‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬

ïÜÇ@åi@åí†ibÈÛa@åí‹@ÞaŠä¦a@bäÔ톕
ïÔîÔ§a@BòîãìnÛa@ñŒvȽaB@éuë

‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬

@ìi@üìØîã
aì×ìm@îi@æbuë

ïÜÇ@åi@åí†ibÈÛa@åí‹@ÞaŠä¦a@bäÔ톕
ïÔîÔ§a@BòîãìnÛa@ñŒvȽaB@éuë
ëi@ÝîuZáÜÔi@ò߆Ôß
´ÐÛûàÜÛ@sí†y@ÕzÜß
óäß@…bí‹@ZòºŠm

‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫‪ôìna‬‬
‫‪@ëi@Ýîu@ò߆Ôß‬‬
‫·‪†îè‬‬
‫ﺛﻜﻨﺔ ﻫﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬

‫‪11‬‬
‫‪17‬‬
‫‪18‬‬

‫ﻭﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ‬

‫‪19‬‬

‫ﺍﺟﺘﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬

‫‪21‬‬

‫ﳎﺎﺯ ﺻﻌﺐ‬

‫‪22‬‬

‫‪òÈöbšÛa@âbçëþa@ZÞëþa@áÔÛa‬‬
‫‪bĆîö‰@‰b•@ÞaŠäu@[1‬‬

‫‪25‬‬
‫‪27‬‬

‫‪ [1 /1‬ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‬

‫‪28‬‬

‫‪» [2 /1‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﻭﻟﺪﻱ ‪. . «. .‬‬

‫‪30‬‬

‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫‪6‬‬

‫‪[3 /1‬‬
‫‪[4 /1‬‬
‫‪[5 /1‬‬
‫‪[6 /1‬‬
‫‪[7 /1‬‬
‫‪[8 /1‬‬

‫)ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ(‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﺔ ‪. .‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‬
‫ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ‬

‫‪ò튧a@áîã@[2‬‬
‫ﺏ ﺷﺮﻋ ٌﻲ‬
‫‪ [1 /2‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼ ٌ‬
‫‪ [2 /2‬ﺻﺪﻣ ﹲﺔ ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎﺋﻴ ﹲﺔ‬
‫‪ [3 /2‬ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺷﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ ‪. .‬‬
‫‪ [4 /2‬ﻣﻼﻃﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ‪. .‬‬

‫‪32‬‬
‫‪34‬‬
‫‪36‬‬
‫‪39‬‬
‫‪41‬‬
‫‪44‬‬
‫‪49‬‬
‫‪50‬‬
‫‪52‬‬
‫‪55‬‬
‫‪56‬‬

‫‪ [5 /2‬ﺍﷲ ﺃﻛﱪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻟﻪ‬

‫‪58‬‬

‫‪ [6 /2‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﺳﻠﻤﺔ ﻓﻮﻗﻴﺔ‬

‫‪60‬‬

‫‪" [7 /2‬ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ" ‪. .‬‬

‫‪63‬‬

‫‪òîyŠß@òîaŠÓì¹…@[3‬‬
‫‪ [1 /3‬ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻮﺓ‬

‫‪67‬‬

‫‪ [2 /3‬ﺳﻠﻄ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻀﻌﻔ ﹲﺔ‬

‫‪71‬‬

‫‪ [3 /3‬ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬

‫‪73‬‬

‫‪ [4 /3‬ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﶈﻄﻤﺔ‬

‫‪76‬‬

‫ﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﱐ‬
‫‪ [5 /3‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٌ‬

‫‪78‬‬

‫ﻂ‪..‬‬
‫‪ [6 /3‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻧﺎﺷ ٍ‬

‫‪81‬‬

‫‪67‬‬

.‬‬ ‫‪" [8 /5‬ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﺮﻓﻮ ٌ‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫‪âýÇ⁄a@µg@ñõb⁄a@[6‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /6‬ﲟﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ ﻭ ِﻣﻠﹸﺴﻔِﺘﺶ‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪130‬‬ . .‬‬ ‫‪ [4 /5‬ﻗﻀﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴ ﹲﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [3 /4‬ﺣﻜﻢ ﺯﻳﻦ ‪. .‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪l‰†n½a@‰ìmbnØí†Ûa@[4‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /4‬ﺧﺼﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺰﻳﻔﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪» [2 /4‬ﻣﺜﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ« ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪» [8 /4‬ﺃﻋﻄﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ!«‬ ‫‪ćåuČ †ß@ć†Üi@ZïãbrÛa@áÔÛa‬‬ ‫‪ñ‰ìnj½a@pb튧a@[5‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /5‬ﺟﺮﻋﺔ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺮﻃ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫‪ [2 /5‬ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫‪ [3 /5‬ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﻳﺎﺿ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ﹲﺔ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [7 /4‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﻜﻨﺎﺕ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪) [4 /4‬ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﻜﺴﻲ( ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻍ َﻋ ِﻘﺪِﻱ‬ ‫‪ [5 /4‬ﻓﺮﺍ ﹲ‬ ‫‪ [6 /4‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺏ ‪. .‬‬ ‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻤﻴ ٍﻖ‬ ‫‪ [7 /5‬ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫‪122‬‬ ‫ﻉ" ‪.‬‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪86‬‬ ‫‪88‬‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫‪94‬‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫‪96‬‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫‪102‬‬ ‫‪105‬‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫‪112‬‬ ‫‪114‬‬ ‫‪" [5 /5‬ﺟﻨﺔ" ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫‪" [6 /5‬ﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ" ‪.

.‬‬ ‫‪ [6 /8‬ﻟﻘﺎ ٌﺀ ﺏ)ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ( ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫‪ [7 /8‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ؟‪. .‬‬ ‫»ﺻﻤﺘًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﻳﻘﻤﻌﻮﻥ«‬ ‫ﻫﺠﻤﺔ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ »ﻣﺒﺎﻋﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ«‬ ‫‪òí…b–nÓüa@BñŒvȽaB@[7‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /7‬ﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ‪. .‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪[2 /6‬‬ ‫‪[3 /6‬‬ ‫‪[4 /6‬‬ ‫‪[5 /6‬‬ ‫‪[6 /6‬‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [2 /8‬ﺗﺄﺛﲑ "ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻼ"‬ ‫‪" [3 /8‬ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ" ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [5 /7‬ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﻭﺷﺮﻛﺎﺅﻫﺎ‬ ‫‪ [6 /7‬ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻳﻬﺐ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﺪﺓ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [2 /7‬ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍﺀ‬ ‫‪» [3 /7‬ﺍﺳﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﻠﻚ«‪. .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﻃﻠﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫‪ [7 /7‬ﻃﻮﺍﺑﲑ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺍ ٍ‬ ‫‪òîãŠÐÛa@paûaìnÛa@ZsÛbrÛa@áÔÛa‬‬ ‫‪òíì‰@ćpbØj‘@[8‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /8‬ﻫﺠﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓﻮﻥ ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪133‬‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫‪141‬‬ ‫‪145‬‬ ‫‪149‬‬ ‫‪150‬‬ ‫‪152‬‬ ‫‪153‬‬ ‫‪156‬‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫‪164‬‬ ‫‪167‬‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫‪172‬‬ ‫‪173‬‬ ‫‪176‬‬ ‫‪177‬‬ ‫‪180‬‬ ‫‪181‬‬ . .‬‬ ‫‪» [4 /7‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻬﺐ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ« ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [4 /8‬ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎ ٌﺀ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‬ ‫‪ [5 /8‬ﻣﺘﻊ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ‪. .

‬‬ ‫‪" [4 /10‬ﻣﻮﺳ ٌﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ" ‪. .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫‪9‬‬ ‫‪183‬‬ ‫‪187‬‬ ‫‪188‬‬ ‫‪191‬‬ ‫‪193‬‬ ‫‪197‬‬ ‫‪199‬‬ ‫‪203‬‬ ‫‪203‬‬ ‫‪205‬‬ ‫‪208‬‬ ‫‪210‬‬ ‫‪212‬‬ ‫‪214‬‬ ‫‪217‬‬ ‫‪218‬‬ ‫‪221‬‬ ‫‪222‬‬ ‫‪224‬‬ ‫‪226‬‬ ‫‪228‬‬ .‬‬ ‫‪ [2 /9‬ﺗﻌﺎﻭ ﹲﻥ ﺧﻔ ٌﻲ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪" [3 /10‬ﺍﳌﻴﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ" ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ [3 /9‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑ ﹲﺔ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﹲﺓ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ‪. . . . .‬‬ ‫‪" [8 /10‬ﺳﻨﻐﺎﻓﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ"‬ ‫‪ò•ìÔäß@ñ‰ì•@Zò•ý‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ "ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﺬﺑ ٍﺔ"‬ ‫ﲢﻔﻈﺎﺕ "ﺍﳉﻮﺳﺒﻴﻨﻴﺔ" ‪. . .‬‬ ‫‪ [5 /10‬ﺳﻔ ٌﲑ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ‪ -‬ﻣﺰﻳ ٌ‬ ‫‪ [6 /10‬ﻏﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫‪ [7 /10‬ﺭﺣﻠ ﹲﺔ ﳐﺘﺼﺮ ﹲﺓ ‪.‫ﺍﶈﺘﻮﻯ‬ ‫‪» [8 /8‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﺻﺪﻳ ٍﻖ«‬ ‫‪´îÐä½a@ñ…‰bİß@[9‬‬ ‫‪ [1 /9‬ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟ ﹲﺊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﲢﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺪﺩﺓ ‪. . . .‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻭﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺀﺍ ٌ‬ ‫‪ [4 /9‬ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺎ ٌ‬ ‫‪ [5 /9‬ﺍﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ñ Šíbß@òîbßìÜi…@[10‬‬ ‫‪" [1 /10‬ﻣﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ"‬ ‫‪ [2 /10‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯﺩﺭﺍ ٍﺀ ‪.

‬‬ ‫ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‬ ‫‪“ßaìa‬‬ ‫‪‰bèÐÛa‬‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﺍﻷﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪231‬‬ ‫‪232‬‬ ‫‪235‬‬ ‫‪237‬‬ ‫‪239‬‬ ‫‪243‬‬ ‫‪257‬‬ ‫‪259‬‬ ‫‪265‬‬ .‫‪10‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪_ñbî§a@ô†ß@bĆîö‰@LïÜÇ@åi@Z[2002]@òÈj@ÕzÜß‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪ 11‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ »ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻮﺽ ﺑﺄﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﻮﻥ ﻳﺘﻤﺴﻜﻮﻥ ‪. .

‬ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻫﺒﻮ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﺮﳝﺔ ﺍﱃ ﺍﻟﻀﺤﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺠﻌﺔ ﻟﺴﻮﻗ ﱟﻲ ﺁﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺑﲑﻭ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪ëi@Ýîu@ò߆Ôß‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻐﻮﻝ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪» :‬ﺟﺰﻣﺔ ﻫﺘﻠﺮ ﻭﺳﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﻮﺳﻮﻟﻴﲏ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻟﻸﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺧﻄﺎﻳﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻗﻔ ٍ‬ ‫ﳛﻜـﻲ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺑﻮ ﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﺍ ﺣﻜﺎﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻏﺮﻳﺒ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﺑﺎﻻﳓﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺜﲑ‬ ‫ﻕ(‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﻘﺐ )ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ‪ (3‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺃﻓﻌﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻜﺘﺴﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺮﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﻜـﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﻜﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻌﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﲢﻀﺮًﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﻲ ﺷﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺣﺸﺔ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ‬ ‫ﺝ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺄﻟﻮﻑ )ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻏﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸـﻔﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻟﻘﺪﺭٍﺧﺎﺭ ٍ‬ .‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺰﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻄﻌـﻦ ﻫـﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ ﺇﳕﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﺤﺴﻦ ﺭﺃ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻳﺪﻳﻦ‪.

‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﲣـﺎﺫ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤـﻴﻊ ﲝﻤﺎﺳ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺟﺪﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺸﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﻛـﻴﻒ ﻻ ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ؟‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﻤﺰﻗﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻓﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺨﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺿ ٍﻊ ﻣﺰﺭٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺑﻐﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺨﻂ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻮﻏﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻨﻬﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺨﻠﺼﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺮﻑ؟«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ .‫‪12‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣًـﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪) ،‬ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻭﻫﻦ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﱃ‬ ‫ﺾ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﺰﻭﻳ ٍﺮ ﻓﺎﺿ ٍﺢ ﺃﺩﻫﺶ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﲔ ﻫﺪﻭﺀًﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻞ ﺣﺰﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﳊﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻹﻏﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺎﻫﺖ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺏ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﰎ ﺍﻻﻧﻘـﻼﺏ ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﻋﻢ )"ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ"( ﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﺮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻓﺮﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻓﺘﻮﻬﺗﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻇﻠﺖ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺮﻏﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﳜﻀﻊ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺳﻜﺎﻬﻧﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻕ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔـﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘـﺒﺎ ﺑﺼﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ]‪[2000‬‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻓـﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺧ ٍﻞ ﻓﺮﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺎﺿﻄﺮﺍﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪.‬ﻓﺒﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺭﻕ ﰲ ﺍ ُﻷ ﱢﻣﻴﱠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺮﺿـﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻏﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﲔ ﳐﺰﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﻭ ٍﺩ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴًﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴًﺎ )ﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺭﺛﻬﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺘﻪ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺰﺩﻫﺮﺓ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺨﻠـﺺ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻤﻴﺬ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻓﻘﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﺣﺬﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪.

‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﹸﻫﺪﺭﺕ ﻓﺮﺻ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔﹲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻮ ﰎ ﺍﻏﺘﻨﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻭﺇﳒﺎﺣﻬﺎ ﳉﺎﻭﺯ ﺻﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰒ ﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺒﻮﻫﲔ ﻭﻣﻮﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﻮ ﹲﻥ ﻃﺎﻓﺤ ﹲﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻼﺣﻘـ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﹲﺓ ﺣﺎﻗﺪﹲﺓ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳـﻮﺃ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ .20‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻘﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻮﻥ ﺟﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻠﻮﺏ ﺧﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺰﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﰒ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﱪ ﻣﺴﻠﺨًﺎ ﻭﺳﺠﻨًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﲰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﳐﺘﱪًﺍ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻣ ٍﺞ ﳑﻜ ٍﻦ ﻟﻘﺴ ٍﻢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻓﻀﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ«‪ .‬‬ ‫»ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺳـﻴﺤﻜﻢ ﺯﻣﻼﺅﳘـﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺟﺎﺀ ﺃﻻ ﻳﻠﺼﻘﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻑ ﺻﻔﺔ "ﺍﳍﺠﺎﺀ" ﺃﻭ "ﺍﶈﺮﻗﺔ"! ﺇﻥ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻏﺬﻳﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺨﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﳍﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎ ٍﻡ ﺛﺎﺑ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺑﻌـﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﺍﻷﺩﰊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳏﺘﺮﻣًﺎ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺑﻮ ﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﺍ ﻣﺸﻮﻗﲔ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﺣﱴ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﻧﺴﺎﻥ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻲ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻣﺪﺭﺳ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺾ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻳـﺮﲰﺎﻥ ﻟـﻨﺎ ﻟﻮﺣـ ﹰﺔ ﻹﺳـﻼﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻫﺰﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻬﻦ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1957‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲨﻬﻮ ٌﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺿﻠﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻼﻟﺘﺤﺎﻕ ﲟﺴﲑ ٍﺓ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﺃﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺢ؟‪ .80‬ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺎﻛـﺮﻱ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰﳓﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺟِﺪﻳ ﹰﺔ‪» :‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺃﻫﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ«‪.‬‬ .‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺑﲑﻭ‬ ‫‪13‬‬ ‫]‪ [%99.‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﳌﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻘﺬ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻈﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻐﺮﻕ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳍﻤﺠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﻠﻢ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺄﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﻴﻔﺔ؟‪ .‬ﺃﻗﻨﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻨﺤﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺑﺎﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻌﺠﺒﲔ‪» :‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﺫﻥ ﲦﺔ‬ ‫]‪ [% 0.

‫‪14‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﺘﺄﳌﹰﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﻄﺦ ﻳﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻟـﻴﻘﻲ ﺷـﻌﺒﻪ ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ )ﺇﺑﻴﻨﺎﻝ‪ (Épinal /‬ﻣﻌﻠﻘ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻄﻌﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻠﻤﺲ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻔﺖ ﺁﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻ ﺑﻮ ﻭﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺗﻮﻛﻮﺍ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻬﻮﺩ‪ :‬ﺻﺤﺎﻓ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺒﺪﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔٍﱂ ﳚﺮﺅ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﺎ ﺣـﱴ ﻧـﻴﻜﻮﻻﻱ ﺗﺸﺎﻭﺷِﺴﻜﻮ )ﺣﺴﺐ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺟﻬﺎ ٍﺯ ﺭﲰ ٍﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﳜﺼـﺺ ]‪ [% 40‬ﻣـﻦ ﻧﺸـﺮﺓ ﺃﺧـﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﲢﺮﻛﺎﺗﻪ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻣﺎ ٍﻥ ﻭﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺿـﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺴﺎ ٌﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺔ ﻭﺇﺛﺮﺍ ٌﺀ ﻓﺎﺿ ٌﺢ ﻟﻠﻄﻐﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﻮﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﺠٍﺄ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪.‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﺟﻮ ٌﺩ ﻷﻱ ﺧﻄ ٍﺮ ﺃﺻﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ . UGTT /‬ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟـﺘﺮﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﰊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻨﺎﺩﻱ »ﺑﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻀـﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻋﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﻣـﺎ ﻭﺻـﻠﻨﺎ ﺍﻟـﻴﻪ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻠﻔﺖ ﺑﻮ ﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﲬـﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻃﺒﻘﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻓﻠﻦ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺃﺣﺪ ٍﻋﺪﺍ ﺭﻭﺑﲑ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫)‪ .(Robert Hue‬ﰲ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﺎﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﲝﺰ ٍﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻃﻤﻮﺣﻪ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻮﺽ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺗﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺻﻮ ٍﺭ‬ ‫"ﻃﺒﻴﻌـﻴ ٍﺔ"؛ ﻭﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ﻳﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺯﻭﺍﺭﻩ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺘـ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﻳﻜـﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﻓﻔﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺷﻴﻜﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺏ ﳑﺜ ٍﻞ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ »ﳚـﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﲨﻴﻠ ٍﺔ ﺗﻘﺤﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﺑﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻀـﻲﺀ ﻣﻮﻫﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﲔ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﲤﺔ ﺑﻠﻤﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺄﺳـﺎﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ )ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸـﻐﻞ‪ ،(Union générale Tunisienne du Travail.

‬ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‹‪ .‬ﻟﻌـﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﺉ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﻜ! ﻷﻥ ﺍﳉﺮﳝﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﹲﺓ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻃ ٍﺆ ﻋﺎﳌ ٍﻲ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺩﻭﺭًﺍ ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪› .‬ﻫﻞ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﳘﺎ ﺍﳌﺰﺑﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻜﺎﺛﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﺑﺄﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﲔ ﰲ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ؟‪.‫ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺑﲑﻭ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ﺲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ ﺇﺛﺮ ﲢﻮ ٍﻝ ﻣﺪﻫﺶٍ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔ ُ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬـﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‪» :‬ﻋﻼﻗﺘﻨﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ‪. .‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻗﺪﳝ ﹲﺔ ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﺸـﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺣﺪ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻂ‪» :‬ﱂ ﺃﻛﻦ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ«‪.‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﲑﺓ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﲟﻘﺘﻀـﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼـﺎ ٍﺩ ﻳﻀﺤﻲ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮ ﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﻟﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺴـﺎﻣﺢ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﺭﻳﲔ ﻭﳝﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸـﺠﻌﻮﻥ ﻭﺣﱴ ﳝﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﻗﺬﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﳉﺮﳝﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓﹲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﳋﻴﻂ ﺍﻷﲪﺮ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻫﻴـﺐ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﻮّﻕ )ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﺰﻳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺳﺎﺣﺮﹲﺓ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺸﻜﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﻴﻮﻱ ﻣﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻷﻥ ﻗﻠﻢ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻴﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻔ ٌﺰ ﻭﻣﺸﺤﻮ ﹲﺫ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺙ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘـﺪ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻧـﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﳋﺼﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ« ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺮﻫﻒ ﻭﺣﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺎﻫﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻻ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﳍﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺮﳝ ٍﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍ ٌﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺬﻭﻕ‪.‬‬ .

‫‪16‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬‬ ‫ﻓﻠـﻴﻜﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﲝﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﺪﻭﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺟﺰﺀًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺒﻬﻢ؟‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﺎﻟ ﹲﺔ ﻓﺮﻳﺪﹲﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯ ٍ‬ .‬ﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﻋﺮ ﻗﻬ ٍﺮ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭًﺍ ﻻ ﺣﺪ ﻟﻪ‪ .‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪17‬‬ ‫·‪†îè‬‬ ‫»ﻗـﺪ ﻳﻘـﻮﻝ ﻗﺎﺋﻞﹲ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻏﻴﺔ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺎﻩ ﺍﳍﺪﻭﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪.‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﺣﻴﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺍﺱ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﱰﻻﺀ ﺍﳌﺄﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻜﻦ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻋﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺃﲪﺪ‪.‬ﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻨﺤـﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺐ ﺍﳍﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲰﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1975‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﳛﻴﺎ ﻬﺑﺪﻭ ٍﺀ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺳﻮ‪› ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‹‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺪﻳـﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘـﻨﻌًﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻗﻴﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﹸﻓﺼﱢﻠﺖ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻉ‪ ،‬ﲟﺆﺳﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑﺓ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺭﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺘﻮﺳـﻄ ٍﻲ ﳐﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺋﻌًـﺎ‪ :‬ﳎﻠﹼﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻗﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1957‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻧـ ﹰﺔ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﳍﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﺄﻣﻴ ٍﻢ ﺃﻭﻗﻔﺖ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﺒﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﳐﺎﻃﺮ )ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻌﻴﺔ( ﳉﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﳐﺎﻃﺮ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻄ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳ ﹲﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﻘﺎﺑ ﹲﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﺘﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻬﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﻭﺿـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻔﻮﹲﺓ ﻧﺎﻃﻘ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻔﺘﺤ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻭﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻮﺍﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﳏـﺘﺮﻣ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﻤﻮﻋ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﺎ ٍﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺒﺘﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺟﻬ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﲝﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﺱ ﻗـﺪ ﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺘﻠﻤﺬ ﰲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺸﻨﺔ ﻭﺗﻜﻔﹼﻞ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.‫‪18‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟـﺘﺆﻣﻦ ﻟﻪ ﻗـﺪﺭًﺍ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻐﻮﻝ ﺃﻭ ﲨﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪.‬ﻭﻫﺒﺖ ﺭﻳﺎﺡ ﺍﳊﺮّﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻃﻠـﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻃـﺮﻳﻖ ٌﻋﺮﻳﻀ ﹲﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺁﺧﺮًﺍ‪ ،‬ﲰﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـ ٍﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻴ ٍﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ ،‬ﻭﳋﺼﻮ ٍﻡ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻘﺒﻠﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻮ ﻣﻜـﺮﻫﲔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﺍﻋـﺪ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻭﺿﻌﻨﺎ ﺟﺎﻧﺒًﺎ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻜ ٍﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﺛﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻬﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﳏﺘﻮﻣًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰊ‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﳋﻠﻔﻪ ﺑﻼﺩًﺍ ﺣﺪﻳﺜ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻔﺘﺤ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻃﻌ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎ ٍﱂ ﻋﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻟﻶﻣﺎﻝ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳍﺎﻭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣـﺪًﺍ ﻭﲬﺴـﲔ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻭﻣﻈﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻄـﺒﺎﻋًﺎ ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ ﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫‪òÜöbç@òäØq‬‬ ‫ﻟـﺪﻯ ﳎﻴـﺌﻪ ﺍﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﳉﺄ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻏﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺪﺍﻉ ﻭﺃﺧﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺿﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻲّﺀ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﰒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﹼﺒﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﻳﻐﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒّﻊ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﻧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺮﻗﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻻ ﻬﺗﻢ ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻷﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻳًﺎ ﺑﻼ ٌﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪.‬ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ﲝ ٍﺮ ﻭﺷﻮﺍﻃﺊ‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻉ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ٍﻝ ﺣﺎ ٍﺭ ﰲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻓﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺳَﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﲢﻘﻴ ٍﻖ ﻳﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﺪﻫ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻜﻮﻧﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ "ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮﺓ ًﻋﺠﻮﺯًﺍ ﻣﺒﺘﺴﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻗﺔ ﻳﺎﲰﲔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﺓ ٌﻭﲨﻴﻠ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺫﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻠﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺿـﺪ "ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ" ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻐًﺎ ﻹﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺷﺒﻜ ٍﺔ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻗ ﹼﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻟﻔﻲ ﺳﺠﲔ ﺭﺃ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﺳﺎﺋ ٍﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﻭﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻛ ﹼﻞ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎ ٍﺭ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴـ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳚﻬﻠﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ .‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺮﻳﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺧ ٍﻞ ﺳﻨﻮ ٍ‬ .‬ﻣﺸـﻌﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮ ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻨ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﳎﺮﺩﺓ ٌﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻟﻐﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻟﻠﻔﺮﺩ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ ]‪[2000‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻜﺲ ﺟﺎﺭﺗﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﻟﻠﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺐ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺩﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻠﻄ ٍ‬ ‫ﺶ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺴّﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺃّ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﻀﻴﺎﻑ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﺧﻔﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺿﺠ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ )ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ‪ (France 2 / 2‬ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ »ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﻐﲏ ﻭﺗﺮﻗﺺ«‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻄﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﻛـﺜﲑﻳﻦ ﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺟﻬ ٍﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻧﻀﺎ ٍﻝ ﺑﻼ ﺭﲪ ٍﺔ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺟﻨﻮﺡ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻮّﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩﻋﺔ ﺍﱃ ﺛﻜﻨ ٍﺔ ﻫﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪‰bç…‹üa@òyaë‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﻫـﺎ ٍﺭ‪ .

‬ﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﲢـﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻛﺪﻬﺗﺎ )ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ( ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄ ٍﻲ‪.‬ﻭﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ )ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﺣﻮﻝ "ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ" ﳍﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﻮﻏﻬﺎ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻂ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻣﻀﺮﺏ ﻣﺜ ٍﻞ )ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ(‬ ‫ﻱ ﻟﻠﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﰲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻭ)ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ( ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻔﺨﺮﺍﻥ ﲟﻌﺪﻝ ﳕ ٍﻮ ﺳﻨﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﱰﻝ ﺩﻭﻥ ]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﻻ ﳓﻨﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﱰﻉ ﺣﻮﺍﺟﺰﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﳐﺎﻃـﺮًﺍ ﺑـﺰﻭﺍﻝ ﺛﻠﺚ ﻧﺴﻴﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ؟ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺠﺰ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﺎﻉ ﲡﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺭﺑـﺔ؟‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻪ "ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ" ﳍﻮ ﺇﻧﺼﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﲝـﺪ ﻋﻴﻨﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳋﱪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﲤﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺻﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻮﺭﻧﺖ ﲜﺎﺭﺗﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫"ﻗﻄـﺐ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍ ٍﺭ" ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮ ً‬ ‫ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﻗـﻞ ﻭﺍﳌﻔﺎﺟﺂﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺼﻞ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﳝﻠﻚ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ﻣﺴﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻀـﻴﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫)‪ (Philippe Séguin‬ﺇﱃ ﺷـﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳـﻜﻮﺍ )‪ ،(Charles Pascua‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪-‬ﻛﺎﻥ )‪ (Dominique Strauss Kahn‬ﺇﱃ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﻧﻮﻳﻪ ) ‪Bertrand‬‬ ‫‪ ،(Delanoë‬ﻣـﺮﻭﺭًﺍ ﲟﻤﺜـﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺋﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﻴﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻤـﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .[%6‬ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﲨًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﺮ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺍﻥ‪ :‬ﺣﺼﺎﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪.‬ﻭﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ‬ .‫‪20‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻻ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺎﺿـﻄﺮﺍ ٍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺖ ﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ ﺍﻹﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﲤـﻸ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘـﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗـﺘﻤﲎ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳉﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .

‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻠﺪﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳًﺎ‪ :‬ﻏﺪﺍ ﺃﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻭﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎ ٍﺩ ﻗﻀﻴ ﹰﺔ ﲤﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ؛ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﺧﻮ ٍ‬ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺇﻥ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺯﻋﻴ ٌﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﱪﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮﰊ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺘﺞ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻼﺋﻜ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻧـﺰﻫ ﹰﺔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫‪´îßý⁄a@tbrnua‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺠﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻸﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺪﻭﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻊ ﻭﺿـ ٍﻊ ﺗﻐـﲑ ﺟﺬﺭﻳًﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺛﻨﱵ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪﻬﺗﻢ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﳍﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﻋﺮﺿ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰊ ﺟﺎﺋ ٌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻀﻌﻔﻬﻢ ﺧﻼﻓﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻘـﺪﻡ ﻫـﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺒﻮﻥ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺌﺔ ﺃﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ُﺳﺤِﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻬـﻴﹲﺄ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳﺔٍ؛ ﻣﻔﺎﺩﻩ‪» :‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺼﻨﻊ ﻋﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻜﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﻄـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﺒـﻴﺾ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺗﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ ﻣﻊ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ ﻧﺎﻋﻤ ٍﺔ ﺗﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻃـﲑﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﻭ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫]‪ [% 99‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻬﻧﺎﻳ ﹰﺔ ﳌﺎﺿﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﻜﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﳍﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﻋـﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﻳﻼﺣﻘﻮﻬﻧﻢ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻨﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﺗﻌﻘﻞ ﲝﻘﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌﺮﺿـﻮﻥ ﺃﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﺟﻨﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﺬﳍﻢ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ﹲﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﻟـﻮ ﺣﺴﻨﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﺘﻔﻮﻕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺻـﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﰊ ﺳﹸﻠﺒُﺪﺍﻥ ِﻣﻠﹸﺴﻔِﺘﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺣﺮﻳﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣﺒـﺘﻮﺭﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﲢـﻮﻻﺕ ﺑﻄﺎﻧـﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺂﻛﻞ ﺍﳉﺪﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻌﻔﻦ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻗـﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﻼﺣﻘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ‪ .

‬ﺻﻨﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺂ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﺣﺪﻫـﺎ ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﺑﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﳎﻤﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﲣﻀﻊ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳ ٍﺮ ﲨﺎﻋ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﻐـﺘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺕ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻴﺪﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺷﺪﻫﻢ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﻱ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺳ ﹲﻞ ﺩﺍﺋ ٌﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻴّﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻔ ٌﲑ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧـﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠـﻎ ﺗﺄﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮ ً‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ »ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻻ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻪ«‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻠﲔ ﺑﻘﺪﺭٍﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳـﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻗﺎﺕ‬ .‫‪22‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ؛ ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ ﻣﺰﻳﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﱀ؛‬ ‫ﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﻟﻴﺼﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻌﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺇﺿﺮﺍﺑًﺎ ﻭﻻ ﻗﻼﻗﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻴ ﹰﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫©‪ćkÈ•@ć‹b‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺑﺪﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳎﺎﺯًﺍ‬ ‫ﺻـﻌﺒًﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﰊ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺃﺩﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﻟﻠﻮﻃﻦ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﻳﻌﲏ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻹﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻭﺿ ٌﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻻ ﻛﺮﻭﺍ‪ ،(La croix /‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺗﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺍﳉﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ ﺃﺣﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻱ ﰲ ﺑﻼﺩ ٍﻛﺎﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ﹰﺔ ﳉﺪ ٍﻝ ﻋﻘﺎﺋﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻟﺘﻀﻤﺦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺣﻜﻮﻣﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺨﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻴﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﻬﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺷﺎﺀﺕ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯّﻉ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﲣـﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﲤﻠﻚ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﳒﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﻑ‪ .

‬ﻭﻓﺘﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺧﱪﹲﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﺎﻓ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳ ﹲﺔ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﻬﺗﺎ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻷﺭﺑﻌ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪ .‫ﲤﻬﻴﺪ‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﻴﺔ "ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﳌﺰﻭﺭﺓ " ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺒًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻴﺎ ٍﺓ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻃﺮﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺮ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ )ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ( ﺍﺟﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ؟‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺒﻀـﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻳﺪﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﳏﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ ﻬﻧﺎﺋﻴًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺰﻟﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺗﺎﺣﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺣﺪﻭﺙ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻻ ﻳﻬﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄـﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﳏﺎﻭﺭﺓٍ؟‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻘﻠﻴ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﻳﻮﺳﻔﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺮﻑ ﰲ ﻓﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃـﻴﺲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺼﺎﳊ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﳑﻜﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳـﺰ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻈﻲ ﺑﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﺰﻭﻳ ٍﺮ ﻭﺍﺳ ٍﻊ ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭﻣﺸ ّﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺗﺎﺣـﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺁﺭﺍ ٍﺀ ﺣﻴﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻕ ﲢﻮﻻﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺑﻌﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻫﻮﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺸ ّﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻄﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻗﻄﺔ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﺷﻜﻠﻴًﺎ ﳏﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﲢﺪﺙ ﻣﻌﺠﺰﹲﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋًـﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺰﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼ ﺑﺮﻳ ٍﻖ ﻭﻻ ﻃﻌﻢٍ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﻮ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻦ ﻋﻨﻬﻢ ﺇﱃ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻠﻠﲔ ﻟﻪ‪.

‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌـﺘﻤﺪﺓ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﻫﻢ ﺣﻠﻔﺎﺀ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﺭﺟﻌﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻧﻈﺎ ٍﻡ ﴰﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺣﺴﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀـﻞ ﻭﺭﻗـ ٍﺔ ﺑﻴﺪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﰲ ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ]‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﱪﺑﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﰲ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺗﺮﻳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪.‫‪24‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﳎﻤـﻞ ﺍﻟﻘـﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﻄﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺻﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺤﺎﻓ ﹲﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﻗﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻗـﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺼﲔ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﲜﻌﻞ )ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ »ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸـﻐﻞ( ﻣﻔﺼـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻫﻨﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺢ )ﻛﺎﺩﺍﺭ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﻗﺮﺏ ﺍﱃ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺎ "ﺗﺸﺎﻭﺷِﺴﻜﻮ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻨﺮﻯ ]‪.‬ﺑـﻼ ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺻﻔﺎﻗﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ )ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ(‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺴﻠﻄﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﺩﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻔـﻨ ﹲﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳌـﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻌًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﺘﺠﻤﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ٍﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﱄ ﻭﻓﺎﺳ ٍﺪ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻗﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ‪ .[2‬‬ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺄﰐ‬ ‫ﻚ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﺄﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐـﻴﲑ؟‪ .[1‬ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﺪ ٍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺣﺪﺛـﺖ ﺛﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ‪ .

‫ﺍﻷﻭﻫﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺋﻌﺔ‬ 25 ZÞëþa@áÔÛa òÈöbšÛa@âbçëþa .

‫‪26‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪27‬‬ ‫‪bĆîö‰@‰b•@ćÞaŠäu [1‬‬ ‫»ﺃﺗـﻰ ﺯﻳـﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺑﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﷲ«‪ .‬ﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﲔ ]‪ 6‬ﻭ‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﻷﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐـﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻐﲎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻷﻏﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺧﺬﻬﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻮﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﻜﺤﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﻣﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻮﻳﻦ‬ ‫]‪[1‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﻣﺬﺑﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻨﲔ ‪.‬ﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺏ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺲ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺻﺤﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺸـﻌﺮﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺒﻮﻍ ﻭﺍﳌﻀﻤّﺦ ﺑﺎﻟﺰﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺳّﺦ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳋﻤﺴـﲔ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻣﺾ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﻔﺔ ﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ُﺩﻓِـﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻓﺠﺄ ﹰﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﻳﻨًﺎ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺕ‬ .

‬‬ ‫‪nä½a@¿@òybjÛa@[1@/1‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ »ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ‪ 7‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ«‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﻳﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺆﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﻐﺘﺴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺠ ٍﺰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻋﻬـﺪ ﺍﳊﺒﻴـﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ "ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﱯ" ﺑﺎﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻏﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴًـﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﺰّﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺮﺩّﺓ‪.‬ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺳﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﲰﺤﺖ ﻟﺘﻘﲏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﻤﺢ ﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻻ ﻳﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﲰﻲ ﻣﻨﺬﺋ ٍﺬ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ )ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻲ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﺳﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ٌﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٌﻲ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻠـﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ]‪» :[2‬ﺍﻬﻧﺎﺭ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺑﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺮﺍﻩ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺎ ٍﺀ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳـﻨﻔﺾ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺴﺒﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ«‪ .‬ﺃﻛﺎﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤـﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻴﻊ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴّﺔ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺖ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻮﺩ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻌﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻮﱃ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻄ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻏـﺪﺕ ﺷﺎﻏﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻮﻩ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻧﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﳐﺘ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‫‪28‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﻞ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﺉ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺳﺒﺎﺣﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻮﺍﻃﺊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰـﻴﺔ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻧﺸﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺴـﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺭﺃﺳﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺗﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻗﻔﺰ ﹰﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻬـﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩ ﻫﺮﻣﺎﺳﻲ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺭﺟﻞ ٌﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ )ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﻣﻪ( ﻗﺎﺩ ٌﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺯﺍﺣﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻓﹰﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺿـﻰ ﺍﳉﻤـﻴﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﺟﻞ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧﺖ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻟﺴﺖ ﺑﺮﺟ ٍﻞ«‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺜﲑ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪ [31‬ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫)ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ( ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪.

‬ﺣـﱴ ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻘﻪ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﺳﺔ ﺗﺒﺨﺮﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ‪.[4‬ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼـﺎﺑﲔ ﺑﻔﻘـﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﳍﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺒﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ ﻭﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺷﺮﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪ ﰲ ﻣﱰﻟﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﲬﺴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﲑﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺮﺛﺮﺓ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺴﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺨﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻳﻌﻠﻮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ )ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‪ (La Presse /‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻧﻔﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺒﺎﺭ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺷﻐﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﻈﺮﻭﺍ ﺃﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻧﺎ«‪.‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪29‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻐﻄـﻲ ﻣﻈﻠـﺔ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ٍﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﳝﺖ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺼـﻠ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻲ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﺎﻻﻥ ﻣـﻦ ﺿـﻤﻦ ﺃﻟﹾـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺑـﻠﺨﻮﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﻄﺄ ﺑﺘﺄﻟﻴﻒ ﻛﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[]‪ ،[3‬ﻭﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺑﻔﻈﺎﻇ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ‪ (1994‬ﻧﺸـﺮ ﺩﺭﺍﺳ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ ]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺷﺠﺎﻋ ﹰﺔ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﲢـﻴﻄﻪ ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺨﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺷـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﰱ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ]‪ [5‬ﻋﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻐﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1978‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺘﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺬﻛـﺮ ﻣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ .‬ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺭ ٍﺩ ﺧﺪﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﰲ ﻣﺎﺿﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﰲ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻪ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‪ :‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺧﻄ ٌﲑ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺭ ٍﺩ‪ .‬ﳒﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﺗﻼﻑ ﻧﺴﺦ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﳉـﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺄﻧﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺍﱃ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺷﻌ ٍﺮ ﺩﺍﻛ ٍﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ‪ . .‬ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻠﺤ ٌﻖ ﳎﻠﺔ ›ﻟﻮ ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻓـﺮﻳﻚ‪-‬ﺁﺯﻱ‪ ‹Le nouvel Afrique-Asie /‬ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺻﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻗﺪﳝ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻳﻈﻬـﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻌ ٍﺮ ﻭ َﺧﻄﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺐ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪.‬ﺳﺮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺩ ﳏﻮ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺻـﺪﻗﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺤﱴ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﱂ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻴًﺎ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪. .‬‬ ‫ﻋـﱪ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ ﻛـﻠﻬﺎ ﲤﺖ ﺇﺯﺍﺣﺔ ﲤﺎﺛﻴﻠﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋﺔ ٍﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻋﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻉ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺧﺎﺩ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺟـﺮﺍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﻼﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@CN@N@ð†Ûë@oãcD@[2@/1‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﺖ ﺯﻭﺟﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺐﰲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻘـﺎ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﺘﺮﻣﻪ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺏ ﰲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ(‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎ ٍﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺍﲰﻪ ﺃﹸﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﺢ ﺭﺍﺗﺒًﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳ ٌﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺼﻔﺮّﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺎﻓﺢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻼ ﲪﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺒ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻄﻼﺣﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻟﻘﺎﺀﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﻭﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﺣﺎﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ؟ ﻫﻞ ﻳﻬﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﻚ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺤﺘﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﺣﺘﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻘﻼﺗﻚ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﺻﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﺋﻤﺎ؟ ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺃﺑﻮﻧﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳُﻌﻄﻰ ﳎﻠﹼﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼـﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﹰﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﱪ ﺳﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺣﻴﻨﺬﺍﻙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺑـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳـﺔ ﻛﻤﺮﺳﻮ ٍﻡ "ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻱ"‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻢ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪30‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻘﻤـﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ُﺯﻭﱢﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺱ‪ .‬ﺃﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻌﻠﻤﻨﺎ؟‪.‬‬ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﺩ ﹸﻗﺮِﺉ ﺑﻼﻍ ﻣﻘﺘﻀ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺜﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﺷﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﺭ]‪ [8‬ﻳﺪﻋﻰ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﻆ ﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺿﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﳊﺮﻛـﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ "ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ‪ :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﻓﻜﹼﺮ ﺑﻚ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﺁﺕ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺘﻚ‪.‬ﺃﹸﻏﺮِﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ِﻝ»ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻛﺘّﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻧﻌـﻠﻢ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻗﻔـﺖ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﻠﺪًﺍ ﺭﺍﺋﺪًﺍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﺩ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣـﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﲰﺢ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻨﺎﺳﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﻩ‪ .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪31‬‬ ‫ﻭﳚﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﻮﻡٌ ﺳﻌﻴﺪٌ ﳎﻴﺌﻚ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﱵ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﺍﺑﲏ‪. .‬ﻭﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ٍﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺮّﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﹼﺬﻱ ﻳﺰﻭﺭﻩ‪» :‬ﺃﲤﻨّﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ«]‪.‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ )ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻳـﺰ ﻣﻴﺸـﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪prix international /‬‬ ‫‪ (Louise-Michel pour la démocratie et les droits de l'homme‬ﻭﻭﺳـﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻑ ﻝ)ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪L'institut international de droit /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(humanitaire‬ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺤﺎ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﻜﺮﳝًﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ »ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺃ ﹼﻥ ﺻﻮﺕ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻮ ﻳﻌـﺎﻧﻖ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﳝﻠﺆﻩ »ﺗﺄﹼﺛ ٌﺮ ﻇﺎﻫ ٌﺮ ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨّﻈﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻧﱪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼّﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﺪﺍﻫﺎ ﻭﺍﺛﻘ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﲡﻔ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺠﻪ ﻛ ﱞﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﳓﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻛـ ﹼﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﺒّﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺯﺧﻢ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ«‪ .[7‬‬ ‫ﺐ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳ ﹶﻘﺪﱠﻡ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻘﺮﺍ ٍﺭ ﻇﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 30‬ﲤﻮﺯ ‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻴﺪﺕ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻲ ﺏ)ﺍﻻﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ(‪.‬ﺑﺄﺷﻜﺎ ٍﻝ ﻣﺘﻨﻮﻋ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪[6‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﻮﻡٌ ﺳﻌﻴﺪٌ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺗﻴﺖ ‪.

‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺫﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺇﺫ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎ ٍﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﳏﻄﺎﺕ )ﺭﺍﻱ‪ (Rai /‬ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﱪ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﺒـﺚ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺸـﺮﺡ ﺳـ ٌﲑ ﺫﺍﺗـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺭﲰﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻛـﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﻓﺨﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺃﻧﻜﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺷﺎﻋﺖ ﺻﺤ ٌ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘ ﹲﺔ ﺣﻜﺎﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻭﻟﺪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺴـﺘﲑ ﰲ ]‪ 3‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ‪ 1936‬ﻡ[ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﳐﻠﻮﻑ‪،‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﺎ ﻳـﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﲜﺎﺋﺰﺓ ﻟﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﻨﺤﻪ ﺇﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺃﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﻫﲑ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺪﻉ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻣﻨﺢ ﺍﻷﻭﲰﺔ؛ ﻧﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺏ)ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻮﻳﺰ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻠﺔ ﻛﻮﻣﻮﻧﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺴﻜﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻘﻠﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﱪﻫﺎ ﺍﻵﻥ‪. .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻜﺮﺗﲑﺓ ﺑﻮﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺠﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺟـﺪًﺍ ﲜﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ ﻭﺷﻮﺍﻃﺌﻬﺎ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒِﻠﺖ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺎﺳـﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﻬـﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻔﺎﻭ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﻋﺮﻉ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﰲ ]‪ ،[11‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐـﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻊ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺮ ٍﺓ ﻣﺆﻟﻔ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [11‬ﻭﻟﺪًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪Hòqýq@—Óbã@bí‰ìÛbØiI@[3@/1‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻈﻤـﺔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻭﺍﺿ ٍﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻠﻈﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺭ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﺔ ﻣﻦ "ﺑﻠﺪ" ﺑﲔ ﻗﺎﺑﺲ ﻭﻣﺪﻧﲔ‪ .‫‪32‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻣﺾ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺇﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﲝﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺟﻨﻴﻒ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻋﺎﺕ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﻢ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭ )ﻛﻮﺯﺍ ﻧﻮﺳﺘﺮﺍ‪ ،(Cosa Nostra /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑﺓ ‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮ ﺟ ّﺪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﰲ ﲪـﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﴰﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺛﺎﻟﺚ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .

‬ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻛﺘّﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﻮﻥ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﲤﻠﻜﻪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ "ﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ"‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸـﺮﺡ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠـ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ )‪ ،(Jean Daniel‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻠﺔ ›ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‪ ‹le Nouvel Observateur /‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺩﺭﺱ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.(‘3-‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻣـ ٌﺮ ﺃﻛـﻴ ٌﺪ‪ :‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺡ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﻘ ٌﺪ ﻋﻤﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﱄ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﻴﻊ‪) ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺰﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﻣﺮﻛ ٌﺰ ﺩﻳ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﲤﻴﻴﺰ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﻟﺪﻭﺍ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ُﺧﻠِﻊ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺪ ُﺧﺘِﻦ ﰲ ﺿﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﻔﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﳛﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﱴ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺯﻋﻢ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺑﲑﻳﻐﻮﰲ )‪ ،(Pierre Bérégovoy‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺫﺍﺗﻴًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻑ ﺑﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻮﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﳌﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪» ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﰉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻘﻦ ﻭﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜـﺮﺍﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺄﺩﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﺭﺗـﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺐ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻒ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ«]‪.‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺃﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﲤﻠﻚ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺃﺷﺠﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺘﻮ ٍﻥ ﰲ ﲪﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳـﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻷﺏ‪ ،‬ﲪﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺧﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺣﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﺳـﺔ‪ .[9‬‬ .‬ﻭﻳﺰﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ ،‬ﳐﻄﺌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻒ ﺍﳋـﺎﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺜﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﺼـﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺐ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻗﺘﺒﺴﺘﻪ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ )ﺍﻷﻛﺴﱪﺱ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ (L'Expresse‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻟﺒﺴﻪ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺣﲔ‪) :‬ﺑﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﻧﺎﻗﺺ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ’‪.‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫ﲏ(‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻨﺬ ﻧﻌﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻇﻔﺎﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻌﺘﻪ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﱄ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻧﻌﻠﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻄﻒ ﺣﻠﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﺗﻪ ﻷﻣﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻠﻢ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻩ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﻠﻤًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﳒﺎ ٍﺯ ﻣﺸ ّﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﺍﳋﻤﺴـﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺳﻮﺳﺔ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺩﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﹰﺎ‪ .

‫‪34‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺫﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻳﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺿﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﻄ ٌﻊ ﻧﺎﺩ ٌﺭ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻱ ﰲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ›)ﺳﺎﻥ ﺳﲑ‪.‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻼ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﰲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺿﺎﺑ ﹲ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳉـﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻲ ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‬ ‫]‪ 1952‬ﺇﱃ ‪ 1956‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﻋﻤـ ٍﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻫ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ »ﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺎﺻﺮًﺍ«‬ ‫ﺻـﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﻋﺎﺩ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻧﻪ »ﱂ ﺗﺴﺠﻞ ﺳﺠﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﻱ ﻗﺎﺻﺮ«‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﺳﲑ ٍﺓ ﺫﺍﺗﻴ ٍﺔ ﳎﺎﻣِﻠ ٍﺔ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[ )ﻭﱂ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺣﺴﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺻﺤﻔ ٌﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫›ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‹Radio France Internationale.‬ﻭﺳﺎﺭﻉ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﺑﻨﺘﻪ ﰒ ﺗﺰﻭﺟﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻧﻮﺍﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﱂ ﺗـﻨﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻭﻃﻨﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻱ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@òîØíŠßþa@ò‰†½a@¿@[4@/1‬‬ ‫ﺇﺛﺮ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﺳﻜِﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻤﻮﺡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻀﺒّﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﺩﻭ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻠﻐﺮﺍﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﳏﻔﻮﻇﺎﺕ ﺩﻭﺭﻬﺗﻢ‪. RFI /‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺫﺍ ﺻـﻠ ٍﺔ ﻃﻴـﺒ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪» :‬ﱂ ﻧﺘﻤﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺎﺩ ٍﺓ ﺟﺪﻳـ ٍﺔ ﺗﺆﻛـﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺾ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1956‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨـﺘﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﻇﲔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﲔ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺨﻄﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻟﻺﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺒﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .(Saint-Cyr /‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻋﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻛـﺎﻥ ﺑﻴـﻨﻬﻢ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﺦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻵﺧـﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﱂ ﻳﻨﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺎﻟﻮﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫]ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺍﲰﻪ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺘﺒﻌﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻗﺼـﲑ ﹰﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﳏﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻣﻲ]‪» [12‬ﻫﺎ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﻣـﻪ؟ ﺗـﺄﻣﲔ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻜﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺍﲰﺎﺀ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻟﺸﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫)ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﺕ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ؟‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺀﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺎﺓ ﰲ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﻋﻤﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﻱ‪.‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻘﺖ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﱪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻘﻀﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻃﻠﺴﻲ ﺳﺎﺧﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[10‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒ ٍﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺩﺗـﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﲰّﻲ ﺍﳌﻴﺠﻮﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮًﺍ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻣﺪﻳﺮًﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴـﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮ ﺯﻣﻼﺀ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺃﺷـﺎﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ‪» :‬ﺳﺘﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ »ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣُﺨﱪًﺍ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻳﺼـﻨﻊ ﺭﺟﺎ ﹰﻻ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﲔ ﺍﶈﺮﱢﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺣُﻜﻤﻮﺍ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﱯ‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔـﻴﺬ ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1966‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺃﺭﺳﻠﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺴﻜ ٍﺮ ﺗﺄﺩﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﶈـﺮﺟﺔ ﳊﻈﺔ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﺔ؟‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﳍﻢ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻃﻴﺒ ٍﺔ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻻ ﺃﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﻧﻔﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣـﺮ«‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻓﻨﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺸﻜﻼﻥ ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮ ٍﺭ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠ ٍﻢ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺶ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪ .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪35‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻔﻀـﻞ ﺩﻋـﻢ ﲪﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺘﻴﻤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﳌﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺷـﻬﺮًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ"]‪.‬ﰲ ]‪ 12‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1974‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺒﻴـﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﻤـﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﰲ ﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻓﺨ ٍﻢ ﰲ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .[11‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﲰﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1974‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﲔ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﺍﻗﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﰲ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺟﺎﺭﻬﺗﻢ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻠﺨﻮﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺗﱪﺯ ﰲ ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ٍ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺋﺤﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱯ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.‬ﻭﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻔـﻼﺕ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﺗﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ )ﺍﳌﺴﲑﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻀـﺮﺍﺀ( ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ]‪ 1975‬ﻡ[ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻤﻴًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﶈﺘﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﺒﺎﱐ ﻳﺘﺄﻫﺐ ﳌﻐﺎﺩﺭﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‫‪36‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻫـﻲ ﻧﻘﻄـ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺗﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ«‪ .‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺆﻛﺪﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴـﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻭﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺩﻳﺌ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﺇﻻ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻐﺎﻣﺮ ﺑﻔﺮﺿﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻗﻤـﺔ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻟﻐﻲ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻬﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﻀﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪.‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻌﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺨﻴﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﻮﺍ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺼﻠﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣـﻦ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﻟﻨﻌﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﳚﺪ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻮﻃﺊ ﻗﺪ ٍﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ُﻧﻘِﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﺫﺍ ﲰﻌ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﻋﺠ ٍﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﺨﺪﻣﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺄﺯﻡ‬ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﺴﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﲑ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺇﻋـﻼ ٍﻥ ﻟﻘﻤ ٍﺔ ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻋﻘﺪﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺘﻘﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻌﻼ ٍﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪bîÏì•ŠÏ@µg@ÂbiŠÛa@åß@[5@/1‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻔﺎﻩ ﻣﻠﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﺓ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻊ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺘﻨﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺜﺎﺅﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﺠﺮ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﺳﻬﻮًﺍ‪.‬ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺗﺄﻛـﻴﺪﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋًﺎ ﳏﺮﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .

‬ﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺌﺔ ﻗﺘﻴ ٍﻞ ﻭﺃﻋﺪﺍ ٌﺩ ﻏﻔﲑﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺮﺣﻰ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﲎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﰲ ﺛﻜﻨﺎﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ٍﺀ‪.‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪37‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓـﻮ ﺧﻄ ٍﲑ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1978‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‬ .‬ﻭﻓﺸﻞ ﺍﳍﺠﻮﻡ ﻭﰎ‬ ‫ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺇﻋﺪﺍ ٍﻡ ﻛﺜﲑ ٍﺓ‪ .[13‬‬ ‫ﺯﻋـﻢ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻥ »ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺇﺑﻌﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﺑﺈﻏﺮﺍﻕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻡ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﻡ ]‪ 27‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1980‬ﻡ[ ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ ﻛﺎﳊﹰﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺇﺫ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻳ ٌﻖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻣـﺎﻧﺪﻭﺱ ﻣﺆﻟ ٌ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ]‪ [40‬ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴًﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﺑﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﺼـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺮﺩﺓ ﻭﻗﻠﻌﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻬﺗﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﻴﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟ ِﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳ ﹸﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻹﳘﺎﻝ ﻭﻃﺎﻟﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺃﺳـﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺷﻬﺮًﺍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮًﺍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﳛﺪﺩ )ﺍﳋﻤﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ( ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻭﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺨﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺎﺭﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻇﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﰊ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻳﻨﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌـﻨﺬﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﺏ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ »ﺷﺮﻃﻴًﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﻗﹰﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺑﺪ]‪.‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﻧﻮﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﺪﱐٍ؟«‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻳـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻛﻢ ﻳﻠﺰﻣﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﺘﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﺼـﻒ ﺳـﺎﻋ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺬﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺪﻧﻴﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻳﻌﲔ ﻓﺠﺄ ﹰﺓ ﻣﺪﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘـﺪﻡ ﺭﺍﺩﻳـﻮ ﻃـﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺋﻒ ﻭﺍﳋﺎﺿﻊ ﳌﺘﺸﺪﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺣـﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﺃﻟﺼﻘﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﳋﻤﻴﺲ ]‪ 26‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1978‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻓـﺘﺢ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ‪ .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻕ‪.‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﺒﻮﺡ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺩ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﻭﻥ ﰲ ﻏﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻨﺘﺸﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﲤﺜﻴ ٍﻞ ﺑﺎﻫ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ﻓﺮﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺃﺭﺑـﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺟﻨﺮﺍ ﹰﻻ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ ﻳﺮﻭﺯﻟﺴﻜﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺳﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴﺒﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ]‪ 1980‬ﻡ[ ﺇﻗﺼﺎ ًﺀ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ .‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﺖ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ‪.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻴﻌﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻃﻨﻪ ﺍﻷﻡ‪ .‫‪38‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﲰـﻲ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻔﲑًﺍ ﰲ ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻮ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﱯ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻤﺔ ﻗﺒﻀﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1978‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻨﺘﺞ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪» :‬ﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺘﻌﻠﻢ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﺎﻧﻘﻼﺑﺎﺕ«‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻔﺔ ﺠﻤﻟﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻠﺼﻪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ؟‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣـﺪﺩﺕ "ﺛـﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺒﺰ" ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1983‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻄـﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ" ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻓﺮﺻ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺗﻴﺤﺖ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻏﺮﻭﺳﻮﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﱰﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﱪﻱ ﰲ ﻏﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺮًﺍ ﻟﻪ ﺑﻘﺼﺪ ﻃﻤﺄﻧﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﺃﻋﻠﻢ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻨﺲ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻣﻨﻔﻲ ﻓﺮﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ ﺍﻷﲪﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻴﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ )ﺗﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻨﺎﺀ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﲝﻜﻢ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻘـﺮّﺏ ﰲ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﺯﺭﻱ ﺷﻘﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺤﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﰎ]‪ ،[14‬ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺩﻓﺎﻋًﺎ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪.

‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﱪﺕ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗﻀ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻛﺒﲑﹲﺓ ﻟﻠﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺷﺠﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1969‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲡﺮﻯ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺎ ٌ‬ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﺭﺗﺸﺎﻑ ﻋﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﱪﺗﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺷـﻬﺮ ﺭﻣﻀـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺒﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﳛﺪﺝ ﺍﳉﻤﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻘﺪﺳ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎﻭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻛﺪًﺍ ﺃﻥ »ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻒ ﻫﻲ ﺣﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻌﻔﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻮﻡ«‪ .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪39‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻟﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﲔ«]‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻧﲑﺍﻧًﺎ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ‪ .[15‬ﻭﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻊ ﺑﻔﺮﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺯ )‪ ،(Vernon Walters‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ُﺭَﻧﻠﹾﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﻐـﺎﻥ ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ ﻭﺭﻗﻢ ]‪ [2‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻷﺳـﻠﻮﺏ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫‪´îßý⁄a@åß@lŠÔnÛa@[6@/1‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻨﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺣﱴ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1986‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺠﻊ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1985‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺭﻗﻲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ]ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﻡ[ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰒ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻣﻔﻮﺿًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﻭﻛﻠﺖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻙ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺁﻧـﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴـﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧـﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 29‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲰﻲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺼﲔ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺗﻴﺎﺭﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻴﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺭﺥ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳋﻠﻒ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻒ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳜﻄﺐ ﻭﺩﻫﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .[16‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺪﻡ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮًﺍ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﺎﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻘﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﻗﻴﺎﻥ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﻭﺍﺿ ٌﺢ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﺣـﺬﺭًﺍ«]‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻭﺭﺩ ﺫﻛﺮﻩ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.

‬‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺸـﻴﺦ" ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺑﺪﺍﺋﻴ ٍﺔ‪ :‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﰲ‬ ‫]‪ 1981‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻳﺴـﺤﺮ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﲞﻄ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻈـﺘﻪ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﺮﺑﻨﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺃﲰﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﻳﻌﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺧﺒﺰًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻧﺎ ﻭﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺨﻤ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻳﻠـﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1979‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺍﳍﺠﺮﻱ‪.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﺃﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﺔ ﻗﻤ ٍﻊ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1981‬ﻡ[‪.‫‪40‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺧﻔﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ )ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﻇﻬﻮ ٍﺭ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬ﻭﺗﻨﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﳊﻠﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﲝﺠﺔ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺁﻳ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻷﺋﻤﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻠﻴﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺁﻧـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﺒﺴﻂ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛـﺜﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠـﻮﺍﰐ ﻳﺮﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﰲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻑ‪.‬ﻭﺍﺻﻄﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﺑﻌﻨ ٍ‬ .‬ﻭﻬﺑﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﳌﺰﺍﱄ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﰲ ]‪ 11‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1985‬ﻡ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﺻﻔﺎﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻌﺖ ﺃﻭﱃ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻼﺕ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ›ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ‹ ﻭ›ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‹‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻊ‬ ‫)ﺳـﺎﺟﻴﺐ‪ ،(Sagep /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌـﺪ ﺧـﺮﻭﺟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺂﻟﻔﻮﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻋﻠـﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷـﻲ »ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﺠـﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﻗﺴ ٌﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺈﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﻧﺎﺩ ٌﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺰﺍﱄ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻟﺰﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﻟﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺘﺒﻚ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺻﺮﻳ ٍﺢ‪.‬‬‫ ﺃﺟـﺎﺏ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧـﲑ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﺫﻫﺐ ﳊﻀﻮﺭ‬‫ﺩﺭﻭﺳﻲ«‪.‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﻩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﺃﺩﺧﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟـﻨﺤﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﲢﻀﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻮﻓﲔ«]‪ .‬‬ ‫ »ﺃﻧـﺎ ﺣـﺮٌ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰﺀًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﻴﺚ‬‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﻗﺐ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻹﻳﺎﺏ«‪ ،‬ﳛﺘﺞ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺪﻓﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ٍﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ ﺷﺮﻋﻨﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻳﻨﺴﻰ ﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸـﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻬـﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻴﻠﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺒﺎﺩ ﹰﻻ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﺟﲔ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺃﻧـﺖ ﻻ ﺗﺸﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﲣﺸﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺴﻢ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﻳﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳـﺰﻭﺭ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺒﺎ ٍ‬ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﲤﺖ ﺗﺴﻮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻭﱃ ﺑﲔ ﻋﻤﻼﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﲔ‪.[18‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻭﺭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﳉﺄﺵ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﺥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺬ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﺘﻪ ﺑﺼﻮ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[19‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌـﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺘﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﲑﺩ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﻟﻪ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ« ‪.‬‬ ‫ ﺳﺄﻝ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪» :‬ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ؟«‪. .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪41‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﰲ ﺁﺏ]‪ [17‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺗـﺎﺑﻊ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺑﺴﺤﺎﺑ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺮﻳﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪kíˆÈnÛa@¿@ÂaŠ®üa@[7@/1‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﲑ ﳑﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺰﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﺮ«‪.

‬‬ . .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺟﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻛﺨﻄ ٍﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻳﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺃﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻭﻳﺮﻳﻬﻢ ﻗﻮﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺳﻮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻠﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻔﻞ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺘﺨﺮ‪» :‬ﺳﺄﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ«‪.‬ﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﳊﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻏﻀـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮ ٌﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﳋﺎﺩﻡ ﺍﻷﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻐﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ‪.‬ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔـﻮﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌـ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ﹰﺔ )ﻧﺬﻳﺮ ﺷﺆ ٍﻡ( ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻟﻘﻴـﺖ ﺍﻟـﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺑﺘﺸـﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻷﺋﻤـﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻃﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺪﺭﺏ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫"ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪» ،‬ﻻ ﺃﺭﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﻮﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﺜﺎﺙ "ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ" ﻭﻣﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻴﺢ«‪.‫‪42‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺭﺷﻖ ﻣﻮﻛﺒﻪ ﺑﺎﳊﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻘﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ )ﻗﻼﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺒﺰ‪ /‬ﺛـﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺒﺰ( ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻠﻖ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻗﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1986‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺐ ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺜﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﳏﻤﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻃﻠﻘـﺖ ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺎﻟ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺟﺪﻳ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺩﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻏﻠﻘﺖ ﳌﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻫـﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺃﻗـﻞ ﺣـﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺣـﺮﻡ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﲣﺮﺝ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺳ ّﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ‪» :‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻨﺎ ﻧﻌﺎﰿ‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻞ ﻃﺎﻟ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤـﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ ﻛﻬﺠﻤﺔ ﺭﻭﻣﺎﺗﻴﺰﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﺮﺝ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻠﻰ«]‪.[20‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ]‪ 28‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ‪ 1986‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻌـﺒﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻘﺔ ﲝﻘﻴﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻗﻞ ﺧ ٍﱪ ﺳﻲ ٍﺀ ﳚﻌﻠﻪ ﲝﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺷـﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻧﺼـﺤﻪ ﺍﻷﻃﺒﺎﺀ ﲝﺰ ٍﻡ ﺃﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺷﺮﻃ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘـﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺿـﻐﻂ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻳﺸﺘﺪ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺘﺸﻜﻞ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻏﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻘـﺪﻡ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﺿﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﺬﺑﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺷﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﺿﺪ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﳐﺎﻭﻑ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺗﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﻗﻒ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﱐ ﺍﻬﺗﻤﻪ ﺳﺠﻨﺎ ٌﺀ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻮﻥ ﺑﺘﻌﺬﻳﺒﻬﻢ‪.‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻼﺣﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺘﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺄ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎ ًﺀ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺳﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻣﺌﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﻬﻲ ﻛﺘﺎﺑًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﺘﻤًﺎ ﺑﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫)ﲟﺠـﻲﺀ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺍﻝ]‪ ،[08‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﻠﻘﺒﻮﻬﻧﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﻣـﺰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘـﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳍـﺎﺗﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺛﺄﺭﻭﺍ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺟـ ﹲﻞ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻔﺮﺯ ٍﺓ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺍﻹﺭﺷﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺫﻭ ﺭﻧ ٍﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﲏ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟـﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﳊﻜﻤـﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻀﻊ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﻳ ٍﺮ ﺭﻓﻴ ٍﻊ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﻠﺪﻩ ﻭﺳﺎﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﲝﻀﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻟﻠﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻄﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺃﺗﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻀﲑ ﳌﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﻋﺎﳌ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻏﺪﺕ ﻟﻠﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻏﺪﺍ ﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻘﺼ ِﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤ ﹶﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ(‪.‬ﺍﻟﻘﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﲔ ﺗﺼﻤﺪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﻋﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻔﻨ ٍﻦ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺘﺎ ﹲ‬ ‫ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ٌ‬ .‬ﻭﻳﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﲬﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ]‪» :[21‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﱴ ﻳﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺆﺳـﺎﺀ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻟﻌﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺩﺧﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﳍﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺝ«‪.‬ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻉ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎ ٍﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺤﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﳘﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.

‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﺮِﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﻠﻘﺒﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺒﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻛﺜﲑﹲﺓ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‬ ‫)ﺷـﻼﻛﺔ( )ﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺸـﺤﺎﻃﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺱ(‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤـﻴﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺭﺗـﺎﺩ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻋﻢ ﺍﳊﻘﲑﺓ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻭﻧﺰﻝ ﰲ ﺷﻘﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺸﺮ ﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1986‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺩﺧﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻜﺘـﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪" .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺘﺤﻔ ﹲ‬ ‫»ﺃﻧـﺎ ﺃﺻﻐﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﺗﺼﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﲏ ﻻ ﺃﺣﺐ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻤﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌـﺘﺤﺪﺓ«‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ" ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀﻩ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪.‬ﺃﻟﻘﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﻳﺄﰐ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺘﺨﻔﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻟـﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻟﻺﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﻭﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺑﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺹ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻘﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺃﺥ‬ ‫ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓـﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﹲﺓ ﺑﻼ ﺟﻼ ٍﻝ ﻭﻻ ﲨﺎ ٍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪّﻋﻲ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺇﺯﺍﺣﺔ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻋﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ »ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﻔﻠﻬﺎ«‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻟﻴﻨﺴﺞ ﺷﺒﻜﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ]‪ 9‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻭﺃﰐ ﺑﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩًﺍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺘﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﻮﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺴـﺎﺭﻋﺖ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺄ ﺻﺮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﻮﺍﺣﻲ‬ ‫ﺡﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺘﻠﻊ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻴﺪﺱ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺳﺮﻳﻌ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺿﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﺮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻧﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‫‪44‬‬ ‫‪òíìÔÛa@òšjÔÛa@Ýu‰@[8@/1‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻆ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺼﻨ ٌﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻢ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻳﺴﻤﻊ ﺻﺮﺍﺥ ﺍﳌﻌﺬﱠﺑﲔ ﻟﻴﻞ ﻬﻧﺎﺭ‪.[23‬‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 5‬ﺃﻳـﺎﺭ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲰﻰ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻋﻤﺘﻪ ﺭﻏﺒﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﺑﺄﻱ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﲦـ ٍﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ‪ .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪45‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺙ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﻘﺴ ٍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻮﺍ ٍﺯ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺳﺠﻴﻨًﺎ ﺣﱴ ﺷﻬﺮ ﺁﺏ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﺼﻔ ٍﺢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﺎﺯ ﺍﳋﻂ ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﲢﺖ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ]‪ 23‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲨﻌﺖ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮﹲﺓ ﻛﺒﲑﹲﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪» :‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﱢﻬﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻮﻓﲔ ﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺂﻣﺮ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻏﺒًﺎ ﰲ ﲰﺎﻉ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ«]‪.‬ﻭﺗﺒﺪﻱ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ »ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻲﺀ« ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛـﻴﺔ]‪ .[24‬ﰲ ﺃﻳـﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻮﻟ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﴰﺎﱄ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ .‬ﺩﺍﱄ ﺟـﺎﺯﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻻﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺘﻘﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻜﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺩﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﺎﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﻴﺖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺻﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺪ ﻣﻜﺘ ﹲﱰ ﳜﻔﻲ ﺣﺴًﺎ ﳐﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺺ ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺁﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻔﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﲰ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﻟﻦ ﳝﺲ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﺬ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻘﻲ ﺣﺪﻭﺗﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ]‪ .[22‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺿﻠﲔ‬ ‫ﺁﺧـﺮﻳﻦ ﻣـﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻋﻮﻣﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺳﻲ ٍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺰﻧﺰﺍﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻴﻄﺔ ﺑﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻣﻜﺘﻮﰲ ﺍﻷﻳﺪﻱ‪ .‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﻴﺎﹲﺓ ﻣﻬﻨﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﻳ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺋﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ "ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ"‪.‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﻮﺍﻇ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﻌﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ؛ ﻭﻳﺮﻓﺾ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺇﺯﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﻤﻴﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﻓﻘ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺆﻟﻔ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻧﺼﺎ ٍﺭ ﻣﻘﻴﻤﲔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻗﺼـﺮ ﻗـﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻘﻞ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳﺠﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺮﺳﻪ ﻟﻴﻞ ﻬﻧﺎﺭ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﺤﲔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻏﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺘﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﱄ ﻟﻠﻐﺮﺏ]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺝ ﺁﺧﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻀـﻐﻂ‪ .[25‬ﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ ﺃﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻘﻠﻴ ٍﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﻌﺜ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﳒﺮﺱ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺭﺃﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺮﺷﺤًﺎ ﺟﺪﻳًﺎ ﻟﻠﺨﻼﻓﺔ‪.‬ﻭﳛﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮًﺍ ﺳﺮﻳًﺎ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑـﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ »ﺃﻥ ﲤﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻓﻖ ﰲ ﻛﻨﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﲔ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﺎﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ«‪ .‬ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻠﺔ ﺍﳊﺬﺭ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ‹Libération /‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺮﺡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺌ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻟﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳـﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﲣﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﺎﺕ ﻏﻀ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻌﺎﺏ ﻃﻔ ٍﻞ«‪.‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺮﺕ ﻗﻨﺎﺑﻞ ﳏﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﻊ ﰲ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻕ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻘﻂ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻓـﻨﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺩﻭﺍ ﻣﻮﻋﺪﻩ ﰲ ]‪ [8‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﻳﻌﺪﻭﻥ ﻻﻧﻘﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺳﺒﺒًﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ‪ .‫‪46‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻗﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ »ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﺍﲣﺬ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟـﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻃﺎﻟـﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺑﺜﻼﺛﲔ ﺣﻜﻤًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﰲ ]‪ [1‬ﺁﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺴﻌﲔ ﻗﺎﺋﺪًﺍ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴًﺎ ﻣﺘﻬﻤﲔ ﲜﻨ ٍﺢ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ٍﺓ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻃﺆ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺩﻭﻟـ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻫﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﺻﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﺑﺈﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻔ ٍﻮ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺄﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻭﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﺍ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﻘﻲ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﺓ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﻍ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪» :‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﳐﺮ ٌ‬ .

‬ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻹﺟﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﻌﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺟـﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﻗﺎﺑ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﳎﺮﻣﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﻣﻬﻢ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺻﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪.‬ﻫﺎﻫﻮ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺫﻭ ﻗﺒﻀ ٍﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ ٍﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻠﲔ‪ .‬‬ .[26‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻳًﺎ ﺑﺰﺓ ﻋﻘﻴ ٍﺪ ﻭﰲ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺳﻔﻴﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏـﺪﺍﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﻁ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻏﻀﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻮﺯ ﺍﳋﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺒﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻋﺮًﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺘﺴﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺻﺎﺑﻌﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺑﻄﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳـﺮﻓﺾ ﺷـﺒﺢ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺜﻘﺔ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪.‬ﻭﰲ ]‪ 2‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﲔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺳـﺘﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸـﺪﺩﻩ ﲡﺎﻩ "ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﺃﺣﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ؟‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ]‪[26‬‬ ‫ﻓﺜﺎﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺗﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺛﻨﲔ ﺑﺎﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﻀﺖ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﺑﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺻﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻠﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓـﻪ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺔ ﺍﻹﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻳﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﺪﺀ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﻞ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺎﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‫ﺟﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬ ‫‪47‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﻋﻠﻴﻨﺎ«]‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻔﻮﺯ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻀﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻫﻞ ﺳﺮّﻉ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﱄ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﺭﻳﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘـﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺨﱪﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ«‪ .

‫‪48‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪49‬‬ ‫‪ò튧a@áîã [2‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﳌﻠﻚ ﻟﲑ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻇﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﺔ ]‪ [6‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺳ ّﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻻﺑﻨﺔ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻗﺮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻐﲑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﻲ ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻴﺎﺡ]‪ [1‬ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻫـﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﻀﺢ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﻳﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﺥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺎﺣﺖ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ؟‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﺣﺎﺿﺮًﺍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻜﺘـﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺗﻰ ﻛﻌﺎﺩﺗﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﺮ ﻟﻴﻘﺮﺃ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺟـﺰ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﻔﺎﺿ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﲑ ٍﺓ ﺷﻚ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﻌﺠـﻮﺯ" ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﻗﺎﻩ ﻟﻠﺘﻮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻻ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﳏﺒًﺎ ﻟﻠﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ‪.

‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻃﺒﺎﺀ ﺃﻗﻼﻣﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺨﻄﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﳌﺰﻳﻔﺔ‪» :‬ﳓﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻌﲔ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻧـﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻬﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﻧﺎ ﻟﻨﻌﻄﻲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮًﺍ ﻃﺒﻴًﺎ ﳎﺎﺯًﺍ‬ . .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﱐ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ«‪.‬ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺟـﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺯﻏﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳉﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺣﻔﻴﺪ ﺃﺥ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺘﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻭﰎ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻟﻪ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺭ ٍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺒﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺼﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ‪» :‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻬﺗﺎ ﹼ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻃﻠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ ﻭ ﹸﻛﻠﱢﻒ ﺑﺈﻋﻼﻡ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺃﺭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻴﺶ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﲨﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﲔ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﻫﻢ ﺃﻣﲔ ﺳﺮﻩ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ )ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻋﻴﺴﻰ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﻇﻒ‬ ‫ﺃﻣ ٍﻦ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﺎﺓ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﺱ ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﻗﺪﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺼﺎﺋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄـﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣـﺖ ﻣﺼـﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﺃﻃﺒﺎﺀ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺑﺴﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺸﺤًﺎ ﺑﱪﻧ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﻳﺾ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﲝﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﲟﺤﺎﺻﺮﺓ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﻄﻌﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﲝﺠـﺔ ﻬﺗﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٍﻲ ﻭﺷﻴﻚ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺙ‪ .‬ﺃﻧﺬﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﱯ ﻋـﻦ ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺞ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻃﺒﺎﺀ‪» :‬ﱂ ﺃﺭ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﻃـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﺘﲔ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺩ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺻﺎﺭﻣًﺎ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻊ«‪.‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ‬ ‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﺄﺟﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﻠـﺐ ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻬﻮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﻗﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ .‫‪50‬‬ ‫‪ćïÇŠ‘@ćlýÔãa@[1@/2‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺂﻣﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺠﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻭﺗﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪[2‬‬ ‫ﲤﺖ ﺇﻗﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ "ﺍﳌﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻖ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺬﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﲝﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﳍﺎﴰﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﺎﻝ‪ .

‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺍﺀ‪.‬ﻭﺃﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻷﻃﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻛﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻴﻮﻬﺗﻢ ﻣﺴﺮﻋﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﺖ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﻢ ﺣﺼﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺯﻣﻼﺋﻪ »ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺧﻔﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﲑﻧﺎ ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻠﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺃﻏﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺣﺪﻫﻢ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻟﻴﻞ ]‪ 6‬ﺇﱃ ‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺣﺼﻞ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻫﻮ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ )‪ ،(Lionel Jospin‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﺟﻴ ًﺪﺍ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻘﻲ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺣﺮﻛ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛ ﹲﺔ ﰲ )ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ /‬ﺍﻷﳑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﱘ‪ ،‬ﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺴـﻤﺢ ﻟﻪ ﲟﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻠﻘﺎﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺗﻘﻪ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﻀﺮ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻌﻮﺩ ﺁﻳﺔ ﺷﻌﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻄﻠﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﳑﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺑﻠﻎ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ ﺑﻌﺰﻝ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺭﺳﻞ ﻋﻤﻼ ًﺀ ﺳﺮﻳﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻔﺼﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺳﻮﺳﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﺑﺮ‪.‬‬ .‬ﰲ ﻓﺠﺮ‬ ‫]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺃﲪﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻹﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﰎ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺗﻔـﻴًﺎ ﲜﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺼﺤﻪ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﻋﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻫﻮ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺍﻣﺮﺓ ﻭﺃﺣﺪ ﻗﻼﺋﻞ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻏﲑ ﺭﺃﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪» :‬ﳚﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺄﺗﻮﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺮﺃﺱ )ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ( ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪51‬‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻲ ﺍﳉﺴﺪﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻲ ﻟﻔﺨﺎﻣﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺒﻴـﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺛﻨﱵ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ .

‬ﻫﺒﺖ ﺭﻳﺢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺒﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺕ »ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪.‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻟﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﺘﻢ ﺑﺂﻳ ٍﺔ ﻗﺮﺁﻧﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻪ ﻭﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺜﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺪﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪ ﲝﻴﻮﻳ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺅﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻳﺔ »ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﻓـﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ«‪ .‬ﺫﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻠﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﺸﺮﺡ ﳍﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻤﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ«‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﺎﻋﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻜﻞ ﺻﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻬﻧﺎ »ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻧﻘﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﺻﺒﺎﺣًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ "ﻟﻠﺘﻘﺪﻡ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫َﺧﹶﻠﻔﹸﻪُ "ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ" ﰲ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪.‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﹸﻋﻠِﻦ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺛﲑ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﻨﺘﻬﻰ ﺍﳍﺪﻭﺀ‪ ،‬ﻻﺑﻨﺔ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻚ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ«‪.‬ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﱂ ﻳُﻐﺮَﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻭﺑﻀﻊ ﺁﻳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻧﺎﺷـﻴﺪ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﻴﺪ ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﳚﺘﺎﺣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺳ ِﻤﻌَﺖ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻫﺘﺎﻓﺎ ٍ‬ .‫‪52‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﺏ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻭﻗﻆ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﺻﺒﺎﺣًﺎ ﺍﳍﻴﺠﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻪ ﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻭﻟﺘﻀﺤﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻠـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﲝﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺠ ٍﺰ ﻣﻄﻠ ٍﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺿﻄﻼﻉ ﺑﺄﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﱯ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﱂ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪ ﲢﺘﻤﻞ ﺭﺋﺎﺳ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﻻ ﺧﻼﻓ ﹰﺔ ﺁﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺗﻘﺼﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ«‪ .‬‬ ‫‪òîöbiŠè×@ò߆•@[2@/2‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺭﺋﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﻟﻠﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺑًﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺘـﺐ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺧﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻴـﻨًﺎ ﺣﺬﺭًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﳓﻦ ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺗﻘﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﻛﺪًﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺘﻘﺮﻳ ٍﺮ ﻃ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﷲ ﺗﻌﺎﱃ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺭﺯﻳ ٍﻦ‪» :‬ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺷﻌﺒﻨﺎ ﺣﻴﺎ ﹰﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﺼﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑﻳﺔ«‪ .

‬ﺻﺮﺡ ﺑﻘﻮﺵ‪» :‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺭﲰ ٍﻲ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻚ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺳﺄﻋﻄﻴﻚ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻡ«‪ .‬ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﻃﺒﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺺ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﳝﺠﺪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻘﺬ‪» :‬ﻭﺟﻬًﺎ ﻟﻮﺟ ٍﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻗﺪﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﻬـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺤﺢ ﻋﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﻭﻳﻨﻘﺬ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺡ«‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ]‪ [9‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﲢـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻇﻬﲑﺓ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺗﻔـﻴًﺎ ﺑـﺄﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲨﻊ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ‪ .‬ﺻﺒﺎﺡ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬ ‫›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‪ ‹La presse /‬ﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴ ﹰﺔ ﲤﺠﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﻟﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺘﻚ‬ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪53‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺟﺄ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺪﺭﺝ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﻭﻱ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫"ﻣﺪﻳـﺮ" ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﻭﺯﻳ ٍﺮ ﺑﻼ ﺣﻘﻴﺒ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﺴﺘﺮﺟﻊ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍﺗﻪ‪.‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﻟﻪ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻭﺃﻧـﺎ ﺃﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲡﻮﻝ ﲞﺎﻃﺮﻱ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻟﻜﻢ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺮﻭﺝ ﻣـﻦ ﻧﻈـﺎ ٍﻡ ﺫﻱ ﺻـﺒﻐ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ٍﺓ«‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻟﻘﺐ )ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺫﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻌﺘﲔ(‪.‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺴﺎﺀ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﱪﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻠﺤﻆ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠـﻴًﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻄﻔﻴﻒ؛ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺿﺤًﺎ‪ :‬ﺧﺮﺝ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺵ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﲑﻱ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺭﻗﻴ ٍﻖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺃﻧﻴ ٌﻖ ﺫﻭ ﺷﺎﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺳـﺦ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﻼ ﺧﺪﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺑ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﻓﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻴﺎﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﲔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿًﺎ ﻟﻼﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪.

‬ﻭﺑﺎﻷﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺗﻪ )ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ(]‪ [4‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﺮﻛﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﻳﺪﻳـﻦ ﲝﺎﻟـﺔ ﺻﺪﻣ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻬﻧﻤﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺷـﻼ ﹲﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫"ﺑﺎﺠﻤﻟـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛـﱪ"‪ ،‬ﻋـﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺪﺩ ﺑﺄﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺛﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﳍﺪﻭﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪًﺍ ﺧﺮﺍﻓﻴًﺎ ﻭﺑﺎﺷﺮﻭﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ«‪.‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﻃﺒﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺡ«]‪.‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﺖ "ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ" ﲝﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﻳﻘـﺎﻉ ﺟـﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴـﻴﻞ ﺍﳋـﺒﲑ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺘﺐ ﰲ ›ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺴـﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹‪» :‬ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1956‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻫـﺶ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﲝﻜﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺤﺮﺭ‪ .[3‬ﺃﻟﻐﻴﺖ ﳏﻜﻤﺔ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤـﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﺮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻝ)ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﺃﺷـﻬ ٍﺮ ﻭﺃﻟﻐـﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ ﻭﲰﺢ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ( ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬ﻋﺒّﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻛـﻮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺮﺡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـ ٍﺪ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻜـﻼﻡ«]‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺄﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺷـﺮﻃ ٌﻲ ﻓـﺎﺋ ٌﻖ«‪ ،‬ﻋﺴـﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻮﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ .[5‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﻬﺪًﺍ ﻻ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺷﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺘﻔﺮﺝ ﺍﳌـﺎﺭﺓ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺭﺳﻮ ٍﻡ ﺳﺎﺧﺮ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﺿ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﲤـﺜﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﺑﺸﻜﻞ ﺭﺍﻗﺼﺎﺕ ﺑﻄ ٍﻦ‪ .‫‪54‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷـﺢ ﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[«‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻞ ﻳـﻮ ٍﻡ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺗﻐﻴﲑًﺍ‪ :‬ﺣﻠﺖ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳉﻮﻳﺔ ﳏﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟـﻴﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .[6‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴ ٌﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺘ ٍﻪ ﺣﺰﻳ ٍﻦ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻳﺎ ٍﻥ ﻣﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺱ‪ .‬ﺻﺮﺡ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻓﺨ ٍﺮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﲑﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎ ٍﻝ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻄﻠﺒﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴـﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﲡﺪﻭﻧﻪ ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ«]‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻴﺖ ﻋﻄﻠﺔ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲤﺠﺪ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺘﻬﺠﺖ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻷﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ .

