no. Scorpan. Cantemir (Maria Lăzărescu-Zobian). Talabă. “Despre unele antroponime de origine cumană. A.87 Asan. A. erban (Constantin Cihodaru). Buzgan. and no other personal names as of Turkic origin. Karača. 1935). 1927). A Festschrift in Honor of Tibor Halasi-Kun (= Journal of Turkish Studies 8. Hardalupa. p. Balaban. Aslan. Borčul. Hungarians and Kipchaks. Dic≥ionar onomastic românesc (Bucharest. . Basarab. Du man. Kaltabuka. Itul. Bučuk. “Cumania as the name of thirteenth-century Moldavia and eastern Wallachia: some aspects of Kipchak-Rumanian relations. 87 Panaitescu. pp. Panaitescu). * * * Many medieval and modern Romanian names have been regarded by various historians as of Turkic origin: Aslan. Talabă. XLVI. Bilik. Ia i. Dârman. Tâncabă. Ulan. La place des Roumains dans l’histoire universelle. p. Burluc.89 Burciul / Borcea. Zehan (Petre Diaconu). Toksoba. Balaban. Caraba . 90 M. 244. Čortan. p. p. Urdobaš. Cazan.91 Unfortunately. 59). Diaconu. 14 (1963). Šušman.

tefan cel Mare. Rocznik Chotelskiego. ed. tefan cel Mare (Bucharest. F. p. Études à la mémoire de Mihail Guboglu. 132 with n. paternal aunt.contacts and interactions 325 specialists in Turkology expressing any opinion about those lists. Textul inedit al unui autor polon anonim. voievod al Moldovei (1457–1504). in idem. A. as early as 1389.” in idem. 24–26. ed. and 149. 86). La place des Roumains (see above. S. 96 V. there was a certain Berendey. Nume de persoane (see above. 1878). A. 18. G.. P. 103. pp. Princeps omni laude maior. 57–58. I. Secolul XIII–începutul secolului XVII. Cronica paralelă a ˘ării Române ti i a Moldovei. 173. eds. 2. father. 161–164. Moldova în epoca feudalismului / Молдавия в эпоху феодализма. I.94 Among Stephen the Great’s rivals during the first years of his reign (1457–1504). 1935). elder sister. Năsturel. between 1435 and 1442. Popescu (Brăila. 92 93 .92 Names ending in -aba. 46–47.. 107. 1878). Pârvan. p. grandfather. II) (Cracow. 19.93 have a good chance to be Pecheneg or Cuman. 106 and 141. 158. “Qui sons les ‘Togtocomans’?. Informa≥iile române ti ale cronicii lui Ian Dlugosz (Ia i. C. I. Cronica Moldovei de la Cracovia. 1972). See also O. “Rela≥iile lui tefan cel Mare cu Ungaria. II (see above. paternal uncle. Chelcu (Ia i. nos.. 152. no. M. Boldur. 69. 167. Axinte Uricariul. Studiu de istorie socială i politică. trempel (Bucharest. 2. n. in Monumenta Poloniae Historica. 1876). En Etymological Dictionary of Pre-Thirteenth-Century Turkish (Oxford. 2005). mother. I. L. n. t. “Originea Basarabilor. pp. Bielowski. 241. M. 1993). 5. p. attempts to eliminate from the list of names of an undoubtedly Turkic origin such names as Berindei are simply wrong. 156. Densu ianu. 2006). 168. Rezachevici (Bucharest. 143 with n. Bilici. A. p. G. ed. 1990).97 The name Berindei also appears in Wallachia. 2007). p. Chelcu and M. Studii de istorie medievală i modernă. much like those derived from ethnic names. Cândea. Nastasă (Bucharest. ed. 214. O istorie a lui tefan cel Mare (Putna. Gorovei. 148. p. p. C. nos. 159. Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini Historiae Polonicae libri XII. Arderea Tîrgului Floci i a Ialomi≥ei în 1470 (Ia i. pp. J. II. V. with the meaning of “ancestor. Székely. 94 Hurmuzaki. Szujski (Monumenta medii aevi historica res gestas Poloniae illustrantia. DRH. Opera omnia. elder brother.A. Minea. 142–145. A stolnic (seneschal) called Berindei (Berendei ) appears several times as an important dignitary under Prince Ilia . 495. Conversely. p. n. 95 Codicis epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti. III (Lwów.” in Enjeux politiques.96 Others have rightly pointed out that Berendey and Petru Aron must have been two different persons. 860 ff. 97 I. Iorga. Costăchescu. XIV (Cracow. pp. 1925). 1. the origin of the names therein remains uncertain. 1926). 16–18. 22). eds. V. Przezdziecki. ed. 16–18 with n. 2004). 44 and 56. p. etc. ed. . 23). 2nd ed. Clauson. pp. or midwife” in modern Turkic languages. pp. Ursu. M. The first to be recorded was the name Pătru≥.95 whom some historians have wrongly identified as the previous voivode named Petru Aron. I. p. which appear with some consistency in Moldavian charters of the fourteenth and fifteenth century. A. grandmother.” Grai i suflet 4 (1929). This is certainly the case for Coman and Berindei. économiques et militaires en mer Noire (XIV e–XXIe siècles). pp. I.

A. no. 102 DRH. 33. 74.103 A third Gypsy slave named Coman and his camp appears in a grant of 1434 for the Moldovi≥a Monastery. Rochow.105 while in 1462 Seli tea lui Coman (“Coman’s Camp”) is mentioned in the Bacău county. 6. again. II. 17. one Dragomir. 100 DRH. I. the first Coman appears in a charter of 1398: he was a boyar from Bucovina. K. 11. 98 99 . I. 132. in 1458.A. See also no.104 A boyar named Coman appears in 1435 and 1438 as a member of the princely council.A. son of Coman. II.108 Stephen the Great also granted a village on the Jerăvă≥ River in 1495 to the sons of Coman. no. who may have himself been a stolnic.107 In the same year. two Gypsy (Roma) slaves. 143–165.99 In Moldavia. no.A.102 Another Gypsy slave named Comanna and his camp (possibly the same as that of 1428) appears in the list of that same monastery’s properties. is mentioned among the properties of the of the Neam≥ Monastery. no. 104. 75. DRH. II. 19. I.109 Half of all persons named Coman. nos. 108 DRH. including that of Comancea. 101 DRH. the son of Gali . while the other half includes only Gypsy slaves. 110 G.110 a Roma presence in the Romanian lands must have taken DRH. were granted in 1487 by Stephen the Great ( tefan cel Mare) to the Bistri≥a Monastery. 40. no. III. Soulis. was granted land previously not inhabited in order to set up a village on the river Ba eu.A. 181. “The Gypsies in the Byzantine Empire and the Balkans in the Late Middle Ages. 18. 107.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15 (1961). 104 DRH. 106 DRH.-P.A. I. both named Coman. C. Given the chronology of the Gypsy migration to the Byzantine Empire. 73. no. I. pp. the camp of one Gypsy slave named Danciul. appear to have been boyars. I.100 The name appears more frequently in fifteenth-century charters. 107 DRH.A.B. 105 DRH. is mentioned as a member of the princely council. III. who are mentioned in fourteenthto fifteenth-century Moldavian charters. III.B. the son of Berindei. which was then confirmed in 1454 and. no.A. no. Matschke.A.101 In 1428. In 1412 Coman.A. 165. I. no.98 In 1432. nos. together with their respective camps are mentioned among the assets of the Bistri≥a Monastery.326 chapter four of a Wallachian stolnic. no. 138.106 More Gypsy camps. I. 109 DRH. no. 103 DRH.

792. 32.122 1673. n. Sec. no. Ghibănescu. IV.A.A. IV.119 1628. p. Capro u (Ia i. no. nos.A. v. V. 133 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. 118 Catalog de documente din Arhivele Statului Ia i. Stoide. IV.A. 349–350. 575. Documente tecucene.A.129 Coman Băicescul in 1617. pp. 111.126 and 1686. VIII. 2000).120 1638. 1938). M. VI. 125 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti din Direc≥ia Arhivelor Centrale. XVI. n.124 between 1681 and 1693. pp. 352–353. pp. 199. IV. Surete. 122. 233–239. n.135 Judging from the „Neues zu den Zigeunern im byzantinischen Reich um die Wende vom 13. I. 67. p. 410.116 1577.123 1677. 34. Ghibănescu. 117 Gh.A. IV. 292.“ Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 41 (l991).contacts and interactions 327 place long time after the Cumans had completely lost their hegemony in the steppe lands to the Mongols and had entered a long process of ethnic assimilation. possibly. v. 414.118 1617. I. p.A. XVI. pp. 130 DIR. 241–254.121 1648. II. 138. p. II (see above.115 1570. XVI. Duca Tinculescu. 112 DIR. 498. 25). 934 and 1539. I.A. Documente privitoare la istoria ora ului Ia i. p. 215. DRH. .117 1588. 159–160. 1970). no. Negulescu (Bucharest. 896. I.127 Comana in 1548. XVI. eds. v. 127 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. II.A. XXII. p. XXIV. 120 DRH. 29). 1347. 123 Suceava. 119 DIR. III. XVII. 222. File de istorie (see above. Vasilescu. 114 DIR. II (see above. XVI.114 Coman in 1507. but from the Romanians or. p. IV. 1927). Jahrhundert.111 Berendeai in 1584. p. Solomon and C. 132 DIR. 102. IV. Ghibănescu. 433. 128 DRH. zum 14. 124 C. I. no. XVI. no. In other words.112 Berindei in 1598. 121 DRH. XVIII (Ia i. v.A. 203. no. p. XVI. p. I. IV. 569 and 613. XVI. C. V.A. XVII. 1758. 134 DIR. 135 Ghibănescu. 129 DIR. Surete i izvoade. I.133 Comănel in 1546.130 Coman Berchez in 1619. XVII. no.A.134 and Comănescu in 1699. p. pp. pp. 131 DIR. Surete. 165.A. there can be no doubt that the Roma did not get learn about the personal name Coman from the Cumans. v. v. v. v. from other ethnic groups in the Balkans. VI. VIII. no.A. 9.A. nos. 340. 115 DIR.113 as well as between 1601 and 1628. ed. 25). VI. Ghibănescu. v. 969. p. 111 DRH. 393. 126 Ibidem. 205. Acte interne (1661–1690).125 in 1685. no. 208. pp.131 Coman Margelat in 1598.A. Coman and Berendei appear much more frequently in charters of the sixteenth and seventeenth century: Berendeae in 1569.132 Ioni≥ă Comănaci in 1695. Regleanu.128 Coman Basinschi in 1605. XVII–XIX (Bârlad. 116 DIR. v. Moldova. XIX. v. A. no. Surete. p. 122 Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti. no. IV. D. I. 113 DIR. 240–241. Surete.

the name first appears in the early 1400s.143 and 1539. III (1978). Documentele privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Române ti cu Bra ovul i cu ˘ara Ungurească în sec.138 Another Coman appears in 1441. 320.B. Comana. DRH.B. ed. n. 41. I. 1905). 483. I. no.B. 71.B. VII. XXXIV–XXXVI. V. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. I. 1413–1508 (Bucharest. 349. VII. II. p. no. 1931). 445.B. no. 147 DRH. 77. 542. 326. but not in use between the Prut and the Dniester rivers. II (1974). p. pp. XXI.149 136 Recensămîntul (see above. no.139 Two Comans. II.A. 52). VI (see above. 484. XXI–XXV. 93.XVI. 1346–1603. n.136 In Wallachia. 327. XXII. 141 I. no.142 1501.144 Only one Gypsy named Coman appears in Wallachia in 1492 in a charter of Vlad the Monk (Vlad Călugărul). pp. no. 149 DIR. a boyar and a scribe. 1369– 1600 (1947). VII.137 That Coman is probably the same person as the one mentioned in a document of 1418.328 chapter four data of the 1772–1773 and 1774 census in Moldavia. G.D. 230. I. passim.B.141 A certain Coman Făgără anul is mentioned as master of the village Sălătruc in 1488. XXXII.146 The feminine version. during Vlad Dracul’s reign. I. 40) (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. IV (1981). 549–551. XI. 1902). are mentioned in a charter of Vladislav II dated to 1456. the name is much more frequently used in the 1500s and 1600s. no. in Wallachia in 1509147 and 1519. 580. no.B. 308. Urkundenbuch. 146 534 documente istorice slavo-române din ˘ara Românească i Moldova privitoare la legăturile cu Ardealul. who were the sons of Batea. the name Coman was more popular in the region between the Carpathian Mountains and the Prut. 598. An undated charter of Prince Mircea the Elder (Mircea cel Bătrân) between 1400 and 1403 mentions two brothers named Coman and Nanul.B. it was employed as first. v. 2).148 and in Moldavia in 1548. 142 DRH.B. 44). Tocilescu (Bucharest.B. 148 DRH. 351. I. is also attested. 225 and 261. 575. 3206. no. ibidem (Moldova în epoca feudalismului. Gr. see DRH. 145 DRH. VI (1993) (see above.140 Another boyar named Coman Kure appears in a diploma of 1460. II–VIII. IV. Documente i regeste privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Rumâne ti cu Bra ovul i Ungaria în secolul XV i XVI (Bucharest. and 355.B. V (1985). 345. 140 DRH. 137 DRH. 5. 21.B. 353. no. n. .145 Much like in Moldavia. 1). DRH. 144 DRH. 182. passim. More often than not. pp. 139 DRH. no. For the subsequent period. 138 DRH. I. 592. passim. 63. XXXI–XXXVII. 112. passim. 264. II. 333. 212. XV i XVI. no. 571. I. Bogdan. I. not family name. Catalogul documentelor ˘ării Române ti. Bogdan. 143 DRH. I.

157 Persons having that name belonged to various social groups. Carabă. 321. 156 Veress. It is not always possible to establish whether that name referred to Romanians or to other ethnic groups. toponimie i terminologie geografică. Magyarország történelmi földrajza a Hunyadiak korában. 151 Hurmuzaki. 1900).159 By 1600. but in more limited numbers: Bărăgan. had been a fief of the Wallachian 150 I. Bornaz. Documente. pp.150 Such regional distribution is most likely not an accident. mentioned as such in the Ha≥eg Land (˘ara Ha≥egului ) in 1404151 and 1418. etc. there are a few cases in which the name Koman applied to Romanians. 158 Veress. CLXXIII. Documentele privitoare la rela≥iile ˘ării Române ti (see above. Răstoaca.156 and in Maramure in the sixteenth to eighteenth century. 70–82. p. III. Documente. 2. p. Oancea. all of which are in eastern and south-eastern Vrancea. no. 370. . II (1573–1584) (Bucharest. D. n. for after the conquest of Transylvania. 155 Ibidem. no. 153 DRH. p. La începuturile evului mediu românesc. Caraca .contacts and interactions 329 Today. pp. 108. Mândre ti. 204–205. Mihályi de Ap a. Stoicescu (Bucharest. Slobozia. pp. no. Cioră ti. 159 Veress. Lacul Baban. the Hungarian kings introduced measures to encourage the colonization of large numbers of people. Păte ti. no. 208. Risipi≥i. The family name Koman appears in the 1500s: Ioan Koman de Tartaria. p. from priests (1453. 70 and 72. 187. 157 I. V. ˘ara Ha≥egului (Bucharest. Geografie istorică. Popa. 141). 23. p. 152 D. In all those cases. Odobasca. 1930). CLIV. Badea. Diplome maramure ene din secolul XIV i XV (Sighet. I. Its most frequent use is in a group of villages. L. However. 1988). cercel). Berindei. 1482–1496) and knezes (1424) to serfs (1586). I. Csánki. Vrancea. Documente (see above. 1913). Caraman. Jari tea. for many centuries. I. both as a family and as a first name. which. no.153 1482.D.155 as well as in 1586 (Koman Cherchel. eds. is mentioned in 1574. Conea. p. 1993). Gologanu. V (Budapest. Făurei. no. Hurmuz. 40). 434. 128. 154 Bogdan. The name Coman was also common in medieval Transylvania.152 in southern and southeastern Transylvania in 1453. the name Coman is particularly popular in the Vrancea region. Berendel. Martine ti. Terche ti. Ureche ti and Vânători. Several other Turkic-sounding names occur in that same region.154 between 1482 and 1496. N. Suraia. 22. pp. 156. Obile ti. Hamza. 32. Gorgan. the name was very popular in the Făgăra Land (˘ara Făgăra ului). Koman was used as a first name.158 and Christof Koman in a report of 1598. Guge ti. Hasan. a name derived from the Romanian word for earring. 486 and 639. See also R. n. such as Bude ti.

Barna. 216–230. eds. in almost every village of the region. 72. 1993). M. 230. 244. I. 83. Mu lea. 277. 213. a region in which the majority of the population was Romanian. nos. Limona. Comăni≥ă. I. 164 I. 281–283. 286. Hungarians in both Transylvania and Hungary employed the Hungarian word for Cuman (Kun) as a name. I. ˘ara Făgăra ului în secolul al XIII-lea. nos. 196. Românii i secuii. 1975). Mănăstirea cisterciană Câr≥a (Cluj–Napoca. etc. 306–308. passim. 232–241. An identical situation was recorded around the city of Bra ov. Runceanu.C. 2000). 434. t. I. 288. Mályusz and I. 364. passim. 89. R. passim. III (1411–1412). I. t. 1990). Mu lea. ˘ara Făgăra ului în evul mediu (Secolele XIII–XVI) (Bucharest. and was confirmed as such by kings of Hungary. 189. E. which was inhabited primarily by Szeklers. 71. pp. Făgăra is in southern Transylvania. C. eds. Stoide. I.164 The name Berindei(i) was recorded more seldom west of the eastern Carpathians: in 1587 in Maramure . 69. Danciu. which the Szeklers borrowed from assimilated Romanians. Danciu. and V. A. eds. and 668. M. and 300. A. p. 200. both Coman and its derivatives were recorded between the sixteenth and the twentieth centuries: Comăna . 193. 222. Pa ca. A. pp. II (see above. Diplome. 300–304. Russu. 203–207. 200. II.160 Most of them had that as first. During the modern age. As such. etc. 273. Limona. Borsa (Budapest. 194. C. 165 Mihályi de Ap a. I. 184. and 792. pp. 563. Suciu (Bucharest. I. 199. 160 Urbariile (see above. footnote 52. 60. 659. I (1387–1399). pp. XIII. 201. that name appears frequently occured in written sources. etc. Unlike the Romanians. . Cadasters for that region (Urbarien) recorded hundreds of people named Koman. 207–214. 223. ed. Diplome. ed. 1998). I. I. p. Lukács.. 1936).162 Situated in that region are also the villages Comana de Jos and Comana de Sus163 (Bra ov county). Mihályi de Ap a. 1955). p. 1999). 52). XII. Runceanu. C. 161 Catalogul documentelor române ti din Arhivele Statului de la Ora ul Stalin. it is believed to be a name. Comănescu. 535. trans. 74. 199. 246–249. 225. 52). 512. 209. Vini≥chi. Urbariile. 163 A.167 Hungarians have also used that as a family name. passim. Comănici. pp. 599. 373. 167 Zsigmondkori oklevéltár. pp. pp. Les Roumains et les Sicules. Comănel. and 231. Coman also appeared in the region of eastern Transylvania. Opri (Bucharest. Nume de persoane i nume de animale în ˘ara Oltului (Bucharest. Tomoiagă (Cluj–Napoca. D. 289. C. 475. 126. 1951). Stanciu (Bucharest. idem. 88. Comănică. N. See also. V. Opri . E. 196. 1. Mályusz (Budapest. 128. only a few as family name. Stanciu. 202–204. Busuioc-von Hasselbach. n. 60–62. 162 Catalogul documentelor române ti din Arhivele Statului Bra ov. D. 1521–1799. DRH.161 Along the valley of the river Olt (˘ara Oltului). V. n.165 and in the 1600s in Făgăra Land. D. 254. II.330 chapter four princes. pp. pp. ed. Beginning with the fourteenth century. 166 Urbariile.166 etc. 341. 271–278. Stoide. E. II (1800–1825).

Among them were also the Vlachs in Serbia. in the northern region of the Hungarian Kingdom. p. in 1331 in Szepsi. which during the Middle Ages was divided between different polities with often unstable boundaries. Christum. the family name Kwn / Kun) appears less frequently in certain regions. 375. Halasi-Kun. 193. especially in the western regions of the peninsula. 174 T. no. 1892). No clear understanding of the significance of Romanian personal names derived from those of Turkic tribes is possible without taking into account the distribution of such names in the neighbouring countries. Within that region. Among DRH. 170 Documenta historiam Valachorum in Hungaria illustrantia usque ad annum 1400 p. some of their leaders were called by determinative names. Abaujvár county. no. which were meant to indicate their ethnic origin. I. Most revealing in this respect is the distribution in the Balkans. eds. Zimmermann and C. 373.C. which appears in 1330 and. Györffy. 175 Urkundenbuch zur Geschichte der Deutschen in Siebenbürgen.172 A rather bizarre example is also Kunchmannus [Cumanus?] dictus Tataar (or Thatar). near Satu Mare (1382). Werner (Hermannstadt. Gáldi. curante E. Menk Comans and Arbuz Cumans were mentioned in documents of 1279175 and 1289. Az Árpád-kori Magyarország történeti földrajza. 376. 176 Ibidem. 168 169 . p. 229. XIII.” AEMA 4 (1984). 268. 89. A. near Oradea (1362). eds. 327. I (Budapest. no. 173 Gy. no. for which there is better evidence. 96. For instance. Fekete Nagy and L. “Ottoman data on Lesser Cumania: Keçkemet nahiyesi—varo -i hala —kariye-i ksökut. Diplome.168 Johannes dictus Cwn / Kun. XII.contacts and interactions 331 and especially as a nickname: Petrus dictus de Kwn. DRH.170 Nicolaus dictus Kwn de Bechke (Becska).C.176 Such names could eventually turn into patronyms. 189.174 a phenomenon interpreted as signaling the last phase in the process of assimilation of the Cumans in the Pannonian Plain. 172 Mihályi de Ap a. no. p.173 After the defeat at Mohács (1526) and the occupation of a good part of Hungary by the Ottoman Turks.171 or Lucas dictus Kun de Rosal (Rozsály). nos. 377. 146. 1941). the name Coman (and its many variants) was employed by different ethnic groups. no. F. XII. Makkai (Budapest. Lukinich et adiuvante L. 1966). in Maramure (1391 and 1392). While the Cumans were present in Hungarian Kingdom as mercenaries. 171 Ibidem. again. in Galo petreu. 341. no.169 Franciscus dictus Kun de Kak. respectively. Documenta historiam Valachorum. in the former Nógrád county (1389). near Satu Mare (1364 and 1365).

mentioned in 1308. Croniche ulteriori di Ragusa. Из Дубровачког архива. no. 3rd Ser. Dragomir.181 and Chumanin of Novo Brdo mentioned in 1436 and at some point after 1440. 1959).182 Since no colonization and no migration of Cumans to Dalmatia is known to have taken place. 341. 179 Codex diplomaticus regni Croatiae. 1001–1235 (Pest. 181 Codex diplomaticus. Mayer (Zagreb. 1326–1335. is mentioned in a document of 1330.184 The village of Comana. 1329. in Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium. later confirmed by prince Radoslav. mentioned in 1278. I. 2. 138. 452. Čremošnik (Zagreb. G. See Giovanni di Marino Gondola (probabilmente). 1332–1337. nos. II.178 Cuman was also popular in thirteenth. Wenzel. VIII (Zagreb. which was called Cumano. nos. G. 180 Monumenta historica archivi Ragusini. p. mentioned in 1232. Prva knjiga kotorskih notara od god. Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. III (Zagreb. 175.177 A donation charter of the Serbian king Stephen Uroš II Milutin (1282–1321) for the Hilandar Monastery dated to ca. 1282. 321. 2. Notae et acta notarii Thomasini de Savero. 1278–1282.332 chapter four the 200 Vlachs (Власи) mentioned in a donation of king Stephen the First-Crowned (Prvovenčani ) (1217–1227/8) for the Žiča Monastery. no. 797. I. 27. . 184 Kotorski spomenici. whose name appears to be a diminutive of Kuman. 109. 45. and 380. I. and 473. no. 1951). S. ed. 53 and 70. 363–364 and 369. 1906). no. IV (Zagreb. Druga knjiga kotorskih notara god. Nodilo (Zagreb. Near Cattaro (Kotor). ed. 1860). Scriptores. ed. A Dalmatian chronicler writing in the second half of the fifteenth century mentions a cave near Ragusa. there were three persons named Kuman (Коумань). Prva knjiga. 177 Árpádkori új okmántytár. Acta cancellariae et notariae annorum 1278–1301. pp. 1905). 1300 a certain Kumanicz (Куманиць) appears. 317. A. 1234. a certain Scime de Comana appears in 1326183 and another named Milloslaus de Comana in 1332. 1893). 178 Hurmuzaki. such names bear no implications for the ethnic origin of the persons to whom they applied. 1235.. 1 and 615. fifteenth-century Dalmatia: Cumanus. I.185 Not far from the Croatian town Čazma (Chasma). Dinić. p. to the east from Zagreb. 1951). See also S. and 236. 183. Notae et acta cancellariae Ragusinae. Monumenta historica Ragusina. 1237. near Cattaro. no. 19.179 Dubroqualis Cumanus of Ragusa (Dubrovnik). 1957). G. 183 Kotorski spomenici. and 1301. 1910). Smičiklas. 77.180 Cumanus. 1981). 136. 1238. pp. Vlahii din nordul Peninsulei Balcanice în evul mediu (Bucharest. 182 M. nos. 157. A. XXV. ed. nos. 185 Kotorski spomenici. ed. a priest and notary of Spalato (Split). pp. p. 549. 775. 207. 222 (151 d). and 1243. a priest of Spalato. I (Belgrade. 352. 353. 212. 1281. T. I. 17–19. Hurmuzaki. ed. ed. Čremošnik (Belgrade. 156. 1932). Mayer (Zagreb.