‬ﳒﺎ ٌﺭ ﻭﻋﺎﻣﻞ ِﻟﺤﺎ ٍﻡ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﴰﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﻟﻠﺘﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ُﺣﻜِﻤﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺧﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﻣﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻧﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﳛﺬﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ‪» .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﲡﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﻭﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺼـﺮﻡ ﺛﻼﺛـﺔ ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻳـﺘﻮﻥ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺩﻧﺎﻧ ٍﲑ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﻜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ »ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ« ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻻﺋﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻊ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﲣـﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﻗﻔﺼﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺮﺩﺓ ﺁﻣﺎﳍﺎ]‪ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪55‬‬ ‫ﻭﺻـﻔﻘﺖ ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﶈﺪﺙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺫﻭ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻻﺗﻴﻨﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺃﻗﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﲑﻩ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ«]‪.[8‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺷﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺳـﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺯﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺳﺮﺣﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺟﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻷﺯﻣـﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ؟‪ .‬‬ .‬ﺳﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻴﺰﺍﻧﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‹Les Annonces /‬ﺁﺭﺍ ٌﺀ ﺣﺮﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼﺎﺋﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺳـﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻔـﺘﻮﺣ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺼﻮﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻫﺬﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺳﻠﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .[7‬‬ ‫‪N@N@ćj×@ôëbØ‘@Ï…@[3@/2‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﳘﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﻠﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﺎﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻄـﺎ ٌﻡ ‪ «.‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈ ٍﻢ ﳓﻮ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺣﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪ .‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺃﺗﺖ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺗﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺻﻔﺤ ٍﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﻋﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎ »ﺻﺮﺧﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ«‪» :‬ﳓﻦ ﻧﺘﻌﺬﺏ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺛﻼﺛـﲔ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻘﻨﺎ ﺫﺭﻋًﺎ ﺑﺄﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ«‪ . .‬ﻭُﺗﺮِﻙ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﳊﺼﻴﺎﺗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻜِـﻢ ﻋﻠـﻴﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﳛﻠﻢ ﺑﻠﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﺹ ﻋﻤ ٍﻞ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪» :‬ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺮﻗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺄﳕﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪.‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﳚـﺪ "ﺭﺋﻴﺴـﻬﻤﺎ" ﳍﻤﺎ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺠﺄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺣﻞ ﺟﺎﻫ ٌﺰ‪ .

[9‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﻣﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺨـﻠﻰ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻇﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬﺋ ٍﺬ‪ ،‬ﺃﳘﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻴـﺖ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻚ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﳘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺠﺮﺕ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻃﱪﻗﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@ò™‰bȽa@òÐýß@[4@/2‬‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻗـﺐ ﺍﻟﻴﺴـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻫﻮﺷًﺎ ﻭﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻳﺘﺨﺬ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺯﻣ ٍﻦ ﺑﻌﻴ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ‬ ‫ﺇﺻـﻼﺣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻀـﻤﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﲰﻪ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺪ )ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ(]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄـﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺎ ٍﺀ ﻭﻻ ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻬﺮﺑًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸـﺮﺡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳ ٍﺔ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﺖ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺟﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺗﻘﺪﳝﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺻﻔﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺵ ﻟﻜﻞ ﻃﻔ ٍﻞ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺃﻗﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻬﻢ ﰲ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳـﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ )‪ ،(Serge Adda‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ‬ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ]‪ [%0‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﲟﺎ‬ ‫]‪ %2‬ﺃﻭ ‪ [%3‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ‪ .«.‫‪56‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮ ﰲ ﴰﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﲣﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪. .‬ﻭﰲ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺑـﺔ )ﻋﲔ ﺩﺭﺍﻫﻢ( ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻃﺊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻃﱪﻗﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﺎﺛﺮﺕ ﺍﳋﻨﺎﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻧﻈﺎﺭ ﺳﺘﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﻔﺮ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺆﻧﻔﺖ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺖ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋـﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﻌـﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ .‬ﰎ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺫﻛﺮﻭﺍ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﺎﺧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻧﺒﻊ ﻣﻴﺎ ٍﻩ ﻣﻌﺪﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﺫﻱ ﻓﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻋﻈﻴﻤ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﻮﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺄﺕ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺃﺳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺳﺘﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﲟﺎ‪ .

‬ﻣﺜﲑًﺍ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﺐ ﺑﺄﻓﻜﺎ ٍﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺗﺄﺛ ٍﲑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﱀ ﺭﻭﻳﺴـﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﲔ ﻟﻠﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻛﻲ ﻳﻨﻀﻤﻮﺍ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﳒﺢ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺷﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺏﰲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﺴﻲ‪» :‬ﺭﺃﻳﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺰﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺫﺍﺗﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺪ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ ﰲ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺟﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﺸﲑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻟـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺴﺘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻘﻴﻞ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺼـﻐﻲ ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﺮﺑﺶ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺘﻜﺮﺭ‪» :‬ﺃﺗﺮﻭﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺃﻗﻼ ٍﻡ ﻫﺎﻣ ﹰﺔ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻭ ﺍﳌـﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻃـﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﻋﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﺜﻞ ﺳـﲑﺝ ﻋـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻨﺬﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻞ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ ﻋﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﳝﺜﻞ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﻡ ﺑﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻻ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬ﺣﱴ ﺷﺮﻉ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻭ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﺕ ﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻛﻔـﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ]‪ ،[11‬ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻆ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1848‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻳﺴﻲ ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺑﺄﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﻣﻮﻗﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺭﳝﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ )‪ ،(Rémi Leveau‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤـﻞ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ]‪ 1958‬ﻭ‪ 1960‬ﻡ[ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺩﻭﺭًﺍ ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﲡﻤﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻘﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺟـﺪًﺍ ﻟﺼﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﻣﺮﻣﻮﻗﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﻟﻔـﺘﺮﺓ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺣﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﻄﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﺘﻜﺮﺭًﺍ‪ :‬ﻛـﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻣﺞ ﻗﺴﻤًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ‬ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪57‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1977‬ﻡ[ ﻛﻤﺨﺘ ٍﱪ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ]‪» :،[10‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﺒﻘﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪ .‬ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﲡﻪ ﳓﻮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺍﻷﺳﺌﻠﺔ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ‪.‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺄﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺴـﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻀﻤﻮﻬﻧﺎ »ﺇﺫﺍ ﺟﺌﺖ ﻟﺘﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺟﺌﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﺘـﻨﻘﺬ ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﺗﺄﰐ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺮﺍﱐ ﺟﻨﺪﻳًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻚ«‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻌﻄﻴﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﱄ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣـﻊ )ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪Institut Français de l'opinion /‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﻏﲑ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪.‫‪58‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﺑﺘﻄﻮ ٍﺭ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻹﻳﺮﺍﱐ؟‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﻠﻖ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺷﻜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟـﺘﻘﻰ ﺭﳝﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺼﺢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﺫﻭ ﺷﻌﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺘﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺩﱏ ﺻﻌﻮﺑ ٍﺔ«‪ .[12‬ﻛﻞ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﲔ ﻣﺌ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺺ ﳛﺘﺸﺪﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺣﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﱰﻟﻪ ﺑﱭ ﻋﺮﻭﺱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﺌﱵ ﺷـﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟـﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻟـﻴﻔﻮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺃﻗﻼ ٍﻡ ﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﳕﻂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻄﻠـﻮﺏ‪ :‬ﻗﻮﺍﺋـﻢ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻐﲑﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪ (publique.‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﲪﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳉﺒﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ‪،‬‬ . IFOP‬ﻟﺘﻬﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻼﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫‪éÛì‰@åí‹@L×c@a@[5@/2‬‬ ‫ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺭﺍﺣﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺒﺤﺚ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﺭﺗﻜﺎ ٍﺯ ﳍﺎ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺰﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻ ٌ‬ ‫ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﰲ ]‪ 14‬ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮ ﺑﻴﻮﻣﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﺮﺡ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﲟﺎ ﻳﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺃﺛﻖ ﺑﺎﷲ ﻭﺑﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ«]‪ .‬ﺣﺼﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﲔ "ﺍﳉﻨﺪﻱ" ﻭﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪.‬ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺮﻳﺢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺄﰐ ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺕﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻊ ﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺣﻀﻮ ٍﺭ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ "ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ" ﰲ ]‪ 6‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪.‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪59‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﺋ ٌﺪ ﺷﻬ ٌﲑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻜﻮ ٌﻡ ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻳﺾ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻟﻘﺒﻪ "ﺍﻷﻣﲑ" ﺑﻠﻘ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺔ "ﺭﺋﻴﺲ"؛ ﻭﺍﲣﺬ ﺣﺰﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﻢ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ( ﻣﺎ ﻳﱰﻉ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺒﻐ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻃﻤﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪.‬ﻭﺷﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﻨﻚ ﲣﻨﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺀ«‪ .‬ﻭﰲ‬ ‫ﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﻄـﻮﺓ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ]‪ [2400‬ﺳﺠ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﲢﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﰲ ﳏﻴﻂ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺪﻗﻮﻥ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺇﺧﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻄـﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﻮﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﻣﺮﻏﻤًﺎ ﲟﺠﻠﹼﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺃﻭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﲦﺔ »ﻣﺸﻜﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻫﺎ«‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻥ »ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺿﻮﺍ ﺑﻪ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺝ ﳑﻜ ٍﻦ ﻟﻸﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﳐﺘﱪًﺍ ﻻﻧﺪﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺹ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻓﻀﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﺿﺤ ﹰﺔ‪» :‬ﰎ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﳊﺰﺑﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻬﻞ ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻬﺗﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ«‪.‬ﻭﺟﺰﻡ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﻗﺎﺣ ﹰﺔ‪» :‬ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ«‪.‬ﻭﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻈﻬﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻧﻘﺬ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﻓـﻮﺭًﺍ ﺑﺼـﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﳑﺜﻞ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻜﹰﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ‪ ،‬ﲡﺎﻩ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻓﻘـﺖ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺗﺎ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻈﻬ ٍﺮ ﻋﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧـﻴﺔ ﺭﲰﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﲪﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ]‪» :[13‬ﺍﳋﻄﺄ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺘﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﺘﺰﻣـﺘﲔ ﺍﻹﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﲔ«‪ .‬‬ .

‬ﰲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺳﻔ ٍﺮ ﻟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﻯ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮﺓ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﺃﻥ )ﻣﻴـﺜﺎﻗﹰﺎ ﻭﻃﻨﻴًﺎ( ﺛﺒﺖ ﺇﲨﺎﻉ ﻛﻞ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﺃ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴـﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻏـﺪﺍﺓ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻭﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻌـﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺩ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﺷﻮﻫﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺟﺪﺍﺭ‬ .[15‬‬ ‫‪òîÓìÏ@òàÜc@ñ…bÇg@[6@/2‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣـﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺷﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺻﺪﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻄﻴﺖ ﻣﻜﺎﻧ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﹲﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬﺍ "ﺍﳌﻴـﺜﺎﻕ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻨﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﺼﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﳛﻴّﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﺪﺩًﺍ ﺑﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪﻩ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ »ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﳍﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﺓ«‪ .‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪60‬‬ ‫‬‫‬‫‬‫‪-‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ :‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﺎﺩﻕٌ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺧﻮﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﺟﺎﺑـﻪ ﺍﳌﻼﺯﻡ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺺ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﻧﻈﺎ ٍﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﷲ]‪.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳏﺮﺭ ﻧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀـﺔ ﻣـﺜﻘ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺳﻮﻯ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ ﻳﺮﻏﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﳌﻌﺠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻮﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺳﻠﻮ ٍﻙ ﺟﻴ ٍﺪ ﻣﺸ ّﺮﻑٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻘﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﺒﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﻠﻴﻠ ٍﺔ ﺃﺑﺪﺕ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻜﻬﺎ‪ .[14‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﹸﺃﺧِﺬ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﺪ‪.‬ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻴﻂ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻋﻘﻠﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺳـﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟـﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﳌﻊ ﺍﳌﻔﻜﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪» :‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﳐﺒﻮﻟﲔ ﺑﻌﻘﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﻷﻱ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳋﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺘﺞ ﻗﺎﺋﺪ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ(‪ :‬ﻛﻼ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﻋﺪﱐ ﺑﺈﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺿﻌًﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴًﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻣﺜﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻌﺘﺪ ﹲﻝ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎ ٍﻡ ﺍﲰﻪ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﲑﻱ‪ .

‬ﱂ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺓ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ ‹Libération‬ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻨﺎﺯ ﹰﻻ ﺷﻜﻠﻴًﺎ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﳓـﻮ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺒﺪﺃ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻠ ٍﺔ ﻟﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳـﲏ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﺴـﻲ‪) :‬ﺑﺴـﻢ ﺍﷲ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻢ(‪ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪61‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻌـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻣـﻮﻉ ﰲ ﻋﻴﻨﻴﻪ ﻭﻛﺘﻔﻪ ﻋﺎ ٍﺭ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺿﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺳﻴﻀﺒﻂ ﺃﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﺗﻔﻌﻴﻞ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺞ ﺳﻔﲑ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻋﺒﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻦ "ﻧﻮﺑ ٍﺔ ﻗﻠﺒﻴ ٍﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻨﻜﺮًﺍ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﻚ ﺑﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻳﻌﺘﺪﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻭﺃﺯﻫﺮﺕ ﺁﺭﺍ ٌﺀ ﺣﺮﹲﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻳﻦ »ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ« ﺃﻭ ﺗﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﺔ ﻋﻄﻠ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﲰـﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻁ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺸـﻜ ٍﻞ ﺩﻗـﻴ ٍﻖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ .‬ﻭﰲ ﻏﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻧﺸﺮﺍﺡ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻐـﻴﲑ"‪ ،‬ﺃﺯﺍﻝ ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻈﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫»ﻳﺘﻮﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺗﺄﻟﻘﻪ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﺮ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺖ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﻠﺤﻈﻪ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﺿﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺪﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺧﺘﺮﻗﺖ ﻗﺒﻞ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﻭﻣـﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳉﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻟﻠﻘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﺗﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻤﻮﺍ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻭﱂ ﻳﻨﺴﻮﺍ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫]‪ 1981‬ﻭ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗـﺎﻟﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪» :‬ﺇﻧﻨﺎ ﻻ ﻧﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺬﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻰ ﺇﻻ ﻛﻲ ﻧﻜﺎﻓﺤﻬﻢ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ«‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎﺕ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻗﺎﺋ ٌﺪ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻃ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﲰﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﻮﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﹸﻏﺬﹼﻱ ﺍﻹﻬﺑﺎﻡ ﲟﻬﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﻭﻟﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﱪﺍﻋ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﻀﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻨﻘﺴـ ٍﻢ ﺑﺬﺍﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻬﺪﻧﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺮﺍﻏﻤﺎﺗﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺷـﻌ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[16‬‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻛﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ‪.

‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻲ‪/‬ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻏﻤﺎﰐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﺘﺮﺩﺩًﺍ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻴﺎﻝ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺮﻏﻮﺏ‪ .[17‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺎﺯﺣﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋـﺐ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤـﺎﺀ ﺍﳊـﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲬﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻋﱪ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﺎﻕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻫﺎ ٍﻡ ﻛﺜﲑ ٍﺓ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻮﺿﻰ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ ِﻭﹾﻟﻴَﻢ ﺯﺍﺭﲤﺎﻥ )‪ [18](William Zartman‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﱴ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ﹲﺔ ﻗﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﳏﻴﻂ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ«‪.‬ﻗﺪ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳑﻜﻨًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻀﺒﻂ ﺍﻹﻳﻘﺎﻉ ﻭﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻏﻮﺑﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺳًﺎ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻪ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺃﳘﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﻨﺤﲏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺷﲑﺓ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺩﻱ ﺟـﺪًﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﻨﻘﺴﻤ ﹰﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﺄﺷﲑﺓ ﺧﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﺎﺿـﺮ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌـﻂ ﺇﻻ ﺗﺄﺷﲑ ﹰﺓ ﻟﺮﺣﻠ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﺒ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺿـﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻗﻼﻗﻞ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[ )ﲬﺴﻤﺌﺔ ﻗﺘﻴ ٍﻞ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﻔـﺘﺎﺡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﺗﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻨﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﻣﻨﺘﺰﻋ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺃﻭ ﳑﺜﻠﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺪﱐ ﺍﻟﺒـﺘﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺟﻨﻮﺣﺎﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﺧﺮﺕ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻭﺿﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻮﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺎﻝ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺍﻟﱰﻭﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﻭﺍﳍﺘﺎﻑ‪ :‬ﻧﻌﻢ ﻟﻠﺘﻐﻴﲑ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ«]‪.‫‪62‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻹﻟﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﲞﻤﺴـﺔ ﺃﺷـﻬ ٍﺮ‪ .‬‬ .

‬ﻧﻈﹼﻢ ﻟﻘﺎ ٌﺀ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻧـﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫﺍﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﻷﺟﻮﺍﺀ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻬﺑﺠ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺭﳝﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ ﺑﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻫﺸﺎﻡ ﺟﻌﻴﻂ ﰲ‬ ‫ﳎﻠـﺔ ›ﺣﻘـﺎﺋﻖ‪ ‹Réalité /‬ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﺎﺭ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻈﻠﻤﺔ«‬ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﻛﺒﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻠﻴﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻱ ﳑﺘﺎﺯًﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠـﻖ ﺭﳝـﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻣًـﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﻗﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ُﺩﻋِﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺮﺣًﺎ ﻟﺼـﺮﺍﻉ ﻧﻔﻮ ٍﺫ ﺟﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺳـﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﺭﳝﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ ﻣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ ﺑﺮﻓﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﻣـﻴﻠﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ ِﻭﹾﻟﻴَﻢ ﺯﺍﺭﲤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺥ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻐﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﻔ ٍﻲ‪ُ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪63‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﲤـﻮﺯ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﲔ "ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺪﺩﻳﻦ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﲔ"‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪» :‬ﻇﻬﺮ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺆﺷ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﻟـﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺰﺋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﱂ ﲣـﺘﻠﻒ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﳛﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﲑﻬﺗﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﲣﻠﻰ )ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ( ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺴﺘﻤ ٍﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@BòîaŠÓ칆Ûa@†îÇB@[7@/2‬‬ ‫ﺇﺛﺮ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﻘﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻐﺮﻗﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺅﻡ ﻋﻦ "ﺛﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﺎﲰﲔ"‪ ،‬ﺣﻴـﺚ ﻳﻘﺮﺃ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ‪» :‬ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻬﻧ ٍﺞ ﺻﺎﺭ ٍﻡ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺪﻭﻩ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ«‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻝ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪» :‬ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻭﺍﺿ ٍﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠـﻖ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﳛﺪﺛﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻗﺴ ٍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﱄ ﻟﻴﻤﻨﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﺴـﻴﻄﺮﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﻻﻣﺘﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻟﻌﺒ ٍﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﻔﺘﺤ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺸـﻜ ٍﻞ ﻛﺎﻣ ٍﻞ«‪ .

‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ ﺣﻴﻨﺌ ٍﺬ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﰎ »ﺑﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﻧﻘﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‫‪64‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻨﻊ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﺘﲔ ﱂ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻏﲑ ﺷﺮﻋﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺘﺐ‪» :‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻗﻤﻌ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺭ ٌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻄﺒﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺪﻫـﺎ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﻟﺘﻔﺎﻑ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﺎﻭﺯﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﲑ ﺳﻠﻴ ٍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﱄ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﺊ ﲞﲑ ٍﻟﻠﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻏـﻴﺎﺏ "ﺍﻷﺧـﻼﻕ"‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﳉﻨﺮﺍ ٍﻝ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺘﺆﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴـﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺎﻓﲑ ﺫﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨـﺒﻮﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻕ ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺃﻻ ﺗﻨﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻭ ﲬﺴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻋ ٍﺪ‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﺫﻫﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻉ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻀﻢ‬ ‫ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺇﲨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﻟـﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻋﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﲣﺬ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺣﺠﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺦ ›ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ‹‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﲤﺖ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺳﻜﺮﺗﲑ ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪ . .‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍﺏ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﳊﺎﺳﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺗﻌﺸﺖ ﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺛﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺯ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﳌﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺘﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻌﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺃﺧﺒﺎ ٍﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺑـﺔٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺠﺒﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺷﻬﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗـﺖ‪ ،‬ﳌﺪﺓ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﻟﻠﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﻟﺪﻭﺍﻋـﻲ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ ﻭﻋﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ »ﻋﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ«‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺮﺍﻏﻤﺎﺗﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﺘﺸﻬﺪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻋﺠﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺺ ﺟﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳـﺆﺩﻱ ﺇﱃ ﲤﺤـﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺭﺃﺳﻪ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺮﺏ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺸـﻌﺮ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃـﻦ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺳﻴﻒ ﺩﻣﻘﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺴﻠ ﹲ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﺪﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﲤﲎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻮ ﳚﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﺃﺳﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻻﺋﺤ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻏـﲑ ﻣﻌﺘﺎ ٍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻇﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .

‬ﻭﺑﺈﻋﻼﻧﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﺩﺭﺟ ٍﺔ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ ﱂ ﺗﺮﻓﺾ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﺡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺑﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﱴ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺇﺛﺮ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺷﺠﻊ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻟﻮﺍﺋﺢ "ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠ ٍﺔ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻔﻬﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﻗﻮﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀـﺔ‪» :‬ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺣﺰﺑﻨﺎ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ«]‪ ،[19‬ﻭﺃﺿﺎﻑ‪» :‬ﺇﻧﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻀﻞ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻮﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﺎﺀ«]‪.‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻟﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﺔ ﻛـﻞ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺟﺒﻬ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﻧﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪65‬‬ ‫ﻳﺸـﻜﻞ ﻣـﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺑﺪﻋ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺄ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻫـﻲ ﻗﺴﻴﻤﺔ ﺩﺧﻮ ٍﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﰲ ﻓﻨﺎﺩﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻃﺊ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﺻـﻼﺣﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﺣﺔ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 2‬ﻧﻴﺴـﺎﻥ ‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺟـﺮﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺃﺟﻮﺍ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﰎ ﲢﺬﻳـﺮ ﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻓﺎﺯﺕ ﻻﺋﺤ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔـﻮﻥ ﻓـﻮﺭًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮ ﺣﻮﺍﱃ ]‪ [1200‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒًﺎ ﳊﺴﺎﺏ )ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻔﺴﺠﻴﺔ(‬ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺩﻓﻊ ﳏﺎﺳﺒﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺩﻧﺎﻧ ٍﲑ ﻟﻘﻮﺍﺋﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻀﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻕ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻤﺎﳍﻢ ﰲ ﺷﺎﺣﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ٍﺔ ﻟﻴﻨﺘﺨﺒﻮﺍ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺭﲰـﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻟـﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋـﺢ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻋﻤﺘﻬﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ]‪ [%13‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺬﺭﻭ ٍﺓ ﻭﺻﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ]‪ [% 35-30‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﻬﺗﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺸﺪ‪ .[20‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﺎﻟـﺐ ﺯﻋﻤـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺻﺒﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﲑﻱ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺤﺐ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪.

8‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺎﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪.‫‪66‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺰﺍﻫﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ]‪ [% 0.‬ﱂ ﺗﺒﺪﻝ ﻭﻋﻮﺩ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻓﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻝ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ ]‪ [% 18‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻟﻘﺎﺭﺑﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ]‪.‬ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺏ ]‪ [% 99.[21‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧـﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﺮﻳﻀ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﻣـﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﻔﻮﺍ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ‪ .‬‬ .20‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪.

‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻧﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺸ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﻴﻘﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻬ ٍ‬ ‫ﱐ ﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﻋﱪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﺒﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺷﺒﺢ ﳎﺘﻤ ٍﻊ ﻣﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﶈـﺘﺮﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻣﻨﻈﹼﺮ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻭﻛﺬﺍ ﺩﻋﺎﻣﺔ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣـﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﺛﺒﺖ )ﺳﻲ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ( ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﺤﻠﻰ ﺑﻨﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻜـﺮﻱ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻈﻠﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺩﹲﺓ ﻣﺬﻫﻠ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﻮﺭﺍﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪ñì’äÛa@òÛby@òíbèã@[1@/3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪-‬ﺍﳌﺰﻭﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺩﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣ ٍﻞ ﻛﺒﲑﹲﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﶈﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﳔﺮﻁ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻧﻌﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻇﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪.‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪67‬‬ ‫‪òîyŠß@òîaŠÓì¹…@[3‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠﻞ ﺇﺫﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﺧﺘﺒﺎ ٍﺭ ﻟﻠﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺑﺎﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ‪ .

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤـﻴﺔ ﻭﺑـﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﲔ ﺿﻤﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻵﰐ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ٍﺮ ﻇﻬﺮ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‪ ‹Jeune Afrique /‬ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﺍﳌﺪﺑﺮ ﻟﻺﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ -‬ﻗﺎﻝ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﻪ«‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬
‫ﺣﺠ ٍﺔ ﻹﺑﻌﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻔﺴﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺑﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﰲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﰎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﻷﻧﻪ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﻟﻪ ﺧﺪﻣ ﹰﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻫﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﻮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ‬
‫ﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪) ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[(‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﻓﻬـﻮ ﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻟﻠﻄﻴﻒ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺮﻭﻱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﺣﺘﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﺪﺧـﻞ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻴﻨﻘﺬ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺘﻪ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪.‬‬
‫ﻱ ﺍﶈﻴﻂ ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﻲ‬
‫ﺕ ﻗﻮ ٌ‬
‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼـﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺧﻨﻖ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴـﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﳉـﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺭﺑﻴﻌًﺎ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺇﺻﻼﺣﻴﻮ‬
‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﲪﻮﺵ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻳﻨﺴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﲔ‬
‫ﻒ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﳊﻜﻢ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻖ‪ :‬ﻭﻟﺪﺕ ﺻﺤ ٌ‬
‫ﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺎ )ﺍﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﺎﺫ( ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺒﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻭﳕـﺖ ﺃﺣﺰﺍ ٌ‬
‫ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﻋـﺘﺮﻑ ﺃﲪـﺪ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﲑﻱ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﺍﻫﻨﺖ ﻭﺧﺴﺮﺕ«‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ َﺧﹶﻠﻔﹸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ‬
‫ﺹ ﻋﻦ »ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﺎﺓ‬
‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼﻣًـﺎ ﻗﺎﺳـﻴًﺎ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺏ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻄﹼـﺎﺭﺓ«‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻋﻠًﻨﺎ‪» :‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﺮﺟ ٍﻞ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ ﺃﻭ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺍﺗـﺮ ﺍﻟـﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ«‪ .‬ﻭﺩﻋـﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻌﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﺧﻄﻒ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗـﺖ ﻧﻔﺴـﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧـﺘﻬﻰ ﺍﻟـﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﻌﻨﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺑﱰﺍﻫﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺩﻯ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎﺀ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪» :‬ﺑﻴﺎﻧﻚ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ٍﻝ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻏﻀﺐ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻏﻠﻄ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ«‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ]‪ 12‬ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﻏﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻟ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻠـﻴﻠﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻔ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﺴﺪﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣـﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﺃﻋـﺪ ﺃﺻﺪﻕ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺰﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻐﻠﻐﻠ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ٍ«]‪.[1‬‬
‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﻧﺸﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺷﻴﺎﻃﻴﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﻣﻰ‬
‫ﻭﻻﻧﻌـﺪﺍﻡ ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﲣﻄـﻴ ٍ‬
‫ﻒ ﻭﺣﺸ ٍﺪ ﻟﻠﻘﻮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﻡ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫ﻭﺍﳔﺮﻃﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻋﻨ ٍ‬
‫ﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻏﺘﺒﺎﻁ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻣﺄﺯ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﺣـﱴ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺡ ﻓﻌﻠﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﻮﻏﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ‬
‫ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺳﺮًﺍ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺄﻋﻀﺎ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ ) ‪Roland‬‬
‫‪ ،(Dumas‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻋﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻠﻲﺀ‬
‫ﺑﺎﳌـﺮﺍﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺑﻴﲑ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﻭﺍ ﻭﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺯﺕ ﺍﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﺎﺫ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺑﺪﺕ ﻣﻨﺪﳎ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )ﲪﺎﺱ( ﳏﻔﻮﻅ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻨﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺏ‬
‫ﺕ‬
‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻹﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺠﻦ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﻣﺪﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﻫﺪﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺳﻚ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﻠﻖ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺳـﻮﻝ ﻟـﻮ ﻋﺎﺩ ﻟﻜﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻓﺮ ﺑﻄﺎﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻧﻜﻮﺭﺩ ﻭﺍﺭﺗﺪﻯ ﺑﺬﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻟﺒﺎﻏﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﻌﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﻴﺔ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﺘﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺫﱄ‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺑـﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﲔ )ﻛﻤﺎ ﺳﻴﺤﺪﺙ‬
‫ﺕ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻬﺗﻨﺌ ٍﺔ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺛﺎﻧـﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺗﺴﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻓﺖ ﺧﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺇﺫﻥ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻬﻧﻴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﺪﺕ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻓﻀﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﹲﺓ‬
‫ﺳـﻠﻄﻮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻬﺗﺪﺩ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺍ‬
‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻣـﺘﺮﺩﺩًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻭﻏﹰﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﲢﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻲ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻬﺪﺋﺔ ﺍﳋﻮﺍﻃﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺻﻠ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳉﺴﻮﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻭﻏﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[ ﲰﺤﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺑﻨﺸﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻻ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻙ›ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‹‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺑـﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋـﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﺯﻳـﻊ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻌـﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻗﺼﻲ‬
‫ﺥ َﻋ ِﻘﺪِﻱ ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺪ‪:‬‬
‫ﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻠﺤﻮﻇ ٍﺔ ﺍﺭﺗﺴﻢ ﺷﺮ ٌ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺭﻳﺞ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻧﺰﻻﻗﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻋُﺪﻭﺍ ﻣﻨﺒﻮﺫﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﻬ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌـﺪ ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻳﺮﻛﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳﺼﺮ‬
‫ﻛﺴﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ" ﻭ"ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻼﻧﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲰﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‬
‫ﰲ ﻏﻤـﺮﺓ ﺇﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬
‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻛﻔﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ‬
‫ﻭﻟﻠﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ "ﻏﻮ ﹰﻻ" ﻣﺰﻋﺠًﺎ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻫﻨﻴ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﻧﻈﻒ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﺬﻛﺎ ٍﺀ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻌﺎﻃ ٍ‬
‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﺋﺪ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ‪» :‬ﳛﻖ ﻟﻠﺰﻭﺝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺮﺏ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ«؛ »ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪» :‬ﻳﻘﺴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺍﺭﻳـﻦ؛ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺸﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻄﺒﻖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺎﻟﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﻤﻰ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬

‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬

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‫ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﳚﺐ ﻋﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺟﻬﺎ ٍﺩ«‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﻗﺔ‬
‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻮﻍ ﺍﻟﺮﻕ ﺃﻭ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺆﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺓ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺑﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻣﻮﺟﻌ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻬﻧﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﻌﺒﻮﺍ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ ﻭﻳﺘﺨﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺭﺅﻳ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﻔﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ‬
‫ﺑـﲔ ﺻـﻔﻮﻓﻬﻢ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﱂ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻓﻮﺗﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀـﺔ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﺎﻕ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﺔ ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﲪﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺷﻌﻮﺍﺀ ﺿﺪ ﳏﻤﺪ‬
‫ﻒ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻪ ﺇﱃ ]‪ 2‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻬﺗﻤﻮﺍ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺷﺮﰲ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ ﻋﻨﻴ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧـﲑ ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ »ﳚﻌﻞ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ«‪ .‬ﰒ ﻭﺯﻋﺖ‬
‫ﺕ ﻗﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻭﳎﻬﻮﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﻬﺗﺪﺩ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﰲ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍ ٌ‬
‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﺯﻏﻞ‪» :‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﻧﺰﻋـﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺻـﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﻥ ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ ﻭﺿﺎﺑﻄ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﻷﺧﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ«]‪.[2‬‬

‫‪òÐflÈšß@òİÜ@[2@/3‬‬

‫ﺃﺻ ّﺮ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﻗﹼﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳـﻲ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﺰّﻕ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺘﻮﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺘﺸـﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺁﱐ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻗﺴﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺿﺮﺍﺏ ﻃﻼﻬﺑﺎ ﳌﺪﺓ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺗﻌـﺪﺩﺕ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺆﺍﺯﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[ ﻧﻔﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ ﺍﳌﻀﺮﺑﲔ ﰲ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺛﻜﻨﺔ ﺭﺟﻴﻢ ﻣﻌﺘﻮﻕ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﲤﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻋﺬِﺏ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﻢ ﻭ ُﻣﻨِﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻍ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺍﺭﺗﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﺠﺎﺏ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲟﺴﺎﻧﺪﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﹸﺻـﺪِﺭ ﺑﻼ ﹲ‬
‫ﻫـﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺎﻬﺑﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ( ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲬﺴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲬﺴ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﲢﺎﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺧﻠﻊ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ُ ،‬ﺩﻋِﻴﺖ ﻛﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﲢﺖ ﺛﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ‬

‬ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻌﻰ ﻟﻜﺴﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻋﱪ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺟـﻴﻬًﺎ ﺟـﻴﺪًﺍ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻪ ﻳﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﺭﻭﻳﺪًﺍ ﺭﻭﻳﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺋﻴﺔ؟‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺸﺮّﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻋﺎ ٍﱂ ﻋﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﻓﻴﻪ "ﺍﳌﻬﻮﻭﺳﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﷲ" ﺃﻏﻠﺒﻴﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣﺴـﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻌﺪ )ﻗﻼﻗﻞ ﺍﳋﺒﺰ( ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺠﺪ ٍﺩ ﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺆﻫﻠﻪ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﻣﺰًﺍ ﻟﻠﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ .[3‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻞ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻳﻨﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﲢﻄﻴﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﲔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻣﻮﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﺋ ٌﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ٌ‬ ‫»ﻏـﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺭﻫﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭﻳﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻐﺬﹼﻭﻥ ﻓﻜﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻣﺴﺒﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﻳﺪﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﺎﻃﻮﺍ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻬﺑﺪﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﰲ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ«]‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﳑﺜﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺩُﻋﻲ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺏ)ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ(‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻴﻌـﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺟﺎﺭﺗﻴﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﻴ ٍ‬ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﺸﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺄﺩﺑﺔ‪ .‫‪72‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻛـﱪ" ﳜﺘﺎﻝ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ . RFI /‬ﻻ ﻳﺒﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﻬ ٍﺔ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮﹲﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺟﻬﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﻤﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻴﻌﺔ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺮّﺡ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺛﲑ‬ ‫)ﺇﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﻴﺔ‪» :(Radio France International.‬‬ ‫ﻷﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺑـﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻋﺐ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﺒﻠ ٍﺪ ﺻﻐ ٍﲑ ﻛﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼ ﺣﺪﻭ ٍﺩ‬ ‫ﺶ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﺘﻜﻮﻳـﻨﻪ ﻭﻃﺒﺎﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺗﺄﻛﻴ ٍﺪ ﻣﺆﻫ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛـﺎﻥ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸﺮﻃ ٍﻲ ﺟﻴ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﲟﻨﻄﻖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﻏﲑ ﺻﺎﳊﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪.‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﺷـﻚ ﺃﻥ ﻧـﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺃﺧﺎﻓﺖ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺫﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴـﻠﻄﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﰊ‬ ‫ﺣـﻮﺍﱃ ﺛﻠـﺚ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﻋﺪﻧﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﻛﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟـﻮﺭﺍﺀ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﻣـﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻏﺘﻨﻢ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﺎﺳﻴﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻞ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻒ ﺧﺼﻤﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻟﻴﻜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ ﺿﺮﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻧﻈﺮًﺍ ﻻﺭﺗﺒﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﺑﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‬ ‫ﻟـﻪ ﺍﳌﻬﻤـﺔ‪ .[4‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻄﺖ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﻬﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﻂ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﻐ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﻠﻢ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻻﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻋﻴﺘﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﺋﺘﻼ ٍ‬ ‫‪´îßý⁄a@ñ…‰bİß@[3@/3‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﺭﺿﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧـﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬﺋ ٍﺬ‪ ،‬ﲤﻠﹼﻚ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﺎﺟﺲ ﻋﺪﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﳏـﺘﻤﻠ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺡ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺯﻋﺎﺟﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﺳـﻴﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺇﻳﺎﻫﻢ ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﲔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﻧﻔﻮ ٍﺫ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻐﺮﻳﺰ ٍﺓ ﻗﻮﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﻳﻜﻲ‪.‬ﻭﺳـﺤﺮﺕ ﺗﺪﺧﻼﺗﻪ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪73‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻝ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﱐ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻠﺤﺎﺝ ]‪ [%55‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻔﻘـﺖ ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫـﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﻈﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺿﺪ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻧﻘﻴﻢ ﻓﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» :‬ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﺃﻭﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﻫﺎﻧـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ ﻇـﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﻬﻴـﻨ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻫﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃﺷﻘﺎﺋﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ«]‪.‬ﺑﻠﻎ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻋـﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺑﻐـﺪﺍﺩ ﰲ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻣﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﺪًﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﻪ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻠﲔ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻓﻴًﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻑ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺗﺮﺩﺩﺕ ﰲ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜـﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺭﺳـﻞ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻉ ﲪﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺴﻠﺤًﺎ ﺑﺸﻌﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﹸﻗﻴﻢ ﲢﺎﻟ ٌ‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﺮﻳﻜ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﻘﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻗﻮﻱ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﲔ‪ .

‬ﻭﰲ ]‪ 2‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺺ ﺣﺘﻔﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻌﻞ ﳌﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻟﻘـﻲ ﺷـﺨ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺏ ﺳـﻮﻳﻘﺔ‪ .‫‪74‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺄﺭﺟﺢ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﻭﱃ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﻨﺬ ]‪ 23‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻬﻧﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻳﺄﺧﺬﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺺ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳏﻠـﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻀﺒﻄ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٌﻲ ﳐﺘ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣـﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺸـﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻛﻮﺭﺳﻴﻜﻴًﺎ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻣﻨﺤ ًﻰ ﺳﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺻﺎﺕ ﺳﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺘﻠﻮﺍ ﺃﺣﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻣﻘﲏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀـﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳّﺾ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺜﲑ ٍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻬﻧﻜـﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄ ﹸﺔ ﺣﺮﻛ ﹶﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﺃﺩﱃ ﻣﺸﺒﻮﻫﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻋﺘﺮﺍﻓﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺍﳊﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪِﻡ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﺭﺱ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﻖ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺏ ﺳﻮﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻣﻌﺎﺩ ﹰﻻ ﳊﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﳜﺴﺘﺎﻍ‬ .[5‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﺸﻒ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻄ ﹰﺔ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻬﻧﺎ )ﺍﺟﺘﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺸﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﻪ( ﻭﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻋﺮﺑـﻴ ٍﺔ]‪ .[6‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻠﻐ ﹲﻞ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻮﺩ ﺗﺮﻗﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺋﻌﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﻛﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻏﻄﺎ ًﺀ ﳑﺘﺎﺯًﺍ ﻟﻠﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻨﺎ«]‪.‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺣﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪﻭﺍ ﻣﻬﺎﺭﻬﺗﻢ« ‪.‬ﻛﺬ ٌ‬ ‫ﺡ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳉﻤﻌـﻴﺎﺕ‪ :‬ﻛـﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻣﺒﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻻﺟﺘﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺸﺮ‪.‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻬﻤًﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻟـﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﻣـﻎ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺁﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﻖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﻬ ٍﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﻣﻠﺘﺤﲔ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺑﻼ ﻫﻮﺍﺩ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﲤـﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﳏﺎﻣﲔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﺤﻄﻴﻢ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺃﻫﻠﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻘﻨّﻌ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺒﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺳـﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺌﺔ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺿﺤﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻨﻬﻮﺍ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪75‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﳌﺎﻧـﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺯﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺷﺮًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻴﻤ ٍﺔ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻉ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻨـﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﻣﺆﺍﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﻬﺗﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺳﻘﺎﻁ ﻃﺎﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺼﺎﺭﻭﺥ ﺳﺘﻨﻐﺮ ﺃﹸﺣﻀِﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﲨﺎﻋﻴ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻔﻮﻑ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻏﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴـﺘﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﳚﻬﻠﻮﻥ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﺻﻨﻔﻮﺍ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺻﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺎﳊﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ‬ ‫ﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﻮﺍﺟﺪﻫﻢ‪.‬ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻡ ﺗﺮﻛﻴ ٌ‬ ‫›ﻟﻴﺰﺍﻧﻮﻧﺲ‪ ‹Les Annonces /‬ﻭﺻﻔﺖ ﺑﺄﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻋﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻠﲔ )ﻭﺯﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺌﺔ ﺃﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﺨ ٍﺔ(‪ .‬ﻭﲤﺖ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻻ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ ﺑﺄﻋﺪﺍ ٍﺩ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﳓﻮ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺣﺼﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻣﺮﻭﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﻌﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻧﺎﺷ ٍ‬ ‫]‪ 1990‬ﻭ‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﲦﻦ ﳒﺎﺣﻪ ﰲ ﺍﺟﺘﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ "ﻓﻘﻂ" ﺑﻀﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﺍﻭﺡ ﺑﲔ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺃﺑﺸﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ‪.‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻧﺎﺭ ﺃﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻪ‪Le canard /‬‬ ‫‪ ‹enchainé‬ﺃﻧﻪ ﰎ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺃﺧﻔﻴﺖ ﺁﻟﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳ ٍﺮ ﰲ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳّﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺑﺎﺳـﻢ ﺣـﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﶈﻈﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﹸﺩﺧِﻞ ﳐ ٌﱪ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ ﰲ ﻣﻬﻤـ ٍﺔ ﻬﺗﺪﻑ ﻹﻏﻮﺍﺋﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴـﺒﺐ ﳒﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺿﺪ "ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻄﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﱄ" ﻓﻘﺪ ﹸﻏﻔِﺮ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜـﺜﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .

‬ﻭﺃﻗﻮﻯ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﺼﺖ ﳎﻠﺔ ›ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺳـﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺣﺸﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮًﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﺮﺃ ﺿﻤﻨﻪ‪» :‬ﻳﻨﺪﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻧﻈﺎ ٌﻡ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺼﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﻉ ﳏﺮ ٍﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺕ‪،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﺿﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﻣﺆﲤﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺣﺴﺎﺳًﺎ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻭﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻄﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻌـﺪ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﻠﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﺮ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭًﺍ ﺇﺑﺎﺣﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻠﻔﻘ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ‪.‬ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﱐ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫)ﻭﺳﺎﻡ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ( ﻭﻋﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﳉﻨ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻜﻠﻔ ٍﺔ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﺮﻓﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺧﺮًﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺻﻼﺣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﻓﺨًﺎ ﻭﻗﻊ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﻠﹼﻒ ﺣﺰﺑَﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻘﻲ ﻟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼ ٍﻝ‪ .‫‪76‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫›ﺑـﺎﺭﻱ ﻣـﺎﺗﺶ‪ ‹Paris-Match /‬ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ [ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﻂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺤﺴـﻨ ﹰﺔ »ﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﻃﻔﺄﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﻳﻖ ﳎﺎﻧﲔ ﺍﷲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺬﺍﺀﻩ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼـﺤﻮﺑ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻮﺻﻒ "ﺳﺎﻗﻄﺔ"‪ .‬ﻭﺃﹸﺭﺳِﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﺴ ٌﺦ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻌﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺣﺮِﻣﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﺻﺮﺕ ﺣﱴ ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺕ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﻥ ُﺣﻄﱢﻤ ْ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻊ ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻠﻜﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﲬﻴّﺲ ﺍﻟﺸ ّﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺎﺑﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻮﻓﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﺎ ﻟﻨﺒﺘﻠﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﻓﺎﻋﻲ«]‪ .[8‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻔﺴﲑًﺍ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ٍﻝ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺷـﻴﺘﻪ«‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌـﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺗﻀﺎﻣ ٍﻦ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﲦﻨًﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﻴًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪òàİa@ò™‰bȽa@[4@/3‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﳚﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ "ﳎﺎﻧﲔ ﺍﷲ" ﺃﻳﺔ ﺻﻌﻮﺑ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺿﻢ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﻣﻼﺣَﻘ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ .

‬ﺇﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ ﲤﺜﻞ ﲢﻮّﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﹶﻗﺒِﻞ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﲑﻱ ﻭﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺴﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ‬ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[ ﺻﺎﺧﺒ ﹰﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻟـﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﻴﻔﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻭﺟﻬﻬﺎ ﳍﺎ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻴﺢ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﳜﺸﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺑًﺎ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ؟«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺻـﻞ ﺍﻝ ]‪ [4090‬ﻣﻘﻌﺪًﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻏﺮﺓ ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺘ ٍﺔ ﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻠﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻌﺎﺩﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻳﻔﻀﺢ‬ ‫ﰊ‪ُ ،‬ﺟﻌِﻞ ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺿﺒﺎ ٌ‬ ‫»ﺍﺣـﺘﺠﺎﺯ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﲔ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﺠﺐ »ﺍﻹﺑﺘﺰﺍﺯ« ﻭﺭﺷﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺧﺒﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﳛﺎﻓﻆ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻮﻫﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻗﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﻮﻓﺊ ﲟﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻣﻨﺢ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﻧﻴﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ .‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪77‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺸﺠﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣ ًﹶﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻢ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺃﳓﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ« ﻛـﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ »ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ«]‪ .‬ﺣﺰﺑﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻧﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺱ ﺑﺎﻷﺭﺟﻞ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻜﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﺠﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ ﻻ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﳚﺮﺅ ﺣﱴ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳُـﺘﺮَﻙ ﻟﻠﺨﺎﺳﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻟﺖ ﻻﺋﺤ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺿﻴ ٍﺔ ﻫﺰﻳﻠ ﹰﺔ‪ .[9‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﳋﻼﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴـﻪ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟـﺜﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺳـﺨﺔ« ﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﺼﺮﺡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺀ ﻓﺮﺯ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺻﺎﺑﺘﲏ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳋﻴﺒﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻥ ﳋﻴﺒﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻉ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﻲ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﲰﻌﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺸﺒﻬﺎﺕ ﻭﻣﻨﺢ ﺗﻐﻄﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺣﻔﻨﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﰲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪.

‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻧﺎﺋ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲬﻴّﺲ ﺍﻟﺸ ّﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﻟﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺋﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻄـﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻨﺎﺯﻋﺖ ﻋﺪﺓ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺣﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﻗﻴﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻟﺼﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻳﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺣﺮﻛ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﹸﻗﺼﻲ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﻣﻄﻌﻮ ٍﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺻﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﺎﻗﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺳـﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻳﺴﺨﺮﻭﻥ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺁﺧﺮ ﲪﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺎﺟﺮﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻷﺧـﲑﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺘﻌﺘﻪ »ﻭﺛﺎﺋﻖ ﺗﺪﻳﻨﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻘﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺲ" ﻭﳘﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪ïãbȽa@åß@òîÛb@ćpbàÜ×@[5@/3‬‬ ‫ﻒ‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺘﺘ ﹰﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﲨـﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬـﺮﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﲟﻈﻬ ٍﺮ ﺳﺨﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺌﻴﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩ ٍﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻃﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺻﻔﺤﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺑﻜـﻠﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ »ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻄﻴﺔ« ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻔﺠﻮﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻭﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ’ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‘«‪ ،‬ﺣﻮﻝ »ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺨﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ »ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﳑﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﲢﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ«‪.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﻨﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗـﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﲰـﻴﺔ ﻟـﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﰎ ﺍﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺏ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺿـﻌﻪ ﲢـﺖ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗـﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﺰﻳﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬ﻋﻮﻗﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺏ ]‪ [11‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ ﻗﻄﻌ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﻠﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ "ﻓﺎﻛ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑـﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟـﺘﻮﺍﻃﺆ ﻣﻊ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺼﻮﺩ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻬﺗﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﺮﻳ ٍﺔ«‪.‫‪78‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ ُﻭﺟﱢﻬﺖ ﻳﻮﻡ ]‪ 21‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﻡ[ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﻛﺮ ٍﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳐﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺬﻛﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻓﺮﻍ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻛﺔ ﺟﻌﺒﺘﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺇﻓﺸﺎﺀ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﲞﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺷﻼﺀ ﺣﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ ﳑﺰﻗ ٍﺔ‪.

‬‬ ‫ﻭﳒـﺪ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ .‬ﳓﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ«]‪.‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪79‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋـﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﳚﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﲎ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻃﻤﺄﻥ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻇﻞ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﻓﺎﻗﻪ ﺑﺎﻹﲨﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﳍﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺮﻣﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .[11‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺣﺮﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻤﻞ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ )ﻭﺳﺎﻡ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﳌﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻌ ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻀـﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻀـﺎﱄ ﻫـﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٌ‬ ‫]‪[10‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﶈﺮﻭﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﻄ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﺩﺓ« ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻧﺎ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻹﺯﺩﻭﺍﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﻭﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ ﻷﻧﻨﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﻜ ٍﺔ ﺑﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺇﺻﻼﺣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﳛﻔـﺰﻫﺎ ﺍﻟـﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﲰﺢ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻛﺘﻪ«‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﻳﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‬ ‫ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ ﻗـﺮﺍ ٍﺭ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺬﻫﺐ ﺣﺮﻣﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺳﺘﺮﺍﺳﺒﻮﺭﻍ ﻟﻴﻘﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻳﺜﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﺍﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﲪﻼﻬﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺭﺧﻮﹲﺓ ﻭﻣﻬﺎﺩﻧ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻠـﻎ ﺍﳓﻄﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺩﺭﺟ ﹰﺔ ﱂ ﻧﻌﺪ ﻧﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻌﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺧﺼـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜـﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺍﻷﳌﺎﱐ‪» :‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻴ ٌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺑﻦ ﺻﺎﱀ ﺑﺈﻃﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﲬﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﺇﱐ ﺃﺩﻋﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻪ ﻭﺻﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻟـﻦ ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻣﺮﺷﺤًﺎ ﺿﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺩﻋﻤﻲ ﻭﻣﺸﺎﺭﻛﱵ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻴﺜﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺭﻯ ﺃﻥ ﻻ ﺑﺪﻳﻞ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﳌـﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻓﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺑﻦ ﺻﺎﱀ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻏﺐ ﰲ ﺗﻜﻮﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺑﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ .

‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺑﻘﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺣﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﳓـﻮ ﻣﺼـﻄﻨ ٍﻊ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﺿﺦ ﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺄﻟ ﹸﺔ ﻣﻈﻬ ٍﺮ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃ ٍﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺼﻞ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ]‪ .[%5‬ﻛـﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺍﳊﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺩﱏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ؟‪.‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ‪.‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺰﻭﺭﻳﻦ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﺎﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴـﻨﻬﺎ‪ .[12‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻜﺸﻒ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺗﲔ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ :‬ﺗﺘﻨﺼﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﻭﻛﻞ ﻬﺗﺠ ٍﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻳﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺺ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻪ‪ .‫‪80‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻧﻌﺘﲏ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻠﺐ ﻭﻫﻮ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀﻩ ﺑﺎﳍﺎﺗﻒ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﻨﺬ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﻏ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﺗﺴـﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻧﺎﺋﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺃﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﻬﺑﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻦ ﺃﺗﺮﻛﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ]‪.‬ﻭﻛﺄﺣﺪﺙ ﺗﺼﻮﻳ ٍﺮ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣـﻨﺢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﲔ ﲬﺴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﻋ ٍﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳـﻮﻡ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﻋﱪ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﺟـﺪ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻷﺻﻐﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﳋﻴﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺰﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣـﺘﻌﺪﺩﹲﺓ ﻭﻣﺸﺮّﻋ ﹲﺔ ﻭﳏﺴﻮﺑ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺇﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑـﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﺘـﻴﺎﺭﻳ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻓﺮﺯ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺘﻢ ﲜﻠﺴ ٍﺔ ﺳﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ﻻ ﻳﺪﺧﻠﻬﺎ ﳑﺜﻠﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗـﺒﻮﻥ ﻭﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺗﺎﻓﻬ ﹰﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺭﲪﺔ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻗﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﺟﺰﺋﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﱂ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺣـﱴ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﳉﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﺋﺢ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻌﻴﻨﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻗﺎﻋﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺛﺎﻟﺜ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺸﺮ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﺓ ]‪ [25‬ﺍﳌﺪﻫﺸﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ]‪ 3‬ﺃﻳﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻇﻬـﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﻫـﻢ ﺭﻣﺰ ٌ‬ .‬ﻭﺍﻻﺣـﺘﺠﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .

[14‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺿـﺮ ﺩﻭﻣًـﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻭﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺴﲑﺍﺗﻪ ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ .‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟـﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺗﺴﻌﺔ ﻧﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﻨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻭﺗَﺒﺚﱡ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧـﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﺷ ٍﺮ‪.‬ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ ﻓﺎﺭﻏ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺳﻜﺎ ٍﻥ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﺣﺰﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻔﺮﻭﺷﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﲔ ﻋﺎ ٌﻡ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺫﱄ ﻧﻔﺎﰐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻀّـﻞ ﺃﻣ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻨﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ "ﲪﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻀـﺎﻣﻦ" ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲰﺤﺖ ﺑﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻘﺮ‪» .‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪81‬‬ ‫‪ 1988‬ﻡ[ ﺍﳌـﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻷﺣـﺰﺍﺏ ﺗﺴـﺘﺪﺭﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺃﻧﻪ »ﻳﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ]‪[5‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺲ ﳊﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻛﺤـ ٍﺪ ﺃﻗﺼـﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺆﺳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺗﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻔـﻪ ﺍﳌـﺘﺨﺬﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻟﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺎﺗﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻣﻘـﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ ﻬﺑﺪﻑ ﺗﻌﻜﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ«]‪.‬‬ ‫‪đÁ‘bã@æìîÜß@[6@/3‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟـﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﺍﳊﻘـﻴﻘﻲ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪ 1956‬ﻡ[‪ .[13‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﻘـﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻛﺘﺴﺒﺖ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻧًﺎ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻫﺎﻣﺸﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺗﺘﺼﺎﺭﻉ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﻼﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺗـﺘﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﺸـﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻌﻖ ﺍﻟﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﳍﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣـﺎﻛﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺸﻐﻮﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻣﻮّﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻗﺮﺷًـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻧﺘﻠﻘﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺇﻋﺎﻧ ٍﺔ«]‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺭﻗ ٌﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺮ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻘـﺮ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ٌﺀ ﻓﺴﻴ ٌﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﻣﺮ ﺍﻷﺑﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ .

‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺩﻯ )ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻤﺎﻝ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﻦ ﻧﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳛﺘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭ]‪ [144‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ]‪ [163‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺟﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺟﻴ ٍﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺃﻋﻀﺎ ٌﺀ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻜﻠﻒ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻏﺎﻟـﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﺳﻨﻮﻳًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧـﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺿﻤﺎﻧ ﹰﺔ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻠﻂ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.[15‬‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗ ٌﻢ ﻣﺬﻫ ﹲﻞ ﻟﺒﻠ ٍﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻳﻀﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ ﻣﻠﻴﻮ ٍﻥ ﻭﻣﻠﻴﻮ ٍﻥ ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﻣﻨﺘﺴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳـﻜﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﺴﻌﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻄﻰ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺑـﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻕ‪ .‬ﻭﺿِـﻊ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﰲ "ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ" ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[ ﲢﺖ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ‬ ‫)ﺍﳋـﻼﺹ(‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[ ﲢﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺔ )ﺍﻷﻣﻞ(‪ .‬ﻭﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻟﻨﺎ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﻨﺴﻮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻱ ﻭﺃﰊ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺣﱴ ﺃﺫﻧﻴﻪ ﻭﻋﻀﻼﺗﻪ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻬﺑﺮﻗﻞ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﺟﺒﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺰﺏ‪ .‬ﻓﻤﻦ‬ .‫‪82‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﳏـﻪ‪ُ .‬ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﻗﻔـﻨﺎ ﺷـﺮﻃ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺽ«‪ .‬ﻧﺄﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﺮﻳﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺟ ٍﻢ ﺻﻐﲑﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺆﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺩﻭﺭًﺍ ﻫﺎﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺳﲑﺓ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻗﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﻧﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻮﺕ ﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣﲔ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌـﻨﺠﻢ ﺳﻴﻐﻠﻖ ﻭﺃﻭﻻﺩﳘﺎ ﺑﻼ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺃﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻮﻝ ﻻ«]‪.‬ﺇﻬﻧـﺎ ﲪﺎﻳ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺯﻫﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻫﲑ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻮﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﺭﻳﺎﻑ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘـﺪ ﻃﻮﻗـﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺧﻼﻳﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻭﲬﺴﻤﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻟﻔـﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﺌـﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺆﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﻭﻳﻨﻤﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .

‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﲟﻌﺰ ٍﻝ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻘـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑـﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﺧﺼ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻳﺘﻬﺪﺩﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﻬﺗﻢ ﻗﺪ ﻳﻨﺘﺎﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲪﻞ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺸﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓـﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ُﺣﻜِﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻷﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪ ﺗﻐﻴﺐ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﺣـﺮﻛﺔ )ﺳـﻮﻟﺪﺍﺭﻧﻮﺵ( ﰲ ﺩﺍﻧﺘﺴﻎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠـ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﻀﻢ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺣﻔﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺘﻄﻴﺢ ﺑﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻳﺮﻭﺯﻟﺴﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻔﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1924‬ﻡ[ ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﺎﻡٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬﺋ ٍﺬ‪ ،‬ﺯﺍﺩﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﲢـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ ﺃﻭﻝ ﺇﺿﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺮﺣﻴﺔ‬ ‫‪83‬‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﻞ ﺃﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺪﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺘ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺣﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﺋﺘﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ )ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﲏ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪Conseil National pour /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(les Libertés en Tunisie. CNLT‬ﺭﻓﻀـﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻨﺤﻪ ﺻﻔﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺳﺒﺒًﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴًﺎ ﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﺄﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺸـﻘﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﻘﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﺮﻛﻪ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻐﻠﻐﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺟـﻴﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺮﺩﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻣﺮﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﻌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻑ ﺑﲔ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﲔ ُﻭﻟِﺪ ﰲ ]‪ 10‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻋ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﳝﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻗﻮ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻀﺎﺩﺓﹰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺣﱴ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺳـﺤﺒﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﺼﲔ ﻟﱭ‬ ‫ﺝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺴﻔ ٍﲑ ﰲ ﺑﻮﻟﻮﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﻴﺪﺭﺱ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸـﻬﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﻌﺪ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺙ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ُﺳﺠِﻦ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻤﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪﻳﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﳌـﺪﺓ ﻋـﺎﻣﲔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺴّﺪ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﺟﻴ ﹰ‬ .

‬ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻬﻢ؟‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻹﺑﻄﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﻭﻧﺘﺎﺋﺠﻪ«‪.‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻵﻟﺔ ﺍﻷﻧﻴﻖ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﻝ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﺑﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺏ»ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﺨﻤ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺼﻠ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﻋـﻴﺪ ﺍﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﻤﻚ ﺑﺎﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﳋﻼﻓﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻟﻼﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻈـﺮﻭﻑ ﻏـﲑ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﻫﺒﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧـﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺻﺪﺭ ﺣﻮﺍﱃ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﻳﻀ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﺭﻗﺎﺀ ﺑﺒﺬﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ«‪.‫‪84‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑـﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺳﻴﻖ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺏ‪.

‬ﻣـﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﱂ ﻳﻔﻮّﺕ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﲢﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫»ﻹﻋـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺗﻠﻚ ﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ«‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪85‬‬ ‫‪l‰†n½a@‰ìmbnØí†Ûa@[4‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﻭﻻﺩﺓ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﲔ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺮﺷ ٌﺢ ﻭﺣﻴ ٌﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﳊﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳُﻤﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1975‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ َﺧﹶﻠ ِﻔ ِﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺼﺎ ٍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﰒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫]‪ [% 99‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻔﻠﻪ ﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ ﳑﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨـﺒﻮﺍ ﻧﻮﺍﺑًـﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﳎﺎﻟﺲ ﳏﻠﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟـﻪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﺎﻥ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧًﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺮﺷﺤﺎ ﺿﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻨﺴﺤﺒﺎ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺩﻗﻴﻘ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻗﺮﺑًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺳﺨﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻦ »ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻓﻴﺘﻴﺔ«‪.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻗﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻁ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺨﺐ‪ .

‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺃﻥ »ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ ﻳﻜﺴﺮ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋًﺎ ﳏﺮﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻀﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﻮﻥ ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﺈﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻗـﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊـﺰﺏ ﺍﳊﺎﻛﻢ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ »ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﺍﰐ«‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻤﺎ »ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ« ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻠﺨﺺ ﺑﺼﻴﻐ ٍﺔ ﲨﻴﻠ ٍﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺸﻚ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪.[3‬ﳎﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ؟‪ ،‬ﱂ ﲣﻄﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺎﳍﻤﺎ ﻗﻂ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺗﻐﻴ ٌﲑ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ«]‪.‬ﺍﻵﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺧﻄﻂ ﳍﺎ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻣﺘﻘﻨ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺧﺎﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸـﻮﻳﻖ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻱ ﺣ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌﻠﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ‪ .‫‪86‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺺ ﺑﺘﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳌـﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﺎﻫـﺮ ﻛﻞ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴ ٍﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪æbÐíŒßMæbîÔîÔy@æbà–@[1@/4‬‬ ‫ﺧﺼـﻤﺎ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺎﻥ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴﺎﻥ‪-‬ﻣﺰﻳﻔﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺠﺮﺍ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺘﺰﻋﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﻣﺢ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌ ﹰﺔ]‪ .‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ‪ ‹Réalité /‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﺍ ﺁﺛﺎ ٍﺭ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺪ ٍﺓ ﺃﻥ »ﻻ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ«‪ .‬ﲡﺮﺃ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻠﺤﺎﺝ ﻋﻤﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﻣﺌ ٍﺔ ﻭﺛﻼﺛ ٍﺔ ﻭﺳﺘﲔ ﰲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻧﻮﺍ ٍ‬ .‬ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﲬﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﺫﻱ ﲤﺜﻴ ٍﻞ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺗـﻰ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺩﺭﺑﺎﻟـﺔ‪ .[1‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺮﺩ ﻣﻐﺸﻮﺷًﺎ‪ :‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﻪ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺛﻘﹰـﺎ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮ‪ .[2‬ﻭﺃ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻆ ﻟﻠﻔﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﳎﻴﺌﻪ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﻻ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺳﻮﻯ ﳋﺼﻤﲔ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺧﺼﻤﲔ! ﻫﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﺍﻥ ﳝﺜﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻳﺪﻋﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ]‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﻬﲏ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪87‬‬ ‫ﻑ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪» :‬ﻗﺪ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻳـ ٍﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﺻـﻞ ﺃﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﲏ‪ ،‬ﺇﱐ ﺃﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻨﻔﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ«‪. .‬ﻭﻳﻀﻴﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪» :‬ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﳒﺤـﻨﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻴﺎﺩﺓ ﲪﻠ ٍﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﳒﺎﺯًﺍ«‪ .‬ﺳﻴﻨﺎﺿﻞ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻋ ٌﺪ‪» ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻗﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻭﺧﺼﺨﺼ ٍﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ«]‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﻗﻠ ٍﻖ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻭﺍﺛﻘﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﺭﻙ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻠﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﻟﻪ«‪.‬ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻬﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗـﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﻫـﻮ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﻴﺤﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﺣﺴﺎﺳًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﲣﻔﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺌﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻜﺪﻳﺮ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﺍﺭﺗﻪ‪.[4‬‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﺎ ﻣـﺎ ﳜـﺺ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻴﻠﻲ‪ [55] ،‬ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻭﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺪﻳ ٍﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻓﺒﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﺪﻭﻱ )ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻧﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻀـﻮًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﺑﻼ ﻋﻘ ٍﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺗﺴـﲑ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻨﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺪﻣًﺎ«]‪ ،[5‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﺠﻊ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺋﻦ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﻣﺸﻌﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﻧـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﳌﺪﻫﺸﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮﹲﺓ ﺑﺈﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻏﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺭﻱ ﻛﻴﻢ ﺇﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺾ ﻣﻠﻤﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻧﻎ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻧﺎﻝ ]‪ [% 99.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺮﺣﻠ ٍﺔ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﲝﺪ ﺫﺍﻬﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ«‪.91‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﻟﻔﺘﺮﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧـﻴﺔ‪ .27‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ . /‬‬ ‫‪ ،( ETAP‬ﻭﺗﺰﻳﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻪ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺻﻮ ٍﺭ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ]‪ [% 99.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸـﺎﺭﻳﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺗـﺎﺑﻊ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺴﻌﺎﻱ ﻭﻃ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳﺎﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌﺘﻤﺪ ﺗﻠﻴﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩًﺍ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺲ ﳌﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﲬﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ )ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺸﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪Enterprise Tunisienne d'activités pétroliére.

‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺩﺍﻩ ﺑﱪﺍﻋ ٍﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺪﻭﻣﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺴﻴﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﺎﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻇﺮﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﲣﺪﺵ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻳﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺸﻜﻠ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺎﻓﻬ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗـﺘﺮﺍﻓﻖ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﲑﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ . .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻏﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻫـﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺘﺮﺳﻴﺦ »ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺪﺭ ﻣﺮﺳﻮﻣًﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻧـﻪ ﻳﻀـﻤﻦ ﺣﺼﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ]‪ [%20‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﺍﱃ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻣﻘﻌﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺠﻤًﺎ ﻫﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ .‫‪88‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺆﺍﻝ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻃﺒﻘﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻓﻬﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳍﺰﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻛﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻪ؟‪ .‬ﺇﳒﺎ ٌﺯ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ ‪.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺴﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺜﺮﺓ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@CòîÛbr½a@ïÛbrßD@[2@/4‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺗﻨﻈـﻴﻢ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻳﻘﻠﻖ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺣﺪٍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺨـﻼﻝ ﺑﻀـﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻋﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻄ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺘﻨﻬﺎﻝ ﻭﻓﻮﺩ ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺛﲔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ‪.‬‬ ‫ﳚـﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺘﻢ ﺍﻟـﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﳌﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ ﺗﻮﺯﻳ ًﻌﺎ ﻣﺘﻨﺎﺳﺒًﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺮﺷﺤَﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺘﻨﻌَﲔ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﻤﺎ ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﳛﺼﻼ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻟﺒﺎ ﺑﺎﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺓ ﺗﺮﺿﻴ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳊﺰﺑﻴﻬﻤﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻜﺐ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺁﻻﻬﺗﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺳـﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴـﻪ ﻗﺎﺋﺪًﺍ ﻻ ﳜﻄﺊ ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺃﻱ ﻧﻘ ٍﺪ ﻣﻮﺟ ٍﻪ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﳛﻤﻴﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺭﺍﺋﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍ ٍ‬ ‫"ﺟـﻴﺪ ٍﺓ" ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸـﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ]‪ [6‬ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺧﺴـﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺷﺨﺼﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻎ ﻧﺘﻴﺠ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗـﻞ‪ .

‬ﻭﺇﻳﻀﺎﺣًﺎ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﻆ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺑﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻭﺻﻔﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻓﻠﺴ َ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ‪":‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﻨﺎ ﺧﺎﻃﺒﻨﺎﻙ ﲟﺪﻳ ٍﺢ ﺻﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﺮ ٍ‬ ‫*‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲰﻮًﺍ" ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﲡﺎﺫﺏ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ ﻭﺍﳊﻤﺎﻗﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﻟﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪" ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻱ ﻷﺳﻄﻮﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ" ﻭ"ﻣﺜﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺱ ﻣﺘﺒﺠ ٍﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻭﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﳜـﺘﻢ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ‪» :‬ﺃﻱ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴـﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻟﺪﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻛﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺗﻐﻴﲑﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻗﺎﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻣﻨﺔ؟«‪.‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﳏﺼﻠ ٍﺔ! »ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴًﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﱪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﳊ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺪﻫﺸ ﹰﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻳﻨﺠﺰ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﲨﺎﻟﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻔﻬـﻮﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻄﺮﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﺩًﺍ ﺻﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪» :‬ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﺴﻴ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﻪ ﳎﺪﱞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻻ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﺇﻻ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻛﺮ ٌﱘ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺫﻭ ﺑﺼﲑ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻃﻤﻮﺣًﺎ«‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪89‬‬ ‫ﻁ ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺋﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲏ ﲟﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ!‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﻗﺮﻳﺒ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻋﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻋﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻘﺮ ٍﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻣﻠﻪ ﻗﺪ ُﺭﺗﱢﺐ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﻓﺘﺮﹲﺓ ﺍﺗّﺨﺬﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ ﺍﺳﻢ‪’ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺑﻴﻊ‘«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋُـﺮِﺽ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﺍﺭ )ﺳﲑﻳﺲ‪ ،(Cérés /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـ ٍﺮ ﺗﺄﺳﺴﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻬﺎ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻦ ﺇﲰﺎﻋﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳉﻨﺔ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺖ ﻟﺸﺎﻋ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﳜﱪﻧﺎ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻧ ٌﺪ ﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﻭﺩﻳﻐﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺷﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﲔ ﻭﺣﻴ ٌﺪ ﻇﺎﻫ ٌﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻸﻟﻔﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺣﻨ ٌ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﻨﺎﺅﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻓﺎﺷ ﹲﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺳﺎﻟﻔﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻛﺘﺎًﺑﺎ ﲰّﻲ‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺃﻟﹼﻒ ﻛﺎﺗ ٌ‬ ‫]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺴـﺎﻃ ٍﺔ ›ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‹ ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺤﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻄﻮﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺮﹲﺓ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﻏﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺭﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻄﻴ ٍﺔ«‪.‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺇﻓﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺹ‪ ،‬ﳛﺮﻛﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺗﻌـﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻠﻤﺬ ﻛﻮﺯﻳ ٍﺮ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜـﻞ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺮ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺩﺃ ﺍﳌﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺘﺎﻟﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺝ ﺍﻧﺘﺼـﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪» .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﻫﺬﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺒﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﻔﻴﻨﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﺃﻏﺴﻄﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﻔﺎﻥ »ﺷﺨﺼﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺜﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﻏﻢ ﻗﻴﻤﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﻼﻗﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺎﻗﺒﻪ ﻭﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺎﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﺑﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻌﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺿﺞ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻤﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺿـﻊ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ‬ ‫ﺇﺩﺭﺍﻛﻪ ﻟﻠﺴﻤﻮ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﳚﻤﻊ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﱪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‬ .‬ﻭﺃﺻﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺫ ً‬ ‫ﺾ ﻣﻬﺬ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜـﺘﺎﺏ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺮ ﺑﺮﻓ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻴﻪ ﻣﺼـﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﺑﻐﺮﺍﻣ ٍﺔ ﺿﺨﻤ ٍﺔ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﻫﺎ ]‪ [800000‬ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ) ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻚ(‪ .‫‪90‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺩﻋﻢ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺲ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ ﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﲬﺴﻤﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨ ٍﺔ ﻃﺒﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺭﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﻭﻏﻠﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﳉﻠﺪ ﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ(‪.‬ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻬﲑ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺗﻮﻗﻔﺖ ﻓﺠﺄ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺩﺭﻛﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺨﱪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺃﻻﻥ ﻣﲑﻳﻮ )‪،(Alain Mérieux‬‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻨﺘﺨ ٌ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋـ ٌ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻋﻦ ﻟﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ )ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪Réunion /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(pour la république.‬ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻗﻀـﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ )ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺳﻜﻮﺱ( ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻬﲏ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻠﻮﺛ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻔﻀﺢ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺴﻊ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﺇﻳﺪﺯ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺳﺒﺒﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺍﺩﻋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻋﻬـﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﻣﲑﻳﻮ )‪ . RPR‬ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪.[8‬ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺽ ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ﹲﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﱠﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﺍﻓﻖ ﺇﻃﻼﻕ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﺺ ﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻟﻔﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻬﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ )ﺃﺧﺼﺎﺋ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻃـﺐ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ(‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﺸﲑ ﺣﻠّﻴﻢ]‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﹸﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﲬﺴﻮﻥ ﺃﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻘـﺎﺭﺏ ﺃﺭﺑﻌـﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻓﺮﻧ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﺨ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺭﻗ ٌﻢ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ ﻟﺒﻠ ٍﺪ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻧﻪ ]‪ [9‬ﻣﻼﻳﲔ‪) .(l'Institut Mérieux‬ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺃﻫﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﺼﺖ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻋﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻤﺲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻧﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺇﱃ ﳒﺪﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‪ .

‬ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﹲﺓ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﺟﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺎﻓﻼﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺷﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺣـﱴ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺯﺟﺎﺝ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@åí‹@áØy@[3@/4‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌـﻴﺪ ﺍﳌـﻨﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻴﻔﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﺪّﺭ ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻗﺸﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪.‬ﻫﻞ ﳛﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﺩﻳﻞ ﺍﳉﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺭﺧﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﺎﺳﻘﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺭﺑﻄـﺎﺕ ﻋـﻨﻘﻪ؟‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﻥ ﲢﺎﻛﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﻛﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻹﺩﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻋﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﳛﺮﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺸﺮﻱ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﺘﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﳎﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻏﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﺭ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺣﻴﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻴﻔﻬﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ ﻭﻛﻨﻂ ﻣﻦ "ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ" ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﺎ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘـﺐ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎﻧـﺎ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻔﻜﺮ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻳﺆﺳﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻄﻤﺢ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺸـﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﺗﺸـﺠﺐ ﺍﳊﻴﺰ ﺍﳋﺎﺋﺐ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﺸﺎﺋﻤﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﻜﻔﲔ ﰲ ﻋﺰﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﳚﻬﻠﻮﻥ ﻧﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻗﺔ«‪.‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪91‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻪ "ﻗﺪﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﹰﺔ" )ﻛﺎﻧﻂ( ﻭ"ﻋﻨﺎﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺇﳍﻴ ﹰﺔ" ) ﺃﻓﻼﻃﻮﻥ(‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﱂ ﺍﳌﻜﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻤ ٍﻞ ﺑﻄﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﻴﺚ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻣﺮﺷﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﲬﺴﲔ ﻣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺳﺘ ٍﺔ ﻭﺳﺘﲔ ﺻﻔﺤ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﺑﻮﺻﻔﻪ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ »ﺻﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ«‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ »ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻗﺪﺍﺭ«‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫»ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ«‪ .‬ﻭﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻟﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨـﺒﻮﻱ ﺃﺟﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﺴﺎﺑﻘ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻬﺮﺓ ﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺭﺳﻮ ٍﻡ ﻟﻠﻤﻼﺑﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ . .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻟﻒ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﺷﻌﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑًﺎ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫›ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‹]‪[9‬؛ ﺍﺣﺘﺎﺝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻛﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﻫﺒﺔ ﻛﻲ ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﻨﺼﻬﺮ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﱄ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻛﺘّﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺪﱐ‪ .

[11‬‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻤﺴﲔ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﻮﺍ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺑ ٍﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﺴﲔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1957‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻳﺸ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻧﺰﻫﺔ ﺟﲑﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﻃﺊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﳑﻨﻮﻋ ﹰﺔ‪.‫‪92‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﲑﺗﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﺸﺪّﺩﺓ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﻟﺪﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠـﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﳛﺎﺫﻱ ﻣﱰﻝ ﺳﻔﲑ ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺻـﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺼﺮﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪ ﰲ ﺳـﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﲏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻃﺊ ﻗﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻠﻜﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻳﺎﺋﺴًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻳﺴﺮﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﳒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻳﺴﺮﺍ ﺃﺫﻧًﺎ ﺻﺎﻏﻴﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺸﻜﻠﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺭ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎ ٍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﻄﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺃﻣﻨﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺗﺆﻣﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‬ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺄﻱ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻠﻜﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺪﺛﺖ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺼﺒ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻘﺎﲰـﺖ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﳎﻠﺔ ›ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ‪» :‹Afrique-Magazine /‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳُﺘﺮَﻙ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﻟﻠﺼﺪﻓﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻠﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺮﻳﺰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻄﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ«]‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻷﻧﺪﻟﺴﻲ ﺗﺸﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﺇﻃﻼﻟ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺎﺫ ٍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻠـﻴﺞ ﻗﻤﺮﺕ‪ .[10‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ُﺳﺌِﻞ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺑﺘﺰﻭﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻜﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﱐ ﻣﻘﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺬﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺗﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺟﺎﺏ‪» :‬ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻠﻜﻨﺎ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﺪ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﻗﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘـﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺸـﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﳎﻠﺔ ›ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ‹ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﻟﺔ‪.‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺘﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﻜﻨﻪ ﺷـﺒﺢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .

‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﲑﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﻋﺎﻃﻠﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ]‪.‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ُﻋﺰِﻟﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺒﻬﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺿـﻌﻔﻮﺍ ﻭﻗﺒﻠﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﺼﺒﺔ ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺩﻭﺭًﺍ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .[13‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﺭﺑـﻊ ﺳﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺮﻕ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺨﺼًﺎ ﻣﻠﺜﻤًﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺎﺗـﺐ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺳﻮﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻳﺸﻚ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﻄﺮ ٍﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻓﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺳـﻢ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﻛﻤـﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳـﺘﺤﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺃﻥ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺣﺪﺛﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻮﺩﻉ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻣﻠﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﲢﻘﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺰﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻠﻴﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﺴﺮﺍﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺗﻔﻮﻳﻀًﺎ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻋُﺪ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺡﰲ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺛﺎ ٍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺻﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻄـﻴّﻒ ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﺭﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘـﺒﻪ ﰲ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﲑﻭﺕ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻓﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ‪.‬ﺃﻭﻗﻒ ﺭﺅﻭﻑ ﻭﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪93‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻮﺩﺍﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻘﺘﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻗـﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﻫـﺆﻻﺀ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻤﻬﻢ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻟﻦ ﺃﺗﺮﻙ ﻫﺬﺍ ﳛﺪﺙ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﱵ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ«]‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺧﻮﻬﺗﺎ ﻭﺃﺧﻮﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺓ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺰ ٍﺀ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺱ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﺍ ﺣﻈـﻮ ٍﺓ ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺝ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻃﺎﻗﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﲝﺴﺐ ﻧﺰﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﳚﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪" ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺪﻭﺭ ﻫﻠﺮﻱ ﻛﻠﻨﱳ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﻟ ﹲﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ‪ .[12‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩﻫﺎ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺍﻧﺪﻓﻊ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻹﺧﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ "ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ" ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺗـﻮﻥ ﻣـﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﺩﻳ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﲪﺎﻡ ﺳﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﺪﺓ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻧﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﳌﺴﲑﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ .

‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﻰ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ »ﻛﻞ ﻋﻼﻗﺔ ﻗﺮﰉ« ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﻭﺷﺮﻛﺎﺅﻩ ﲡﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ ﳑﻨﻮﻋ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺌﺔ ﻛﻴﻠﻮ‬ ‫"ﺃﺑﻴﺾ" ﺳﻨﻮﻳًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷﺮﻗﻲ ﺁﺳﻴﺎ‪.(La couscous connection /‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻓﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﻼﺣﻖ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻼﰐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﻋﻮ ﺭﻭﻣﺎ‪ .‫‪94‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺴـﺒﺐ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲝﻮﺯﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@HïØØÛa@òib–ÇI@[4@/4‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﻘـﺐ ﺑﺎﳌﻨﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﲑﺍ ٍﺩ ﻭﺗﺼﺪﻳ ٍﺮ ﺿﺨﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺛـﺎﺭ ﻓﻀـﻴﺤ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻋﻼﻣـﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﻐﻤﺎﺳﻪ ﰲ ﲡﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮﻟـﻨﺪﺍ ﻭﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻣﺴﻜﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﺎﺓ‬ ‫)ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺴﻜﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﺩﻭﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﲑﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺍﺀ‪ :‬ﺃﹸﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺗﻮﻗﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﲝـﻖ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‹ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻵﺳﻴﻮﻳﲔ ﰲ ﺣﻲ ﺑﻠﻔﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﱯ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﻭﻩ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺳﻴﺲ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻛﺘﺸـﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺀ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺕ ﻹﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺧـﻼﻝ ﺃﺳﻔﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪّﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺇﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻔّﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﻧـﻪ ﺃﺣـﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺿﻴﻮﻓﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻣﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻛﻮّﻥ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﲰﻌ ﹰﺔ ﺭﺍﺳﺨ ﹰﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﲡﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳍﲑﻭﻳﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺧﻠـﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﻲ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﺯﻋﺎﺟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺣﻀﺮﺕ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺎﺋﺮﹲﺓ ﺃﺗﺖ ﰲ ﻣﻬﻤ ٍﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺳﻔ ٍﺮ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﺑﻔﻀﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.

‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﰲ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﻣﻔﺎﺟﺌ ٍﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟـﺔ ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪﺓ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕٍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﻮﺑ ٍﺔ ﻗﻠﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺹ ﻭﻣﺰﺩﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺁﺛﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻗﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻏﺪﺍ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﱂ ﳜﻄﺐ ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ ﲨﻬـﻮ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﻘﺪ ﻣﺆﲤﺮًﺍ ﺻﺤﻔﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺃﺣﺴﻦ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻠﻘﻨﻪ‪.‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺮﺕ »ﺍﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ« ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﺑﻜـﻞ ﺗﺄﻛـﻴ ٍﺪ ﺣﺲ ﻣﻨﺎﻭﺭ ٍﺓ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻨﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻟﻼﺣﺘﻔﺎﻅ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﺠ ٌﺰ ﻋﻦ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣ ٍﺞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺼﺎﺑ ٍﺔ ﻧﺎﺷﻄ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﺳﻌﺎ ٍﺭ‬ ‫ﺯﺍﻟـﺖ ﺃﺭﻣﻠﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﳐﺎﺯﻥ ﻣﻨﺘﺠﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺤﺪﻯ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﺒﺬﻝ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺅﻩ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ ﻹﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻮﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ :‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺳـﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ )ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺃﻭﺭﻳﺰﻭﻥ‪ (Canal-horizon /‬ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬ .‬ﻣﻸﺕ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻏﹰﺎ َﻋﻘِﺪﻳًﺎ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻭﻟﻮﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻟﺘﱪﺋﺔ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺳﻼﺳ ٍﺔ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺪﻓﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺃﻧﻔﻪ ﻣﻨﻜﺒًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳚﺮﻳﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺪﹲﺓ ﺳﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﺪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺼـﻄﻔﻰ ﻃـﻼﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻭﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫›ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻧﺎﺭ ﺃﻧﺸﻴﻨﻴﻪ‹‪.‬‬ ‫‪ðč†Ôč Çfl @ćÎaŠÏ@[5@/4‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻮﻗـﺖ ﺻـﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻼﻁ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﶈﺎﻭﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﲤﺖ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ .‬ﺑﻼ ﺧﻠﻔﻴ ٍﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﻻ ﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺹ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﻇﻬﻮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﻣﻌ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔـﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﺷﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪95‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻬﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ‪ .

.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺩﻋﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺮﺡ »ﻓﻜﺮﺗﻪ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ« ﻋﻦ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺳﻔﺮﻩ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﺭ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩﺓ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ‪ .[18‬‬ .[15‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﻮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻛﻠﻤ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﻈـ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻗﺼ ٍﺪ‪» :‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺛﻘﺎﻓ ﹲﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﺣ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟـﺘﻔﻜﲑ«‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﱄ ﻳﻼﺣﻖ ﺑﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻛﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟـﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻳﻄـﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺒﺊ ﰲ ﺍﳌﱰﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻠﻜﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺍﻛﺴﻲ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﺄﺳﻜﺘﻪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮّﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ«]‪.‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺃﲰﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻻ ﲢﺼـﻰ ﻣـﺜﻞ ﻫﻨﻴﺒﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻭﻏﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ ‪ .‫‪96‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ )ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﺱ‪ ،(canal plus /‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻘﺮّﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺨﺮﺝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻐﻴّﺮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ :‬ﺳﻴﺤﺮﺭ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﻐﻲ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻴﺴﺎﻭﻱ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻹﺭﺙ«]‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﻓﺨﻮ ٍﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻤﺎﺋﻪ ﻷﺭﺽ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ«]‪. .[16‬ﻏـ ًﺪﺍ ﺳﻨﺤﻠﻖ ﳎﺎﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﻮﻟ ﹲﺔ ﻗﺪﳝ ﹲﺔ ﻳﻘﺼﺪ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺃﻥ "ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ" ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭﺓ ﺿﺎﻋﺖ ﰲ ﺭﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻘﺴـﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺘﻪ ﻣﻘ ّﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﳝﻠﻚ ﺃﺩﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟـﺜﺔ«]‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳُﻌ َﺮﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﺰﺃﺓ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺮﻁ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻻﺑﺘﺬﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺪّﺙ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻛـﱪ" ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺼﺮﺍﻣ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺭﺿًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻪ ﺭﺅﻳﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﺎﱂ‪ .[17‬‬ ‫‪N@N@lþa@ñ‰ì•@[6@/4‬‬ ‫ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻼﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺎﻫﻲ ﺳﻠﹶﻔﻪ ﻭﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺒﻴـﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻄﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﻭﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺫﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﺮ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﻃﺒ ٌﻊ ﺣﺎﺯ ٌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳌﺄﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻏﺰﻳﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﳕﻂ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﻔـﻖ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀٍ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺗﻪ«‪ .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺜﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﳚـﺐ ﻗﻤـﻊ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﺘﻀﺮ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻭﺟﻴﻬ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺴﺐ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﳝﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻷﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﻈـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﻘﺎﺳﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺣ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺧﺬ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﺳﻮﺃ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ :‬ﺇﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻠـﺔ ﺍﳌـﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻣﻨﻮﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﱏ ﻗﺮﺍ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﻐﺮ ﺗﻌﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻞ ﻣﺸـﻜﻠ ٍﺔ ﺣﻠﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻣﺴﺘﺄ ِ‬ ‫ﰱ«]‪. .‬ﻓﺎﺣﺘﺞ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺄﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﺟﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻳﻒ ﺍﳋﺪﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺻﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﳎـﺮﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺤﺮﻩ ﻭﺛﻘﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﻜﺎﻳـ ٍﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﲪﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻱ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺣﻀﺮ ﻓﺠﺄ ﹰﺓ ﺇﱃ ﻣﱰ ٍﻝ ﻣﺘﻬﺪ ٍﻡ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻜـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺄﻟﻪ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﻜﻦ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺀ؟«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲔ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺩﻭﺭﺗﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺺ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻗﺎ ٍﰎ ﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﻣﻊ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻋـﺰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﳘﻴﻼ‪ ،‬ﳝﻠﻚ ﺳﻮﻗﹰﺎ ﺣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﻨﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ ﻫﻮﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﺓ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺷﺨﺼـﻪ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﱘ‪ .‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﱂ ﺃﻋﺪ ﺃﺭﻳﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ«‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﺟﱪ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻚ‬ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪» :‬ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﺴﺪًﺍ ﻣﻌﺎ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﺼﻠﺔ ﻫﺰﻳﻠ ﹲﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪» :‬ﻣﺌ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺳ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﻣـﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘـﺪﻡ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻔﺰﺓ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎﻥٍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﱰﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﻟﻴﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﻄﻔﻪ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺎﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﱪﻉ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻡ ﺳﻨﻮﻳًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻬﺒﻂ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﻭﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺰﻭﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﻔﻰً‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﺻﻴﻔﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﺴـﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﻳـﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﳍﻢ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻓﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻃﺊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭًﺍ«‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺪﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﺔ‪.[19‬‬ ‫ﻟﻺﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻻ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪97‬‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﻃﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺄﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺎﻟﺔ َﺳﻠﹶﻔﻪ؟‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﻄﺎﻭﻝ ﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ؟‪ .