“Les contacts médiévaux albano-comans reflétés par l’onomastique de Kosovo.193 Between the twelfth and the fourteenth centuries the name Κόμανoς was repeatedly recorded in documents of several monasteries at Mount Athos.191 Personal names of supposedly Cuman region have been recorded in several parts of Albania. nos. eds. Kravari and H. p.189 Stefano Cuman of Egci190 and Giergi [George] Cumanj of Buzëzezi. 2106. Lefort. 193 P. and 2158/62. II. Svoronos. Texte. Kritische Bemerkungen. Zorzi) Cumanj (Comannj) of Belaj.” Balkan Studies 22 (1981). 8. 195 Actes de Lavra.” AOH 40 (1986).contacts and interactions 333 there was a so-called “road of the Cumans” (via dicta Kumanorum). Guillou.195 while Michael Komanos and John Komanos were a paroikos Codex diplomaticus. J. and his name derives from that of Scutari (Shkodra). with V. no. “«Die Bulgaren im Byzantinischen Reich». on the Albanian shore of the Adriatic Sea. Métrévéli (AA. which was in the centre of the economic and political interests of Venice. Búlgaros and Rosos (the last one being also known as family names). La façade maritime de l’Albanie au Moyen Age. A. Malingoudis. eds. no. 189 Acta Albaniae Veneta saeculorum XIV et XV. a certain George Komanos (Γε(ώ)ρ(γιoς) ὁ Κόμανoς). South of Dalmatia. J. Ducellier. much like Vláchos. 1977). in collab. II. Valentin (Munich. pp. 298. Oikonomidès. no. 99. p. 243. 192–193 and 223 with n. no. 146. Schütz. Lemerle. 194 Actes d’Iviron. 2–3. the anthroponym Cuman was also recorded in medieval documents. mentioned in 1248. Similarly. De 1204 à 1328. 2158/60. pp. The first attestation is inserted in a praktikon of January 6612 (= 1104) issued by John Comnenus.186 which probably connected Hungary to Dalmatia. 52. 2. ed.192 In the Byzantium Kómanos was usually used as a first name. no. A. N. 191 Ibidem.188 Several documents of 1417 mention Georgius (Giorgi. no. 192 I. XVI) (Paris. lists among the paroikoi of Saint Barbara belonging to the Iviron Monastery. no. 186 187 . John Komanos (Iωάννης ὁ Κόμανoς). 256–257. pp. Du milieu du XI e siècle à 1204. 424. Durazzo et Valona du XIe au XV e siècle (Thessalonike. N. 205. is mentioned in 1304 as paroikos of the Lavra Monastery of Gomatu. VIII) (Paris. 293–300. Codex diplomaticus. 190 Ibidem. 2107/26. Papachryssanthou (AA. A contract of 1243 mentions the merchant Kur [kyr] Cumanus de Succotrino from Dyrrachion (Durazzo / Durrës).194 probably as a nickname. Those names begin to appear shortly after the earliest Cuman incursions into the Balkans. 1970). D. 169. 2158/67. Papachryssanthou. Texte. P. no. D.187 This is most likely the same person as a certain Cumanus Scudrin. emperor Alexius I’s nephew. 1981). nos. 1990). VIII. 188 Ibidem. II. IV.

334 chapter four and son-in-law of paroikos. Texte. a very large social category made up of dependent peasants with hereditary properties. Kravari. Karayannopulos. Papachryssanthou (AA. with H. p. the name Komanos applied to members of other social categories as well. 200 Actes d’Iviron. D. That the name was sufficiently common by 1200 results from the Ibidem. no. no. 1300). J. De 1204 à 1328. II. pp. J. A certain Komanos Tzankáres. 75. no. an estate of the Xenophon Monastery. p. p. J. 77. VI) (Paris. 1956). p. 199 Actes d’Esphigménou. The former—Κoμάνα—is attested in 1318204 and 1320205 at Melintziane. 41–74. p. 1994). 1977). 16. 245 and 264. 204 Ibidem. 25. Texte. 1964). 79. 114. Komana and Komanka. turned out out to be paroikoi. John Komanitzes was recorded in 1316 for a paroikos of the Iviron Monastery at Radolibos. The archives at Mount Athos contain many documents mentioning locals in the theme Thessalonike (1290–1310). III. 91. 1973). Papachryssanthou.199 in Palaiokastron (1320). Bompaire (AA. 15. E. and in 1338 at Stomion. 1300). p. who are mentioned in documents preserved in the archives at Holy Mount. V. pp. III) (Paris. 109. 198 Actes de Lavra. 1986). no. 214–216. Komanos appeared as a Christian first name in the Chalcidice (Khalkidike) Peninsula and in the neighbouring regions to the north. Texte. p. 122. 69. XV) (Paris. 14.197 in the katepanikion Hierissos (ca.198 in the village Laimin (two inhabitants) (ca. XVIII) (Paris. no. no. N.207 Most people with names derived from that of the Cumans. Actes de Xéropotamou. ed. appears in documents of 1318201 and 1321. working the land of the Lavra (1321). 201 Actes d’Esphigménou. ed. 142 ff.202 A diminutive form of the name. 216. 206 Actes de Xénophon. ed. p. p. p.. 202 Ibidem. no.200 all called Κόμανoς.208 However. “Ein Problem der spätbyzantinischen Agrargeschichte.206 A woman named Κoμάνκα lived in 1320 on the estate of the Iviron Monastery at Palaiokastron. 77. p. Ostrogorskij. Quelques problèmes d’histoire de la paysannerie byzantine (Brussels. III. 106. Lefort. Texte. in collab. 208 G. 196 197 . Peasant Society in the Late Byzantine Empire. New Jersey. respectively. no. p.203 The name had also feminine variants. Laiou-Thomadakis. no. in Byzantium. 262. 18 A. Métrévéli (AA. no. eds.196 After 1300. 143. A Social and Demographic Study (Princeton. an estate of the Iviron Monastery. 189. no. p. 8. D. Lefort (AA. no. Oikonomidès. 207 Actes d’Iviron. J. 245. A. 203 Actes d’Iviron. pp. 74.” Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik 30 (1981). 195. 247. also from Laimin. no. 114. III. 205 Ibidem.

A village named Komanovo was among those granted by tsar Stephen Uroš III Dečanski (1321–1331) to the Hilandar Monastery in 1327. 1948). XII) (Paris. of one of that person’s distant ancestors. P. Guillou. Lemerle. but none can apparently be located in the Chalcidice Peninsula. XIII.212 A charter of despot Jovan Dragaš and his brother Constantine.209 Under the Palaeologan emperors. in A. pp. . 213 Actes de Saint-Pantéléèmôn. dated between 1372 and 1375. 66. 25. eds. 291–292. no. G. 341–345. поменици. II (Paris. записи и др. which included a village named Kumaničevo. p. no. in collab. compound names ending in -poulos are attested. 65. биографије.214 Similar names must have been in existence in other parts of the Balkans as well.211 It may well be the same as the modern town of Kumanovo. Stojanović. 212 V. p. Peasant Society.. not far from Kavadarci. Texte. pp. Lemerle.210 No such compound names are known to have made use of Komanos.213 This is in fact the village by that same name still in existence on the right bank of the river Vardar. 6. in Споменик Српска Краљевска Академија. S. The Cumans. A place named Κoυμανόβεζ. 44. to the north-east from Skopje. P. p. Those Turks are in fact specifically mentioned in 1181 and 1184. with D. III (Belgrade. V) (Paris. N. L. pp. Sovre. who were settled in the theme of Moglena may have well contributed to the proliferation of such personal and place names in Macedonia. 211 Стари српски хрисову и акти. no. The documents at Mount Athos contain many references to place names deriving from the ethnic name of the Cumans. which appears in the agreement concluded between the Hilandar Monastery and Novo Selo in 1621. 130–131. which referred to ethnicity (e. 1859). I. 210 Laiou-Thomadakis. Svoronos. A. no. 214 Actes de Lavra. in relation to disputes with the monks of the Lavra. типици. Supplementa ad acta graeca Chilandarii (Ljubljana. Des origines à 1204. Dagron. but only little information exists about them. летописи.g. 1890). 170. Mošin. Papachryssanthou (AA. 1970). Vlachopoulos or Armenopoulos). but at the most. confirmed previous land grants to the Monastery of Saint Panteleemôn.contacts and interactions 335 fact that a Crusade French chronicler referred to Theodore Comnenus as Todre le Commanos. eds. 1982). ™irković (AA.. That the vast majority of such names appears in Chalcidice and on the Adriatic 209 L’estoire de Eracles empereur et de la conqueste de la terre d’Outremer. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. Historiens occidentaux. ed. 334–341. pp. This is a further confirmation of the fact that that name and its variants was not in fact an indication of the ethnicity of the person to which it applied.

135. mentions a certain Ser Iohanes Caucho dictus Cumano. 1299. no. A. 192. A document written in 1341 at Candia—the most important centre of Crete. 1989). From the Balkans. the name Coman spread to the islands in the Aegean Sea and even to the eastern Mediterranean. 634. Économie et population. Quaternus consiliorum (1340–1350). D. 145. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. in Dalmatia and Albania. no. Balta. much like in the case of Sanser Zorzi Chumano known to have been a Genoese merchant active in Constantinople in 1437 and 1438. Svoronos. and Kiriako Komeno from Yalotra219 remains uncertain. Nikola Komano of Kambiya. p. 149. pp. as a witness to an agreement between Catalan merchants and navigators. the association with the name of the Cumans of such names as Nikola Kamanic and Yani Kamanic from the village of Limni. X) (Paris. 1976). Bertelè (Rome.336 chapter four coast. that is. The Ottoman census of 1474 recorded many similar family and nicknames in several villages of Euboea (Negroponte). 287 and 306. eds. De 1329 à 1500. L’Eubée à la fin du XV e siècle. Vidulich (Venice. P. Papachryssanthou (AA. is simply an indication of source survival in the Venitian archives and in those at Mount Athos. and 635. 506. 8. R. 1983). Balard.220 The presence of the name Komanos in Lemnos should not surprise. U. no. the following names may be mentioned: Yani Komano of Ahladeri. p. 350. in Famagosta. A document written on May 16. and not a mirror of the demographic reality in the whole of the Balkan Peninsula. where it appears between the fourteenth and the fifteenth century. N. 1979). in a place quite far from the continental part of south-eastern Europe. 8. 217 Actes de Lavra. Among the inhabitants listed in the registers (defter). Les registres de l’année 1474 (Athens.215 In this case Cumano appears to have been a nickname. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (11 ottobre 1296–23 giugno 1299) (Genoa. P. 219 Ibidem.217 That church belonged to the Great Lavra at Mount Athos. pp. 168. 216 Il libro dei conti di Giacomo Badoer (Constantinopoli 1436–1440). in Cyprus. 396. Dorini and T. 164. four years after they had conquered the island. Yorgi Cumana of Mazaros and Yani Komano of Yidez. mentions a certain Michael Comanus. Lemerle. 215 . 267 and 271–273. eds. Texte.216 A dependent peasant mentioned in 1415 in an inventory of church property on Lemnos was also called Komanos. occupied by the Venetians after the Fourth Crusade—. 218 E. By contrast. 197. 220 M. Guillou. pp. given that in the third decade of the fourteenth century a detachment Duca di Candia. 287. 201. ed. 1956). III.218 The origin of those family names is not difficult to establish.

B. p. I. 55. 223. 17. 222 Benvenuto de Brixano. 164. 231. Gasca Queirazza. 217 ff. they were relatively more frequent in the Kingdom of Hungary (including Transylvania). Gündisch (Hermannstadt. “Latins on Lemnos before and after 1453. 57.C. A. ed. 25.contacts and interactions 337 of Cumans had been moved there. L. and 296. whose fame has no spread all over the eastern Mediterranean. 255. Margarita. See also J. 1986). 51. His name was Tarabuga. see Hurmuzaki. 1261–1453. I. pp. Marcato. 100. But the place name Comana in Tuscany cannot derive from the name of the Cumans. 223 G. Documenta historiam Valachorum (see above. nos. Bryer and H. In fact a black (?) slave of Cuman origin was sold in August 1301 in Famagosta. as well as on two other islands of the Aegean Sea at the order of emperor Andronicus II Palaeologus (1282–1328).C. I (Bonn. Pavoni. 224 R. ed. Atti rogati a Cipro da Lamberto di Sambuceto (6 luglio–27 ottobre 1301) (Genoa. Lowry (Birmingham–Washington. Beigoba. Vida. XII i XIII. Haldon. P. Rossebastiano. n.” in Continuity and Change in Late Byzantine and Early Ottoman Society. 91.221 The use of the nickname Cumano in Candia in 1341 may be explained in terms of the presence on the island of Crete of slaves of Cuman origin (de genere Cumm[an]orum / Cu[ma]nnurum / Cumanorum). there can be no doubt that the names in question derive from that of the Cumans. 16. G. monastic holdings and the Byzantine state: ca. 2166 and 2167. v. Pellegrini. 1982). 103. and 130. Schopen. notaio in Candia. Notai genovesi in Oltremare. Topping. XII. 97. for after 1204 both islands were under Venitian control. G. Cuise. 58. nos. 98. DRH.222 No significant group of Cumans is known to have moved either to Euboea (Negroponte). 170). nos. pp. Morozzo della Rocca (Venice. ed. or to Crete. 24. eds. nos. 126. 259. 220.. XI. Urkundenbuch (see above. However. 225 For personal names associated with Pechenegs. 29. “Lemnos.223 The same is true about the names attested on the eastern Adriatic coast. 54.225 as well as in the western 221 Ioannis Cantacuzeni Historiarum libri IV. 2. p. no. C. G. R. with such names as Bersaba.224 While personal names derived from the ethnic name of the Pechenegs and the Uzes are rare in the Romanian lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. p. Dizionario di toponomastica. Petrarcco Sicardi. 1950). 178. 1990).C. 201 and 283. 1301–1302. 66–68. IV. D. 43. n. XI.” in ibidem. 1828). For names associated with the Uzes. . although it is not impossible that slaves of Cuman origin were brought on to the markets in Famagosta and other places on the island. pp. p. Storia e significato dei nomi geografici italiani (Turin. 1937). given that that place name is first attested in the early ninth century. A. and 140. and 117. see DIR. and 258. A migration of a large group of Cumans to Cyprus is also out of question. 175).

1909). CPict. Joannis Dlugossii seu Longini Historiae Polonicae libri XII. and 360. in idem. 165. I. The adoption of such names by the population north of the Lower Danube and from the Balkans is undoubtedly due to direct contact with the Cumans. 87. ed. II. 12. 1. p. 227 Chronici Hungarici (see above. E. see Monumenta historica Ragusina. see Codex diplomaticus (see above. VII (Zagreb. 518. 275. IV. 427. Opera omnia (see above. p. nos. 28. 200. 178). J. Gelcich (Zagreb. 234. such names became patronymics for some of their descendants.230 Tatar was the commander of the Cuman detachment hired by the Hungarian king Stephen II (1116–1131).228 Two Polovtsyan (Cuman) chieftains mentioned in 1096 and 1103 were called Kunui229 and Komana. I. pp. I. 371. Lučić (Zagreb. ed. Testamenta (1282–1284). 2. 144. n. individual Cumans were identified by nicknames pointing to their ethnic identity or background. p. since it is clear that non-Cumans were also called by that name. ed. etc. 266. p. 427. 77. 12. 184. 441. 128. 178. 528. pp. 152. 44. 447. J. X (Cracow. 153. 309. Monumenta Ragusina. p. XXIX. 170. 143. CPict. nos. Libri reformationum. and 403. 69. 58. 228 PVL. 272. 230 Ibidem. 346. 444. Let. . etc. p. 9. III. V. n. 1 (see above. no. in SRH. it would be a gross mistake to assume that in all known cases. and only later into a first name. 3). 179. 10. For names associated with the Uzes. and 559. 115. Ibidem. 368. 180). no. 35. However. II. 210. The name of a chieftain of a group of Pechenegs during the second half of the eleventh century was Kazar. 123.338 chapter four Balkans. Diversa cancellariae I (1282–1284). Notae et acta notarii Thomasini de Sauere. 291. nos. 20. 400. Travnik. 399. 189. p. 164. 1897). 472. respectively. nos. Chronicon Henrici de Mügeln germanice conscriptum. but it is equally possible that the nomads themselves applied such names to their own fellow tribesmen. and 178. 231 Chronici Hungarici. 1282–1284. 2.. 466. While living side by side with the locals. 549. 401. 69. n. 529. 216. 34. nos. 405. 180). 229 Ibidem. 173.226 Neither their frequency. Monumenta historica Ragusina (see above. which then turned into a family. 1984). 32. nor their distribution can match that of names derived from the ethnic name of the Cumans. 353. Cuman / Koman / Komanus was initially a nickname. 95). Such names were still used long after the assimilation of the Cumans into the local population. 243. n. There is some evidence to support the idea that in Hungary and in the Balkans. 39. n.227 Berendi of the Torki (Uzes) tribe is mentioned in 1097.Voskr. Gradually. Monumenta historica archivi Ragusini. 399. 67.231 Uzas was a “Sarmatian” 226 For place names associated with the Pechenegs. Natives may have called persons of Cuman origin by a nickname referring to the ethnic background. 3nd Ser. 1873).. p. Monumenta spectantia historiam Slavorum meridionalium. 137. I. 81. Cuman or its variants applied only to persons of Cuman origin. pp.

extraite de sa Chronique. Sauvaget (Bibliothèque de l’École des Hautes Études. pp. 378–379. and 151–153. Mass. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. pp. 1983). The Successors of Genghis Khan. 117. 122. 30. 393. pp. Li Guo (Leiden– Boston–Cologne. trans. the governor of Shaubec.234 and the son of the early twelfth-century Turkoman Arslan-Tash was called Captchac (Kafdjak). XIV. 294) (Paris. Ibn el-Athîr. B. A History of the Mongols. IV (Paris. 50. II. Le livre des deux Jardins.contacts and interactions 339 mercenary in the late eleventh-century Byzantine army. 77 and 102. and Alep. pp. 1 (Paris. 43. ed. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. in Patrologia Orientalis. 75. himself a son of the great khan Ögödäi. 1876). pp. and the viceroy of Damascus in ca. pp. 26–28. M. 3. 1949). pp. 121. 1920). Graffin. and 54–55. Rashiduddin Fazlullah’s Jami’u’t-tawarikh: Compendium of Chronicles. Abou’l Fida.240 Qipchaq was also the great emir of Melik-Temür 232 Anne Comnène. I (1998). 240 Rashid al-Din. 1872). 1882).239 Qipchaq was also the name of the son of the Mongol prince Kadan. 97.. etc. É. pp. 310. and ed.] Quatremère. Schäfer (Wiesbaden. ed. Boyle (New York–London. III (1999).235 The name of a late twelfth-century Seljuq emir is ‘Izz ed-Dîn Hasan ben Ya’kub ben Kifdjak. J. I (Paris. celui de Nour ed-Dîn et celui de Salah ed-Dîn. Thackston (Harvard [Cambridge. and 377. 609. ed. ed. 49–51. II (Strigonii.alihi wa-auladihi. Historiens orientaux. Nau (Paris. 2 (Paris. E. Knauz. Histoire des sultans mamlouks. Historiens orientaux. 118.233 A governor of Alep was called Cuman. pp. [M. A. Histoire des Atabecs de Mosul. 233 Monumenta Ecclesiae Strigoniensis. pp. II. Abu’-Fida’ Sultan of Hamah (672–732/1273–1331). 41–44. 39.237 The name of another Egyptian emir. p. 65. 99. I. trans. 236 Abou Chamah. and 204. Histoire des deux règnes. 1971). 234 Ibn-Alatyr. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. 168. 239 Šams ad-Din aš-Šu<a’i. ed. M. Tarih al-Malik an-Na ir Muhammad b. F. Historiens orientaux. 1998). 370. Djayl Mir’āt al-zamān. ed. 176. 107–113. Extrait de la chronique intitulée Kamel-Altevarykh. Early Mamluk Syrian Historiography. 120–121. 67. pp. La chronique (années 689–698 H. 140. Autobiographie. 235 Ibidem. p. II. and 194. 2 (Paris. I. p. 1943). and 77–79. 28. The Memoirs of a Syrian Prince. ed. 238 Moufazzal ibn Abil-Fazaïl.236 while another in the service of the Mamluk sultan in 1298 was named Mubâriz-eddin-Avlia-ben-Kuman. Hama. Al-Yūnīnī’s. 173–174. p. 31. eds. 1300 was Saif ad-Din Kiptchak al Mansuri (Qipchaq al-Man ūrī ). 237 Taki-Eddin-Ahmed-Makrizi. 1845). 597–598. 1898). Al-Jazari. pp. Histoire des sultans mamlouks de l’Égypte. 141. Holt (Wiesbaden. Historiens orientaux. 134. J. 1985).232 Uzuz (Vzur / Uzur) was one of the chieftains of the Cumans settled in Hungary in the thirteenth century.238 The governor of the Mamluk sultan in Syria in 1340–1341 was called Qif<aq. II (1999). . I. 36. W. 237. F. 157. Blochet. XX.). P. II. Qalawun a . and 625–626 ff. Alexiade. B. 437–438. pp. R. p. in Recueil des historiens des Croisades. trans. 602. 520 and 522. 1929).]). Hurmuzaki. Leib (Paris. 426–429. pp.

340 chapter four and the son of Kökechü. Al. and later turned into family names. alău). n. I. Indeed. Another. 42.and sixteenth-century Wallachian charters: Coman Kure (1460). the earliest Romanian attestations of the personal names Coman and Berindei applied to either boyars or Gypsy slaves. In more recent times. That the name appears to have applied to Gypsies in the fifteenth century indicates that the name was so common as to have had no ethnic connotation whatsoever. Rusu. Coman has been used among Romanians almost exclusively as a family name. Coman and Michael (Mihai ). v. passim. 241 242 . which was probably a nickname. Grecu. and Ungureanu.243 All such names were undoubtedly used initially as nicknames. In only one case (1438) did the name appear together with a family name. The adoption of those names by Romanians must have been made according to a fashion of the time. II (1959). But Coman was not the only ethnic name of a nomadic group. I (1957). Coman Băicescu (1617). Supl. relatively common names in Moldavia were such names as Armeanu. In documents of the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries Coman was used as a first name. p. 1501. Gon≥a. Tătaru. much like other Europeans. alov (from the Romanian word for pike perch.A. Lipovanu.242 As mentioned above. erban. Successors. or Coman Cre≥u (1505). mentions the sons of one Stoica. ed. 287 and 308. 243 DIR. pp. Leahu. and 1539). XIV–XVII (1384–1625). I. Šams ad-Din aš-Šu<a’i. they were rarely used as first names. or Coman Berchez (1619). Bulgaru. Mid-fourteenth-century royal Hungarian diplomas mention Tatar as one of the many sons of Giula of Giule ti (Maramure ). which Romanians used as first name. IV (1970). Romanians often adopted the ethnic names of their neighbors as personal names. Turcu. The use of family names was still rare before 1600 for boyars and almost unknown for commoners. A document dated between 1400 and 1403 gives the names of the two sons of a certain Batea. Coman and Nanul. III (1969). The same is true for the instances of that name in fifteenth. and 125). dated to 1441. Coman Basinschi (1605). Capro u (Bucharest. That Coman was used in Moldavia as a first. Sârbu. Catalogul documentelor moldovene ti (see above. Rusnac. 113. Coman Făgără anul (1488. red. I (1975). Sas. His other brothers all had common Romanian names such as Rashid al-Din. Unlike Coman. Indicele numelor de persoane.241 Finally the name of a mid-fourteenthcentury Mamluk emir was Baibuga Tatar. not family name is quite clear in such cases as Coman Margelat (a name mentioned in a diploma of 1598). Neam≥u. ˘igan. Frâncu. 25. For example. 1995).

1965). in 1396. 24–26. DRH. pp. I. торки и берендеи” (see above. n. 529–530. Grosul. O≥etea. 1408–1632.244 Tatar was also used as a first name by the early fifteenth-century inhabitants of Giule ti. Berendei. only as a nickname. n. XIII. Costea and Miroslav. 1863).” Körösi Csoma-Archivum.247 It is clear from such examples that Tatar was in no way an indication of Mongol ethnic identity. more personal and place names are of Turkic origin in Hungary than in any of the neighboring regions. Diplome (see above. 175). pp.250 244 Mihályi de Ap a. no. Pechenegs. 157). A. and Transylvania in an ethnic sense.C. “Печенеги. Uzes. n. no. n. X. Werner and G. like Coman. specifically by the use of ethnic names derived from those of the Turkic groups (Kabars. Zimmermann. Ergänzungsband (1939). pp. pp. 489. XI. L. In fact.249 It is possible also that the Romanian names in Transylvania were influence by the onomastic practice in Hungary.245 In fourteenth-century Transylvania. eds. Novoselski.248 At a time of increasing hostility between the Moldavia and the Ottomans. Coman was never used in the oldest charters and diplomas in Moldavia. XI. S. prince Stephen’s envoy to a Christian king could not obviously have been a Turk. 563.246 This is clearly the case of Johannes Tatar. 245 Mihályi de Ap a. In conclusion. Românii (see above. A. 63. F. 264–265. Tatar was not a name attached to any particular ethnic group. Drăganu. pp. This is also true for John (Ioan) Turcul. In fact.C. 53. Wallachia. “Besenyök és magyarok. 250 Rassovsky. 165–166. 249 Mihályi de Ap a. and 241. nos. 248 Исторические связи народов СССР и Румынии в XV-начале XVIII в. 80. the name never appears as a family. I. Cherepnin (Moscow. Diplome. 370. where the names were in use among Romanians. X. the envoy of Stephen the Great to the court of the Polish king Casimir IV (1444–1492). DRH. as it was an indirect indication of the Cuman influence in the Romanians lands outside the Carpathian Mountains. eds. 58. C. I (Rome. the envoy of king Sigismund I to Vlad I. 247 Urkundenbuch (see above. no. p. V. Ia. tefan. 1902). That the name was used by Romanians was not so much a result of the assimilation of Cumans. p. 15). pp. Theiner. 27 and 33. It is even possible that some of those individuals with such names as Berindei and Coman may have come to Moldavia from Maramure and Transylvania. nos. 485. Györffy. 145. 1379. . Dragomir. 344.contacts and interactions 341 Drago . 246 A. 1933. III. Cumans) who had settled in Arpadian state over the first two centuries of that kingdom’s existence. Diplome. Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia. and 639. no. prince of Wallachia. Документы и материалы. A. C. 486. Gy. Müller (Hermannstadt. 150 and 335. 79).

190. pp. Bakl’o. pp. Khamza. История (see above. pp. Iarul. Balvan. Dogan. Turkhan. which appears 69 times in the Ottoman rolls. although such an influence have been surmised for the later evidence. Given that the earliest tax-rolls post-date by just a few decades the Ottoman conquest of the north-eastern area of the Balkan Peninsula. which are certainly of Turkic origin. Iranian. 179–183. Negoi. no. Koyan (hare).254 Theoretically. one should not exclude completely the possibility that the Ottoman Turks introduced ancient Turkic names to the Balkans. Dushman. 254 Ibidem. Karadzha (roe). Tarla. Kuno). 49). Several hundreds of names of Turkic. Buchak. Gogul. such names could have well been adopted by at least one or perhaps even two generations. Bakhadyr. Boil. 3–4. Chakăr. . Kurte). 184–297. although for some of them a possible Proto-Bulgar origin cannot be excluded either. Malak (buffalo). one cannot explain this phenomenon as a mere influence of Ottoman Turkish onomastics. Kuni. Kuman (with the variants Kumanin. Derman (Durman). Kunbek (Kune. Ugrin. Kurt (wolf ). and non-Christian names of thousands of tax-payers from the Bulgarian lands. p. and Kragui (all meaning hawk or falcon). Göckenjan. Malak. Karaman. Balaban. Hilfsvölker und Grenzwächter im mittelalterlichen Ungarn (Wiesbaden. Baio. (Kurt. especially from the Pechenegs. Kumano). Kosha. etc. Barak. or Arabic origin have been found among the non-Slavic. it is more likely that the Turkic names mentioned above originated from the nomads in the steppe lands north of the Black and Caspian seas. Balin. Tatul. However. Koch (ram). Shishman. Bulgaro-Turcica. Balul.253 Some of the names of Turkic origin derive from Turkic words for animals: Barak (dog). the following are worth mentioning: Asen. 1972). Dogan.251 From among the numerous names of Bulgarian taxpayers. 252 Ibidem. the Uzes. Chakăr. 235–239. n.342 chapter four An equally large number personal names of Turkic origin were in existence in Bulgaria. as evidenced by fifteenth-century Ottoman tax rolls. H. Karadzha. Tugrul. pp. the variants Kumanin and Kumano appear four and three times. During the first fifty years of Ottoman occupation of Bulgaria. 397–500. Balik.252 The most common of all is Kuman. Koian. Sari. 253 Ibidem. Most fifteenth-century personal names of Turkic origin must therefore be of Pecheneg and Cuman-Qipchaq origin. 251 Stoianov. Kragui. p. Balush. 299. Khali. In addition. Borcho. Bako. Kabal. Balaban. Kitan. Karabash. non-Greek. 3. Kara. respectively. Kurd. Barso.

2000). 3.contacts and interactions 343 and especially the Cumans. 2007]. Asen / Asan. An Account of Life and Customs Among the Vlachs of Northern Pindus (London–New York. 259–261.” in The Turks. A. pp.” Archivum Ottomanicum 13 (1993–1994). “Turcs non-islamisés en Occident (Pétchénègues. S. nor Cuman are preserved. J. 682–683. “Origins and possible Cuman affiliations of the Asen dynasty. with the assist. 257 S. Curta. Some believe it to be of Romanian255 or Cuman. Ein romanisches Volk im Herzen des Balkans. 233–237 and 244. even those without any expertise in Turkology. pp.” Sitzungsberichte der Philosophisch-Historische Classe der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 95 (1879). board Y. Wendt to establish a chronology of Turkic loans into Romanian are not very convincing. O<uz. advisor H. many common words were adopted by speakers of Romanian from the Turkic idioms spoken by Pechenegs and Cumans. Höfler. Attempts by Lazăr ăineanu and Heinz F. ed. 113 and 116–117. 105–106. because little evidence exists of what the Romanian language looked like between the ninth and the thirteenth century. Die Walachen als Begründer des zweiten bulgarischen Reiches. Malingoudis. of W. V. 1185–1365 (Cambridge. Winnifrith. The Nomads of Balkans. “Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete der slavischen Geschichte. Inalcik (Ankara. J. Stoyanov. Turks. Vásáry.” Études balkaniques 36 (2000).-E. no. 335–345 (reprint in idem. 83–88. R. Hilckman. Karatay. 357–365. ăineanu 255 C. I. chief of the ed. p. eds. Ouzes et Qiptschaqs et leurs rapports avec les Hongrois). and 434. Among lexemes of Cuman origin. no. In this respect. 38–42. 1–4. C. 256 Ph. and the existence in Codex Comanicus of words matching others attested in Romanian is no proof that the latter are Cuman loans. pp. 317. Cumans and Tatars. pp. O. L. B. “A contribution to the study of the Bulgarian medieval Turkic language heritage. pp. 1987). pp. “Kumans in Bulgarian history (eleventh–fourteenth centuries). 147. Early Ages. 2002). ed. Tatars and Russians in the 13th–16th Centuries [Variorum Collected Studies Series] [Aldershot–Burlington. and have been rejected even by most scholars. der Asaniden. Halaço<lu. H. 1.” Europa Ethnica 25 (1968).” in History of the Turkic Peoples in the Pre-Islamic Period / Histoire des Peoples Turcs à l’Époque Pré-Islamique. Dimitrov. H. idem. However. “Die Nachrichten des Niketas Choniates über die Entstehung des Zweiten Bulgarischen Staates. Scharlipp (Berlin. C. II). T. nos. In addition. . p. Roemer. it is important to mention that historians have not reached an agreement as to the origin of the name of the Vlach dynasty of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom. pp. no. distinguishing those words from much later Tatar or Ottoman Turkish loans is very difficult.” Byzantina 10 (1980). Güzel. Thompson. A. 315. pp. “Die Aromunen. 1972). v.257 * * * As a result of the lasting contacts between natives and nomad. I.256 others of Proto-Bulgar origin. 4. neither Pecheneg. pp. 1186–1257. Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans. The Vlachs: The History of a Balkan People (New York. Wace and M. 2005). Southeastern Europe. R. Rásonyi.

II. X—începutul sec. 1974). n. 258 . butuc (log). cinel (riddle-me-ree).” Sitzungsberichte der königl. He also listed the following words as of Cuman origin: agă (agha). p. p.Rom. Originea. 264 Ivănescu.260 Others have the following to the list of words of Pecheneg-Cuman origin: bărăgan (vast plain). Pecenegii i cumanii din ˘ara Lovi tei (Aalborg. 1987). 41. buzdugan (mace). Histoire. 135. Essays presented to Halil Inalcik on his Seventienth Birthday by his Colleagues and Students (= Journal of Turkish Studies 10. idem. p. Gh. 205–214. “Împrumuturi cumane în limba română: odaie i cioban. M. A. with a list of other words. du man (enemy). p. Istoria Basarabiei (see above. Istoria (see above. sorli≥ă (falcon).258 In spite of Alexandru Philippide’s critique of the criteria.262 gorgan (hillock). XVI) (Bucharest.261 odaie (room). Sala. fotă (kind of peasant’s skirt) and schingi (torture). Pandrea. p. 260 Boldur. Heinz F. Giurescu. Jireček. Dic≥ionar al limbii române vechi (sfîr itul sec. went even farther when separating Pecheneg from Cumans. 1976). III. scrum (ashes). p. 31–33. 105 and 208. caia (horse shoe nail). Beldiceanu and I. Popescu-Ciocănel. bir (tribute). p. M. II (see above. 1986). ăineanu. oium / uium (tithe). colibă (hut). p. cioban (shepherd). “Influen≥a orientală în toponimia românească. böhmischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Coumans. See also pp. Wendt. Mihăilă.” in Ist. pp. I. H.259 most scholars continued to take them as pre-Ottoman Turkic loans. Beldiceanu-Steinherr. 86. caravană (caravan). medean (square). curgan (hillock). p. Coteanu. On Bărăgan as a Turanian toponym. and both from Cuman-Tatar loans. Istoria. 2.344 chapter four listed beci (cellar). Pascu. see C. 8–10. trans. 263 G. the following Romanian words may be regarded as of Pecheneg origin: boier (boyard). 29. les esclaves Tatars et quelques charges dans les Pays roumains.” Studii i cercetări lingvistice 12 (1961). no. XVI–XVII. 403. C. 1998). 59). In his opinion. Die rumänische Sprache. Privire generală. p. Iordan. 1973). n. Limba română. 143. taman. Sala. on the other hand. such as fanar. p. and toi (climax). “Condi≥iile istorice de dezvoltare a feudalismului timpuriu în secolele XI–XIII. 11. 1997). idem. Etimologia i limba română (Bucharest. Ivănescu. 261 Iorga. habar. maidan. 259 Philippide. pp. I. 62). 265 Diaconu. pp. cioltor / oltar (a blanket used under the saddle).266 and others.” BSRG 31 (1910). n. Classe für Philosophie. 2. pp. p. 23–24. “Notes sur le bir. 1900). p. S. casap L. du man (enemy).. 71. XVIII–XIX. pp. De la latină la română (Bucharest. Pu cariu. bunduc / bondoc (chunk). 437. 266 N. Influen≥a orientală asupra limbii i culturii române. 96. Formarea poporului român (Craiova.” in Raiyyet Rüsûmu. p. t. 437. buzdugan (mace). sowie über die Völkerschaften der sogennanten Gagauzi und Surguči im heutigen Bulgarien. or sarai. “Sprachgeographisches” (see above. olat (land).263 buzdugan (mace). bălăban (falcon). which Lazăr ăineanu had used to analyze those words. ed. 314. Geschichte und Philologie (1889). 262 C. Dan (Bucharest. I.264 zăgan (falcon). 359. 23. 59). pp. “Einige Bemerkungen über die Überreste der Petschenegen und Kumanen. no. Kuen (Bucharest. duium (host). I (Bucharest. n.265 bir (tribute). 59). 1994).

ciorbă (sour soup. surlă (fife).–XX. tălmaci (interpreter). chibrit (match). maimu≥ă (monkey). Zur Geschichte und Sprachgeschichte Südosteuropas vom IX. 1980). Jhd. olac. cobuz (shepherd’s pipe). culă / hulă (vault. n. said (tacked seam). See also G. Einführung in die Balkanlinguistik mit besonderer Berücksichtigung des Substrats und des Balkanlateinischen (Darmstadt. mahala (suburb). 267 Wendt. ghiol (salt lake). 552–558. 177–178. Solta. Kumanen. bălăban (falcon). bairam (carousal). bir. haraci (tribute). du man (enemy). filde (ivory). iaz (pond). fanar (lantern). sucman (homespun peasant coat). pazmangiu. sârmă (wire). saca (water cask). guzgan (rat). cloth mantle). Osmanen. sufragerie (dining-room). lămâie (lemon). 536–541.267 Recently. conac (manor). du man. baltag (battle-axe). siric (oar). 1998). pp. dulap. toiag (staff ). market stall). 269 Ibidem.269 However. boia (dye). fortified house). dulamă (homespun coat. irmezea (pollard). iurtă (yurt). maramă (headkerchief ). and others. târnăcop (pick-axe). Rumänen. tulbent (bride veil). toi (climax). Die türkische Elemente (see above. scrum (ashes). murdar (dirty). dugheană (booth). more than 250 words in Romanian have clear correspondents in the language of the Cumans: bac i (tip). spanac (spinach). bostan (pumpkin). chi leac (curds). lac (lake). torbă (purse).contacts and interactions 345 (butcher). magiun ( jam). nor Turkish. it appears that many such words on Alexander Coman’s list are neither Turkic. abacă (embroidery). tulipan. maidan (waste ground). butuc (log). pp. călimară (ink-pot). ceaun (cast-iron kettle). tălmaci (interpreter). ili (wheat tax). vătă el (bailiff ). sultan (sultan). who regards the following words as of Pecheneg or Cuman origin: boier. han (khan). and zarzără (apricot). dughiană (shop). dovleac (pumpkin). colibă. lefegiu (hireling). cazan (boiler. cioban (shepherd). cer etor (beggar). sacnasiu (small waiting room). andrama (shed). cobză (traditional string instrument). vătaf. (Fulda–Hermannstadt. mascară (buffoon). teanc (heap). catâr (mule). hambar (barn). suliman (rouge). the problem of the ancient Turkic loans in Romanian as an indication of the language contact between Romanians and the Turkic nomads has been thoroughly studied by Alexander Coman. odaie (room). borsch). calfă. tărâm (realm). pil (whip). naht (cash). tarabă (counter. maidan (wasteland). chirpici (adobe). . harbuz (water melon). copper). duium (host). dulap (cupboard). beci (cellar). liman (liman). cadână (woman). leafă (wages). teas (tray). mahramă / maramă (very thin raw silk). hamal (porter). catifea (velvet). ovăz (oats). cârmâziu (crimson). ciob (potsherd). pa ă / ba ă (pasha-basha). talan (anthrax). tutun (tabacco). a se tolăni (to lie down). năut (chick peas). 268 A. i lic (fur cap). cucă (cap with ostrich feathers). tolbă (quiver).268 According to Coman. R. ecpaia (stuff of a high official). chihlimbar (amber). Coman. 164–168. horă (round dance). pp. tălmaci. durbac (wine press handle). topuz (bludgeon). 15). cislă (chatter).

that language contact with the Turkic nomads may have been responsible for such loans as buzdugan (mace) and caia (horseshoe nail).270 Other words on Coman’s “Turkic” lists are also demonstrably Greek or Slavic loans. as the archaeological evidence clearly shows that the nomads rarely used maces in battle and never shoed their horses. and most probably originated in the Near East. respectively. 273 Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr. as they derive from cerasius. A Dictionary of Turkisms in Bulgarian (Oslo. Miklosich. “Notes sur le bir” (see above. Sava. 537–538. the Bulgarians. lămâie (lemon). 25/9). and pulicem.” AM 19 (1996). cânepă (hemp). But the same cannot be true for the Serbs. R. The same thing can be said about such terms as bir (tribute).and silver-plated artifact decorated with Arabic script elements (Fig. Die türkischen Elemente in der südost. Republic of Moldova). for example.272 a word most likely derived from the Turkish verb bérmek / vérmek (to give). cire (cherry-tree).und osteuropäischen Sprachen (Vienna. Cuman. which appears in Romanian. It seems illogical to assume that Romanians north Ibidem. it is unlikely that Romanians would have borrowed words referring to trade. n. 272 F. p. pp. 32. and 204. if any experience in horticulture and arboriculture. 9–10. 270 271 . In fact. and purice (flea) have all a demonstrable Latin origin. figs. administration. cannabis. Moreover. a gold. pp. This is a unique piece for the entire east and south-east European area. the idea of separating lexical elements of Pecheneg. 203. Süleymano<lu. and of distinguishing all of them from Turkish-Ottoman loans must be treated with extreme suspicion. 192. p. but also in Bulgarian and Serbian. 7/1 and 8.346 chapter four For instance. they were certainly not borrowed by speakers of Romanian from communities of nomads with little. dovleac (pumpkin). spanac (spinach) and zarzără (apricot). “Necropola tumulară Bălăbani—II. 2002). 87. furniture. and Cuman-Tartar origin respectively. 266).271 As for such words as bostan (pumpkin). A. It is unlikely.or early fourteenth-century burial assemblage found in a barrow in Bălăbani (Cahul county. fabrics and spiritual life from the Pechenegs or the Cumans. who were subject only to the Ottoman rule. as well as the Romanians in the lands outside the Carpathian Mountains may have well paid tribute to the Turkic nomads for quite some time. E. whatever their origin. there is only one mace head in a late thirteenth. H.273 True. K. Hauge. 1888). Grannes. 540. pp. If one adopts the principles of the Wörter und Sachen (words-and-things) approach to language contact.

Neo-Greek kalouzis ‘guide’). Friedrich (Innsbruck. 1967).277 Although the possibility of some 274 V. but with Hungarian. . 1882). kalauz (conductor. corresponding to Romanian bri că. csökönyös (restive).274 A number of other terms of Turkic origin. Spinei. Tomaschek. and probably örmény (Armenian). kun (Cuman). Oghuz. with whom the Romanians had many lingistic affinities.276 Language contact implies a two-way street model of transmission. kalóz (helmsman). 276 L. 275 G. Etymologisch-historisches Wörterbuch der ungarischen Elemente im Rumänischen (unter Berücksichtigung der Mundartwörter) (London–The Hague–Paris [Budapest]. 277 W. p. According to Géza Bárczi.contacts and interactions 347 of the Danube adopted the word bir (= tribute) from the Pechenegs and the Cumans. 2001). had it from the Ottomans. which appear in both Romanian and South Slavic languages may have equally been borrowed from Ottoman Turkish. Turkish kylavuz ‘guide’. and possibly balta (axe. komondor (a breed of dogs). Bárczi. csòsz (field-watchman). and not from the Turkic languages spoken by the nomads north of the Black Sea. while Serbs. 157–158. Geschichte der ungarischen Sprache. In reality. corresponding Romanian coboacă ‘skull’ or coboc ‘goblet’. Tamás. trans. Iorga. csákány (hack. there are still many unsolved problems regarding the language contact between speakers of Romanian and of preOttoman Turkic languages. koboz (sound.275 Lajos Tamás even believes that the Romanian word călăuză was adopted as a consequence of contact not with Turkic idioms spoken by Pechenegs. Romanian cobuz ‘traditional string instrument’). kobak (skull. Zur Kunde der Hämus-Halbinsel (Vienna. guide. p. buzogány (mace). or Cumans. as well as Ukrainian kobok ‘goblet’). p. 51. in which Romanian words were also borrowed by speakers of Turkic idioms. pickaxe. Equally Turkic are the ethnic names besenyò (Pecheneg). 74. csòdör (stallion). 174. briceag). pp. A. corresponding Romanian baltag ‘battle-axe’). III. Histoire. corresponding Romanian ciocan ‘hammer’). Some proper names recorded in Codex Comanicus have therefore been given a Romanian origin. ködmön (leather jacket). corresponding Romanian călăuză ‘guide’. “Aspecte controversate ale contactelor românilor cu turanicii în secolele X–XIII.” AM 19 (1996). pp. 272–273. It is perhaps worth mentioning in this context that terms in Romanian said to be of Pecheneg or Cuman origin rarely have corresponding matches in Hungarian. Hungarian words that appear to have been adopted from Pecheneg and Cuman mercenaries in the royal army include the following: bicsak (penknife.

This is in fact the explanation for the westward movement of the nomads of the Eurasian steppes. The famers’ life and activities must have been disturbed by the cyclic migrations of the nomads towards summer pasture lands. to pastoralism and warlike nomadism.348 chapter four Romanian influence on Turkic idioms cannot of course be discounted. either of goods or of slaves. However. By contrast. the nomads may have indeed imposed the payment of a tribute on the local population. from horsemanship. True. * * * Contacts between Turkic nomads and Romanians during the long period of the former’s control of the Carpathian-Dniester region were not restricted to language. Raids on such communities were meant to procure a surplus. Romanians had to put up with plundering expeditions and enslavement. However. A substantial presence of the nomads in the area depended upon weather and vegetation. which indicate that the nomads produced their own food. at the same time. Removing the agricultural communities from that region was a long-drawn process. . ensuring grazing grounds and water was a vital problem for them. A semi-parasitical existence is actually inconceivable. since the Turkic nomads often lived at a considerable distance from farming communities. Given the emphasis the nomads placed on pastoralism. even without a massive occupation of the area. They must have therefore intermittently affected by the movements of various Turkic groups. enslavement is rarely mentioned and seems to have been a much later in the development of nomad society. such an interpretation is contradicted by contemporary testimonies. Most significant for cultural contacts seem to have been the typical features of the Turkic way of life. as well as violence as means of extracting dues. the frequent raids of the nomads against native settlements must have procured supplements for their subsistence economy and. The traditional interpretation of the relations between natives and nomads maintained that the latter were a semi-parasitical society. disturbed even more the life of the local population. during which they occupied the lands of the sedentary agriculturists in the Bugeac and the Bărăgan. the evidence presented so far for that case is not very convincing. which they coerced into accepting all sorts of exactions. unable to survive without food taken from sedentary communities. Written sources often mention plundering expedition.

SN. 96.” CIs. Chebotarenko. Sâmpetru and D. Olăne ti. 216–218. pp. eds. G. pp. pp. F. pp. idem. 176–179. pp. Har≥uche. an observation which has led to the conclusion that the settlement was earlier than the grave. it is necessary to correlate the chronology of the settlements of the Dridu and Răducăneni cultures with that of burial assemblages attributed to the nomads. only in Curcani was a burial assemblage attributed to a nomadic horseman found in a pit dug through the occupation layer of a Dridu settlement.).279 In addition.” SCIV 19 (1968). pp. p. and 228–229. 173–182. Morintz and B. 209–210. Olteni≥a. fragments of clay kettles found in the burial mound suggest that the grave co-existed with a Răducăneni settlements. A. 3. erbănescu. P. “Preliminarii la repertoriul arheologic al jude≥ului Brăila.” in AIM (1972 g.) (1974). Ogorodnoe. Bârnea (gen. both Dridu settlements and burial assemblages attributed to the Turkic nomads have been found in Banca. 278 G. 56 and 71. Chebotarenko. Coman. южной части Пруто-Днестровского междуречья. P.” Jilava.” in DPM. but no relative chronology could be established. 279 D. 280 V. 12–13 (1981–1982). both settlements and “nomadic” burial assemblages were found on one and the same site. 325 and 328–329. Bârlad. V Rosetti.280 Of all those cases. “Материалы к археологической карте памятников VIII–X вв. Răducăneni settlements have been found in Banca. “Mormîntul de călăre≥ nomad descoperit la Curcani. Demchenko. 96 and 103. no. Etulia. Gura Bâcului. I.contacts and interactions 349 In order to understand the directions and consequences of the migration of the Turkic nomads. 443. Tel’nov. Strumoc. . Li coteanca and Râmnicelu in eastern Wallachia.” Germania 18 (1934). 1988). Ionescu. F. ed. For example. E. N.282 Almost all other burial assemblages have been assigned the same dates as those applying to Dridu and Răducăneni settlements. “Siedlungen der Kaiserzeit und der Völkerwanderungszeit bei Buka. Băneasa and Bârlad. 224. Statornicie.” SCIV 22 (1971). Curcani. Spinei. F. Suvorovo.” Istros 1 (1980). rest. 282 T. Nudel’man.281 At Cârnă≥eni. P.” in Средневековые памятники Днестровско-Прутского междуречья. “Cercetări arheologice în împrejurimile ora ului Olteni≥a (1958–1967). 3. the evidence suggests that more than not burials post-dated settlements. “Погребения кочевников в курганах нижнего Поднестровья. pp. “Поселение Этулия VI. Abyzova (Kishinev. S. Chebotarenko. Although the possibility cannot be excluded that in certain cases burial assemblages and settlements coincided in time. Purcari. In many cases. no. no. G. Tudora and Umbrăre ti in southern Moldavia. 1. N.278 as well as Bucharest-Lacul Tei. N. p. “Considera≥ii cu privire la popula≥ia locală din zona centrală i meridională a Moldovei în secolele XI–XII. 281 M. A. Coste ti.

э. Because of the incursions of the nomads. south of the Cogâlnic Plateau. (Kiev.284 Judging by 283 Fedorov. Очерки исторической географии Молдавии XIII–XV вв. 2007). pp. pp. Gh. and Bulgaria. 1983). pp. 325–326. and were primarily responsible for the delayed formation of local political entities. 125–127. nos. Byzantium. Kozlovskii. Ninth. 284 P. Polevoi. Smilenko. 380–383 (maps 6–9).” in ДнестроДунайские междуречье в I-начале II тыс. Pamiatniki. the southern frontiers of the Rus’ principalities shifted many miles to the north. 24–25 (map) and 223–227. while Byzantium lost for many years the control over the northern Balkan provinces. pp. for whatever military capacity the Romanians may have had. Postică. In their turn. it was hopeless in the face of the much greater military prowess of the steppe horsemen. the villages in Moldavia attested in the earliest charters of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth century (722 in total) have a very different distribution: there almost no such settlements in the Bugeac. S. eleventh-century settlements in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains cluster in the lowlands and in the hills (Fig. the Băl≥i Plain. the Uzes and the Cumans wrought havoc in Russia. L. Civiliza≥ia medievală timpurie din spa≥iul pruto-nistrean (secolele V–XIII) (Bucharest. A. 67–83.350 chapter four The most important aspect of the relations between Romanians and Turkic nomads appears to have political. and 404–405 (maps 30–31). and in the Covurlui Plain. Societatea românească la cumpănă de milenii (secolele VIII–XI) (Bucharest. were capable of spreading terror in Germany. “Карта сельских поселений Молдавии XV века. Italy and even in France during the first half of the tenth century. idem.” Revista de Istorie a Moldovei (1998). who had managed to keep all the neighbouring states at bay. 112–119. Hungary. As the Turkic nomads appear to have been quite a threat for the region to the east of the Carpathian Mountains. fewer villages existed in Bessarabia than in the region between the Prut River and the Carpathian Mountains. 18–27. The nomads had a considerably negative influence on local society. 344. “Satele din răsăritul ˘ării Moldovei din secolele XIV–XV în lumina izvoarelor diplomatice interne. н. 62–95. Tabuncic. 1987). 350. 83–91 and figs. The principality led by Gelou in central Transylvania was attacked by Pechenegs at the time Gelou had to deal also with the Hungarian incursions from Pannonia. There is no indication of any attempt to organize a resistance. Moldova. See also L. (Kishinev. The Hungarians. Spinei. Bârnea. “Habitatul rural din .283 By contrast. in addition.” PGM 1. the Pechenegs. 348. Chebotarenko. pp. pp. t. Olteanu. “Средневековые поселения в приморской части Днестро-Дунайского междуречья. P. pp. T. 2 and 5. the destruction in that region must have been that much greater. 1966. 100–108. 2). who had been defeated by the Pechenegs. A. 1979). 3–4 (35–36).

were nevertheless not as good for eleventh-century settlement patterns. 285 P. Any attempts at building stable polities were most likely nipped in the bud by the neighboring nomads. Народонаселение Молдавии (Kishinev. as well as on the valleys of the Dniester and Prut rivers and on those of their major tributaries (Fig. The only protection against them was offered in the răsăritul ˘ării Moldovei în secolele XIV–XVI.and the ninth. otherwise famous for their chernozem soils. No surprise. G. the lowlands and hilly areas of Moldavia. In honorem Demir Dragnev. that the blank spots on the map of fourteenth. which had no forest cover. 1973). 34–47.285 the settlement pattern did not change much between ca. oglindit în izvoarele arheologice. the transhumant practices of the local pastoralists were interrupted. the lowlands of southern Moldavia witnessed a complete demographic collapse. fifteenth. 2006).contacts and interactions 351 the data from the census of 1772–1774 and from other sources. Between ca. which could be more precisely dated to the twelfth and thirteenth century. who regarded them as potential threats. 4). By contrast. which was of course sought after by nomadic pastoralists. 1400 and ca. Besides the demographic losses. Moving northwards along those valleys. 1400. pp. Also interrupted were the traditional trade and cultural relations with the Byzantine Empire. 39 ff.. the local society was also seriously affected economically. Moreover. i. the nomads brought under their control the hilly regions of the eastern half of the CarpathianDniester region. p. have also the grazing fields richest in grass. Zabolotnâi (Chi inău. therefore. ed.e. With the lowlands north of the Danube and the Black Sea now occupied by nomads. . The Turkic nomads had a strong impact first and foremost upon the lowlands of southern fifteenth-century villages in Moldavia are precisely those. 1000 and ca. Contacts between Romanians and nomads were not restricted to the displacement of the former. L. there is a distinct difference between the fourteenth. The native population forced to move out from the lowlands had to put up with the limited resources of the hilly and mountain regions to which it fled and which.” in Civiliza≥ia medievală i modernă în Moldova. no natural protection for the human habitat. The economic stagnation caused by nomads had profound effects on the development of the local society and seem to have contributed to a delay of the social stratification. but also involved exactions in the form of tribute payments. though offering protection in densely forested areas. Dmitriev.

to Huns. Stahl. according to him. the Carpathian Mountains may have offered protection during foreign invasions. 59). Balkans. “Nicolae Iorga i evul mediu românesc. While the northern-central sub-dialect shows strong similarities with that of Transylvania. . Much like other mountain ranges of Europe (Alps. 97–103. pp. H. a phenomenon which. 64). and Cumans) were vulnerable to attacks by stronger neighbors. n. which had led to drastic demographic changes within the region inhabited primarily by Romanians. thus effectively escaping the control of the Byzantine administration for a few decades at the end of the eleventh century. Studii asupra evului mediu românesc (see above. most peoples inhabiting the lowlands exclusively (from Scythians and Sarmatians. The contrast between the lowlands in southern Moldavia and the hilly or mountainous regions in northern-central Moldavia is underlined also by the linguistic difference between the sub-dialects of Romanian spoken in those two regions. 418–420. Local rulers in fourteenth-century Dobrudja—Balica Ivănescu. Papacostea. strengthened the local elite and encouraged the creation of the political entities in the region between the Carpathian Mountains. the during the second half of the thirteenth century. 64). pp. especially from a phonetical and lexical point of view. tefănescu. 1972). Similarly. Avars.” RIs 24 (1971). Indeed. where the natives co-operated with the Pechenegs. H. 54–55.352 chapter four densely forested areas of the hilly and mountain regions of northern and western Moldavia. see t. 4. Istoria (see above. pp. thus preventing the extermination or assimilation of the local population. 286 287 . 460–462. the Cumans appear to have had a significant role in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom under the Asenid dynasty. “Imperiul cumanilor” (see above. pp. Caucasus).” in Iorga. By contrast. For a correction of Iorga’s views on this matter.286 This may be the indirect result of the late migrations of the Turkic nomads. Histoire. the one in southern Moldavia is closer to the sub-dialect of Wallachia. n. By the same token. pp. Iorga. Uzes. Pyrenees. Pechenegs. 34–44 and 68–74. idem. which the nomads had no desire to control. Khazars. Bulgarian tsars were members of the Terter dynasty of Cuman origin. the lowlands offered no protection and no possibility to organize a military resistance. n. 673–681. Nicolae Iorga believed that the relations between Romanians and nomads were of cooperation. III. pp. no. Studii de sociologie istorică (Bucharest.287 Iorga’s interpretation was most likely influenced by developments in the Balkans. “Începuturile statelor române ti în viziunea lui Nicolae Iorga. the Black Sea. and the Danube River.

“Contributions à l’histoire des premières cristalisations d’État des Roumains. pp. Krăstev. Djuvara. Basarab was a fairly common name among Romanians of medieval Transylvania and Wallachia. pp. 16). It also appears in place names often associated with high-altitude mountains. 188). appear only occasionally in documents. “Originea stemelor ˘ărilor Române. was also a distorted version of Basaraba.” Történelmi szemle 7 (1964). it is important to note in this respect that. 1–4. Veress. Bla koviç (Kumano<lu). the name Basarab is no indication that the voivode with that name was a Cuman. 243–253. p.urkl//. Names of Turkic origin are also found in the lower strata of society. 349. Turkic groups north of the Lower Danube had completely lost their political independence. he certainly regarded himself as a member of the Romanian political elite of Wallachia.” in Re id Rahmeti Arat için (Ankara. idem. It is quite possible that the name of Martinus Basababa. 108–116. pp. See Y. It is therefore difficult to accept the idea that the Turkic nomads may have had a significant role in the rise of the medieval Romanian states and in their internal political development. The name Basarab appears in Slovakia. 1966). pp. p. nos. Thocomerius—Negru Vodă. La façade maritime (see above. See also A. Rá (Ankara. Among those named Coman during the 288 L. visited. un voivod de origine cumană la începuturile ˘ării Române ti. a merchant of Durazzo mentioned in a document of 1249. 520–527. 4. 3–4. n. no. Boyars serving at the Moldavian or Wallachian courts.288 However. n. nos. 151–155. L’origine des Basaraba. idem. Iorga’s interpretation found support in the putative Turkic origin of Basarab(a). . Vásáry. 1971). (Bucharest. pp. Györffy. See Ducellier. 256). 141–142. Following Iorga. pp. as in the case of the earliest recorded Hungarian chieftains (Arpad. Zoltan). many historians therefore assumed that the leading dynasty of Wallachia was of Cuman origin. Gy. 160–166. “Une hypothèse concernant l’origine du voïévode valaque Jean Basarab (env. no.” RIR 1 (1931). N. if ever. Without excluding the possibility that some Cumans may have been assimilated into the ruling class of the local society. n. pp. n. “Adatok a románok XIII. 230. whose names are clearly Turkic. judging by the existing evidence.” Études balkaniques 36 (2000). the name of the first voivode of independent Wallachia. p. Tarihte T//. pp. Românii (see above. Cumans and Tatars (see above. Almos. 1324–1352).urklerin izleri. L. “Çekoslovakya topraklarinda eski t//.289 regions which the Turkic nomads rarely. who had names of Turkic origin. 193. 289 Drăganu. 2. the number of boyars of undoubtedly Turkic origin is very small. századi történetéhez és a román állam kezdeteihez (II).contacts and interactions 353 (Balyk-?) and Dobrotich—were also of Turkic origin. 150–151. 2007). Hidak a Dunán (see above. 2nd ed.” AECO 1 (1935). Even if the ancestors of Basarab “the Founder” were of Turkic origin. 543–544. 15). This is substantiated by the fact that after the great Mongol invasion of 1236–1242.

as well as the existence of close ties between the Cuman and the Bulgarian aristocracies. “The despots of mediaeval Bulgaria. “Cetatea Neam≥ul. Diaconu. Trepavlov. pp. pp. 1890). pp. “Eastern influences: The Turkic nobility in medieval Russia. 72–73. V. It is also very unlikely that the names of Tatar slaves appearing in fifteenth-century documents referred to persons who were not only of Tatar. I. 149. but they certainly were not as extended as in the Bulgarian or Rus’ case. pp. 152. pp. 1. almost half were Gypsy slaves.290 Comparisons between the co-existence of natives and nomads in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains with the situation in the neighboring areas have proved to be irrelevant. 190–193. Rus’. 283–288. 4. 1988). Biliarsky.” Revista istorică 5 (1994). 266).” AEMA 7 (1987–1991). 143–144. ed. and 154. and seem to have been perceived by both sides as mutually profitable. no. In the early 290 B.” Coexistence 32 (1995). 1986). 295 S. “Notes sur le bir” (see above. P. P. pp. 292 V. pp. “The Bulgarian apocryphal chronicle and Bulgarian ethnic history. Institui≥iile (Bucharest. n. L. 9–16.354 chapter four fourteenth and fifteenth century. B. Brâncu (Bucharest. and Georgia. pp. Satul în Moldova medievală. the relations between natives and nomads were often strengthened by dynastic alliances. in Споменик Српска Краљевска Академија. In Bulgaria.” Études balkaniques 29 (1993). p.291 Marrying into the Cuman aristocracy seems to have been a relatively common practice in Rus’292 and Bulgaria. “К вопросу о русско-половецких матримониальных связях. Golden. 293 P. ed. 150–151. V. Hungary. 312. G. Al. “Nomads and their sedentary neighbors in pre-Činggisid Eurasia. for many more boyars. I. “Cumanii i originea familiei lui Dobroti≥ă. p. Gon≥a. especially those serving at the princely court. Dimitrov.” Byzantinobulgarica 9 (1995). III (Belgrade. Кочевые народы степей и Киевская Русь (Kiev.” Донская археология 2 (1999). 97 ff. not boyars. Beldiceanu and Beldiceanu-Steinherr. Hasdeu. Studii de lingvistică i filologie. P. 294 Сказанїе Исаїе пророка како вьзнесень дысть аггеломь до з-го невесы. 1999). 40–50. Gurkin. 146. were mentioned in the documents than commoners or Gypsy slaves. nos. 291 P. pp. it is of course possible that similar relations of cooperation existed between Romanians and Turkic nomads. If personal names were an indication of ethnic background—an otherwise questionable assumption—then it appears that most Cumans were slaves. A. S.293 That to the author of an apocryphal chronicle written in eastern Bulgaria during the second half of the twelfth century. 12–14. . Stojanović.295 In principle. but also of Cuman origin. Tolochko. This is of course no mirror of social reality.294 Bulgarians and Cumans were alike simply reflects the significance of the Turkic involvement in the political developments in the Balkans. 3–4.” in idem.

The nomadic aristocracy must therefore have not regarded any alliance with the local natives as particularly profitable. but of the conservatism of burial customs. artifacts produced by nomads have been found on local settlement site: an iron snaffle-bit with a rigid-bar mouth-piece and movable rings in Simila (Vaslui county) (Fig. and an oval antler pendant with open-work decoration in Murgeni (Vaslui county) (Romania). The iron snaffle-bit and the antler pendant may be regarded as local replicas of nomadic artifacts. Since both Romanians and nomads were engaged in trade with the neighboring polities. It is also possible to imagine cooperation between Romanians and newly converted Cumans in the Cuman Bishopric. True. Romanians (Blökumenn) are known to have fought side by side with Pechenegs against Iaroslav the Wise. No evidence exists of a similar military cooperation between Romanians and Cumans. the other artifacts were found during field survey signaling the existence on those respective sites of tenth. They must have also involved mutual. advantageous and peaceful relations. and no Romanian polities are known to have been created in their vicinity. was discovered on a Dridu settlement site excavated in Bucharest (suburb of Străule ti). However. later. local origin have so far been found in burial assemblages attributed to the nomads is an indication not of the absence of such relations. it is unlikely that the Mongols would have tolerated any special arrangements between subject populations. Prior to the Mongol invasion. if one leaves aside the possibility that Lazarus. it was only natural for them to have also established exchange relations between them. Romanians were forced into political submission. The bridle bit was found during excavations. 7/1). . which were not controlled from eleventh-century settlements. when the Cumans and other Turkic groups submitted to the Golden Horde. Conversely. very similar to that from Brăhă e ti. rulers of the Second Bulgarian Empire. at a time when the Turkic nomads controlled the steppe corridor north of the Black and Caspian seas. That no artifacts of native. the emerging Romanian elites could not have gained much from any form of political cooperation with them. Moreover. there is plenty of evidence for the military assistance the Cumans offered to the Asenid rebels and. contacts between Romanians and Turkic nomads were not limited to violence and exaction of tribute. A bronze pendant. the prince of Kiev. a bronze bladed pendant in Brăhă e ti (Gala≥i county). etc. By contrast. the chieftain mentioned in the context of the Byzantine expedition against the Cumans north of the Danube was in fact a Romanian.contacts and interactions 355 eleventh century.

By contrast. and only a very small number of stone statues. could not have encouraged peaceful exchange relations with the natives. 271–273. There is no agreement among historians as to the nature and degree of that assimilation process. Judging from the archaeological evidence of burial assemblages. The very existence within local communities of a surplus destined for exchange remains doubtful.356 chapter four but the bronze bladed pendants were without any doubt produced by the nomads. to some extent. and Bulgaria. One persistent stereotype among historians of eastern European countries is that the civilization of the sedentary populations was superior to that of the more primitive nomads. tribal chieftains in the lands to the west from the Dnieper river were much poorer then their counterparts ruling to the east of that river: very few gold or silver artifacts. von wir ihn beobachten können. pp. it is difficult to find any similarity between the developments to those societies and that of the Romanian in the Carpathian-Danube area. 296 Spinei. 75). This may. “Relations” (see above. given the subsistence character of the local economy. However. arrow heads and other artifacts. All in all. when not exacting tribute from them. That nomads often preferred to raid local communities. and cannot be cited as evidence of either extensive or permananent contacts between natives and nomads. As Friedrich Ratzel once noted. on the other hand. Kievan Rus’.296 are now interpreted as of local origin. An important issue pertaining to the problem of the relations between nomads and natives is that of the sedentized Turkic groups which were later absorbed into the local population. Nor can it be assumed. This contrast must have had a significant influence upon contacts between natives and nomads in the area north of the Danube Delta. . Romanian settlement sites is thus small. which have initially been regarded as evidence of contact with the nomads. be true about Byzantium. the abandonment of the nomadic way of lie in favor of sedentarization was nowhere a spontaneous process or even one willingly initiated by nomads themselves (Der Übergang vom Nomadismus zur Ansässigkeit ist nirgends. that the society of the Turkic nomads in the steppe lands to the west from the Dnieper was identical to that of the nomads in central Asia or in the area between the Volga and the Dnieper rivers. n. no Runic inscriptions. the number of artifacts of alleged Turkic origin found on local.

pp. When considering the possibility of sedentization of Turkic nomads in the lands north of the Lower Danube. L. 208–209. It is important to note that all known cases post-date the Mongol invasion and its dramatic consequences for the deterioration of the economic well-being of certain nomadic communities in the steppe. III) (Vatican. The Cumans in the Cuman Bishopric who had accepted to convert to Christianity must have also been expected to adopt.”298 in other words to abandon nomadism. The papal letters of 1228 mention that they had expressed a wish to build “towns and villages. 111. at least in part. Six years later. which could have forced them to abandon nomadism and adopt a sedentary mode of life. Nomadic groups were forced to accept a semi-sedentary and. I. This is true for the Pechenegs who migrated to Byzantium and for the Cumans who went to Hungary. Ratzel. sedentary form of life at the same time as their conversion to Christianity. Pope Gregory IX reminded the 297 F. a sedentary form of life. (Stuttgart. 298 Hurmuzaki. there no incentive to switch to a different lifestyle. As long as a tribal union maintained its autonomy and control over pasture lands sufficiently large for the survival of its members. a shift to agriculture and a semi-nomadic lifestyle is known to have taken place only in a few cases. In the western steppe lands of Eurasia. 4th ed. Fontes.contacts and interactions 357 freiwillig). This changed suddenly during the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Tăutu (Pontificia commissio ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. one must therefore take into account the obstinate rejection of any other forms of life than traditional nomadism. I. . Acta Honorii III (1216–1227) et Gregorii IX (1227–1241) e registris Vaticanis aliisque fontibus collegit A. Series III. 1950). Up to 1200. no political force existed in the area. together with the Hungarian encroachment into the region outside the Carpathian Mountains and the concurrent dissolution of the Cuman tribal confederacies. where at stake was the survival of impoverished small communities. 104. p. Nor the internal developments of the nomadic society leading to any such development. they stubbornly clung to nomadism and opposed any attempts at sedentization. 1921).297 This is also true for the Turkic nomads of the steppe lands to the north from the Black and Caspian seas. p. Even when groups of nomads were forced to abandon their lands in the steppe by stronger neighbors. Byzantium and the Latin Empire. Grundzüge der Anwendung der Erdkunde auf die Geschichte. Anthropogeographie. only when they detached themselves completely from the world of the steppes and when under pressure from the states to which they had fled in the first place. later.

Jews. see also Gy. 1992). Русь и Венгрия в XII–XIII веках (Moscow. 1000–c. idem. 2. 244–267. N. Archaeologia (1976). In Hungary. pp. “Половцы в Венгрии и Золотая Орда во второй половине XIII в. 1976). Surrey. idem. idem. 173–183. idem. ed. a few years later. Грузия. “Bericht über die Ausgrabung des mittelalterlichen Dorfes Szentkirály. Половцы. (1975).” AOH 27 (1973). Even if all Cumans would have been willing to give up nomadism. 183–190. 275–309. G. 1989). 255–262. “A kunok feudalizálódása. which have Hurmuzaki.299 a promise which the prince would only later fulfill. 1998). Jassen. Székely (Budapest. and fearing Mongol reprisals. p. 1300 (Cambridge. ed. no.300 By contrast. Linehan and J. The non-Christian features of burials excavated in Hansca. 76–83. eds. Malyshev. Nelson (London– New York. 77–92. pp. Khazanov and A. pp. pp.” Cumania 1. “How many medieval Europas? The ‘pagans’ in Hungary and regional diversity in Christendom. eadem.” A Móra Ferenc Múzeum Évkönyve (1971) [1974]. given that the Cumans had not in fact completely abandon a nomadic mode of life. Gy. Pálóczi-Horváth. M. A. c. 177–204. pp. 2001). 283–284. Wink (Richmond.358 chapter four heir to the Hungarian throne of his promise to build a church for the Cumans. the Mongol invasion. kapcsolatok és hatásek a kunok régészeti kultúrájában (Karcag. idem.” in Nomads in the Sedentary World. pp. no. Györffy. P. Studies in honour of Julius Néméth. pp. Petchenegen. their neighbors refused to accept any significant number of refugees from the Mongol territories.” Folia Archaeologica 26. Muslims and “Pagans” in Medieval Hungary. 248–275. 103–127. V. században. P. pp. “A felsöszentkirályi kun sírlelet. 1994). Berend. “Angaben und Gesichtspunkte zur archäologischen Forschung nach den Kumanen im Komitat Szolnok. At the Gate of Christendom. Selmeczi. 2001). “The settlement structure of the Cumanian settlers in the Nagykunság. pp. L. 111–120. After the Mongol conquest of Desht-i Qipchaq. 2001). I. “A Lászlófalván 1969–1974—ben végzett régészeti ásatások eredményei. pp. those Cumans who did flee away from the Mongols fell under their rule. 2003).” in Hungaro-Turcica. idem. 2. M. “Situation des recherches archéologiques sur les Comans en Hongrie. 131. eds. Régészeti—néprajzi tanulmányok a jászokról és a kunokról (Debrecen. Hagyományok.” in The Medieval World. Acta Honorii III. archaeological excavations of Cuman cemeteries have well documented the gradual transition from paganism and nomadism to Christianity and sedentary life. Kumanen.” Cumania 4. pp. Steppenvölker im mittelalterlichen Ungarn (Budapest. For the Cuman integration in Hungary. P. idem. pp. pp. eadem. D. 201–209. B. A. there is no indication of such a shift in the region outside the Carpathian Mountains. Nasilov (Moscow. Shusharin.” in Дешт-и-Кипчак и Золотая Орда в становлении культуры евразийских народов. L. M.” in Tanulmányok a parasztság történeténez Magyarországon a 14.. must have effectively prevented the completion of the process. Archaeologia (1972). “Cuman integration in Hungary. 1953). 299 300 . No emigration from the lands under the control of the Golden Horde was tolerated by the khans. 5–47 and 61–99. pp. ed. Káldy-Nagy (Budapest. pp. A. Murguliia. 187–197.

but not on its structure. Chebotarenko.301 are more likely an indication of populations of eastern origin. This in fact explains why one of the only direct influences upon Romanians was a form of warfare dominated by light cavalry. perhaps.302 The Romanian influence on the Turkic nomads was even less marked. the nomads were ready to offer military protection to the natives. but. The settlement of Turks among the natives did not involve large groups. it was not as artisans or artists. therefore. Those two ethnic communities. economic system and sociopolitical organization. This is also to be explained in terms of the conservatism of the nomadic society. Judging by the existing evidence. Kochevniki. whose assimilation took place within a relatively short time. F. 1982). may have lived in relatively close quarters. To some extent. but as shepherds and warriors. only isolated families. the number of nomads who became sedentary among the Romanian communities was small. (Kishinev. an influence to which the Mongols. Население центральной части Днестровско-Прутского междуречья в X–XII вв. p. there was no real symbiosis between Romanians and Turkic nomads. as well as a consequence of the relative short period any one 301 Fedorov-Davydov. as well as in regards to their way of life. without any attempt to alter the traditional organization of the natives. religious and cultural point of view. p. must have contributed as well. their occupations and social structure. 263. 45–48. however. pp. Given the violence of contact. 302 Stahl. The alterity of the nomadic form of life made it impossible for the natives to adopt any sustainable models of social organization from their Turkic neighbors.contacts and interactions 359 been attributed to the nomads. which lived in close proximity to native communities and were on their way to complete sedentization. but in fact did not intermingle very much. Perhaps the conservatism of the Romanian society may also be responsible for the relative lack of influence of the nomads on the natives. provided that the latter continued to produce goods to pay their tribute. . the nomads had a certain negative influence upon the development of the Romanian society. G. If the Turkic nomads exercised any influence on the natives worth considering. n. They also seem to have tolerated the lifestyle and the religion of their subject people. Despite more than four hundred years of of co-habitation within the Carpathian-Dniester region. so different from each other from an ethnic. 56. 285). The nomads were content with plundering and exacting tribute. Studii de sociologie istorică (see above.

At the western end of the Eurasian steppe corridor. There they found more or less favourable conditions. given that they all shared in the same mode of life. contact with all those groups must have been the same. when pushed by other steppe nomads. . various groups of nomadic horsemen came to control the lowlands north of the river Danube. such a symbiosis did occur in regions. the lowlands of the Lower Danube were not particulary favorable to nomadic pastoralists. Paradoxically. no symbiosis with the sedentary agricultural populations took place. often took refuge in the Balkans or in the Pannonian Plain.360 chapter four of the Turkic groups spent in the steppes north of the Lower Danube before moving farther. The lowlands outside the Carpathian Mountains were abandoned by defeated hordes as soon as new stronger nomads approached. which the nomads did not control politically. and there they turned sedentary and were eventually assimilated by natives by virtue of a true symbiosis. Though for many centuries. as a result of repeated invasions. The local communities were thus forced into a precarious mode of life. who. From a Romanian point of view. marked by lack of political stability and impoverishment. Such circumstances could not possibly stimulate the intruders to join the Romanians in any way.

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