[20‬‬ ‫ﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻘﺘﻬﻢ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﳚﺐ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﳏﻄ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﳉﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺳﻴﻠﻴﺎ‪.‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻹﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﻟﺴﻔ ٍﺮ ﺭﲰﻲٍ؟ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺷﺨﺼﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﱪﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﺘﻪ ﻫﻢ ﳎﻤﻮﻋ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺷﻠﲔ"‪ .‬ﰒ ﻳﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺻﺤﻔﻴﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴُﻈﻬِﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺗﻪ "ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ" ﻣﻬﻨﻴًﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺪﻩ ﻗﻠﻢ ﺣ ٍﱪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻣﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻃﻴّﻌﲔ‪.‬ﺍﻧﻄﻔﺄﺕ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺑﻴﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻓﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻭﺟﻴﺰ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ؟‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺒﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﺪﻭ ً‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﺑﺄﻱ ﲦ ٍﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﻄﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳋﺎﻟﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ :‬ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺃﻣ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﳛﺮﻛﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ . .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺤﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺎ ٍﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠـﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻄﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﲢﺖ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺛﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﳍﻨﻴﺒﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻮﻏﻮﺭﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑـﻦ ﺧﻠﺪﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﲢﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﳎﻠـﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻷﻋﻀﺎﺋﻪ ﺑﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺍﳌﻤﺘﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺻﺎﻟﻮﻧﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺼـﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﺸـﺘﻐﻞ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺎﺩﻓﻪ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻳًﺎ ﺑﻴﺠﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺴﺔ ﺟﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﻐﻞ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﳚﻠﺲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻨﺒ ٍﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﺍﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﲰﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺭﻭﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﲰﻚ ﺍﻹﺳﻘﻤﺮﻱ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻶﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻱ ﻭﺯﻳ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺧﻮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻤﺤﻞ ﺑﺴﻬﻮﻟ ٍﺔ‪.‫‪98‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺨـﻠﻲ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﻟﺴﺎﻛﻨﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺎﺅﻭﺍ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻠﺤﻮﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ‪.‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺲ ﳎﺘﻬ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﻤ ٍ‬ ‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺭﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺪﺧﻦ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺑﺎﳍﺮﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻓـﺈﻥ ﺍﻟـﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻴﻢ ﻳﻨﺎﻡ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺴـﺘﲔ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺎﺳـﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﺁﻩ ﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﻳﺄﰐ ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻳًﺎ ﺑﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﺷﺔ ﻣﻔﺮﺷﺨًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺳ ٍﻲ«]‪.‬ﺣﱴ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺎﺋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳـﺮ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻈﺒﻂ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﳜﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺣﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺤﲔ‪» .‬ﻳﺬﻫﺐ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻊ ﺣﺮﺳﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺼﻨﻊ ﻟﻴﻔﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺳـﺒﺐ ﻋﻄـﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳـ ٍﺮ ﺑﻄﺎﻗ ﹲﺔ ﲢﺪﺩ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﲰﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .

‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃﺘﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺣﻴﺎﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫‪pbäØrÛa@Ýu‰@[7@/4‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻳﱰﻋﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﻻ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺖ ﻟﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺭﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﳊﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻢ ﳌﺎﻳﻜﻞ ﺟﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺏ )‪(The King of the Pop‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﻢ )ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺏ‪،(King of the BOP /‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻲ )ﻓـﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،(brigade d'ordre public.‬ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ُ ،‬ﺣﺠِﺐ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻳﺼـﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻲ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ ﻃﺮﻳﺪﺗﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﺎ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻣﻲ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭ)ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ( ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻗﺪ ُﻋﺰّﺯﺕ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﹸﻏ ِﺮﻗﹶﺖ ﲨﻴﻌﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻜﺜﻔ ٍﺔ‪ .[21‬ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗـﺐٍ؛ ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺕٍ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ )‪ (85000‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ‬ .‬ﰲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﺩ ﻣﺌﺘﺎ ﺧﻂ ﻫﺎﺗ ٍ‬ ‫ﻑ]‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻭﻛﻠﻨﱳ ﻭﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺼﻴﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤـﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻛـﻼ ٌﻡ ﻗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺛﻜـﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻔﺎﺭﻕ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ«‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻄﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻪ‪» :‬ﺳﻴﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻥ ﳒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﺃﺭﻯ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻃﲑًﺍ ﻣﻴﺘًﺎ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻄﲑﺍﻥ!«‪. CRS‬ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺑﻨﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺸـﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﺳـﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﰒ ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻔﺖ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪99‬‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﺧﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻀـﺤﻜﺔ‪ . BOP /‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ) ‪Compagnies Républicaines de Sécurité de la Police‬‬ ‫‪ (Nationale.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﺣﻜﻢ ﻗﺒﻀﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻗﻠﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺷﻜﻮﻛﻪ ﻭﻫﺬﻳﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﻀﺒﺎﻥ ﺃﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺍﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺮﺅﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﻔﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﺳﻨﻐﺎﻓﻮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻭﻕ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺎﺭ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒـﻴﻮﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﲎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﻭﲤﻮﳍﺎ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴـﻤﻮﺡ ﻬﺑـﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻮ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺃﻓﺴﺪﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻷﺻﻠﻲ ﻭﺣﻮﻟﺖ ﳉﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﺨﺎﻓﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ ﰲ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﳊﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ ﻣﺸﺘﺒ ٌﻪ ﻬﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎ ٍﺭ ﻣﻨﻈ ٍﻢ ﻭﻣﻜﺜ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﳉﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﺣـﻴﺎ ٍﺀ ﻋﺪﻳـﺪﹲﺓ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘ ٍﺔ ﻭﻛﻞ ﺣ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﺢ ﻣﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‪ ،‹La presse /‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ ﺑـﺄﻥ »ﻳﻌﻤﻠـﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﺠﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ«‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻛﲔ ﱂ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﳍﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺪﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻓﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺸﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺑﻌﲔ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻠ ٌﺪ ﻧﻈﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﻚ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻓﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻂ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺋﻘﻮﻥ ﺃﺣﺰﻣﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﳛﺘﺮﻣﻮﻥ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﺴﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺋﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪.‬ﺇﺫﻥ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ )ﺍﻏﺘﻨﻮﺍ‪ (Enrichissez-vous /‬ﻟﻐﻴﺰﻭ )‪،(Guizot‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻌﻠﻴﺔ( ﻫﻲ ﺷﻜ ﹲﻞ ﻋﺼﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻮﻱ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﲤﻮﺯ‪ -‬ﻳﻮﻟﻴﻮ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺑﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻤﺮﻫﺎ ]‪ [14‬ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻏﻠﻖ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴًﺎ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺸـﺂﺕ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‪ .‫‪100‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ]‪ ،[22][20000‬ﺃﻱ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻬﻧﺎ ﺳﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ]‪ [130000‬ﺷﺮﻃﻲ‪.‬ﻭﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﹸﻛﻠﱢﻔﺖ ﻓﺮﻗ ﹲﺔ ﲰﻴﺖ )ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨـﱪ( ﲟﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﱐ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺧﺼﺺ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻴّﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﻣﺰﻫﻮًﺍ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻄﺮًﺍ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻻﻃﻼﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳍﺪﺍﻣﺔ‪.

[24‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ :‬ﰲ ﺧﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﺎﻡ ﻓﻨﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﺿًﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺗﺮﻭ‪ .[23‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃ ٍﻦ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻭﺳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺫﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪. .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﺘﻘﺮﱐ ﻭﻳﺬﻟﲏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻬﲔ ﻛﺮﺍﻣﱵ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﲤﻨﻌﲏ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺎﻗﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺻﻔﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻨﺤﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﻭﺳﺎﳘﺖ ﰲ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺋﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﲟـﺎ ﻳﺴـﺘﺤﻖ ‪ .‬ﻣﻨِﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻓﻜ ٍﺮ ﻧﻘﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﳌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻟﻼﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺒـﺖ ›ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﲑﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻭﺻﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﺎ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻍ ﺭﲰ ٍﻲ ﳛﺮﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ ﺳﻌﺎ ٌﺭ ﻗﻤﻌ ٌﻲ«]‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪101‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗُﻘﻤﻊ ﺃﻗﻞ ﳐﺎﻟﻔ ٍﺔ ﺑﻘﺴﻮ ٍﺓ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﲔ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻮ ﻳـﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻣـﻦ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻪ ﺍﶈﻤﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺏ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺘﻘﻂ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻬﺮﺟﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻜﺎﳌـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﺪﻋﻴﻪ ﻭﺗﺸﺒﻌﻪ ﺿﺮﺑًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻕ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ٍﻥ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻄـﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎﺕ »ﺗﺸﻮﻩ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ« ﳌﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻣﻦ ﲬﺲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺛﻨﱵ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﲢﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺷـﻌﺮ ﳏﻤـﺪ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﱯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌ ٌﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﺧﺎﻣﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﺒﻌﲔ ﻋﺎﻣًـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳌﻬﺎﻧﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ُﻣﻨِﻊ ﻧﺸ ُﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻛﺘﻮﺭﺍﻩ ›ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﺪﺍﺩ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻀﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‹ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺮﺃﺱ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻨﺸﺮ ﺷﻬﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻣﺆﺛﺮ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ‪» .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻫﺎﺟﻢ ﻣﺜﻘ ٌ‬ ‫ﻕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱﰲ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻄﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺭﻳﺒ ٍﺔ ﺯﻭﺭﻳ ٍﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ٍﺔ‪ُ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺪﻡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﲔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﺎﰲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﺐ ﺃﻃﻌﻤ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﳏﻔﻮﻇ ٍﺔ ﻣﻠﻴﺌ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﻫـﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻭﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﻱ ﻭﻭﻃﲏ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳـﺘﻨﻜﺮ »ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻬﻴﻞ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﺇﱃ »ﻗﻄﻴ ٍﻊ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﲑ«]‪.‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻂ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﻨﺘﺒﻬﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﻬﻢ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻼﺕ‪.‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻛ ٍﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﺸﻲ ﻏﻴﻔﺎﺭﺍ ﺃﹸﻟﺼﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﻄﺎﻗ ﹲﺔ‬ .‬ﳚﺐ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺻﻐﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻓﻨﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻻﻗﻄـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﳐﺒﺄﹲﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺎﻛﻦ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ ﻬﺑﺎ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻞ ﻋﻠﺒ ٍﺔ ﻣﻠﻴﺌ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺀ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﺣُـﺮﱢﺭ ﳏﻀ ٌﺮ ﺑﺒﻴﻊ ﻣﻴﺎ ٍﻩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﺑﺴﻌ ٍﺮ ﺑﺎﻫ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺩﻧﺎﻧ ٍﲑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺣﻮﺍﱃ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﻜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎ ٍﺩ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺻﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻄﻮﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﻭﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺣﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﻣﺄﺳﺎﻭﻳ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧـﲑًﺍ ﺃﹸﻋـﻴﺪﺕ ﻋﻠﺐ ﺍﶈﻔﻮﻇﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﻥ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺍﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﺍﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻠﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﻠﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﻴﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺗُﺬﻛﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﲏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻓـﺈﻥ ﻋﻠـﺐ ﺍﻷﻏﺬﻳﺔ ﺍﶈﻔﻮﻇﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﻳﻬﺘﻒ‪» :‬ﻳﺴﻘﻂ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ! ﺃﻋﻄﻮﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ!«‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮﻱ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﺎﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻣﺜﻘﻠ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﴰﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﰲ ﳌﺸﺠﻌﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻏـﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﹸﻋﻄﻲ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻣﻘﻌ ٍﺪ ﺇﺿﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[25‬‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺸﺠﻌﲔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﻼﻗﻞ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻬـﺮ ﻣـﺎﺭ ٌﺩ ﻗـﺎﻝ ﻟﻪ‪» :‬ﺷﻜﺮًﺍ ﻷﻧﻚ ﺣﺮﺭﺗﲏ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ؟«‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﺠﻴﺒﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺃﺭﻳﺪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﹰﺎ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺧﺎﻡ ﲤﺘﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻳﻨﺲ ﺁﻳﺮﺱ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﻣﻨﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﺣﺐ ﺃﻥ‬ .‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﻛﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪CAòÔîÜÐmìi@bãìİÇcD@[8@/4‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺄﺩﱏ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎ ٍﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺮﻍ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﳌﻜﺒﻮﺗﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺑﻨﻜﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘﺒﺴـ ٍﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻆ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻧﺰﻟﺖ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﺯﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﻭﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻴﺎﺗﺮﻭ‪.‫‪102‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪" :‬ﺛﻮﺭﺓ"‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹲﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻭﺟﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ ﻗﻤﻘﻤًﺎ ﻭﻓﺮﻛﻪ‪.‬ﻫﻞ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺇﻳﺒﻮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﳉﺒﺎﻥ؟‪.‬ﺻﻮﺩﺭﺕ ﻋﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻔﻮﻇـﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ )ﺩﺍﱄ( ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻠﻘﺒﻮﻧﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﻘﺪﻡ ﺗﻔﺴﲑًﺍ‪.

‬ﻓﻴﻘﺘﺮﺡ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻫﻞ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻬﺗﺪﺋﺔ ﺍﶈﻴﻄﲔ ﰊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺧﻄﲔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳ ٍﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳜﻠﻘﻮﻥ ﱄ ﺍﳌﺘﺎﻋﺐ؟« ﻓﻴﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﳉﲏ ﺁﺳﻔﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﳚﺪ ﻓﻜﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺳﻬﻮﻟ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻲ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻴـﱪﺍﻟﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﻜﻤﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﺎﺫﻗ ٍﺔ ﺑﻘﺪ ٍﺭ ﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﻘﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻮﺍﺻﻔﺎ ٍ‬ .‬ﻓﻴﻘﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺇﺫﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﳚﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺒﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻼ ٌﺩ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ﹲﺔ«‪ .‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﺭﺏ‬ ‫‪103‬‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻀﻲ ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ«‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺟﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﳉﲏ‪» :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﲢﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫ﻣـﲏ ﺷـﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﻟﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﲔ‪.‬ﺻﻤ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﺒﲏ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳـ ﹲﻞ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻳﻬﻤﺲ ﺍﳉﲏ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻴ ﹲﻞ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺗﺮﻳﺪﻫﺎ؟«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺭﺟﻨﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻢ ﻣﺴﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠﺔٍ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻠـﻚ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺑﻠﻎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺼﺢ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﻠﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻷﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻘﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺩﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﺘﻤﻮﺍ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺟﻨﺘﲔ ﻣﺰﺭﻋ ﹰﺔ ﺭﺍﺋﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻴﻘﻀﻲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻗﺘًﺎ ﺭﻏﻴﺪًﺍ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺃﹸﻗﺼﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳـﻮ ٍﻡ‪ .

‫‪104‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

ٌ‫ﺑﻠﺪٌ ﻣﺪ ّﺟﻦ‬ 105 ZïãbrÛa@áÔÛa ćåuČ †ß@ć†Üi .

‫‪106‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬‬ .‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻻ ﳔﻔﻲ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ«‪.‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺨﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌـﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻭﺍ ٍﺭ ﻣﺪﻫﻮﺷﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳔﻔﺎﺽ ﺍﳌﻨﺤﲎ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﱐ ﻟﻠﻮﻻﺩﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺤﻢُ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 2025‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺘﻨﺠﻢ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﳜﺸـﻰ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ ﺳﻜﺮﺗﲑ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻷﺣﺪ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ‪» :‬ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺳﻮﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻨﻘﻼﺗﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﺰﻥ ﻣﻌﻄﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺳـﻢ ﻣﻨﺤﻨﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺑـﺮﺃﻳﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗـﻴﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻜﺬﺏ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻳُﻔ َ‬ ‫ﻳﻜ ﹼﻞ ﻭﻻ ﳝ ﹼﻞ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺷﻐ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳌﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺄﻱ ﻛﺎﺩ ٍﺭ ﰲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺎﺳﻮﺑﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺮﺍﻛﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺳﺮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻡ ﻻ‪.‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪107‬‬ ‫‪ñ‰ìnj½a@pb튧a@[5‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺃﻥ ﳚﺎﺩﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻬﻧﺎﻳ ٍﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺂﺛﺮ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺳﻴﺐ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﹸﻌﺎﻟِﺠﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻻﲰﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺻﺒﻴﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﻳﻴﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪.

‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﻊ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻬـﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺤ ٍﺔ ﳉﺎﻣﻌ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗـﻮﰲ ﰲ ﺳـﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ‬ ‫"ﺣـﺎﺩﺙ ﺳ ٍﲑ"‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺩﺧﻞ ﺳﻬﻮًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﰐ ﻟﻠﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺰﺕ ﻗﻀﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻐﻤﻮﺽ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺡ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻔﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻋﻤﻼ ٍﺀ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌـﺘ َﻤﺪﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺑﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﺴﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻮﻣـﻮﺍ ﺑـﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﻃﺎﻟ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﻃًﻨﺎ ﻋﺎﺩﻳًﺎ؟]‪.[1‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ" ﺑﻌﺎﻣﲔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ .‫‪108‬‬ ‫‪òŠÐß@đòîmbßìÜÈß@òÇŠu@[1@/5‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﻭﺍﻥ ﺑﻦ ﺯﻳﻨﺐ ﻣﻮﻟﻌًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺕ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﺔ ﻭﱂ ﲢﺘَﺮﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺑﻄـ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫـﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻟﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ‬ ‫ﻂ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣﱰﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺣﻜِﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺧﻔﱢﺾ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻏـﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ‪.‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻴﻞ ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺸـﻴﺔ ﺩﻓﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺤﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺣﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻠﻄﺖ ﺑﻌﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ ﻟﺘﺴﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺜﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺘﻮﰱ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴـﲑًﺍ ﺁﺧـﺮ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﱄ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪.‬ﻋﺸـﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ ﺳﻔﲑًﺍ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻴﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺷﺨﺼًﺎ ﺁﺗﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﺭﺳﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺸﻜﻮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﺃﹲﺓ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺑﺮﺃﻱ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﺘﻪ‪ .

‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺩ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﺧﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﻘﺮ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻋﺮﺷﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻣﺔ‪.‬ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﻣﱰﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺋـﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﲬﻴّﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤّﺎﺭﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪109‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﻛﺰﺕ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﺠﻮﻣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﻴًﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻋﻴّﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﻓﺎﺗﻪ ﺑﻌﺎﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺮﺃﺳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺽ ﺳـﺎﺑ ٌﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﺳﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺟﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻌـﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭﻟﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺻﻮّﺕ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻔ ٍﻮ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩُﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺼـﺎﺩﻗﺔ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﰲ ]‪ 16‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻏﻢ ﺃﺧﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻹﻟﻐﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﺎﺟﺊ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻴُﻌﻘﹶﺪ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﲢﺴﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺗﺼﻔﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪kíˆÈnÛa@áîàÈm@[2@/5‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻌـﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ "ﺍﳌﻔﻘﻮﺩﻳﻦ" ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋًﺎ ﳏ ّﺮﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺮﺍﺋﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﱐ‪.‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﲢﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸـﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴـﻮﻕ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺣﺪ‪ ،‬ﳛﺎﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺴﺒﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻠﻮﻛﻬﻢ ﺗﺸﺠﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﲣﺎﺫ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻛﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻣﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳔﺮﻁ ﺑﱪﺍﻋ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﺼﺎﳊ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﺃﻓﺮﻍ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺴ ٍﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻘﺘﻄﻒ ﻣﻘﻄﻌًﺎ ﺻﻐﲑًﺍ‬ ‫ﳑـﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ )ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪Fédération International /‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻷﺷـﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻔـﺘﻬﻢ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻏﻄﺎ ٍﺀ ﻗﺎﻧﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﺪﱐ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ .

‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﲬﺴﻤﺌﺔ ﺣﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﻓﺎ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺮﻯ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻟﻸﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻑ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ )ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫’ﻫﻴﻮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺘﺲ ﻭﻭﺗﺶ‘‪ ،(Human Rights Watch /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻣﲑﻛﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣـﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸـﻬﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﲜﺪﻳـﺔ ﲢﻠﻴﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺻﺮﺍﻣ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴـﻨﻮﻱ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﱂ ﲣﺼﺺ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻭﻗﺘًﺎ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﻟﻄﺮﺡ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴـﻬﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌ ٍﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﳌﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻭﻛﺘﻢ ﺃﻧﻔﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺑﺮﻳﻘﹰﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﻰ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺣﱴ ﻓﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺔٍ‪ ،‬ﺗﺜﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫]‪ 1990‬ﻭ‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﻳـﺮﺗﻔﻊ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺁﻻ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[2‬‬ ‫ﺕ« ‪.‬ﺇﻥ )ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻘﺔ ﺑﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪﺕ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﻋﻦ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﻛﻮﻥ »ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ .‫‪110‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪» :(des droits de l'homme.‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺿﻠﲔ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﺳﺮﻫﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻗﺪ ﻣﻨﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ«]‪.[4‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻌﺮﻑ ﺣﺬﺭ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﻧﻌﻠﻢ ﻣﺎ ﲣﻔﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ "ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻭﻑ"‪ :‬ﻗﻠﻘﹰﺎ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﹰﺎ‪.[3‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺆﻳـﺪ ﺍﻷﻣـﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻭﻑ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺮﺣﺖ )ﳉﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﳌﻨﺎﻫﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪UN Committee Against /‬‬ ‫‪ (Torture‬ﺑﺄﻬﻧـﺎ »ﻗﻠﻘ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺤﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ ﻬﺑـﺎ ﻗﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ«]‪ . FIDH‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺻﻔﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺧﻄﲑﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻨﻬﺠﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺴـﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﻭﻏﺪﺍ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺟﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺻـﺪﻗﺎﺋﻬﻢ ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﻻ ﳜﻀﻌﻮﻥ ﻟﻠﻌﻘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ‪» :‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺑﻼ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺧـﺮﻕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﻘﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻻ‬ ‫ﳜﻀـﻊ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺴﻔﻲ«‪ .

‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻻ ﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺤﺎﺭ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﺇﺿﺮﺍﺑﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﰎ ﺇﺟﻬﺎﺿﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺩﺧﻮﳍﺎ ﺍﳌﺸﻔﻰ ﺇﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻀﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﱪﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪. .‬ﻭﻳﺴـﺘﻤﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻗﺴﻮ ﹰﺓ ]‪ [..‬ﻓﻔﻲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺃﻗـﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻓﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺘﻌﻤ ٍﺪ ﺗﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻞ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻐﻮﱄ ﺁﻻﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ :‬ﺇﺩﺍﻧ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﲢﺖ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻬﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻭﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻮﺓ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻋﻦ )ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ(‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺎﺩﻓﻨﺎ ﺃﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺸـﺮ ﺃﺧﺒﺎ ٍﺭ ﻣﻠﻔﻘ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﳏﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻔﻬﻢ ﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪111‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻏﲑ ﻋﺎﺩﻟ ٍﺔ ﳝﻠﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ُﺣﻜِﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﺍﻬﺗﻢ ﺇﺛﺮ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ ..‬ﻭﺻﻠﺖ "ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ" ﺇﱃ ﻣﻴﻨﺎ ٍﺀ ﻣﻨﺎﺳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻤﺖ ﻟﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻏﺎ ٍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺟﺮﻳﺌ ﹰﺔ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻭﻱ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺳﺠﻴﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﲑﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ‪ .‬ﲰﺮﺍﺀ ﳑﺸﻮﻗ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻋﻴﻨﲔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺘﲔ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﻭﻳﻦ ﻟﻮﺯﻳﺘﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﻨﺎﺀ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﺃﳌﻨﻴﻮﻡ ﺻﻐﲑ ٍﺓ ﺃﺧﺬﻬﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ ﺧﻄﺖ ﳋﻄﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺿﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮﺓ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻄﻠﺒﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ﹲﺔ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻬﺪﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸ ٍﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺩﻋﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﻜﲑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﲨﻌـﻴ ٍﺔ ﺗﺪﻋـﻮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺫ ٍﻥ ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺸﺮﺡ ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﺒﺔ ﺳﺠﺎﺋﺮ‪ .«.‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﻌ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺣـﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳـﺠﻦ ﺍﳌﻨّﻮﺑﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺮﺕ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻤًﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ]‪..«[.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ..‬ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﺎﻛﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻬﺑﺪﻭ ٍﺀ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﺗـﺘﺮﻛﲏ ﻓـﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﻨﱵ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻴﺪﻭﻫﺎ ﱄ«‪ . .

‬ﻭﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺡ ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺁﺏ‪.‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﳌﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﺃﻋﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻼ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﺸﻜﻮﻯ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ‪. .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴـﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻔﻠﻘـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﺭﺑﻮﻛﺔ )ﺻﻔﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻔﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﺪ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊﻤّـﺎﻡ )ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻣﲔ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﺧﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻐﻄﺲ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺭ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻹﻏﻤﺎﺀ(‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺸﻨﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ )ﺗﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻐﻄ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻗِﻒ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻟﻠﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻫﻮ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻠﻴ ٍﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫‪N@N@òîäë@ò™bí‰@LòÔÜÐÛa@[3@/5‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻗﺎﺩﻣ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﻠﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻜﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺷـﻬﺎﺩﺍ ٌ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻳﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﳌﻄﻮﻝ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻹﻫﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﺒـﻴﺔ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺰﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳊﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﻭﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﲔ ﻭﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺣﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻨﻈﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻈﻠﻮﻥ ﻳﺘﺬﻭﻗﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺃﻗﺎﺭﻬﺑﻢ‪.‬ﻭﻻ ﳕﻠﻚ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻗﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻣﻀﺘﻪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺒﺲ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻴﺎﻃﻲ‪ .‫‪112‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﳏﻜﻤ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﳝﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪﺓ ]‪[17‬‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮًﺍ ﻭ]‪ [16‬ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻉ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﻋﻠِﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺗﻮﰲ ﰲ ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺴﻮﺀ ﻃﺎﻟﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﺔ ﳌﺸﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻓﺎﺓ ﻧﺎﲨ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﺟﺴ ٍﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﹲﺓ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﹲﺓ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣـﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺴﲑ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻣﺎﺕ ﻓﻴﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺐ ﰲ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻗﻤﻊ “ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ”‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﺎﻟ ٌ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ( ﻗﺪ ﻃﺎﻟﺐ‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﻇﺮ ٍﺓ ﻣﺘﻠﻔﺰ ٍﺓ ﺑﺎﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺑﺎﳌﺌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻋﺬِﺑﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺷﺪ ﻗﺴﺎﻭﺓﹰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻃﻼ ٌ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﹶﻗﺪَﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﺳﺒﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﲦﻦ ﺟﺮﺃﺗﻪ‪ .

‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪113‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ(‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺷﺎﺋﻌ ﹲﺔ‪.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺟﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺴﺒﻮﻗﺔ ﻬﺗﲔ ﻋﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻭﻛﺮﺍﻣﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻴﺎﺀ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺗﺄﺧﲑ ﺗﺴﺮﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺔ‪..‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﳒﺪ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺒﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺘـﻨﺎﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳـﺠﻦ ]ﺟـﺎﺩﺓ ‪ 9‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ[ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﹸﺭﺳِﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﻟﻜـﻨﻬﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻨﺸـﺮ ﺃﺑـﺪًﺍ‪ ..‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ )ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ(‪» :‬ﻣـﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﺰﻭﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﺧﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻵﺑﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻬﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﻴﺌﺖ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﹸﺭﻫِﺒﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻗِﻔﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺠﻮِﺑﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻋﺬﱢﺑﻮﺍ ]‪[.‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻘﺎﻅ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺘﺬﻛﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻀﺮﺑﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﻳُﻨﻬﻰ‬ ‫ﺇﺿﺮﺍﻬﺑﻢ ]‪ .‬‬ ..‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﺭﺍﻋﲔ ﳓﻮ ﺍﳋﻠﻒ ﳌﺪﺓ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻔﺎﻗﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺑﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺃﻭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻧﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﻔﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻬﻧﺎﺭًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﻳﻮﻣ ٌﻲ‪ ..‬ﻭﻗﺪ ُ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺬﻳـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ﻣﺆﺍﺯﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻪ‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ َﻣﺜﹸﻞ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﳎﻠ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻜِـﻢ ﻋﻠـﻴﻪ ﺑﻌﺸﺮﺓ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ ﰲ ﺟﺤ ٍﺮ ﻣﻈﻠ ٍﻢ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻠﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺿﺮِﺏ ﺳﺠﻴﻨﺎﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺃﻫﻴﻨﺎ ﻷﻬﻧﻤﺎ ﲡﺮﺃﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺈﺿﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻹﺿـﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﻣﻌﺘﻘ ٍﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺾ‪ ..‬ﻳﺄﰐ ﺍﳌﻮﺕ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗـﻮﻯ ﺍﻷﻣـﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺎ ﻻ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻣﺎﺗﻮﺍ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪..‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺿﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ ﻭﻗﻴﺪﻭﻩ ﰲ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺇﻏﻤﺎﺀﺍﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺮﺍﺱ ﻣﻌﺘﻘ ﹰ‬ ‫ﱯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺲ ﺗﺄﺩﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺘﻜﺮﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﳛﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳊﺮﺍﺱ‪ .[..‬ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻧـﻮﺍﻉ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﺧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺈﺿﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ ﻟﻠﺼﻴﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﳚﺮﻱ ﳍﻢ ﺣﺮﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻤﺮﺿﻮﻥ ﺣﻘﻨًﺎ ﺷﺮﺟﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻓـﻴﻬﺎ ﻣـﻮﺍﺩ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﻴ ﹲﺔ )ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺭﲟﺎ( ]‪ [..‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺳﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ]‪ [.‬‬ ‫ﻭﳝـﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳـﺐ ﰲ ﺩﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻮﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻇﻬﺮﺕ ﳑﺎﺭﺳ ﹲﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﹰﺓ ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺔ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻯ ﻟﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻭﺛﻴﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺣﺪﻳﺜ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﳐﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻨﻒ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺼﺪ ً‬ ‫ﻕ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ ﺗﺬﻛـﺮ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻳ ٍﺔ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺓ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ ﻃﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠ ٍﺔ ﻻﺇﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻮﺭﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ]‪ .[5‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻓﺈﻥ ﺟﻠﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﺮﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺿﺮِﺑﺖ ﻭ ُﻋﺬﱢﺑﺖ ﻷﻬﻧﻢ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻭﺍ ﺇﺭﻏﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﻃﻔﺎ ٍﻝ‪» ،‬ﺃﻭﻗِﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺠﻮِﺑﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ ﺯﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ )ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ(« ﻭﻓﻘﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﺛﺮ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻏﻤﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﻴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺟﻼﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺬﻳﺒﻬﺎ‪.] ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﺳﺮًﺍ ﳌﺪﺓ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻬﺑﺪﻑ ﺇﺟﺒﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﻃﻠﺐ‬ ‫]‪ ،[..‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻂ ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٍﻲ ﻻﺟ ٍﺊ ﰲ ﺃﳌﺎﻧﻴﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﺎﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﺌﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻌﺮﻫﺎ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻮﺭﻳﻦ ﰲ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺋـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﻮﺧﺮﻳﺺ‪ ،‬ﺃ ٌﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣـﺜﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺯﻭﺟﺔ ﻧﺎﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟـﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻃﻔـﺎ ٍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺣﱴ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[ ﺇﱃ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻣـﻨﺬ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﺭﺑﻊ ﻗﺮ ٍﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‬ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻋﺎﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﺬﻭﺍ ﻳﻜﻴﻠﻮﻥ ﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺟﺰﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺟﺴﻤﻬﺎ ﻭﻫﻢ ﻳﺸﺘﻤﻮﻬﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻋﺘﲔ ﺇﻳﺎﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺎﻗﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻧﺰﻳﻬﺔ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ُﻋﺬﱢﺑﺖ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺑﻀـﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺪﳝﻬﺎ ﻃﻠﺒًﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺳﻔ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﺘـﻠﺤﻖ ﺑﺰﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ [.‬ﻭﺃﻫﻴﻨﺖ ﺟﻨﺴﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺮﺿﺖ ﻟﻀﻐﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ«‪ .‫‪114‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺸـﻜﻠﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﻴﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺻﻠﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺑ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@òîßýÇg@òîšÓ@[4@/5‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻣـﺮﺃﹲﺓ ﲤـﺜﻞ ﻗﻀـﻴﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺼـﺮﺍﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻘﻄﺖ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻷﻬﻧﺎ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻫﺪﺩﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﻞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻦ ﺯﻭﺟﻬﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﹸﺭﻏﻤـﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ ﺑﻮﺧﺮﻳﺺ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ‪ ...‬ﻭﺗﻀﻢ ﻭﺛﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺃﻣﺜﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺒﻌًﺎ ﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﻕ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺮﻱ ﺃﺳﻠﻮﺑًﺎ ﺷﺎﺋﻌًﺎ‪..‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ ﺍﻧﻘﺾ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻃﻴًﺎ ﻭﻧﺰﻋﻮﺍ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺛﻴﺎﻬﺑﺎ‪ .

‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﺰﺍﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ ﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻮﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻘـ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻏﺪﺕ ﺭﻏﻤًﺎ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻣﺰ ﻭﻋﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻨ ٍﺔ ﻳﺮﺍﻗﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺼﻴﻘ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺑﺮﺯ ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺛﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﻴﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪115‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﻭﺍ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺠﺎﺝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﺑﺈﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺯﻣﻼﺋﻬﻢ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻋﺪﻩ ﻣﺬﻧﺒًﺎ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﻟﺘﻪ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻓﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﻄ ٍﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﰲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﰲ ›ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹‬ ‫ﻳﺼﻒ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﺎ »ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻫﺎﺗ ٌ‬ ‫ﺹ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﻣﺼﻠﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺍﺋﺐ ﰲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﳍﺰﻳﻠﺔ‪ .[6‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﲤـﻮﺯ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﳏﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺿـﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴـﺠﻦ ﺳﺘﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﻣﻊ ﻭﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ‪ ،‬ﺇﺛﺮ ﳏﺎﻛﻤ ٍﺔ ﺻﺎﺧﺒ ٍﺔ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻧﺴـﺤﺎﺏ ﳏـﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﰎ ﲣﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ﺍﳌﺪﻳـﻨﺔ ﻭﺭﺃﻯ ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺹ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺮﻭﺍ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﱂ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﳝﻨﻌﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺍ ٍﺭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﻈﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﺑﻨﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺯﻭﺝ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻧﺎﺷ ﹲ‬ ‫ُﻭﺿِﻊ ﺷﺮﻃﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﺏ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﺎﻧﺔ ﻳﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺩﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﺘﻪ ‪.‬ﻭﻻ ﺣﻖ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻈﻨﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻗﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﻔﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺯﻟـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺘﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻒ‪ .‬ﺳﺮﻗﻬﺎ ﳎﻬﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪. .‬ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻣ ﹲﻞ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻃﺮﻳﻘ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﻈﺎﻋﺎﺕ«]‪. .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ َﻣﹸﺜﻠﹶﺖ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﺍﻭﻱ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﻣﺼﺤﻮﺑ ﹰﺔ ﲝﻮﺍﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻃﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‬ ‫)ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺪﺕ ﻃﻔﻠ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺃﺷﺨﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻣﻀـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷـﺮﻃ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺑﺲ ﻣﺪﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻈﻦ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﺔ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻬﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻄﹼﻤـﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺯﻣﻼﺋﻬﺎ‪» :‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﺃﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﺻﻐﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ﹰﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻋﺪ ٍﻭ ﻳﻔﻮﻗﻬﺎ ﺣﺠﻤًﺎ‪ .

‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻟﻠﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﳌﺌﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﳑـﻦ ﱂ ﻳـﻨﻌﻤﻮﺍ ﲟـﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ‪ . .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻟﻘـﺪ ﻓﻘﺪﺕ ﺭﺷﺪﻱ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻏﺘﻴﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﻡ ﻛﻠﺜﻮﻡ ﺗﻐﲏ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﻨـﺖ ﰲ ﺣﺪﺍ ٍﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﳚﻬﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﻘﻨﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜـﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺑﻠﺪﹲﺓ ﺻﻐﲑﹲﺓ ﰲ ﴰﺎﻝ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﳒﻴﺐ ﺍﳊﺴﲏ ﻷﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻂ ﰲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻋﻀﻮًﺍ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ(‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﻴﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺩﻳﻨﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻭﳒﻴﺐ ﻧﺎﺷ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﲰﻌﺔ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻧﻘﺬﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﺇﺑﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻤـﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀـﺎﺀ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﻸﻭﺍﻣﺮ‪ :‬ﻓﺎﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ؛ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﺮﺿ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﺨﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﻪ ﻹﻓﺮﺍﻍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺟـﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺗﺄﺛ ٍﲑ ﻣﻔﻴ ٍﺪ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺃﺛﺮ ﰲ ﳒﻴﺐ ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻨﻮﺍﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻼﺟﺊ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻓﺮ ﰲ ﺟﻮﻟﺔٍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺭﺑـﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺗﻮﺳﺘﻮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺭﻛﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳚﺐ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺃﳘﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ«]‪ .[7‬ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﺍﲰﻪ ﻏﻔﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺄﺣﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﻩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﲔ ﻋﺪﱡﻭﻩ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺒﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪.‫‪116‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ ﺍﳌﺨﻔﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻠﻘﺘﻪ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻧﺎﺟ ٍﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺃﻃﻔﺎﻟﻪ ﻳﺴﻤﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺡ ﻭﻣﺘﺤﻤ ٌ‬ ‫ﺯﻣ ٍﻦ ﻃﻮﻳ ٍﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹲﻞ ﻭﳓﻴ ﹲﻞ ﻭﳑﺎﺯ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﲏ ﺃﰊ ﺟﻬﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﻏﺘﻴﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻟﻪ ﲬﺴﺔ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﻣﻐﻔﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﲰﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺋﻠﲔ ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﺭﻫﺎﰊٌ ﻭﻋﺪﻭٌ ﻟﻸﻣﺔ‪.‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻻﺣﻈﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳏﺪﺩﺓﹰ ﺑﺪﻗﺔٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺺ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻑ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻟﻪ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕٍ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪ .

‬ﻭﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﻋﻤﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳُﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻬﺠﺎ ٍﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻌﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﳏﺎﻣﻴًﺎ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺍﻟـﺪﻩ؟ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺘﺴﻢ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻱ ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@æbã⁄a@ÖìÔy@BòäuB@[5@/5‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﻘﺎﻝ ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻻ ﲢﺘﻜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻙ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ‪.‬ﺗﺰﻭﺝ ﺗﺴﻊ ﻧﺴﺎ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺻﺎﺭ ٌﻡ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺺ ﻋﻘﻠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻌﻴﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺘﺨﻠﻔ ﹰﺔ ﻳﺘﻤﻴﺰ ﻬﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﲑﺩﺩ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﺃﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﻮﻥ ﺧﺎﺋﻨًﺎ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ُﺣﺒِﻜﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺃﻃﺮﺍﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻭﲟﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ ﲬﺲ‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻜِﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳒﻴﺐ ﺑﺜﻤﺎﱐ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻳﻌﺮّﻑ ﳒﻴﺐ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ )ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٌﻲ ﻣﺘﺤﺮ ٌﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـ ٍﻲ ﳏـﺪ ٍﺩ‪ . .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺎﻗﺾ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻄﺒـﻴﻖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪًﺍ ﺻﺎﺭﺧًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻄﻠـﻖ ﳒﻴـﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻼﺩﻳﻪ ﺃﻟﻘﺎﺑًﺎ ﻻ ﲣﻠﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫)ﺑﻮﻛﺎﺳـﺎ(‪ ،‬ﻭ)ﺍﻟﻜﺴّﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ )ﻣﻠﻮﺧﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻃﺒ ٍﻖ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﻲ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﳛﺒﻪ‪.‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺗﻼﻋ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺩﻋـﺎﺀ«‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺡ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺳﺎﻃﲔ ﻋﻤﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﻪ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺗﻨﺎﻗﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻄـﺎﺏ ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﻘـﺖ ﺃﻣﻲ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﻱ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺳﻨﺪ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ‪ . .‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﲔ ﻳﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﻋﺬﱢﺏ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻑ ﰒ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻬﺮﺑﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﻤﺎﺓ )ﺍﻟﺪﺟﺎﺟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻔﻮﺩ( ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪117‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﻭﻗِﻒ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﻭﺍﻬﺗﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺰﻭﻳﺮ ﰲ ﺣﺴﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﲣـﺺ ﺑـﻴﻊ ﻗﻄﻌ ٍﺔ ﺻﻐﲑ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﻳﻘﻤﻌﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﻴﺪﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻭﺗﺰﻭﻳ ٌﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﲝﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻟﻜـﻨﻬﻢ ﳝﺎﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﻨﺬ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻻﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﻼﺣﻘ ٍﺔ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴ ٍﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﺼﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻛﺘﺒـﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﻜﺮ ﺍﳍﻮﺓ »ﺑﲔ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ‬ .‬ﻋﻨﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺼﺎ ٍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺰﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ«‪.

‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻭﻥ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﳉﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻬﺗﺘﻢ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺗﻜﺮﱘ ﺍﳋﻄﻴﺌﺔ )ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ( ﻟﻠﻔﻀﻴﻠﺔ )ﻗﻴﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ(‪.‬ﻭﻟﻦ ﻧﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺍﺩ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻼﻳﺎ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻘﺮ )ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ(؛‬ ‫ﻉ ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺭﻧﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻨﺎ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺄﰐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺻـﻴﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﺼﺖ ﳍﺎ ﺳﺎﺣ ﹲﺔ ﻭﳏﻄﺔ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺿﺮِﺑﺖ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﻜﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻸ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﻀﺠﺮ ﺍﳌﻜﺮﺭ ﻋﻦ "ﺍﻹﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ" ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺩﻋﻤًﺎ ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻭﺿﻌﻨﺎ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺋﻨﺎ ﻭﺃﻫﺪﺍﻓﻨﺎ«‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻓﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﺧﺘﻠﺲ ﻫﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺗﺪﻉ ﺳﺒﻴ ﹰ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﲤﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺱ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻭﰲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺽ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ )ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ( ﻣﻌﺮﻭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﻣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻫﻴﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻷﻧـﻪ ﻳﻨـﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻜـﻮﻥ ﻋﺼﺮﻳﲔ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﹸﻧﺸﺊ ﻣﻮﻗ ٌﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﻳﺸـﻴﺪ ﲟﻨﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺄﻟﺔ ﺃﺣﺪﺛﺖ ﺿﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻼﻟﺘﺒﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻔﻴﺾ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺧﺼﺼﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﻣﺆﲤﺮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟـﺘﺎﱄ ﻓﻬـﻲ ﺗﺆﻭﻱ ﺃﻗﺪﻡ ﻓﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻬﺗﺘﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﹸﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﻃﻮﺍﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﻳﺪﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ‬ ‫ﺲ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٍﻲ ﺍﺑُﺘﺪِﻉ ﻹﺩﺧﺎﻝ ﳏﺎﺿﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻛﺮﺳـﻲ ﺗﺪﺭﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ‪ .‫‪118‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﻚ ﺗﻌﻠﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺍﻗ ٍﻊ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻚ ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺃﺳﺎﺳًﺎ«‪.

‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺻﺪﻗﻨﺎ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ )‪ (Amnesty‬ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻓﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﲰّﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻌﻪ‪.tunisia.‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪119‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﺼـﻞ ﲟﻮﻗـﻊ ›‪ ‹www.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺗﺼﺮﻳ ٌﺢ ﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﻼﻩ‬ ‫ﺱ« ﰲ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺨﻴﻒ ﻋﻦ »ﺍﺧﺘﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﳜـﺺ ﺇﻧﺸـﺎﺀ ﻣﻮﻗ ٍﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻮﻳﺐ ﻳﻌﻜﺲ ﺑﺒﺴﺎﻃ ٍﺔ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺓ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﲟﺤﺎﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼﻝ ﺟﻬﻞ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﲟﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺁﻟﻴﺔ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ«‪ ،‬ﻭﳜﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪّﻋﻲ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻭﺗﻘﻴﻴﺪ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ«‪.amnesty.‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﳏـﺘﻮﻯ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ .[10‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﻞ ﻓﻌﺎﻻﹰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﲟﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﳚﺐ‪ :‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺩ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪.org‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌًﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻳﺘﺼﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌـﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ .‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﳕﻀﻲ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮ ٍﻡ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﴰﻮ ﹰﻻ ﻳﻀﻢ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻞ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﺃﻳﺔ ﻋﻼﻗ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻓﻀﺤﺖ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﱄ‪ .‬ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺣﺖ ﻣﻮﻗﻌًﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﺑ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪ (www.‬ﻣﺎﺯﺍﻝ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻨﺪﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ]‪» :[8‬ﻻ ﺃﺯﻋﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺜﺎ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻛﺜﲑ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ«‪ .org/tunisia‬ﻳﻀﻊ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﱄ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺿـﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ]‪ . .[9‬‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ ﺭﺩ ﻓﻌـﻞ ﻣـﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳉﺄ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻛﻌﺎﺩﺗﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺳـﺘﻐﺮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺩ‪ .amnesty.‬‬ .‬ﻣﺘﻤﻠ ﹰﻘﺎ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺸﻴﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﲟﻨﺠﺰﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻧﺸﺄﻩ "ﺻﺪﻳ ٌﻖ" ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻓﻨﺎﻩ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﱐ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻘﻲ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﺻ ٍﻞ ﻟﺒﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺘﻤﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﹰﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃ ٍﺔ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﱪﺯ ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻯ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻻ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﳍﺎ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺪﺙ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧـﺖ ﰲ ﺑـﻴﻮﻬﺗﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﺳﺄﻟﻮﻫﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﺎﳍﻢ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﻙ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﲤﻨﻊ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻮﺍﺩ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺒـﻴﻌ ٍﺔ »ﺗﺆﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻦ«‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻬﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻓﺄﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺨﺪّﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻤﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﳝﻨﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﲑﺍﺩ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﺗـﻒ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﻗﻤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺠﺰ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺗﻘﻨﻴًﺎ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺯﻣـﻦ "ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻌﻠﻴﺔ" ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻓﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻲﺀ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺋﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺇﻳﺬﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﻜﻮ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌـﻮﻥ ﻋـﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﻃﻬﻢ "ﺗﻨﻘﻄﻊ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﻳًﺎ"‪ . RSF‬ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳـ ٍﺮ ُﻧﺸِﺮ ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨﺪﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﳌﻮﺭّﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﺧﻮﻝ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﲟﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺣﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ .‬ﺃﺣﺪﳘﺎ ﺗﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﺑﻨﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻩ ﻓﺮ ٌﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ )ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺑﻼ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ‪Repoters sans /‬‬ ‫‪ ‹(frontières.‬ﻭﺗﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﺍﶈﻤﻮﻝ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻣﺔﹲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺴﻬﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﻏﻤﻴﻀ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻜ ٍﺔ ﻭﻋﻘﻴﻤ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﲡﻤﻴﺪ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﲟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‫‪120‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﻮﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ›ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗﻴﻚ‪Le Mond /‬‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ٍﺮ ﻗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫‪ ‹Diplomatique‬ﺍﻟﺸـﻬﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺼﻔﺎﻗ ٍﺔ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ‪» :‬ﻟﻴﺲ‬ .[11‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻮﺿـﻊ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﻛﺲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﲢﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒ ٍﺔ ﻣﻜﺜﻔ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺔ ﻣﻮﻇ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺣﺠﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺰﻭﺭﻭﻬﻧﺎ ﻭﺣﱴ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘـﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰎ ﻋﻤﺪًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@BòîaŠÓ칆Ûa@òíìÔmB@[6@/5‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻘـﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺂﺧﺬ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻄﺐ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﻧﻈﺮﻳًﺎ‪ .

‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺷﺎﺭﺣًﺎ‪» :‬ﳓﻦ ﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﺳﻠﻄ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ﹶﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻧﻜﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪.‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺯﻟـﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﲢﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺭﺉ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻲ«]‪.‬ﻣﺜﺎ ﹲﻝ ﲨﻴ ﹲﻞ ﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﺪﺓ ‪.‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪121‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﻻ ﻳُﻌَﺘﻘﹶﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﺮﺗﻜﺐ ﺟﺮﳝ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺳـﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺭﺃ ٍ‬ ‫ﺐ« ﻻ ﻬﺗﺪﻑ ﺇﻻ ﺇﱃ »ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻳﺸـﺎﺭﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ«‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ »ﺍﻻﺩﻋﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻌﺬﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ] ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ[‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﲤﻜﲔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳉﻬﺪ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ ﳎﺎﳍﺎ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻣﻴﺎﺩﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮًﺍ«‪ .‬‬ . .‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺷﻴﺪ ﺇﺩﺭﻳﺲ ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﻘﻘﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺴ ٍ‬ ‫ﲡﺎﻩ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﲔ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﺛﺖ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ ﺻﺤﻔﻲٍ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺣﱴ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮٍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻱ«‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺩﺕ ﺷﻜﺎﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﲤﺖ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻓﺮﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ .‬ﳚﺐ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﻤﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻋﻦ ﺗﺜﺒﻴﻂ ﳘﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳉﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﺬﳍﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺍﺩﻋـﺖ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺗﻌﺴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﺓ ﻋـﺎﺋﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺱ« ﰒ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺭﻋﺖ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻨﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﺎﻭﻯ ﲣﻠﻮ ﻣﻦ »ﺃﻱ ﺃﺳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻏﻠﻘﺖ ﺍﳌﻠﻒ ﲝﺬ ٍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻈﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﹲﺓ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺬﺑ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ‪.‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﺫﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻈﻬﺮًﺍ ﺣﺴﻨًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺖ ﺗﱪﺋﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻳﺬﻛﹼﺮ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ »ﻻ ﺗﺘﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻣﻊ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﻭﺗﻌﻠـﻴﻤﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻓـﻮﺭ ﺇﻧﺸـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﺠـﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺇﻇﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺇﺯﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻐﺘﻨﻤﻬﺎ‪ .[12‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺸﺄ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻬﺑﺪﻑ ﺇﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪﻳﻪ‪) ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨ ﹰﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ(‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺑﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺷـﻴﺪ ﺇﺩﺭﻳـﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﻗﺪ ٌﱘ ﺫﻭ ﺷﻌ ٍﺮ ﺃﺑﻴﺾ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻬﻮ ٍﺭ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺣ ٌﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺴـﺘﻘ ﹲﻞ ﻋـﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺎﺕ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔـﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻮﻡ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺃﻛﺪ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ‪» :‬ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻄﻤﺢ‬ ‫ﺇﻟـﻴﻪ ﻻ ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﻟﻪ‪ .

‬ﳓﻦ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻮﻏﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﳍﺎ«]‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﺗﻌـﺪ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺷﺒﺢ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻮﻳ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﻳﺸﻮﻬﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﺧﺘﻔﻰ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﻗﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺠﻮِﺏ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻮﻫﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﻌﺪﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺠﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﻢ ﲤﺮﺩًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﳍﺎ ﺳﺮﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻫـﺐ ﻟﺘﻐﻄـﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﲤـﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻫﻞ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻭﺍﳌﺸﻮﺷﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣـﲔ ﺍﻫﺘﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻢ ﳑﺜﻠﲔ ﳌﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﲡﺎﻩ‬ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﺧﻔـﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲤﻨﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻣﻊ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳـﺘﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ ﲪﻠـ ﹰﺔ ﺻﺤﻔﻴ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺘﺨﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ‪.[13‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﻮﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲢﺪﻳﺪًﺍ ﻓﻴﻘﻮﻝ‪ :‬ﳓﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻖ‪ .‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳒﺤﺖ ﳌﺪﺓ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺔﹰ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻊ ﺍﳍﺠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻻﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ﹲﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻘـﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﻟﻠﻀﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﻭﻋﺎﺋﻼﻬﺗﻢ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗُﻘﺘَﺮﻑ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﻄﻮ ٍﺭ‪ .‫‪122‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﳓـﻦ ﻫـﻨﺎ ﻛﻲ ﻧﺼﺤﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻘﺘﺮﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺴﻨﺎ ﰲ ﺻﺪﺩ ﺍﲣﺎﺫ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﺮﻙ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤـﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺟﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹰﺔ ﳏﺘﺮﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺮ ﺑﺎﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﺎﺭ ﺟﺪ ٍﻝ ﺣﺎﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻴﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺍﳓﺪﺍ ٍﺭ!‪ .‬‬ ‫‪ÕîàÇ@đpbj@¿@æbã⁄a@ÖìÔy@åÇ@ÊbφÜÛ@òîãìnÛa@òİiaŠÛa@[7@/5‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺮﺗﻔ ٍﻊ ﳉﻤﺎﻋﺔ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﲡﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻮﻟﻪ ﺑﺼﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣـﺮﻳًﺎ ﺏ)ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ( ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﺡ ﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﻋﻨﻴﺪ ٍﺓ ﻣﺴﺘﻤﺮ ٍﺓ‪ .

‬ﺷﻌﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻐـﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟـﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻉ ﺍﳍﺶ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺩ ﳛﻴّﻲ "ﺍﳌﻜﺎﺳﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺋﻌﺔ" ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺣﺼـﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺃﺳﻨﺪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻳـﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﳍﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ َﺧﻠﹶﻔﻪ ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﰲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺷﻬﻮ ٍﺭ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺘﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ ﰲ ]‪ 13‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺟـﺮﺅﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ »ﻣﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﺭﻫﺎ«‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﻠﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔـﺘﺮﺓ‪ :‬ﲪﻮﺩﺓ ﺑﻦ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺲ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻭﺃﻣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺎ ﺑﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﲰﻲ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳُﻌﺰَﻝ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﻮﺍﻃ ٍﺆ ﻣﺰﻋﻮ ٍﻡ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ؛ ﻭﺩﺍﱄ ﺟـﺎﺯﻱ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺗـﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻭ)ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ( ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲰﻲ ﺳﻔﲑًﺍ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﺙ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱄ‪ . .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﱰﻳﻒ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺽ ﺣﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﺃﻃﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺳـﻌﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺰﻣـﺮﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﺘﻠﻢ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﻜﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﺱ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺧﻄـ ٌﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﻑ‬ ‫ﺱ ﰲ ﻛﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺐ ﰲ ﺳﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻄﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻭﻣﻌﺘﻨ ٌﻖ ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺄﻣﻞ ﰲ ﲡﻨﻴﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﲪﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺮﻭﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ "ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺮﺟﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺟﺔ ﺟﺮﳛ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﳑﺰﻗ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺴﻤﻌ ٍﺔ ﱂ‬ ‫ﲣـﺪﺵ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺟﺎﺀ "ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ"‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻬﲑﺓ ﰲ ﳎﻤـﻞ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ ﻣَﻌﻴﻨًﺎ ﻏﺮﻑ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺣﺚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴﲔ ﺫﻭﻱ ﺻـﺒﻐ ٍﺔ ﺟـﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪123‬‬ ‫ﻱﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺄﻟﺘﲔ ﺃﺳﺎﺳـﻴﺘﲔ ﰲ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻋﺮﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺴﻠﻤ ٍﺔ‪ :‬ﻫﻞ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ٌ‬ ‫ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ؟‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﳚﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ؟‪.‬ﻟﻜـﻨﻪ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺫﻭ ﺑﺄ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﺠـﻨﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻏﺰﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﺴـﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺭﺃﻱ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﻐﲑ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻳﻪ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ(‪ .

[14‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـﺎ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺃﹸﻋﻠﻨﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻼ ﺷﻚ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻝ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻻﺣﻈﺖ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﺭﻭﻥ )‪ ،(Lise Garon‬ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺼﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ »ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﻏﲑ ﺫﻟﻚ؟«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﻤﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻨﺒﺊ ﺇﻋﺪﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺪﺟﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﲨـﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‫‪124‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﲟﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﺃﻭﻫﻢ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﳋﻼﻑ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺑ ٌﺮ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﻣﺮﺣﻠ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﺘﻌﺮﺟ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﲰـﺢ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﻣﺆﲤﺮﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻔﻒ ﺍﳊﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺟﺮﻯ ﺗﻌﺪﻳ ﹲﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻝ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ ﺏ)ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻣﻔﺼ ﹲﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ )ﻓﺘﺢ‬ ‫ﻻﺿـﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻔﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺃﻱ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﺎﺏ ﳊﺸﻮ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﺄﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﻭﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ(‪ :‬ﻭﳝﻨﻌﻬﺎ ﺗﻌﺪﻳ ﹲﻞ ﺛﺎ ٍﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻟ ٍ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺒﻮﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷـ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺼﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﺗﺴﻌﻤﺌ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ُﻣﻨِﻊ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﻮﻍ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪.‬‬ .[15‬‬ ‫ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﻏﺪﺕ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻧـﺎﺩﺭ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺳـﺎﻁ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُﺣﻠﹼﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺴﺮﺕ ﻣﻘﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﻣﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺃﺭﺷﻴﻔﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻘﺮ )ﺍﳌﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ( ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬ﻭﺗﻼﺣﻆ ﻟﻴﺰ ﻏﺎﺭﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ »ﺇﺫﺍ ﺧﻀﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﲝﻠﻬﺎ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺧﻴﻮﻁ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺗﻌﻘﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﻟﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ]‪ 1992‬ﻭ‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺳﻜﺘﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﺀ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻟﻴﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﹰـﺎ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﺼﺮﳛًﺎ ﺟﺪﻳﺪًﺍ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﺮﺍﻣ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﻣﲏ‪ ،‬ﻳﻀﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻭﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺒﻖ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺠﻮ ٍﻡ ﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻭﳒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺔ‪ .‬ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﺯﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﳎﻠـﺲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﺘﻀﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﺮﺷ ٍﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺎﻝ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻧﺎﺋ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃ ّ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﳛﺘﻜﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻋﺪ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻓﻜﻠﻬﻢ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺇﻻ ﻭﺍﺣﺪًﺍ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺧﻄﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﳌـﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻤﻞ ﻫﺠﺎﺀﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠـﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺨﺒﲔ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﺳﺘ ﹲﺔ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﻙ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﻪ‪.‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﱂ ﺗﺴﺠﻞ ﺫﺍﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ ﻣﺮﲡ ٍﻞ ﰲ ﺳﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺷـﻴﺢ ﻧﻔﺴـﻪ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ )ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ(‪ ،‬ﲬﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﺧﻄﹰﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺮﻭﻧ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳎﺎﻣﻠ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻒ ﺍﳌﻴﻜﺮﻭﻓﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺪﻳﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻀﺢ‬ ‫ﺣـ ٍﺪ ﺗﻌﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﲝﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ ‪. .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺘﻠﻰ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﻠﺼﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲢﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ ‪ .‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪N@N@BćÊìÏŠß@ćc‰B@[8@/5‬‬ ‫‪125‬‬ ‫ﰎ ﺗﻌﻠـﻴﻖ ﻧﺸﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻓﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﺩﺭﻙ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺭﺅﺳـﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﻳﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﺿﺪﻩ ﻭﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﺩﱏ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺻـ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻪ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﲡﺪﻳﺪ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﰲ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﺃﻣـﻴﻠﻜﺎﺭ ﰲ ]‪ 5‬ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ ﲣﻠﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺍﺀ ﻋﺎﺻﻔ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﻣﺮﻓﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌـﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻫﻴﺒﺔ‪» :‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﺱ ﻣﺮﻓﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺐ ﰲ ﺇﻫﺎﺏ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺭﻭﺑﺴﺒﻴﲑ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﺐ‪. .‬‬ ‫ﻉ ‪» ،«.‬ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺐ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻤﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻘ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻟﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴـﻔﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﺸﺪﻭﻫﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺌﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺎﺑًـﺎ ﻛﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺭﻓﹰﺎ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺃﺩﱏ ﻓﺮﺻ ٍﺔ‪ .«. .

‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻉ‪ .[16‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺿﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﻛﻮﻧﻪ ﺃﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻌﻠﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺧﺴﺮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻢ ﺃﻟﻐﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﻨﻔﻬﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ "ﺍﻻﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ"‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﻗـﺐ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻬﺎ ﺑﻼ ﺍﻧﻘﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻓـﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﺩﺭﺑﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﳏﺎ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻨﻬﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻓﻴﻘﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻚ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 5‬ﺣﺰﻳـﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼـﻒ ﺍﳌـﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ُﻋﻴﱢﻦ ﻧﺎﻃﻘﹰﺎ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻟـﻠﻤﺠﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃـﲏ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﺄ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺧﺘﻄﻔﻪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳُﻌـﺎﻣَﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻛـﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌـﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﺧﻼﺀ ﺳﺒﻴﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﻣﻨﺎﺿﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻀﺎﻳﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣُـﺮِﻡ ﻣـﻦ ﺟﻮﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺜﲑﻳﻦ ﻏﲑﻩ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺩﺭﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﻋﺒﺜﹰﺎ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺮﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠـﻨًﺎ ﺃﻧـﻪ ﻗﺪ ﰎ ﲢﻮﻳﺮ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻏﻠﻄ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺒﻌـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻓﺎﺋﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻀـﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻧﻮﺍﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺣﻜﻤًﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﳌﺪﺓ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﲬـﻴﺲ ﻗﺴـﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ﹲﻝ ﻗﺪ ٌﱘ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ]‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﳌﺪﺓ ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬﺮٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‪.‫‪126‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻊ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺿﻌﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺮﺭﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺈﲨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻃﻠﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺴﺎﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺜﻤﺎ ﺃﺗﺖ‪.‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺗﺮﺷﻴﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺘﺎﻋﺒﻪ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‪.‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳚﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﺼﺒﺤﻮﻥ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﻬﺗﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰎ ﺇﺯﻋﺎﺝ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻃﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﺫﻳﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻨﻈﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﳓـﻮ ﺷـﻨﻴ ٍﻊ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻻﺣﻘـﺘﻪ ﺃﺟﻬـﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣـﻦ )ﻣﺘّﻬﻤ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ ﺑﺴﺮﻗﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ!(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻭﻗِﻒ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻏـﺪﺍﺓ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻧﻪ ﺷﻜﻚ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﺇﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻌﺜﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺮﺩﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺼﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﺎﺩﺛﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ‪ .

‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺒﺘﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪127‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻡ ﰲ ﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﲦﺎﱐ ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﲔ ﺳﺎﻋ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻗﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻬﺗﻤﺔ »ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻭﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌ ٍﺔ ﺗﻌﻜﹼﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﲨﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﺧﺼ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺒﺎ ٍﺭ ﻛﺎﺫﺑ ٍﺔ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻵﻻﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪.‬‬ .

‫‪128‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬ﺑﻞ ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺒٍﺄ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟـﻴﺲ ﻣـﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﺇﳕﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪.‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪129‬‬ ‫‪âýÇ⁄a@µg@ñõb⁄a@[6‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺮﻛﺰًﺍ‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 11‬ﺷـﺒﺎﻁ ‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻫـﺎﺟﻢ ﻓﺮﻳ ٌﻖ ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٌﻲ ﺁ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩﻳًـﺎ ﻟـﻠﺤﺮﺱ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺁ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺧﺎﻃ ﹲﺊ‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻟﻐﺖ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻘﻮﺩ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺷﻌﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ؟‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﲟﺎ ﺣﺪﺙ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫»ﺣﺎﺩﺙ ﺳ ٍﲑ ﻋﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﱪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍ ٍ‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺳـﺘﺔ ﻗﺘﻠﻰ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺩﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺪّﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺄﺳﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﳉﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﻫـﻲ ›ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﳎﻤﻮﻋ ﹲﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ُﻭﺻِﻒ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻱ«‪ .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﲰﺤﺎ‬ ‫ﲟـﺮﻭﺭ ﻣﻘﺎ ٍﻝ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻪ )ﺇﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻳﺜﻮﺭ ﺿﺪ ﻏﻼﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻤﻮ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺻﺎﻧﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ ﳏﺮﻭﻣﲔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﺼﻼﻥ ﰲ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻋﻦ »ﳎﺘﻤ ٍﻊ ﻋﺎﺩ ٍﻝ«‪ .‬ﰎ ﲢﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻞ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫»ﻣﺘﺤﻴ ٌﺰ«‪.‬ﻭﻗﻀﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻉ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺠﻮﺑﺖ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﻔﻴًﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﻮﻝ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ›ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻭﻕ‹ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻘﺎ ٍﻝ ﳐﺼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﳒﺢ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﺑﻀﻊ ﻣﺮﺍﺗ ٍ‬ .‬ﺟﺮﳝﺘﻪ؟‪:‬‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮ ﲢﻘﻴ ٍﻖ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎﺳﺢ ﺃﺣﺬﻳ ٍﺔ )ﻭﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﺍﳌﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ(‪.‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺻﺤﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺢ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ )ﳉﻨﺔ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪Committee /‬‬ ‫‪ (to Protect Journalists.‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻛﻠﻤ ٍﺔ ﺟﻮﻓﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .‫‪130‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 3‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ :‬ﺍﺳـﺘﺠﻮﺏ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﻷﻣـﻦ ﺻﺤﻔﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ›ﺍﻷﻧﻮﺍﺭ‹‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺑﺮﻳﺶ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ]‪ 31‬ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ›ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪“nčÐÜßč ë@ëb×@ôìn¶@[1@/6‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﻫـﻮ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ . CPJ‬ﻭﻫـﻲ ﻣـﻨﻈﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻣﺮﻳﻜـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﻴ ٍﺔ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺭ ﳔﺒﺔ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﻃﻠﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﺘﺮ ﺁﺭﻧﻴﺖ )‪) (Peter Arnett‬ﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺇﻥ‪ (CNN /‬ﺇﱃ ﻛﺎﺗﺎﺭﻳﻦ ﻏﺮﺍﻫﺎﻡ )‪› (Katharine Graham‬ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﺑﻮﺳﺖ‹‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺒﺖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﻮﻛﺐ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺻـﻨﻌﺘﻪ ﳉـﻨﺔ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻟﺮﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﺓ »ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ« ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﹸﻠﺒُﺪﺍﻥ ِﻣﻠﹸﺴﻔِﺘﺶ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻴﺪﻝ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﺮﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺰﻳﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻧﺪﻭﻧﻴﺴﻴﺎ ﺗﻘﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﲣﺸﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻭﻯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺳﺎﺀ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺭﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ »ﺇﱃ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻘـﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻘﻠﺘﻪ ﺻﺤ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ«‪ .

‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﺍﻟﻔﺠﺮ‹‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﳏﻜﻤ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺸـﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًـﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻬﺑﺪﻑ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ«‪ ...‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻻ ﻣﺴﺠﻮﻧﲔ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬ﺇﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﻤﺢ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺒﺪﻝ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﺍﶈﺬﻭﻓﺔ ﺑﻌﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﲤﻠ ٍﻖ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﺃﺩﻯ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﳋﱪ ﺃﻭ ﺟﻌﻠﻪ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻔﻬﻮ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﳏﺘﻘﺮًﺍ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‬ ‫]‪ [.‬ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﳏﺮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺴﺠﻮ ﹲﻥ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀ ﺇﱃ ﲨﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﺧﺼ ٍﺔ«‪...‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﺃﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﻀﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻄﻊ ﺃﻧﻔﺎﺳﻲ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﻔﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻮﺭﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻛﺘﺒﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺣﺔ ﺣﺮّﻓﻬﺎ ﻭﺍﻏﺘﺎﳍﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ؟ ]‪ [.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻬﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﳉﻨﺔ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ٌﺮ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹲﻞ‪» :‬ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﺃﺷﺮﺡ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺣﺒﺎﻁ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺄﻛﻠﲏ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﺷﻬﺪﺕ ﺣﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺧﱪًﺍ ﻭﺃﻧﺎ ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﺃﻧﲏ ﻻ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻛﺘﺐ ﺃﻱ ﻛﻠﻤ ٍﺔ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ؟ ]‪ [.‬ﻛـﻴﻒ ﺃﲣﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻐﺜﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻹﺧﺘﻨﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺂﻛﻠﲏ؟‪،‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﻼﺣ ٌﻖ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺐٌ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺍﻓﻘﲏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﹸﺃ ﹶﻛﻠﱠﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﳛﻀﺮﻫﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺃﻣ ٍﻦ ﰲ ﻣﻼﺑﺲ ﻣﺪﻧﻴ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ«‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻨﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺧـﺘﻢ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺧﻔﻰ ﺍﲰﻪ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫]‪[1‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻔﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ« ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﰲ ﻣﺄﻣ ٍﻦ‪ . TAP /‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﺯﻋﺎﺟﺎ ٍ‬ . ..‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪131‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺍﳋﻨﻮﻉ ﻳﻜﺎﻓﺄ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﻳﺘﻢ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪..‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺮﻏﻮﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﳍﺎ‪ُ ،‬ﺳﺮﱢﺡ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻴﺪﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ›ﻻﻛﺮﻭﺍ‹ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺍﺳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫)ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪-‬ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺒﺎﺀ‪ ،(Tunis-Africa Presse.‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ )ﻃﻔﺢ ﺍﻟﻜﻴﻞ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻒ ﺻﺤﻔ ٌﻲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣُﻐ ِﻔ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﲰـﻪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺣﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻀﻐﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻃـﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺴﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﻮﺩ ﻗﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺑﺸﻬﺎﺩ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﳑﻨﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﻳ ﹲﻞ ﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ ﳛﺘﺮﻣﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﻓﻘﺪ ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻮﻥ ﲦﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻏﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ .

‫‪132‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﹸﺭﻏِﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻔﻰ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻬﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻭﺭﻭﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺻـﻼﺡ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﻀًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﰲ ]‪ 3‬ﺃﻳـﺎﺭ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲟﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ...‬ﻭﻛﺄﻣ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺼـﻮ ٍﺩ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺫﺍﻬﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺭﺩ ﻣﻘﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﱪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻟﻘﺎ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺧﹶﻠﻔﹸﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻓﺮ ﺣﻈﹰﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻪ ﲟﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﻪ ﺃﻥ »ﻛﻞ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﺘﻔﺎﺧﺮ‬ ‫ﺱ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺎﳍﺎﺗﻒ‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﳋﻂ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺬﺍﺭﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟـﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﺋﻤ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻣـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺳـﻴﺎﺭﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺘﺎﺋﻢ ﻭﺿﻐﻮﻃﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪.‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﻈ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﺮﻧﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ]‪ ،[2‬ﳐﺼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﹶﻲ ﻛﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﻈﺮﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﺎﻓ ٍﺔ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ٍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺛﺒﺎﺕ "ﺍﳉﺮﺃﺓ"‪ .‬ﺍﲰﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻬﻧـﺎ ﺟﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻟﻨﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺨـﺮ ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻨ ٍﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻣﻮﺿﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ ]‪ [..‬ﺳﻮﺍ ًﺀ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﻋﺮﻗﻠ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫـﺎ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓـﻮ ﻛﺎﻣ ٍﻞ ﲟﻌﺰ ٍﻝ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺿﻐ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﻗﺎﺑ ٍﺔ«‪.‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﺍﻫـﺘﻢ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔﹶﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺃﻃﻔﺎ ٍﻝ ﻧﻔﺴ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴ ﹲﺔ »ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴ ﹲﺔ«‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﺘﻪ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ُﻋﺪﱠﺕ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ "ﻣﻨﺤﺎﺯ ﹰﺓ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﺪﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﳎﻬﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺿﺮﺑﻮﻩ ﺑﺴﻼﺳﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﺟ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺑـﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺇﺣـﺪﻯ ﲨﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻘﺮﺃ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺇﻻ »ﻋ َﺮﺿًﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺟﺮﳝ ﹲﺔ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺗُﻐـﺘﻔﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘـﺪ ﳌـﺢ ﻓﻴﻪ »ﺷﻬﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻣﺸﻮﻗ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻈﻤﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ«‪ ..‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻬﺮﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ]‪ [.

‬ﻭﻛﻤـﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﻗﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻜﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﻠﺒﲔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺻﻔ ﹲﺔ ﻧﺎﺩﺭﹲﺓ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫»ﺫﻛـﺎ ٌﺀ« ﻭ»ﻃﻴﺒ ﹲﺔ« ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﺘﻨﻊ ﻬﺑﻤﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺮﺃ ﻣﻘﺘﻄﻔﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻬﺗـﺎ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺮﺳﻠﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﺄﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻹﻋـﻼﻡ«‪ ،‬ﻭ»ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ« ﰲ »ﺗﺮﺳﻴﺦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻘﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ«؛ ﻭ»ﺣﻖ«‬ ‫ﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋ ٍﻲ ﻭﻭﺍﺿ ٍﺢ«؛ ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪» :‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃـﻦ ﰲ »ﺇﻋﻼ ٍﻡ ﻣﻮﺛﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺮ ﻭﺇﻳﻀـﺎﺡ ﺍﳋـﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺘﺮﺣﺔ«؛ ﻭ»ﻭﺍﺟﺐ«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪» :‬ﺍﻹﺗـﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ«‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗـﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﻳ ٍﻞ ﻟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻴـﱪﺍﱄ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺈﺻﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺮﺩ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻮﺍﻬﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﲜﻌﻠﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻭﺍﺕ ﺩﻋﺎﻳـ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺧﺪﻣﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@âýÇ⁄a@¿@‡bnc@[2@/6‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺘﻀـﻤﻦ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﳐﺎﻃـﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﻳﻀﻤﻦ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ »ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮ«‪ .‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪133‬‬ ‫ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺃﺫﻛﻴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻃﻴﺒﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻗﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺩﻧﺎ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﺯﻩ‪ :‬ﻃﻴﺒﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ«‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎﻝ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺮﺋﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻬﺎﻡ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺖ ﺃﻥ »ﻏﺎﻳﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ‪ :‬ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﲜﻨﺎ ٍﻥ ﺛﺎﺑ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺲ ﺻﺤﺎﻓ ٍﺔ ﺣﺮ ٍﺓ ﻭﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺤﺎﺯ ٍﺓ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﻋـﺘﻤﺪﻧﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺣﺪﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳﻨﻘﺼﻨﺎ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻺﻋـﻼﻡ )ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺐ(‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻫﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ‪،‬‬ .

‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺪ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻳ ٌﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻟ ٌﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺠﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭ ﺃﻧﺎﻗ ٍﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﻟ ٍﻎ ﻬﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺩﺍﻫﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﳝﺴﻚ ﻗﻠﻤﻪ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﻛـﻴﻒ ﳛـﺪﺩ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻭﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺘـﺒﻌﻮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻀـﻞ ﺃﻻ ﳛـﻴﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻨﺴﺞ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﻴﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺼـﺒﺢ ﺷﺨﺼًـﺎ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻨﻪ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﳊﻠﻔﺎﺋﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﹶﻗﺒْﻞ "ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ "‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻳـﺚ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ ﻏﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﺭﺱ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﺘﺪﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺘﻪ )ﻭﻫﻮ ﳝﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺑﺼﻠﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺑ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ٍﺓ(‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻘﻠﻴ ٍﻞ ﺩﺧﻞ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﻛﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﳑﻜ ٌﻦ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﻜﺮﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﻟﹼﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻘـﺪ ﺗﻨﺒﺄ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺿﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻛﺮﺍﻫﻴﺔ ﺻﻬﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻘﺮﻳ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﺿﺨ ٍﻢ ﺣﺮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﻭﱂ ﲡﺮﺅ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﺸﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﺛﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﲪﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺴﻘﻮﻃﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟـﺪﻯ ﳒﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﻣﺘﻤﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺰﻟﻒ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﻟﻔـﺎﻅ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ ﰲ ﻋﻬـﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‫‪134‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻤﺴـﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳُﻄﺒَﻊ ﻣﻘﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣ ٌﻲ ﺇﻥ ﱂ َﻳ ُﺮ ْ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺫﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﻣﻨﻪ‪.‬ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺎﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﺪﺭ ﻣـﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺫﻛ ٌﻲ‪ ،‬ﳜﻄﻂ ﲟﻬﺎﺭ ٍﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴ ﹰﺔ ﳑﺎ‬ ‫ﻳـﺒﺪﻭ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻭﲟﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﺍﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺣﻮﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﳜﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺐ ﳏﺘﺎ ٍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳛﻔﻞ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﺎﺩ ٌﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺳـﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻮﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺭﻭﺡ ﻣﺘﻼﻋ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺻﺤﻔﻴ ٍﺔ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻦ ﳚﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺣـﺪ ﺟﻬﺎﺑﺬﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ ﻬﻧﺎﺋ ٌﻲ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻛﻴﻒ ﻻ ﻧﻨﺼﺢ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻜﲔ ﺑﻘﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ؟‪ .‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺘﻘﻠ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﻬﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺗﺴﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﺭﺽ ﻳﻨﺠﺢ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺤﺎﺷﺎﻫﺎ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣـﻦ ﻓﺮﺩﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﻨﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺝ ﻟﻠﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺩﺓ«؛ »ﺗﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﲢﺴـﺪﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪» :‬ﳕﻮﺫ ٌ‬ .‬‬ ‫‪CæìÈàÔí@áèãg@LbĆnà•D@[3@/6‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻭﺛـﻴﻘ ٍﺔ ُﻧﺸِـﺮﺕ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻬﻧﺎ‪) :‬ﺻﻤﺘًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻤﻌﻮﻥ(‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﻠﺼﺖ ﲨﻌﻴﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﺑﻼ ﺣﺪﻭ ٍﺩ]‪ [3‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﻴﻐﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﰲ ]‪ 18‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪ :‬ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻠﻴﻪ ﻳﺘﻔﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﻕ ﺍﳌﺴـﻠﺤﺔ ﲟﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺠﻴﺶ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻣـﱴ ﺗﻈـﻞ ﻓﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺄﻣﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ؟‪.‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪135‬‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺪﻓـﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻋﻦ »ﺧﻴﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺻﺎﺹ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ »ﺭﺩ ﲨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺭﳚﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺍﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ »ﺍﻟﺜﻐﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻜﺒﺢ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ »ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﺪﻭﺍ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋـﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻐﻴﺎﺏ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ« ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺝ ﻟﻠﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮﺓ ﻭﻟﻠﺘﻘﺘﲑ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ »ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﱐ«‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ »ﻗﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ« ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬ﺗﻔﻮﻗﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻴﺐ ﺻﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻃـﺒﻌﺔ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ‹ ﺍﳌﻮﺯﻋﺔ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻹﻧﺘﺮﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺗﻌﻮﺽ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻌـﺔ ]‪ [25‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺑﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ!‪.‬ﻛﻞ ﺻﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳌﻤﻴﺰ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﳔﺘﺎﺭ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋًﺎ ﻻ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ]‪ 21‬ﺇﱃ ‪26‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﻷﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪› ،‬ﻟﻮﺗﺎﻥ‪ ،‹Le Temps /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺪﻋﻲ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﻭﺍﺣﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻄﺎﻟﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﻫﺎ ﺑﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .

‬ﻭﰲ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻤﻠﻖ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﲟﺒﺎﻟﻐ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﺼـﺒﺢ ﻣﻌﻬـﺎ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺿﺒﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻔﻬﻮ ٍﻡ‪» :‬ﺗﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺮﺍﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﲤﺘﺎﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻷﺑﻌـﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺪﻳﺪ ]‪ [.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﻀﺖ ﻫﻴﻤﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺒﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻋﺖ ﺭﻭﺣﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﺣﻘﺎﺋﻖ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﺪﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐـﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻣﻔﺨﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻐﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺒﻴﺔ‪.‫‪136‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﻄﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ«؛ »ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﺩﺭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻠﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺟﺪﻳﺮﹲﺓ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﺠﺎﺏ«؛ »ﺟﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻮﻛﺎ ﻛﻮﻻ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌﻨﻴ ٍﺔ«؛ »ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ]ﺍﻹﻳﺮﺍﱐ[ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﲤﻲ ﳛﻴﻲ ﳒﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ«‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻬﺎ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ‬ ‫ﻧﺴﺨﺔٍ]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﺔﹰ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻠﻖ‪.‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ )ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ (Association des Journalistes Tunisies..[4‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﺑﺄﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺎ ﹰﻻ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻌـﺪ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﲰﺎﻉ ﺃﺻﻮﺍﻬﺗﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺢ ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻧﺸﺮﻫﺎ ﻳﻜﺮﺱ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺣﻀﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﲢﻮﻟﺖ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﳑﺎﺭﺳ ٍﺔ ﻳﻮﻣﻴ ٍﺔ«‪.‬ﻭﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﻻ ﺗﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻬﺪﺍﻑ ﺧﺼـﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻌﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﲤﺮﻏﻬﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺣـﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻟﺘﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺣﺪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﺣﻴﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺰﻋﻢ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ »ﻓﺎﺳﺪﹲﺓ«‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺰﻫـﺮ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ‪ ..‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﻓﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻟﻮ ﺭﻭﻧﻮﻓﻮ‪ ،‹Le Renouveau /‬ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻝ‬ ‫›ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‹‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻔﺮﻉ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻄﺒﻊ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﲰـﻴًﺎ ﻋﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻟﻒ ﻧﺴﺨﺔٍ‪ . AJT /‬ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺧـﻴﺎ ٍﻝ ﳌﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪ .

‬ﺇﻥ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﻴﻲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻳﻘـﺒﺾ ﺑﻌﻀـﻬﻢ ﺭﻭﺍﺗﺒﻬﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺑﺼﻔﺔ ﻣﻠﺤﻘﲔ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻔﻴﲔ( ﻳﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﰲ ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﺘﺄﺩﻳﺔ ﺩﻭﺭ »ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﺪ«‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﹲﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﹲﺓ‪ :‬ﲦﺎﻧﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻜﺘـﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔـﻴﺬﻱ ﻟـﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻳُﻌـﺎﻣَﻞ ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌـﺪﱐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺃﺣﺰﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺑﻴﻮﻣﲔ‪.‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﹸﻭﻗِﻒ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟـﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ(‪ ،‬ﲬﻴﺲ ﻗﺴﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺧﺮﻳﻒ‬ ‫]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[ ﻭ ُﺣﻜِـﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺠ ٍﻞ ﺑﺜﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺮﺷﺢ ﺃﺩﱏ ﺑﺎﺭﻗﺔ‬ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺜﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺒـﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﰊ ﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻈﻲ ﺑﺘﻐﻄﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺗﻪ‪ .[5‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘﻨﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺘﺎﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﳝﺮ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﱪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ )ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻧﺒﺎﺀ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻧﺸﺄﻬﺗﺎ ﻭﻣﻮﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻭﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﲢﺘﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻄـﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪137‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺘﻔﺎﺩﻯ ﻛﻞ ﺟﺪ ٍﻝ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺘﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﻟﻨﺠﺪﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﳏـﺘﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ »ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻔﺮﻁ ﳍﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻻ ﺗﻌﱪ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺷﻜ ٍﻞ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻨﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﳊﻤﻠﺔ ﺗﺸﻬ ٍﲑ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺃﻗﻠﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ ﻳﻨﻜﺮﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﳎﻤـﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻲ«‪ .‬ﺑﺪ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﳏﻜﻮﻣﲔ ﺃﺣﻜﺎﻡ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ ﻗﺎﺳﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻠﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻄﻌﻦ ﰲ ﻭﺿﻌﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ‬ ‫›ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‹‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺻﺪﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺗﺼﺮﳛًﺎ ﻣﺆﻳﺪًﺍ ﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﻳﻌﻴﺪﻭﻥ ﺇﻧﺘﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ]‪.

‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺮﺿـﺖ »ﻋﺮﻳﻀـﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ »ﺟﻌﻞ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﺴـﺎﺀ ﺃﺩﺍ ﹰﺓ ﺑﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ« ﻹﺩﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﲏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﺻﻤ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﱢﺭ‪ . ATFD‬ﳑـﻨﻮﻋ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﻠﻤﺎ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻬﺗـﻢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺃﻭ ﻧﻠﺴﻦ ﻣﻨﺪﻳﻼ‪ ،‬ﻓﻼ ﻳُﻌﻠﹶﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃـﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﺇﻻ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻈﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻭﻛﺄﻬﻧﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ‪.‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﰊ‪ .‫‪138‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺧـ ٍﱪ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺷـﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻬﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﳚﺮﺅ ﺃﻱ ﺩﻋ ٍﻢ ﻭﻃ ٍ‬ ‫ﻑ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺃ ﱟ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬـﺎ ٌﺯ ﺻﺤﻔ ٌﻲ ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺮ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﳌﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺑﺎﺯﺩﻫﺎﺭ ﺻﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ ) ﺗﻀﺎﻋﻒ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭﻳﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ]‪1987‬‬ ‫ﻭ‪ ،[1988‬ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﳛـﺪﺙ ﺍﳉﺰْﺭ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﰎ ﲡـﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻬﺰ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﻫـﻲ ﺣﺎﳍﺎ ﻟﺴﻮﺀ ﺍﳊﻆ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻣﻌﺎﳉﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻻﺻﻄﻔﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻣﺜﺎﺭ ﻧﻜﺘ ٍﺔ ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ ﺗﻨﺴﺦ ﺳﻠﻮﻛﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳُﻨﺸَﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﻄﺒ ٌﻖ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻏﺮﻳﺒ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ‪ .‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻧﻜﻔﺎﺀ‪.‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﻮﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﺪﺙ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﺇﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺟﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﲤﻨﺤﻪ ﺣﻴﺎ ﹰﺓ‪.‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑ ﹲﺔ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻒ ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻊ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺗﺒﺘﻌﺪ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛـﻞ ﺑـﻴﺎﻧﺎﺕ )ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ (Association Tunisienne des Femmes Démocrates.‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓـﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .

‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪đòí†îÜÔm@òàvç@@[4@/6‬‬ ‫‪139‬‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﱰﻋﺞ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻨﻮﻉ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﳛﺘﻞ ]‪ [%40‬ﻣﻦ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ . FAAJ /‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪.‬ﻻ ﺻﻠﺔ ﳍﺎ ﺑﻮﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﰊ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣـﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ«‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻣـﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪﻫﻢ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ »ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ« ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻭ»ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﳌﻀﻤﻮﻥ«‪ .‬ﻭﺃ ﱡ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﺕ ﻭﺛﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ ﻝ)ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ( ﺩﺭﺍﺳ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻬﺑـﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻋﻮﺍ ٍﻡ ›ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻭﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪Institut de Presse et /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(des Sciences de l'informtion.‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﻐﲑ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﻣﻨﺬﺋ ٍﺬ‪.(Fédération Arabo-Africaine des Journaux. ATDJ‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ »ﺗﻘﺼﲑﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﺣـﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﻨﺒﻴﻬﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﹸﻓﺼِﻠﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟـﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪.(Association mondiale des Journaux...‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺃﺿﻔﻨﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ]‪ [%5‬ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻔﺰﺓ‪.‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻯ ›ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳌﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‪Association /‬‬ ‫‪ (Tunisienne des directeur de Journaux.‬ﻭﺍﲣﺬ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺠﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ )ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻒ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺑﺄﻓﻀﻞ ﺣﺎ ﹰﻻ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻭﺇﺫﺍﻋﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﰎ‬ ‫ﻧﺴـﻴﺎﻥ ﻋﻄـﺮ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﺎﺡ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﺯﻣﻦ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﳘﺎ ﺑﻴ ٍﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻧﺎﺋ ٌ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻧﻈﺎ ٍﻡ!‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳍﻮﻳﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ . IPSI‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻄﻼﻗﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻴّﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﻠﻔﺰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﲝﺼﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺪ‪ . AMJ /‬‬ ‫ﻧـﺪﺩ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ »ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﻴﺰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﳍﺎ« ﻟﻠﻘﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻣﻠﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﺭﺃﻳﻬﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﻮﺍﻋﺚ ]‪ [.

‬ﻭﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ ﺗﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻗﻄﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻡ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﺩﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺎﻛﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻼﺕ ﻣﻊ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﱄ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﳑﻨﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪﻣﻬـﺎ ﳍﻢ ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ ،‬ﻋﱪ ﻓﺮﻳ ٍﻖ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﶈـﺘﺮﻓﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻬﻨﺘﻪ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺠﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﳓﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻗﻄﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻲ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﺍ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﳚﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ )ﻭﻣﺜﻠﻬﻢ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺎﺭﺑﺔ(‪ . .‬ﺗﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﳋﺘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻺﻣﺴـﺎﻙ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻠﺢ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺿﻐ ٍ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻓﻌﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪› ،‬ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪Agence /‬‬ ‫‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻗﻠﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺸﺎﻫﺪ ›ﺭﺍﻱ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ (RAI‬ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﲔ )ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺃﻭﺭﻳﺰﻭﻥ( )ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻓﻮﻋـﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﺮ ﺃﹸﻃﻠِﻘﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻣﻊ )ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ ﺑﻠﻮﺱ( ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺮﻫﺎ "ﺻﺪﻳ ٌﻖ" ﻟﱭ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺳـﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ( ﻭ)ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ‪ .(France 2 /2‬ﻭﺗﺒﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺷـﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ]‪ ،[2000‬ﺣﻴﺚ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ‪ُ ،‬ﻳﺒَﺚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣ ٌﺞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﺟ ٌﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘـﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻟـﺖ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﺇﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻼﻗﻄﺔ ﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﺇﺫ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺎﺑ ٍﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﻄﺒﻴﻖ‪. ATCE‬ﻭﻛﺎﻟـ ﹲﺔ ﳐﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ )ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ( ﻣﺮﻏﻤﻮﻥ‬ .‬ﻋﻤﻠﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﻤﺎﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺗﺞ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﻮﺍﻗـﻂ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﻬﻢ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺎﻓﻬـ ﹲﺔ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻬﻧﻢ ﻟﻴﺘﺎﺑﻌﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ .(Tunisienne de Communication Extérieure.‫‪140‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺘـﺘﺢ ﻧﺸـﺮﺓ ﺍﻟـﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ )ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ( ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﺼﻞ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺻﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻎ ﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﺬﺑـ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻴﻀﺎﺀ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻜﻔﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﺑﺘﻜﺬﻳﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻮﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﳏﺎﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻄﻠ ٍﻖ ﻭﺗﻘﺴﻢ ﺍﳌﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺺ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺩ ٍﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻴـﻨﺎ ﺑﻄﻠ ٍ‬ ‫ﲨـﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﲝﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻋﻦ ﻓﻀﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻴﻴﺰ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺜﹰﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻧﺮﻳﺪ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﺄﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻌﻠﻢ ﺯﺑﺎﺋﻨﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻡ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻧـﺎﺕ ﻏـﲑ ﺍﳌﻨﺸـﻮﺭﺓ ﱂ ﺗﺼـﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻷﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﹸﺭﺳﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﻣﺘﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻦ ﳑﻮﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ«‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮﻬﺗﺎ ›ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‹‪ ،‬ﺃﻫﻢ ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﻧﺎﻃﻘ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 4‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﰲ ﺍﻷﻳـﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺯﺑﺎﺋﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﺴﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺭﲰﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻨﺸﺂ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻠﻨﲔ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺭﺳﻠﻮﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺻﺤﻒ ›ﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺼﺒﺎﺡ‹ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﻡ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺇﻋﻼﻧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﺨﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻠﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ‬ .‬ﻭﻳﻀﻴﻔﻮﻥ ﺇﻥ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻨﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩﻭﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﰲ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﳉﺮﺍﺋﺪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻧﻈﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺳﻠﺒﻴ ﹰﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫‪òîjäuþa@òÏbz–Ûa@òjÓaŠß@[5@/6‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﳛﻠﻢ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫‪141‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻬﺪﻭﺍ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺏ]‪ [%80‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻬﺑﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﻛﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـﺔ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺒﻠﻎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﻭﺭ ﺏ)ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ( ﻣﻮﺟﻬًﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺻـﺔ ﻭﺻـﺤﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﻮﻥ ﺇﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻌﻄﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻓﻀـﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻹﺳـﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺟﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻟﺒﺎﺳًﺎ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻤﻨﻊ ﻛﻞ ﲤﻴﻴ ٍﺰ‪.

‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻳﺘﻴﺔ )ﻛﻮﻧﺎ( ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﹸﻗﻄِﻌﺖ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺎﻛﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻲ ﺗﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﱐ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻭﺟﺪﺍ ﱞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﻴﻞ ﲨﱪﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﳏﺘﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺭﻓـﺾ ﻧﺸـﺮ "ﺗـﻨﻮﻳ ٍﻪ" ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﻴﺪًﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺼﻴﻐﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﺮﺩﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻧﺼـﺐ ﻓ ٍﺦ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻚ ﺭﻭﻳﺴﻨﺎﺭ )‪ ،(Henk Ruyssenaars‬ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺪﺍ ﻭﻫﻴﺌﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋـﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴُﺮﻏﹶﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻭﺿﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻬﺗﺎﻭﺕ ﻓﺘﺎﹲﺓ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﺻﺎﺭﺧ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﱂ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻗﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻣﺮﺷﺤﲔ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼـﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻻﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﲪﻦ ﺍﳍﺎﱐ‪ .‫‪142‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺔ ﺃﻣـﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧـﺪ ﰲ ﺍﶈﺮﻕ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ :‬ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺛﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ« ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺟـﺎﻙ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﺍﻥ )‪ُ ،(Jacques de Barrin‬ﻋﺪﱠ »ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﻏﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ )ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻓﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،(Antenne 2 /‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪،‬‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﻳﺴﻨﺎﺭ ﰲ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ ﻣﻨﺬ ﲦﺎﱐ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻷﻧﻪ »ﺷﻮﻩ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﺎﻃﺌ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﻴﺰ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻘـﻞ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣـﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻀـﻠﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ«‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﺮﺥ ﻗﺎﺋﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﻐﺘﺼﺒﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ُﻳ ِﻌﺪﱡ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ ﻟﻠﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳍﻮﻟﻨﺪﻱ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﺕ ﺃﻛﺮﻣﺎﻥ ) ‪Robert‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫‪ (Akkerman‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺷﻜﻮ ً‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺧـﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﺄﻣﲔ ﺇﺧﺮﺍﺝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﻜﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺭﻉ ﺇﱃ ﳒﺪﻬﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺇﱃ ﳐﻔﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐـﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺑﺴﺤﺐ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻴﺺ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻠﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻻ‬ ‫ﳜﻔﻀـﻮﻥ ﺗﻐﻄﻴـﺘﻬﻢ ﻟﻼﻗـﺘﺮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻲ‪ .

‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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‫ُﻣﻨِﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺫﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ »ﺍﲣﺎﺫﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻋﺪﺍﺋﻴًﺎ ﻭﺟﺎﺣﺪًﺍ ﲡﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻑ ﺑﺘﺴﺎﳏﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻖ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﻠـ ٍﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭ ٍ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﱐ )‪ ،(Jean-Marie Colombani‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺒﻀﻊ ﲨ ٍﻞ ﻣﺘﻬﻜﻤ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺪ‪» :‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ُﻣِﻨﻌَﺖ ﻣﺆﻗًﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﺮﺗﲔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻋـﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﻗﻌﺖ ﺿﺤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺇﻋﻼ ٍﻡ‬
‫ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ]‪ .[7‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺜﻨﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﺎﻫﺪًﺍ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌـﺜﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺸﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ »ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻴﻂ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ«‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪.«[8] ...‬‬
‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﻃﺮﺩ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﰲ ﴰﺎﱄ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺜﻦ‬
‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺭﺍﻳـﺖ )‪ .(Jonathan Wright‬ﱂ ﻳُـﺘﺮﻙ ﻟﻪ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﳊﺰﻡ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﳝﺘﻪ؟‪ .‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺧ ٍﱪ ﻋﺎﺟ ٍﻞ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ‬
‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﺎﺭﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺩﺙ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﺑﻌِﺪ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﻴﺪﻭﺍ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺍﳊـﺪﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻔﻀﺖ ﺭﻭﻳﺘﺮ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﻛﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺒﺬﻝ ﳏﺮﺭﻭﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻟﻮﻥ‪،‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻐﻄـﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺴﺮﻭﺍ ﺃﺭﻭﺍﺣﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ‬
‫ﻟﻸﺣـﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿـﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻧﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪ . .‬ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻻ ﺗﺮﻭﻕ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‬
‫ﺗﻌـﺎﰿ ﻋﻤﻮﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻲ ﻧﺬﻛﺮ‬
‫ﻣـﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻭﺍﺣـﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺃﺳﺒﻮﻉ ]‪ 30-23‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺭﺑﻌﲔ ﻧﺒﹰﺄ ﺃﻭﺭﺩﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺛﻨﺎﻥ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻘﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﺎﺓ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﰎ ﲡﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﻄﺖ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ »ﻧﺪﻭ ﹰﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ‬
‫ﺕ ﻋﺴﻜﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮﰊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨﺖ ﻋﻦ »ﻣﻨﺎﻭﺭﺍ ٍ‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪-‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺪﺛﺖ‬
‫ﺏ ﻋﻦ )ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ(‪ .‬ﺇﱃ ﻣﱴ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻠﺒﻬﻠﻮﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻣﻀﺔ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺈﺳﻬﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﻔﺴﲑ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﲝﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼ ﺃﺣﻮﺍ ٍﻝ ﻧﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬
‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻳﻮﺟـﺪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳـ ﹲﻞ ﺩﺍﺋ ٌﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻷ ٍ‬
‫)ﻭﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒـﻴﺔ(‪ .‬ﺗﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺒﻌﻮﺛﲔ ﺧﺎﺻﲔ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺏ ﻬﺑﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﻏﻮ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺔ )ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎ ٌ‬
‫ﻳـﺄﺗﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﻨﺴﻤﻮﺍ ﻫﻮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺪﺓ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﻗﻨﺎﻋ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﻼ ﺃﻭ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻢ‬
‫ﺭﺟـﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ ﻳﻼﺣﻘﻮﻫﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﻔ ٍﻲ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺼـﺖ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﺗﻔﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺴﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻛﺲ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ ﻬﺑﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ‬
‫ﻏـﺮﻓﻬﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺪﻕ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻗﺘﺤﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﻌﻮﺛﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﻝ)ﻓﺎﻳﻨﺎﻧﺸﻴﺎﻝ ﺗﺎﳝﺰ‪Financial /‬‬
‫‪ ،(Times‬ﺭﻭﻻ ﺧﻠـﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﺪﻗﻴ ٍﻖ‬
‫ﺕ ﺗُﻌﺪ »ﻏﲑ ﺻﺪﻳﻘ ٍﺔ«‬
‫ﻟـﻠﻬﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻟﺘﻀـﻤﻦ ﻣـﻨﻊ ﺍﻟـﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﳍﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻱ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺖ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻂﰲ‬
‫ﺣﺠـﺰﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﻟﻌﺪﺓ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﺠﻤﻟﺮﺩ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺇﻋﻼ ٍﻥ ﺑﺴﻴ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻔﺤﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﻜـﺘﺎﺏ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻠﺨﻮﺟﺔ‬
‫›]ﺳـﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻮﻥ[‹‪ .‬ﺗﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﹰﺎ ﳐﺘﺼﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﺪﺩ‬
‫ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ]‪ 16‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻛﺘّﻴﺒًﺎ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ]‪[12‬‬
‫ﺻـﻔﺤ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻧًﺎ »ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ«‪ .‬ﺃﻟﻔﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﺮﺟﺘﻪ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﳛﺘﻮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ‬
‫ﻱ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ‬
‫ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻱ ﺳﻄ ٍﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﺳﻄ ٍﺮ ﺑﺎﺋﺴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺄﺧﻮﺫ ٍﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺃﻧﺒﺎ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺩ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺫﻛﺮ‬
‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻳﻘﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻔﺎﺟﺌﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ُﻣﻨِﻌﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣـﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺑـﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻭﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ )ﻭﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﻞ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺜﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻗﻠـﻴ ﹰ‬
‫]‪ 17‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1994‬ﻡ[ ﺣـﱴ ]‪ 8‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﺿﻮﺣًﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺘﺎ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ ﻭﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﳑﻨﻮﻋﺘﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬‬

‫‪B…ìèîÛa@µg@òÇbjßB@âýÇ⁄a@Áöbë@[6@/6‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﰲ ﳏﺮﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧـﻴﺔ( ﻳﺬﻛﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﰎ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﲣﻔﻴﺾ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻠﺘﻘﻄﺔ‬
‫ﺕ ﺗﻘﻨﻴ ٍﺔ« ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﱂ ﳜﺪﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺴﲑ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄـﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳍﺮﺗﺰﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ »ﺻﻌﻮﺑﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﺣـﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻟﻘـﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ )ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﲰﻬﺎ ﺁﻧﺬﺍﻙ( ﻋﺮﺿ ﹰﺔ ﳊﻤﻠ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﳍﺠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﰲ ›ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪/‬‬
‫‪» :‹Tunis Hebdo‬ﺗﺄﺟـﻴﺞ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻋﺮ ]ﰲ ﺇﺷﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﲪﻠ ٍﺔ ﺩﻋﺎﺋﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ[‪،‬‬
‫ﻳﻌـﲏ ﺍﻻﲡـﺎﻩ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﳓﻮ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﺖ ›ﻟﻮﺗﺎﻥ‹ ﻣﺆﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ‪» :‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻭﺑﺎﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ]‪ [...‬ﲣﺪﻡ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻋﻤﻮﻣًﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎﺹ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﲣﻔﻴﺾ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺳﺎﺭﻳًﺎ ﺧﻼﻝ‬
‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻏﺮﻳ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﺃﺑﺪﺕ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺣﻠﻘﺎﺕ )ﺟﻴﻮﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ‪ ،(Géopolis /‬ﻟﻜﻠﻮﺩ ﺳﲑﻳﻮﻥ )‪،(Claude Sérillon‬‬
‫ﻕ ﻣﻊ ﻓﺮﻳﻘﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻮﺯ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﺳﻢ ﺑﺼﺪ ٍ‬
‫]‪ [%99‬ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﺃﹸﻣﻄِﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ‬
‫)ﻗـﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧـﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﻮﺍﺑ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻛﺴﺎﺕ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻔﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪِﻟﺖ ﺣﻠﻘﺔ )ﺟﻴﻮﺑﻮﻟﻴﺲ(‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳُﺴﺘَﻘﺒَﻞ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻴﻠ ٍﻢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻼﺀﻣ ﹰﺔ! ‪ . .‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﺭﺍﺕ!]‪.[9‬‬
‫ﻭﹸﻗﻄِﻌـﺖ ﺍﻟﱪﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﳌﻨﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻋﱪ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻓﺴﺮ‬
‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﻊ "ﺗﻮﺿﻴ ٌﺢ" ﻧُﺸﺮ ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﻄﺖ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻬﺮﰊ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﱵ ُﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﺎﺡ ﺍﶈﺼﻠﺔ ﺑﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﰲ ﺇﻧﻘﺎﺫ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻧﺸـﺮ »ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺰﻳﻔﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸﻬﲑﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ ﺑﻌﺾ‬
‫ﻣﻐﺎﻣﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﺩﺟﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ ‪ . .‬ﺃﻋﻄﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﲢﺘﺮﻡ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻬﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺐ ﻬﺑﺎ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻗﺮﺍﺀﺗﻪ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬
‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﺃﳘـﻴ ٍﺔ ﻷﻬﻧـﺎ »ﻣﻨﺤﺎﺯﹲﺓ ﻭﻣﺘﻼﻋ ٌ‬
‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺿﻴﺢ"‪.‬‬
‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺩﻓﺖ )ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‪ (France 3 /‬ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻞ ﻣﻊ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﻓﺮﻳﻖٌ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﱐﹲ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﲢﻘﻴﻖٍ‬
‫ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﲔ ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻮﺟﺊ ﲟﻨﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳـﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﺍﺗـﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻄـﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺑﻘﺪﻭﻣﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺄﺳًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﺧﻠﺴﺔﹰ ﺁﻟﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮٍ ﻟﻠﻬﻮﺍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﶈﻼﺕ ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﻫﺎ ﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠـﺔٍ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﺍﻭﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺒﺜﹰﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ "ﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ"‪ ،‬ﳌﻨﻊ‬
‫ﺑﺚ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺬﻟـﻚ ﲤﺎﺭﺱ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﺗﺖ‬
‫ﻗـﻨﺎﹲﺓ ﺃﳌﺎﻧﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ﺳﻴﺎﺣًﺎ ﺃﳌﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﺠﻮﻟﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﺮﺿﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺨﺮﺝ‬
‫ﻱ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺼﻄﺎﻓﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻌﻢ؛ ﺗﺮﻛﻬﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻋـﺪﻡ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺃ ٍ‬
‫ﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ؟‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻜﻞ ﺣﺮﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻼ!‪ ،‬ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﻸﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﲟﺎ ﻫﻮ ﳑﻨﻮ ٌ‬
‫ﺚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺧﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﺣﺪﻳ ﹲ‬
‫ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﺮﻭﺳـﻮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤـﻼﻕ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺗـﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻖ‬
‫ﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻄﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺮﻓﺾ‬
‫ﻣﻮﺳـﻮﻋﺘﻬﺎ )ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﺗـﺎ‪ (Encarta /‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻗﺮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺳـﺘﻐﺮﺑﺖ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻤﺘﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻘﻴﻖ ﰲ‬

‫ﺍﻹﺳﺎﺀﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‬

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‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻤﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻜﺮﻭﺳﻮﻓﺖ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺑﻄﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ‬
‫ﺑﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺄﺧﻮﺫ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻘﺎ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺗﻪ ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ َﺣ ِﺮﺟًﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺑﻴﻌﺖ )ﺩﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﻑ( ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻛﻮﺭﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬
‫ﻭ ‪ . .‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬

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‫‪òí…b–nÓüa@BñŒvȽaB@[7‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺳﻔﻴﻨ ﹲﺔ ﺗﺘﺄﻟﻖ ِﺟ ّﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻣﺒﻨﻴ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﺮﻭﺝ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺑﲔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺣ ٌﺪ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻀﺨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺕ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺡ ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﻮﻏﻮﺳﻼﻓﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺁﻣﻨ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺿﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺩﻱ ﺃﻭﺟﻼﻥ ﻭﺯﻟﺰﺍﻝ ﻣﲑﻣﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﺒﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺡ ﺍﻵﺗﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣـﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳌﻼﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺿﺮﺑﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻟﻌـﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻣﺘﻸﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﻭﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﻧﻮﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﻞ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻃﺊ ﺳﻮﺩﺍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻣﻄﺎ ٍﺭ ﻏﺰﻳﺮ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭّﺕ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ ﳏﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺑﺎﻫﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻱ ﻳﻔﻮﻕ ]‪ [%6‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﻭﺭﻛـﻦ ﺧـﱪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻄـﻴﻂ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﺋﻠﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎ ٍﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ٍ‬
‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧـ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻐﺎﺭﻗﺔ ﰲ ﺗﺮﺍﻛﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﻖ ﻛﻞ ﺗﻐﻴ ٍﲑ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺗـﺒﻄﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺑﺄﺳﻌﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻂ ﺍﳋﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻃﻤﺄﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﱃ‬
‫ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻬﺎ ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺟﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪.‬‬

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‫‪N@N@òjîÓ‰ìi@ò׊m@[1@/7‬‬

‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻫﺎﻫﻮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﺘﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻓﺔ ﻣﺪﻳ ٍﺢ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺷﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺎﺩﺕ‬
‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪،‬‬
‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﳓﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺡ‬
‫»ﺍﻟـﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ«‪» .‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﺗﻨﲔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ«‪ :‬ﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭ ﺍﳊﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ]‪ .[1‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻉ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻣـﺒﺪ ٌ‬
‫)‪ ،(Éduard Balladur‬ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻘﺎ ٍﺀ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺶ«‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺳﻼﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺯﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﳝﻮﻥ ﺑﺎﺭ‬
‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﺍﻟـﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﺪﻫ ٌ‬
‫)‪ ،(Raymond Barre‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺣًﺎ ﻣﻨﻪ‬
‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ﻋﺎﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻠﺒﻪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺪﺑﺮ‬
‫ﺃﻣـﻮﺭﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺤﻮ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺜﻘﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪» :‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬
‫ﻳُﺤ ﹶﻜﻢُ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺳﻲ ٍﺀ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻳُﺪﺍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﻴﺪ«‪ .‬ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﳓﻮ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻈﲑﻩ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﳏﺎﻓﻆ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬
‫ﺥ ﻭﺍﺣ ٌﺪ ﻭﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺗﻨﻌﻢ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺑﻮﻟـﻴﻤﺎﻥ]‪ [2‬ﺃﻧـﻪ »ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻋﻤﻠﻴًﺎ ﻛﻮ ٌ‬
‫ﺕ‬
‫ﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻬـﺮﺑﺎﺀ«‪ .‬ﻟﻘـﺪ ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺮ ﲬﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﺺ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻠﻎ ﺍﺭﺗﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻒ ﻭﲬﺴﻤﺌﺔ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬
‫ﺐ ﻟﻜﻞ ﺃﻟ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺧـﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻃﺒﻴ ٌ‬
‫ﺕ ﲢﻠﻢ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﲤﺘﺪ ﺷﺒﻜﺔ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﻭﺗﺘﺤﺪّﺙ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﺗﻨﺒﺊ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﻈﺮﹲﺓ ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ﹲﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳋﺮﺍﺋﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺪﺩﺓ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧـﺘﻈﺎ ٍﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺗﺘﻄﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﻥ ﲤﻠﻚ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﻣﱰﳍﺎ‪،‬‬
‫ﺽ ﺑﻔﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺴـﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻭ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻣﻨﺘﻤﻴًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺭﺟ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺒﻜﺮ‬
‫ﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬

‬ﻭﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺴﻮﻍ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﹸﺭﻏِﻢ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻛـﲑ ﺃﺣـﺪ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮﻫﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺑﺴﺤﺐ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻮﺩﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻑ ﰲ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺭﻓﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺍﻹﻓﻼﺱ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭﻱ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺮﻑ‪.‬ﺇﻥ )ﳎﻠﹼـﺔ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺗﻄﻠﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﻭﺗﻌﺪﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻪ ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺬﻛﹼﺮ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1957‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺯﻣ ٍﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌًﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﺳﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﻳﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺃﻭﻻﺩﻫﺎ ﺃﺭﺑﻌ ﹰﺔ )ﰒ ﺛﻼﺛ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ(‪ .‬ﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﳝﻠﻚ ﻣﻮﺍﻫﺐ ﻣﺸﻌﻮﺫٍ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻼﻋﺐ ﺑﺎﻷﺭﻗﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻳـﱪﺯﻫﺎ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﻭﻩ ﻟﻴﺜﺒﺘﻮﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﻬ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻠﱯ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺳـﺘﺮﳜﺖ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫﺓ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲ ﺇﻳﺒﻮ‬ ‫)‪» :(Béatrice Hibou‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻋﺠـﺰ ﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ]‪ [%3‬ﺍﳌﺸﺆﻭﻣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻷﻥ ﻗﺴﻤًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﳝﺮ ﻋﱪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻮﻙ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﲎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘـﻴﺔ ﲤـﻮﻝ ﺑﺼـﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﺩﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻣﺘﻌﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻃﺮﺍﻑ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻷﻥ ﺇﻧﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﳏﺴﻮﺑ ﹰﺔ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ«]‪.‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﲎ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺻﻒ ﺿﺎﺑ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﻮﻧﺔ‬ ‫"ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛـﱪ" ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﲢﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻞ‪ .‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪151‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻜﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﳝﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﺀ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺳﺎﺋﺮ ﺑﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﺎ ﲤﺘﻌًﺎ ﲟﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ )ﻧﺴﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺭﻗـ ﹲﺔ ﺭﺍﲝـ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻬﺎﻥ ﻬﺑﺎ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺪﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺑﻌـﺪﺓ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻘﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﻷﻧﻪ ﲡﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻑ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳـﺘﻢ ﻟﻄﻤﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻳﺮﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﱄ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺃﺿـﺎﻓﻪ "ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﳌﻨﻬ ٍﺞ ﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻭﻟﻠﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺴﺒﻖ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻠﻴﺎﺕ‪.[3‬‬ .

‬‬ .‬ﻭﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻟﻮﺣﺪﻩ ﺃﻡ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻣﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﺯﻋﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪ ٍﺩ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﻊ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳛﺮﻙ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻓﺎﺣﺸ ﹰﺔ‪ .26‬ﻭﺗﺪﻓﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﱪ ﺍﳌﺘﱪﻋﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺲ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻌﻪ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺷـﺨﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮ ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻗﻴﻤـﺘﻪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻼﻳﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﻜﺎﺕ ﻹﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ »ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻈـﻞ«‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻇﻠﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﲨﻴﻌًﺎ ﺍﻝ ]‪ [26.26‬ﻳﺬﻛﺮﻧﺎ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺴﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻋﻮﺍ ٍﻡ ﻹﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻀـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑ‪ .26‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺭﻗﻢ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﻟﻠﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ(‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻋﺪﺍ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻜﺮﱘ ﺍﷲ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﱯ‬ ‫ﳏﻤﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻂ ﻣﻦ ]‪ . .‬ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ [8‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﺪﻋﻮﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺖ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺛﺎﺑ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺩﻓـﻊ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﳍﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺈﻳﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫]‪ [26.26‬ﳝﺜﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺭﺍﺋ ٍﻊ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﺦ ﺍﳌﻴﺰﺍﱐ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠـﻴﺪﻱ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﻤﺢ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﻬﺘﻢ ﺑﺸﻌﺒﻴﺘﻪ ﺑﻜﻠﻔ ٍﺔ ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻄـﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﻘـﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺰﺍﺭﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺘﺤﺪﺩ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻧﺴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﺔ‪» :‬ﰲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻔﻮﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺍﺭﻕ "ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ]‪ .26‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺎﺩﻝ ]‪ [150‬ﻓﺮﻧﻜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻒ‪.‬ﺇﻬﻧـﺎ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﺇﱃ ]‪ [26.26‬ﻧـﺎﺩﺭﹲﺓ‪ .‫‪152‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫‪õaŠÔÐÛa@Õ톕@[2@/7‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﳊﺴـﺎﺏ ﺭﻗـﻢ ]‪ [26.‬ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻌﲔ ﺑﺎﳌﺴﺎﳘﺎﺕ ﻟﻴﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻛﻦ ﺻﻠﺒ ﹰﺔ ﳌﺰﺍﺭﻋﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺃﻛﻮﺍﺥٍ؛ ﻭﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﰲ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛ ٍﺰ ﺻﺤ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻘﻄ ٍﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻳ ٍﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺪ ﺧﻂ ﻛﻬﺮﺑﺎ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺎﻓﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﺎ ٍﺀ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ‪."[26.[26.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳍـﺒﺎﺕ ﻃﻮﻋـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺼﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﺝ ﺳﺎﺳـﻲ]‪ [4‬ﺑـﺄﻥ »ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [% 90‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﱪﻉ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﻝ«‪ .

‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﺪﻳـﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ ﺇﻻ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﺣﺼﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﲢﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﺮﻓﻪ‪ .26‬ﻭﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺜﻠﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻠﺔ ﻛﺎﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻧﻮﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺍﻷﺯﻳﺎﺀ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺑﺎﳌﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻓﻘﺔ ﺟﲑﺍﺭ ﺩﻳﺒﺎﺭﺩﻳﻮ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺑﻀـﻌﺔ ﺃﻋـﻮﺍ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﲟـﺒﺎﺭﻛ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﹸﻃﻠِﺐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﺮﻡ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ‬ ‫]‪ [26.26‬ﳛﻞ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻮﺭًﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪.[26.‬‬ ‫‪CÙÜènaë@oØaD@[3@/7‬‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺍﻟﻄـﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺒﺬﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺇﻏﻮﺍﺋﻬـﺎ‪ .‬ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﺔ ﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻘﻮﻟﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻲ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﻗﻮﺓ‬ ‫ﳎـﺘﻤ ٍﻊ ﻭﻋـﺪﻡ ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺨﺪﺵ ﺗﻜﻤﻨﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺎﺳًﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺘﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺗﺴـﺎﻋﻬﺎ«‪ .‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺯﺍﺭ ﻗـﺮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻘﲑ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻗﺎﺻﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﻷﻫﺎﱄ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺟـﻮﺩ ﻣﺪﺭﺳ ٍﺔ ﻗﺮﻳﺒ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻠـﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺏ ﻻ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻮﺟﻮ ٌﺩ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺼـﻐﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻠﻤﺴـ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺼًﺎ ﺳﺤﺮﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ]‪ [26.‬‬ ‫ﺫﻛﺮﺕ ﳎﻠﺔ ›]ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻧﺴﻜﻮ[‹]‪ ،[5‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺄﺳـﻒ ﻷﻥ ﻏﻤـﻮﺽ ﻣﻌﺎﻳﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺼﻴﺺ ﻳﺸﺠﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ؛‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻮ ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻔﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ]‪،[26.‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪153‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﻨﺠﺰﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻭﻻ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺩﻳﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﶈﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﳝﻠﻜـﻮﻥ ﺃﺩﱏ ﺣـ ٍﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲣﺼﻴﺺ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﻟﻎ‪ .26‬ﻟﺘﺜﻘﻴﻒ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﻗﺎﺭﺋﺎﺕ ›ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﻧﻈ ٍﺮ‪ ‹Point de Vue /‬ﺍﳉﺬﺍﺑﺔ ) ﺻﻮ ٌﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ(‪.‬ﻟﻘـﺪ ﺍﺳـﺘﻮﺭﺩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﳕﻮﺫﺝ ﳎﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‬ .26‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺿﺮِﺏ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﹸﻃﺮِﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭ ُ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻠﺪﺗﻪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺩﻭ ٍﻝ ﻧﺎﻣﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻬ ٍﺔ ﻻﻣﺘﺪﺍﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻼﻗﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﺑـﺮﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺠﺰﺍﺕ ]‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﻕ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﻻ ﳜﻠﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ٍﺓ‪ .‫‪154‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﺣﻠﻴﻔ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻟﻠﺘﺄﻛﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﲡﻌﻞ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺯﺑﺎﺋﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻓﻌﻮﻥ ﻏﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻴﺔ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﲢﺼﻞ ﻫﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺽ ﺑﻔﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﻨﺨﻔﻀ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺃﻟﻘـﺎﻩ ﲟﻨﺎﺳـﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﻟﻮﺻﻮﻟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫»ﻃـﺮﺡ ﺳـﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﻟﻠﺒﻴﻊ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﳏﺮ ٍﻙ ﺻﻐ ٍﲑ ]‪ [..‬ﻭﺗﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻷﺳﺘﺎﺫﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ »ﳝﻮﱠﻝ ﻓﺮﻁ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺪﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻓﺄﻛﱪ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﺃﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺃﻗﺴﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ‬ ..‬ﻗﺎﻟﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲ ﺇﻳﺒﻮ‬ ‫ﺽ ﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼ ٍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﰲ ﻇﻞ ﻏﻴﺎﺏ ﺗﺸﺮﻳ ٍﻊ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺇﻗﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣـﺖ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﺯﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻗﺮﻭﺿًﺎ‪ ،‬ﲤﺘﺪ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻔﻮﺍﺋﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟ ٍﻎ ﻬﺑﺎ ]‪ .‬ﺍﺳﻜﺖ ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻬﻠﻚ«‪ ،‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﳋﹼﺼﺖ ﳎﻠﺔ ﺍﻛﺴﱪﺱ‪ .‬ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﺍﺀﻫﺎ ﻛـﻞ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﺧـﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻟﺘﺴﻬّﻞ ﺗﻨﻘﻼﻬﺗﺎ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻓﺎﺷﻠ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻠﹼﻞ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺷﻌﺒﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺟﻴﺎﻬﺗﺎ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻊ ﳏﺎﻭﻻﺕ ﺍﻧﻄﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟـﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ .‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺮﺀ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﺀ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲﺀٍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻌـﺘﻤﺪ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻓﻜﺮ ٍﺓ ﺑﺮﺍﻗ ٍﺔ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺑﺴﻴﻄ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﲣﻔﻴﺾ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤـﺎﺭﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﺮﻙ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﺔ ﲣﻔﻴﻀًﺎ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴًﺎ ﳉﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ‪.‬ﻭﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ]‪» :[6‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻣ ٍﻞ ﻳﺸﺘﺮﻱ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻃـﺮﺍ ٍﺯ ﺑﻮﺳـﺎﻃﺔ ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻓﻊ ﻭﻳﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﻟﻴﺤﺼﻞ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻴﻮﻟ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﻝ«‪.‬ﻭﳋﺺ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻓ ٍﺞ‪ :‬ﻗﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨـﻴﻪ‪» :‬ﺗﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻠﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺮﺑﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻬﻠﻜﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﺎﺭﺳﻮﺍ ﺍﳉﻨﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﺪﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻏﺒﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻻ ﺗﺸﺘﻐﻠﻮﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ«‪ .«[7‬ﻭﺣﻘﻴﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃﻥ ﳒﺎﺡ ﳐﺰ ٍﻥ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺑـﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫)ﺑﺎﺗﺎﻡ‪ (Batam /‬ﻳُﻔﺴﱠﺮ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺑﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺮ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺮﺍﺟﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴﺔ‪» .

‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫]‪ [..‬ﻭﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﻣﺆﺧﺮًﺍ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻓﺪﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺴـﻜﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﺭﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺪﻗﻲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻠﺤﻬﺎ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ«‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺿﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﻣﻨﺤ ًﻰ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﺳﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﺗﺎﺭﺍ )‪ ،(Allassane Ouatarra‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻲ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﺼﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺧ ٍﻞ ﺛﺎ ٍﻥ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺯﻭﺟﺎﺕ ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺷـﻦ ﺃﺭﺻـﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﻟﺒﻴﻊ ﺑﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﱰﻝ ﺃﻭ ﺃﺷﻴﺎﺀ ﺭﺛ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺭﺩ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺘـﻴﺠ ﹰﺔ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻙ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺳﺠﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻀﻢ ﳏﺮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻜﺎﺕ ﺑﻼ ﺭﺻﻴ ٍﺪ ُﺳﻤّﻲ )ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺎﺗﺎﻡ(‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ )ﺩﺍﺭﰐ‪(Darty /‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ]‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺠـﺰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺪﻳﺪ ﳚﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﰲ ﻫﺸًﺎ ﻭﻫﻮ ﺃﺻ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺻـﻴﻒ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻋﺖ ﻧﺎﻗﻮﺱ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﹲﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻗﺪ ٍﱘ ﻟﺪﻳﻮ ٍﻥ ﻣﺴﺪﺩ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻨﺒـﻴ ٍﺔ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﹸﺿﻌِﻒ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﰲ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺯﻫﻴ ٍﺪ ]‪ [.‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﻗـﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﻌﺜﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻮﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻟﻼﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﲟﻠـﻴﺎﺭﻱ ﺩﻭﻻ ٍﺭ‪ :‬ﺿـﻌﻒ ﻣـﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﺍﳋﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﺼّﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ!‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ..‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪155‬‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺴـﺒ ٍﺔ ﺗـﺰﻳﺪ ﻋـﻦ ]‪ [%30‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻤﻮﻳﻞ«‪..«[%10‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺻﺤﺤﺖ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺼـﺎﺭﻑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺆﺩ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﳛﺎﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺻﺮﺡ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺟـﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﻏﲑ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ‪) ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻻ ﺗﺴﺪﺩ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﺭﻑ( ﻣﺎ ﺗﺰﺍﻝ ﲤﺜﻞ ]‪ [%18‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻭﺽ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﳚـﺐ ﺃﻻ ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ]‪ ..‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﻮﺭﻩ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺑﻜﺎﻣﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻭﺿ ٍﻊ ﺳﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .[8‬ﻭﻧﺘﻴﺠ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻐﻔﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺳﻮﻕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻜـﻦ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺤﻲ ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﻟﺘﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻟﻮ ﱂ ﺗﻘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳ ٌﺪ ﳎﻬﻮﻟ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻛﺘﻴﺒﲔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﰲ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [15‬ﺻﻔﺤ ٍﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ ›ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻬﺐ‬ ‫ﻛـ ﹲﻞ ﻣـﻨﻬﻤﺎ ﻣﺆﻟ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‹]‪.‬ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﺷﺎﻋ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻈﻦ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪،‬‬ .‬ﻭﺗﻐﻤﺾ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻋﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﺃﻭ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺮﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺰﺩﻫﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺎﻭﺭﺗﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺿُـﺒِﻄﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻬـﺎ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ( ﻏﺎﻣ ٌ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻮﻗ ٌ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻇﻬـﺮ ﻣﻨﺸـﻮ ٌﺭ ﻣﻠﺘﻬـ ٌ‬ ‫ﻊ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ )ﻭﺳﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺭﺻﺔ‪Les /‬‬ ‫‪ (intermédiaires en Bourse‬ﻓﻀـﺢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺎﺻـﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﺎﲰﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﲝﺴﺐ ﻗﻮﻝ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻲ ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﺎﺭﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺗﺴﻤﺢ ﻣﺴﺎﳘ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺮﻳﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺜﲑ ٍﺓ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻀـﺮﻳﱯ ﺭﻳﺎﺿـ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﳝﺎﺭﺳـﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻇﻬﺮ )ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤ ٌﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻃ ٌ‬ ‫ﺾ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻔﻮﱢﺕ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺀﻟﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫"ﻃﻮﻋﻴ ﹲﺔ" ﻝ]‪ [26.‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗ َﻮﺯﱠﻉ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﲏ ﻟﻠﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍ ٍﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺗﻔﻀﺢ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻜﺎﺩ ﻳﺪﻓﻊ ]‪ [%10‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻜﲔ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﺍﻹﳚﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‫‪156‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺸـﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻬﻼﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻜﻠﻔﻬﺎ ﻏﺎﻟﻴًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﺴـﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻧﺼﻒ ﺗﺴﺠﻴﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺄﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺧﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻏﲑ ﺷﺮﻋ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳـﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻣﻌﻔﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺳﻮﻡ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ .26‬ﲟﺴﺢ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫‪N@N@Cãìm@kèäm@Ûa@pýöbÈÛaD@[4@/7‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻠﺘﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﺎﳍﺎ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺘﺸـﺮ ﰲ ﳏـﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ‪ .[9‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻔـﻮﻥ ﳎﻬﻮﻟـﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﻛﺜ ٌﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﻋﻦ ﺩﺧﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ؟‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻻ ﻳﻬﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺻﻬﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳏﱯ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻢ ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ‬ ‫ﺍﺻـﻄﻔﺎﺅﻩ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻛﺄﺱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻟﻜﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻡ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺟﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪.‬ﰲ ﻟﻌﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺹﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺰﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻞ ﺳﺒﻌ ٍﺔ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩﺓٍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﺮﻕ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻬﺗﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺘﺎ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻣﻮﺟﻮ ٌﺩ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺩﻗـﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻃﺆﺍﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻓﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻔﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﺮﻳﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﺴﺒﺢ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﳕـﻂ‪ :‬ﺍﻃﻠـﺐ ﺗُﻌـ ﹶ‬ ‫ﺷـﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺣﺮﺍﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺜﻴﺎﺏ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻤﺼﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﻨﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﺋﺶ؛ ﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﺴﺪﺳﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﰲ ﺣﻘﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﻳﻨـﺘﻈﺮﻭﻧﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ٍﺔ ﲢﺖ ﻧﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺎﺿـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﻯ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﺃﻧﻪ‬ ‫»ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻫﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻼﻋﻖ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﱐ ﻛﺄﻱ ﳏﺪﺙ ﻧﻌﻤ ٍﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﺸﲑﺓ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﻗﺎﺭﺑﻪ )ﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﲑﻳﻮ‪ ،(le Meryou /‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻭﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺮﱘ ﻭﻳﻮﺳﻒ ]ﺍﻷﺣﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪،‬‬ .‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﻫﺠﺎ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭ ٌﺩ ﻛﻘﺒﻠﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻤ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺃﻗﻞ ﲢﻔﻈﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻠﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﲨﺎﻋﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺫﻭ ﺃﻫﺪﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺳﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪.‬ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﱂ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻭﺩﺍﺧﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺟـﻴﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺩﻭﺍﺋـﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﺣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻼ‬ ‫ﺣﺴـﺐ ﻣﺎ ﺃﺳ ّﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻬﻢ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻛﺘﺒﻬﺎ‪ . .‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪157‬‬ ‫ﺧﻄﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﳌﺴﺔ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﺃﻣﲑﻛﻴﲔ ﺃﺗﻮﺍ ﻟﻴﺘﺤﻘﻘﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻜﹰﺎ ﳌﺘﻌﻬ ٍﺪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﻤﱰﻝ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻗﺼ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺄﻗﺴﺎﻡ ﺍﺑﻨﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺎﺑﺢ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻂ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺮﻙ ﻣﻴﺎ ٍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﺍﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﱰٌﻩ ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﻄﺄﺕ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﲟﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻠﻘﻮﺍ ﺩﻋﻮ ﹰﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻃﺊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪ .

.‬ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ )ﻟﻮﻣﲑﻳﻮ(‬ ‫ﺭﺍﺳﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺳﻴﺪﻱ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﱰﻫﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺪﺣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ »ﻣﻴـﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﺴـﺎﻳﺮﺓ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﺻﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﻢ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﺳﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﺼﻬﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻓﻮﻕ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺸـﺎﺭﻙ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺃﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻨﻬﻢ ﻣﻠﻲ ٌﺀ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﳏﺎﻓﻈﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﳜﻔﻖ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﻌﺎﻻﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﻇﺮﻳ ٌ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺼﻬﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻨﺎﻩ ﲪﻮﻩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻮﻕ ﳏﻮﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺥ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺃﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ ﻧﺎﺟ ٍﺢ ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﲢﺖ ﺇﺷﺮﺍﻓﻪ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺃﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳـﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﺳـﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﺼﻌﻮﺩﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭﺻﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻨﺔ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺯﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺮﺳـﻢ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻏﺪﺍ ﺧﺼﻤًﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺻـﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻪ ﺗـﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻘ ﹰﺔ‪» :‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻉ ﺛﲑﺍ ٍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﺤ ٌﻢ ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﺑﺪﺍ ﳑﺤﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺒﺬﻝ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺇﻳﻬﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺣـﲔ ﺗﻠﻘﺎﻩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﲣﺼـﺺ ﺳـﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻟﻌﺐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻘ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﺳﻠﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﻛـﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘـﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺟﲑﺍﻧﻪ‪.‬ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﺴﺤﺔ ﺭﻗ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺘﻴﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‬ .‬ﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﻌﺪﻩ ﺍﻻﺑﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ‬ ‫ﳛﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ«‪.‫‪158‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺯ ﻡ[ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹲﻞ ﻛﺎﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ‪ ،‬ﳓﻴ ﹲﻞ ﻛﻠﻔﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﺒ ٍﻎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﻣﺜﻘ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﺱ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﱪ ﺳﺮﺩ ﺃﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻟﻴﺪﻓﻊ ﲟﻠﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻴﺴﻬﻞ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻊ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺒﻌًﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﺛﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻛﻔﺎﻟﺔ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﺃﻓﺎﺩﺕ ﺷﺮﻛ ﹰﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻗﻴﻤـﺘﻪ ]‪ [480‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ‪ :‬ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴ ﹰﺔ ﺍﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﲑﻫﺎ ‪.‬ﻣـﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻠﺰﻡ ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻃﺮﺍﺑﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﰲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﲏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱯ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻗﻀـﻰ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﺣ ٍﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺮﻓﻘﺔ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ‪.

‬ﻣﺮﺍﺩ ﻫﻮ ﺧﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻟﻘﺒﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ )ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻭﺻﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺤﺴﻦ ﲟﻈﻬﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺼﺒﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺯﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﻨﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﻴﻼﱐ‪ .‬ﻓﺄﻣﺮﻭﻩ ﺑﺄﻻ ﻳﺮﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺏ ﻭﻣﺎﺭﺳﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺿـﻐﻄﹰﺎ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﺧﻔﻴًﺎ ﻟﻴﻄﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺣﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺎﺋﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴـﻲ ﻫـﻲ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﺩﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﲨـﺎﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺧﻮﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺧﻮﺍﺕ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﲨﻴﻌًﺎ ﻣﻮﻃﺊ ﻗﺪ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﶈﺮﻭﻗﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭًﺍ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ‪.‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪159‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻛﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ )ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺭ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﻬﻰ ﺿﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﺮﻭﺓ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺮﺭﺕ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬ .‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ )ﺇﻟﻒ( ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺑﺮﺅﺳﺎﺋﻪ‬ ‫ﳐـﻮ ﹰﻻ ﺑﺈﺟـﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷـﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻏﻀﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﳍـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳉـﻴﻼﱐ ﻭﻟﻴﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺃﺧﻮﻫﺎ ﺑﻠﺤﺴﻦ ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻢ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻬﻢ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻓﺎﻋﺘﻘﻠﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺴﺎﻃ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺇﻟﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺳﺎﻃﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺃﻣ ٍﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺎﺩﻭﻩ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﻜﺘـﺐ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻭﻻ ﺃﻗﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻧـﺮﻯ ﺇﺿـﺎﻓﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﲰﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﳎﺘﻤﻌﲔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺇﺩﺧﺎﻝ )ﺑﺎﺗﺎﻡ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴـﺔ ﺍﻟـﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳘﺎ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺑﻮﺭﺻﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﻮﺭﺽ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻻ ﻳﻮﺿـﻌﻮﻥ ﲨﻴﻌًﺎ ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳋﺎﻧﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ )ﺇﻟﻒ ﺁﻛﻴﺘﲔ‪ (Elf-Aquitaine /‬ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺼﺎﻝ ﻋﻦ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ )ﻷﺧﺬ ﺍﻷﻧﺸﻄﺔ( ﻣﻊ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺇﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪bçúb׊‘ë@óÜîÛ@[5@/7‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺑﻨﻬﺐ« ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﻭﳌﻦ ﺃﺭﺍﺩﺕ )ﺇﻟﻒ( ﺍﻟﺒﻴﻊ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌـﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﻴّﺐ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﻴ ٍﺔ ﺷﺎﺋﻜ ٍﺔ ﲤﺲ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﺍﺑﻠﺴﻲ‪ :‬ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷـﺮﻛﺔ )ﺇﻟـﻒ‪ (Elf /‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪» .

‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺳﻮﻍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻨﻈﻒ ﲟﺎﺀ ﺟﺎﻓﻴﻞ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﺸﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺯﻳﻊ«‪.‬ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺼﺮﻓﻴﲔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﲡﺮﺑ ﹲﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻣﻌﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻛـﻞ ﺳﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻥ ﲤﻠﻚ ﺃﺳﺎﺳًﺎ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳًﺎ‪ .‬ﺁﺧﺮ ﺗﻌﺪﻳ ٍﻞ ﻭﺯﺍﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪1999‬‬ ‫ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﲤﻴﺰ ﺑﺎﻹﻃﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﻭﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﳌﺜﲑ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻟﻠﺠﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠـﻴﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻠﱯ ﺭﻏﺒ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﻔـﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﺮﺋﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﺗﻮﻇﻴﻒ ﺍﺑﻦ ﺍﻷﺥ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭًﺍ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪.‫‪160‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫)ﺇﻟـﻒ(‪ ،‬ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻃﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻘﻴﺐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻬﺗﺐ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﲤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﻛﻞ ﺍﶈﺘﺎﻟﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺼﺨﺼﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻢ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺗﺒﺬﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﳘﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﳛﺎﻭﻝ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ‬ ‫ﺺ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻱ ﻋﺼﺒ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻑ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻠﺴﺎﺩﺓ ﳏﱯ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻬﲑ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺯﺭﻭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﺪ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﻮ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻷﻗﻤﺸﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻼﺳﺘﻴﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﻟﻄﻴّﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻣﺮﺭﻧﺎ ﻬﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺪﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺛﺮﻭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﻮ ٍﺫ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻘﺪﺕ‬ ‫ﺣﻈﻮﻬﺗﺎ ﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺍﻓـﻖ ﻣﻘﺮﺑﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻫﻮﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ًﻲ ﺧﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻬﺗﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﻻ ﲣﻠـﻮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﳜﺘﺒﺊ ﺣﺴﺎ ً‬ ‫ﻒ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» :‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺘﻨ ٌﻊ ﺑﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺽ ﻗﺪ ٌﱘ ﻟﺒﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺣﻠﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺒﻌﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺍﻕ ﻛﻴﻼ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺃﺳﲑ ﺃﻱ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻷﺣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳚﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺼـﺮﻓﻴﻮ )ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻄﻲ‪ (Club Financier méditerranéen /‬ﳎﺘﻤﻌﲔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺆﲤـ ٍﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲟﺒﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ‬ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ »ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻓﺴﺎ ٌﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ«‪ .

‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪161‬‬ ‫ﻟﻼﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ )‬ ‫‪(Tunisie.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺻﻼﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ]‪[...[10‬ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﹸﻓﺘِﺢ ﺇﻧﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻄﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺣﱴ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺣـﺪ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ‪" ،‬ﺻﺪﻳﻖ" ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻐﻮﱄ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺣﺒﻴﺐ ﺩﻭﻟﻮﻧﻜﻞ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Pierre Habib-Deloncle‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻭﻗـﺘﻬﺎ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ )ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﺴـﻠﻴﻒ‪ ،(Société marseillaise de Crédit.‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪِﻝ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﳊﻈ ٍﺔ ﺑﺄﺣﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻪ‪ ..‬‬ ‫‪la Banque pour le dévelopment économique de la‬‬ ‫‪N@N@ñ†väÜÛ@kèí@ïi‰ëþa@…b¤üa@[6@/7‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺎﻝ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﳌﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺭﺑﻂ‬ ‫ﺑـﻼﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻭﺍﺭﺩًﺍ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ‪ . SMC /‬ﻟـﺘﻬﺪﺋﺔ ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﺰﻟﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺲ ﺗﻘﻠﻴﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺎﻓ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ ﺍﳋﺎﺹ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩًﺍ ﳍﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﳓﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻷﻣﲏ ﻫﻢ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺇﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻌـﻮﺩﻭﺍ ﻳـﺘﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺍﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺪ«]‪ . BDET‬؛ ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﳌـﻨﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺩﺳﻮﺍ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﺀ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﻮﺯﻉ ﻟﻜـﻞ ﻣﺸﺎﺭ ٍﻙ ﺑﻄﺎﻗ ﹲﺔ ﻇﺮﻓﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﱄ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺒـﺘﻬﺎ ›ﴰﺎﻝ‪-‬ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻛﺴﺒﻮﺭﺕ‪ ،‹Nord-Sud Export /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﳎﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﲢﻠﻴﻞ »ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺨﻄﺮ«‪ ..‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻂ ﻣﻮﺷﺤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺋـﺢ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﻄ ٍﺮ ﺩﺍﻣﻐ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﰲ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻂ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ ﻣﻌﻘﺪﹲﺓ ﻭﻣﺒﻬﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻘﺪ ٍﺭ ﻛﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺷـﻬﻴﺔ ﺃﺳـﺮﺓ ﺯﻭﺟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺿﺤﺔ ﻭﺿﻮﺣًﺎ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪًﺍ ﺗﻀﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻃﻖ ]‪ [.‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﳊـﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﹸﺭﻏِـﻢ ﻛـﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﻲ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﻧﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﺍﺧﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﻠﻔﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻌﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻭﺑﺘﻮﻗﻴﻊ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺮﺍﻛ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ ﰲ ]‪ 12‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺣﺮ ٍﺓ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻳﻨـﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘـﻮﺩ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺗﻄﺒﻴﻘﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺧﻠﻖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﹰﺎ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻪ ﺃﻭ ﻣﻬﺎﲨﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ‬ .

‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺇﻥ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﲡﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣ ٍﺞ ﳊﻮﺽ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳـﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋـﺎﱂ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺇﻻ ﻋﻦ »ﺗﺴﻮﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ« ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻲ َﺗ ِﻌﺪُ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺑﺄﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﺻﻌﺒ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪» :‬ﻭﻗﻌﺖ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫـﻮ ﳝـﻨﺢ ﺍﳌﺆﲤـﺮﺍﺕ ﺻﺒﻐﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻐﺬﻱ ﺍﻷﺣﺎﺩﻳﺚ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﺼﺪﺭ‬ ‫ﺻـﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻒ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼـﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﺗﻈﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﲟﻌﺎﻫﺪ ٍﺓ ﺃﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻬﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﻠﺒﻮﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺇﺯﺍﻟـﺔ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟـﺰ ﺍﳉﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳊـﺮﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺍﻃـﻨﲔ‪ . .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻫﺎﻥ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺍﻟﻠﻄﻒ )ﻛﻲ ﻻ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ( ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻨﻌﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﻏﻢ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻝ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳـﺐ ﰲ ﺃﻗﺒﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻔﻌﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻀﺤّﻰ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺬﺑﺢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳـﺒﺔ ﻣـﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺑﺮﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺟﺰ ﺍﳉﻤﺮﻛﻴﺔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﺭﳚـ ٍﻲ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻻﲢـﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﳒـﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺤﻘﻖ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﲡـﺎﻩ ﺑﻠـﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻳﻐﺬﻱ ﺧﻄﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ )ﺃﻭﻝ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻔﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ »ﺑﺎﻷﻭﻟﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺼﻮﻯ«(‪.‬ﻓﻜـﺮﺓ ﺭﺑﻂ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺗﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﺩﺍﺭﺟًﺎ )ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺿـﺔ(‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴـﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﳎﺎ ٍﻝ‪ .‫‪162‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﺕ ﺑﻼ ٌﺩ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺣﺬﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻠﺪﺍ ﹲﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ )ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺑﺮﻣﺖ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﺍﻛ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﻼ( ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻛﻲ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ‪ .‬ﻳ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﺍﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺣـﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﱪﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﻓﻘﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺣﱴ‬ ‫ﺍﺣـﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻗﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﻏﲑﻫـﺎ )ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻝ‪.

‬ﻭﻳﻔﻀـﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺨﻴﺺ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴـﻤﺢ ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﲟﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪163‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺸﺎﻬﺑ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺒﻠﻨﺎ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻟﻴًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻔﺎﺩﺕ ﺣـﻮﺍﱄ ﺃﻟـﻒ ﻣﺆﺳﺴ ٍﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻮﱘ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ‬ ‫ﻱ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻏﺎﻟًﺒﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺗﻴﺒﺎﺕ ﺇﻻ ﲝﺜﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .[11‬‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺴـﺐ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻀﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻗًﺘﺎ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺿﺎﻋﻬﻢ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻨـﺒﺆ ﲟـﺎ ﺳـﻴﺄﰐ‪ .[13‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﳐﻴﺒ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻶﻣﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺪّﺭ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻓﺮﺹ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ُ ،‬ﻣ ﹶﻘ ﱠﺪ ٌﺭ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﳒﺎﺣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩًﺍ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﺑﻴﺎﺗﺮﻳﺲ ﺇﻳﺒﻮ‪» :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺣﻴﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺮﳎﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻗﻠﻴ ٍﻞ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺹ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺜ ٍﲑ‪ .‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﱂ ﻧﻌﻤﻞ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺰﳛﻮﻧﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﺒﻘﻰ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺧﺮﺓ«]‪.‬ﻭﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻲٌ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺘﻀﻤﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻭﱃ ﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪.‬ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗُﺤﺴﱢﻦ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻠـﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻕ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻮﺟﺎﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬ﺗﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﲡﺘﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﺨﻴﺼًـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﺘﻤ ٍﺔ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻫـﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﶈﻘﻘﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ )ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺎﺩﺭ ﺭﲰﻴ ٍﺔ‪ [150] ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺩﻳﻨﺎﺭ]‪ [12‬ﻭﺳﻄﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻪ ﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻘﻮﱘ( ﻭﻛﺬﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟﻘﺴـﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺨﻴﺺ«]‪.‬ﻳﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻟﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﺘﺠﻬﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺰﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻷﺭﺑﺎﺡ ﺳﺮﻳﻌ ﹲﺔ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺗﻔ ٌﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﺜﺒﺖ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺃﺧﺬﻭﺍ "ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻲ ﺗﺴﻮﻍ ﺩﻭﻝ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻟﻄﻔﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﺮﺡ ﺃﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺛﻠﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﻴﺞ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﳐﺎﻃﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺘﻤﻮﻳ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺮﻭﺽ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻘﻮﻡ ﺧﱪﺍ ٌﺀ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺤـﺺ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴـﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﺭﺍﺳﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﻧﻌﲔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﺘﺤﺴﲔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟـﺰﺑﺎﺋﻦ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﺘﻢ ﻗﺴـ ٌﻢ ﻛـﺒ ٌﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺿﺮﺍﺋﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﺟﻮﻫﺮﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﲑﺍﺩ ﺍﳊﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻌﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﺍﻟﻀﺮﻭﺭﻳﺔ ﻹﻧﺘﺎﺟﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﻳﻌﺴﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﻭﻥ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ‪،‬‬ .‬ﻧﻈﺮﻳًﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﺤﺮﻙ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷـﻲ ﺃﺣـﺪ ﺃﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﻐﺔ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻮﻓـﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌـﺘﺮﻑ ﺑـﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﻢ ﻳﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﺑﻼ ﻫﻮﺍﺩ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻘﻮﻝ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻋﻨﺪﻧﺎ«]‪.‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﺃﻭﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» :‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺗﺜﲑ ﻗﻠﻖ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ«‪.‬ﻭﻳﻨﻄﺒﻖ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺸ ْﻲ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ )ﲟﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳛﺘﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻉ( ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ ﲟﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪.‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻐﺖ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ]‪ [%16‬ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﻛـﺰ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣـﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﺯ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺆﻛـﺪ ﻣـﻠﺤﻮﻇ ﹲﺔ ﺃﺻـﺪﺭﻬﺗﺎ ﺳـﻔﺎﺭﹲﺓ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺃﻥ »ﻓﻴﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌًﺎ«‪.[%25‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﻣﺆﻛ ٌﺪ‪ :‬ﺧﺮﳚﻮ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﺃﻭ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﲣﺮﺟﻮﺍ ﺣﺪﻳﺜﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﳚﺪﻭﻥ ﺻﻌﻮﺑ ﹰﺔ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻋﻤـ ٍﻞ ﻣﻼﺋ ٍﻢ ﻻﺧﺘﺼﺎﺻﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻢ ﺣﻮﺍﱄ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺭﺑﺎﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻉ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ÝàÈÛa@åÇ@´ÜbÇ@đpa…bè‘@òÜ»@iaì@[7@/7‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﻧﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻒ ﻳﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤـﻞ‪ .‫‪164‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻭﺫﺍﺕ ﳐﺎﻃـﺮ ﺃﻗـﻞ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻣـﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻳﻐﺬﻱ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪ :‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺒﺐ ﺍﳋـﺮﳚﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﻃﻠﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﻌﻮﺍ ﰲ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﻘﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .[14‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑـﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺪّﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﺄﻗﻞ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﻗﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺭﲟـﺎ ﻗﺎﺭﺑﺖ ]‪ .

‬ﻭﺍﳌﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﻔﺪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺘﺎﻥ ﺃﺧﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻬﺗﺪﺩﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﺈﺯﺍﻟﺔ ﺃﻟﻖ "ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ"‪.‬‬ ‫ﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯ ٍﻡ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﳎـﻲﺀ ﺭﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻋﱪ ﻣﺼﺎﳊ ٍﺔ ﻻ ﳜﺪﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻗـﺒﺔ ﺗﻌﺪﺩ "ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ" ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﺪﻭﺩ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﻟﻼﻗﺘﻨﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺇﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﻧﻈﺮ ٍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﺭ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﺸﻐﻠﻪ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺻ ٍﻞ ﺃﺳﻄﻮ ﹲﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻟﻮﺣﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﺳﻢ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﻣﺖ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺰًﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺰﻝ ﺟﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱯ‪.‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺴﺘﻌ ٍﺪ‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﻨﻔﺬﻭﻥ ﺇﺿﺮﺍﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺒﻮﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺯﻋﺎﺝ ﰲ ﺷﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ .‬ﳜﺎﻃـﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻔﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺴﻮﻳﻎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪ .[15‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻳﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﺤﻴﻞ ﺣﺼﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﳒﻤﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻋﻦ ﺭﻓﻊ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﺮﺿﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﺼﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﰲ‪ .‬ﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﳊﻆ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪.‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺄﺧﺬ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻋﻄﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﻮﻑ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻟ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲰﺔ ﺩﺧﻮ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﻗﻨﺼﻠﻴﺔ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﺃﻭﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺰﻭﺩ ﺑﺒﻀﺎﺋﻊ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻳﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻓﻘـﺪ ﺃﺗـﻰ ﻋﺸـﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ ﻳﻨﻔﻘﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﳍﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ]‪ .‫"ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ" ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪165‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎ ٍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻳﺰﻋﺠﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﱪﺹ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﲔ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻲ‪ .

‫‪166‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻃﺆﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ 167 ZsÛbrÛa@áÔÛa òîãŠÐÛa@paûaìnÛa .

‫‪168‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬‬ ‫‪N@N@æìÏŠİn½a@æìİ‘bäÛaë@sÛbrÛa@bÈÛa@õbvç@[1@/8‬‬ ‫ﳝﻜـﻦ ﻋﺪ ﻫﻮﻍ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻌﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴ ٍﺔ ﻗﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻧﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻮﺭﻳﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﺏ‪ .‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪169‬‬ ‫‪òíì‰@ćpbØj‘@[8‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺷـﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﻓـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﺗﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻱ‪ ،‬ﻏﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺹ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿـﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺳـﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻹﺿـﺎﺀﺓ ﺁﻭﺕ ﳌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﲢﺮﻳﺮ ﻧﺸﺮ ٍﺓ ﺳﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ›]ﺧﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ[‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻻ ﻧﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻗﻮﺍﻝ؟‪.‹Special Maghreb /‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﹸﻃﻠِﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﴰﺎﱄ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﳒﺪﻩ ﻧﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﰲ‬ ‫ﲢـﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻘـﻮﻡ ﺑﺈﺿﺎﺀﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺹ ﺑﺎﳌﻐﺮﺏ‹‪ ،‬ﻫﻮﻍ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ )‪،(Hugues Wagner‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻧـﻪ ﻳﺪﺍﻓـﻊ ﻋـﻦ ﻓﻜـﺮﺗﻪ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﱯ ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺜ ٌﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺎﺧ ٌ‬ ‫ﳎﺪﺩ ٍﺓ‪» :‬ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﳛﺠﺐ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ«‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﺧﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣًﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺐ‪.

‬ﺣﱴ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩُﻋﻲ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﻄـﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻘـﺎﻭﻡ ﺇﻏﺮﺍﺀ ﺳﺆﺍﻟﻪ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺣﻈﻮﻇﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔـﻮﺫ ﲨـﺎﱄ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻧﺎﺟ ٌﻢ ﻋﻦ ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺘﻪ ﻣﻊ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻭﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﲟﺠﻤﻞ ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺘﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻭﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻـ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﲰﻬـﺎ ›ﺷﺮﺍﻛ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ‪-‬ﻣﻐﺮﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ‪،‹Partenariat Europe-Maghreb /‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬـ ﹲﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ‪ .[2‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺩﺍﺋ ٍﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﲨﺎﱄ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﻣﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻧﻜﺘﺸﻒ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ"ﺗﻨ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻨﺤﺪﺭ‬ . .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﳌﻔﻀﻞ ﻟﺒﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﻗﺮﻳﺒ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻨﺎ«]‪.[1‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﻮﻍ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﻮﺽ ﺠﻤﻟﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺆﻗﺘﺔ ›ﻻ ﺑﺮﺱ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻴﺰ‪ ‹La Presse Francaise /‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ‬ ‫ﳝﺠﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍ ٌﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣ ٌﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﻫﺎ ٌﺭ‪ :‬ﲢﻘﻴ ٌﻖ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ‬ ‫ﲔ ﺟﺪﻳ ٌﺪ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻴﻨﺎﺀ ﺳﻼ ٍﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﻣـﺎﻡ«‪ .‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺣ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺭﻳﺸﻠﻴﻮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻐﲏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺫﻭ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﲔ ﺳﻨﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎﺋﺪﹲﺓ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻋﻢ ﺣﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺭﺻﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ُﻣﻨِﺢ ﲨﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺨﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﺓ ﻗـﺮ ً‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ‪ .‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺻﺪﻗﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﻮﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺩﻋﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻟﻜﻲ ﲡﺮﻱ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺸـﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ »ﺑﺸـﻔﺎﻓﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ٍﺔ ﻭﺣﻴﺎ ٍﺩ ﺗﺎ ٍﻡ«‪ .‫‪170‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﺗﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﳎﺎﻧًﺎ‪.‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﻧﺸﺮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺣﺴﲔ ﲨﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻻ ﻳﺘﻠﻜﺄ ﺑﻌﻀﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟـﻨﻮﺏ ﺗﻮﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗُﺴﺘَﻘﺒَﻞ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻯ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺸﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﶈﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﳊﻠﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻮﻫﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﻀﻴﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻄﻞ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﻬﺗﻢ ‪ .

‬ﲢﺖ ﻣﻈﻬﺮﻩ ﻛﻤﺘﻤﺮ ٍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿـ ٍﻊ‪ ،‬ﳜﻔـﻲ ﻫﻮﻍ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻑ‪ .(Partie des forces nouvelles.‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪171‬‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺛـﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﺗﺴﺠﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﰊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺑﺪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲤﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ]‪.[3]‹Présent /‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻈـﺮًﺍ ﻻﻃﻼﻋﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻴ ٍﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻸﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ›ﻣﻴﻨﻮﺕ‹ ﺑﻨﺴﻴﻮﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺪﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻻﻬﺗﺎﻣﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺸﻜﻴﻚ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐ ﹰﺔ ﲝﻖ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﲔ‪ . PFN‬‬ ‫ﺹ ﻣﻦ ﺟﲑﺍﻟﺪ ﺑﻨﺴﻴﻮﻟﻴﻠﻲ )‪ ،(Gérald Pencioleli‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻮ ﻗﺮﻳ ٌ‬ ‫ﳝﻠـﻚ ﺍﻷﺳـﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﻣﻴـﻨﻮﺕ‪ ‹Minute /‬ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ]‪ 1993‬ﻭﺭﺑﻴﻊ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺣﻮﻝ »ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ« ﰲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫ُﻧﺸِـﺮ ﻣﻠـ ٌ‬ ‫]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[]‪ ،[4‬ﻗـﺒﻞ ﺷـﻬﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﱪﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻓﺮﺿﻬﺎ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ‪ .‬ﺻﺪﺍﻗﺎﻬﺗﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻗﺪﳝ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﰲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺼﻨﻊ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻝ ﺃﻧﺎﻗ ﹲﺔ‪.‬ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﻭﺗﻮﻛﻮﻝ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ (Radio-Maghreb /‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1984‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﺎ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ‬ .‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺍﺭ ﻛﻼﳘﺎ ﺍﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺓ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪،(Radio-Méditerranée /‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻮﳍﺎ ﺑﺴﺨﺎ ٍﺀ ﺭﺅﻭﺱ ﺃﻣﻮﺍ ٍﻝ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻳ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻏـﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﺟـﺄﺓ‪ ،‬ﻫـﺎ ﻫﻲ‪ :‬ﲢﺖ ﻣﻈﻬﺮ ﻫﺠﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﳛﺮﺭﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﺴـﻴﻮﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻫـﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﻣﺆﺳﺴﺔ‬ ‫)ﺳـﻴﺒﻜﻮﻡ‪) (Sipcom /‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ’ﻧﻮﺭﺟﻴﺰﺍ‪ ،(‘Norgesa /‬ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺎﻃﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﺪﺩﺓ ﺍﻷﻫﺪﺍﻑ‪ :‬ﺗﻮﺭﻳﺪ ﻣﻌﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺠﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻮﺍﺯﻡ ﳐﺘﻠﻔ ٍﺔ ﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ‬ ‫›ﺑﺮﻳﺰﺍﻥ‪.[5‬‬ ‫ﻛـﻴﻒ ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺑﻨﺴﻴﻮﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﺃﻥ ﳛﺎﻓﻈﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﻴﺪﺓ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ؟‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺰﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﺪﱘ ﰲ ﺑـﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﹰﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1968‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ )ﺃﻭﻛﺴﻴﺪﺍﻥ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ ،(occident‬ﰒ ﰲ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ )‪.

‬ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻏﻮﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻊ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻴﻪ ﻭﺍﻏﻨﺮ ﻭﺑﻨﺴﻴﻮﻟﻴﻠﻲ ﻭﺷﺠﻌﻬﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻠﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺮﻛﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻭﺻﻔﻬﻢ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﰊ ﻣﺆﻣـﻦ ﺩﻳﻮﺭﻱ‪» :‬ﺟﺎﻟﺴﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﻈﻬ ٍﺮ ﻣﻘﺒﻮ ٍﻝ ﺟﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫـﺮﻳًﺎ ﻭﻣﻬﺬﺑﲔ ﻛﺄﻣﻬﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻣﺘﺸﻨ ٌﺞ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺮّﻣﲔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ‬ ‫ﻯ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺛﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺳﺘﻴﻼ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻐﺰ ً‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿـ ٍﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺘﺴﻤﻮﻥ ﺍﺑﺘﺴﺎﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[6‬‬ ‫ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﺋﻢ« ‪.‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ ﻛﺎﺩﺭًﺍ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺔ ﻻﻣﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼـﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟـﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﰒ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭًﺍ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺭﺣﻼﺕ ﻃﲑﺍ ٍﻥ ﺇﺿﺎﻓﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻧﻘﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻟﻴﺘﺬﻭﻗﻮﺍ‬ ‫ﺳﺤﺮ ﻗﺼﻮﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ ﻭﻭﺭﺯﺍﺯﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﻏـﺪﺕ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﻓﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻫﺎ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ )ﺑﻮﺑﻠﻴﺴﻲ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ ،(Publicis‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺲ ﻟﻴﻔﻲ )‪ ،(Maurice Lévy‬ﺍﳌﻮﻟﻮﺩ ﰲ ﻭﺟﺪﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﺤﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻮﻏﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟ ِﻘﺪَﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﲑ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍﺓ‪ :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ "ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻴﻼ"‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴـﻨﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺋﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻬﻮﺍﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺡ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺤﻖ ﻏﻮﺟﺎ ﺍﳌﺬﻛﻮﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﺑـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﻮﺭﻭﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﻛﺎﺩﳝﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻳﻨـﺘﺎﻬﺑﻢ ﺍﳊﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﻏﺘﺮﺍﺏ ﻳﺒﺬﻟﻮﻥ ﺟﻬﺪًﺍ ﺟﺒﺎﺭًﺍ ﻟﻴﺘﻢ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﳍﻢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺼـﺮ ﺍﳌﻠﻜـﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪BýînbiB@qdm@[2@/8‬‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻟﻴﺲ ﳍﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒ ٌﹰﻞ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻭﻡ ﻓﺘﺮ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﲑﺓﹰ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺴﲑﺓ ﺣﻴﺎﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺹ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻇﻬﻮ ٍﺭ ﻟﻠﺤﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﻗﺪﺍﺳًﺎ ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ ﻃﻘﺴﻴًﺎ‪.‫‪172‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ ﻏﺎﻣﻀ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺷ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ ﻃﺎﻟ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺎﺭﻛﺴﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻨﻴﲏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻰ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﻗﻮﺟﺔ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻷﻧﻨﺎ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﻭﻥ ﺟﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﺸـﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻣﻨﺎ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ‪ .

‬ﻳﺘﻤﺴﻚ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺵ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺯﻣ ٍﻦ ﻃﻮﻳ ٍﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻤﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺁﻻﻥ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻜﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﳛﺪﺙ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺠﺎ ٌﻡ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻪ ﺣﺲ ﺇﺑﺪﺍﻉ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ«‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻊ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﻌـﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻛﺎﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﺍﳋـﻴﻮﻁ ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﻏﻠﻈ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﲑﺍﺕ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺇﺩﻫﺎﺷًﺎ‪ .‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪173‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﻠﻮﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺃﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ‪ -‬ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪» :‬ﻳﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺋـﺒﲔ‪ :‬ﺃﻻﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻳﻨﻴﻮﻥ )‪ ،(Alain Carignon‬ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻟﻴﻮﺗﺎﺭ‬ ‫)‪ ،(François Léotard‬ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ ﻧﻮﺍﺭ )‪ ،(Michel Noir‬ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍ ِﳌﻨّﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ .[7‬‬ ‫‪N@N@æbÌî@BÕ톖ÛaB@[3@/8‬‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻜـﺲ ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻀﻢ ﻋﻦ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻃ ٍﺮ ﺃﺷﺨﺎﺻًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻳﺪﻳﻮﻟﻮﺟﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻭﺍﺿﺤًﺎ‪ .‬ﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺩﱏ‪ .‬ﳓﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﺍ ًﺀ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺸﺨﺼﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻓﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺣﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪-‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ«]‪.‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺮ ٍﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳـﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺧﻠﻘﺖ ﻛﻌﻜﺔ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻮﺍﻕ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺪﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﲑﺍﺩ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺃﻧﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻴﺎﺡ ﺍﳋﻔﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺐ ﺇﻓﻬﺎﻣﻪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻠ ٌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻲ ﻧﻈﲑﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻧﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺻﻐ ٌﲑ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﻠﻨﻮﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺣﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﰲ ]‪ 20‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﳐﺘﻠﻔ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ ﻣﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ ﺇﺣﻴﺎﺀ ﺫﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰎ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﰲ‬ .‬ﺣِﺲ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻨﲔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻀﻴﻞ ﻣﻄﺎﻋﻢ )ﺣﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩ( ﺍﳌﻠﻴﺌﺔ ﺑﺎﳊﻴﻮﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸﺨﺼـﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺣﻔﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺑﺾ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪.

‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻄﻮﻁ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗُﺮﺟﻊ‬ ‫ﻗـﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﳍﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﳊﻨﲔ ﺻﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺳﻄﻮﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻐﻮﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﻣﻮﻛﺐ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻲ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ –‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﻐﺎﻥ ‪ -‬ﺑﺎﺳـﻜﻮﺍ‪ .‫‪174‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲑﺟﲑﻱ )‪ ،(Conciergerie‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻴـﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﺩﻭﺍﺭ ﺑﺎﻻﺩﻭﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓـﺎﻟﲑﻱ ﺟﻴﺴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ )‪ (Valéry Giscard d'Éstaing‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺮ ﺻﻴﻐﺔ )ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻨﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺟﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺷـﲑﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳﺔ ﻛﺎﺭﻧﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻃﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺣﱴ ﺳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺜﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺸـﺮﺓ؟‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﺔ ﺇﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴ ٍﺔ ﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﲡﺎﻩ ﻧﻈﺎ ٍﻡ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﻴﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳـﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ ﻳﺆﺩﻱ ﺩﻭﺭًﺍ ﺛﺎﻧﻮﻳًﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﻛﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻞ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﺎﺭﻳًﺎ ﻓﻌﻼﹰ؟‪.‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺣﺎ ٍﻝ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴـﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻃﻴﺐ ﺧﺎﻃ ٍﺮ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺫﻱ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﻲ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺸﺮﺡ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ٌﻋﺼﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ«‪.‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﳊﻠﻴﻒ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﻢ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻷﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻠﻴـﺐ ﺳـﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﺑﻼ ﺟﺪﺍ ٍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺎﻫﺰ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﳌﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺪﻳﻐﻮﻝ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﻠـﻴ ٍﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻋﺸﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﲡﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﳌﺨﺪﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻭ ﹰﻻ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﺪﻳﺪ »ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﻏـﺪﺍﺓ ﺃﺯﻣـﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺍﲣﺬﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻓﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰـﺎ ﻣﺆﻳﺪًﺍ ﻟﺼﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﲔ ﻷﺳﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺸـﻐﻞ ﺑﺎﻟﻪ ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﻭﺍﺣ ٌﺪ‪ :‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﳊﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺿﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻋـﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺰﻳﺢ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻻﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳُﻌﺎﻣَﻞ ﺑﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳُﺆﺧﺬ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻩ ﻛﺮﺟﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺔٍ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻭﻟﻌﻪ ﺏ)ﺍﻟﻌﺠﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻠـﻴﻂ ﺧﻀـﺎ ٍﺭ ُﻣَﺒﻬﱠﺮ ٍﺓ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ؟‪ .

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‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﻭﺻﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﺙ؟‪ .‬ﻋﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺩﺍﻥ ﺍﻻﺛﻨﺎﻥ »ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺆﻭﻱ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺯﻋﻤﺎ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ«‪.‬‬
‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻘﻠﻖ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﺰﻭﻡ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺼﻞ ﰲ‬
‫ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪:‬‬
‫»ﺇﻬﻧـﺎ ﻓﺮﺻ ﹲﺔ ﱄ ﻷﻛﺮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﰊ ﲝﺰﺑﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﺃﻓﻮّﺕ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‬
‫ﻼ ﻷﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺣﺰﰊ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻋﺮﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬
‫ﻱ«‪ .‬ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﻭﻋﺼﺮ ٍ‬
‫ﺏ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﲟﻬﺎﻡ ﺣﺰ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﻱ ﺣـﺰ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻫﻮ ﺭﲟﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ‬
‫)‪ . . (Reunion pour la republique, RPR‬ﻭﻳﻀﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‪» :‬ﻥ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ‬
‫ﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻄﻮﺭًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺭﺗﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﻨﻮ ٍ‬
‫ﻳﻨﺴـﻴﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﺣﺘﺎﺟﺖ ﻟﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺮﻭ ٍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻌﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺆﺳﺴـﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﻟﻴﺔ«‪ .[8‬ﻭﺑﺘﻌﺒ ٍﲑ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪،‬‬
‫ﳝﻜـﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨـﺘﻈﺮ »ﺿﻌﺔ ﻗﺮﻭ ٍﻥ«ﻛﻲ ﺗُﻄﺒﱠﻖ ﰲ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻗﻠﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﰲ‬
‫ﲎ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻄﺮﻕ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺃﺑﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﹸﺤﺎﺟﱠﺔ ﻣﻌ ً‬
‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎ ٍﻝ ﻬﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺇﻥ‬
‫ﺳـﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﺍﻷﳝﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺋﺐ ﺇﺗﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻧﺖ )‪ (Étienne Pinte‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻧﻴﲔ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺼـﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺟﻪ ﺭﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﻏﺎﻣﻀ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﺍﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺐ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺤﺪﺩ ﰲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ‬
‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻦ ﳕﻂ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻣﺪﺭ ٌﻙ ﻟﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺼﹼﻠ ٍ‬
‫ﺃﺧـﺮﻯ‪» :‬ﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺟﻬﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﻳﺮﻱ ﻟﻠﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺳـﻴﻘﻠﻞ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻭﻯ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻘﺪﳝﻬﺎ ﻷﻋﻤﺎ ٍﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻟﱵ‬
‫ﺗﻘﻮﻣﻮﻥ ﻬﺑﺎ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴـﻮﺍ ﲜﺎﺣﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﹸﻗﻠﱢﺪ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳـﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﹸﻫﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 24‬ﻧﻴﺴﺎﻥ ‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺷﻘ ﹰﺔ ﰲ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺴﻜﻨﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺇﺑّﺎﻥ ﻃﻔﻮﻟﺘﻪ]‪.«[9‬‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﻭﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬
‫ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﳎﺎﻣ ﹰ‬
‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ُ ،‬ﻧﻈﱢﻤﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸـ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺰﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻐﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﻟﺼﺎﳊﻪ‪ .‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺩﻭ ﺑﲑﻳﱵ )‪،(Jean-Jaques de Péretti‬‬
‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺃﻻﻥ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻪ )‪ ،(Alain Juppé‬ﺩﺍﻓﻊ‬
‫ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺗﻄﻮ ٌﺭ ﻳﻜﺘﻤﻞ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ‪،«. .‬‬
‫ﺹ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ »ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻭﺃﺿﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺤﻚ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﻣـﺎ ﻣـﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻻﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻞ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻜﻔﻠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻣﻘﺮﺭ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻣﻊ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺸﺮﺡ‬
‫ﻼ‪:‬‬
‫ﺾ«‪ .‬ﺗﻠﻤﻴ ٌﺢ ﲨﻴ ﹲﻞ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﳜﺘﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬
‫ﺃﻥ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻗ ٌ‬
‫»ﻳﻨـﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﺄﺳـﺲ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻼ ٍﺩ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ ﻣﺘﺤﺎﺷﲔ ﻋﺪ ﺃﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﻳﺘﺤﻠﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻷﺑﺪ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻟﻴﺲ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ«‪.‬‬

‫‪‰bîÛa@¿@æ뉅bã@ćõbÓ†•c@[4@/8‬‬

‫ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺮﺷﺢ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﻲ ﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬
‫ﺐ‪:‬‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺢ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﺳﺒ ٌ‬
‫ﻣـﻨﺬ ﻭﻓﺎﺓ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺑﲑﻳﻐﻮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﲑﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬
‫ﻒ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﺣﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺷﺨﺼﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻟﺪﻳـﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﺿﻌ ٍ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺟـﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻛﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻧﻴﲔ ﻟﻠﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳـﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺴﻲ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺼـﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴـﺎﺋﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﻈﹼﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﺥ‪،‬‬
‫ﺇﻓﻄـﺎﺭًﺍ ﻟﻸﻋﻀـﺎﺀ ﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﲑﺍﻝ ﻻﻧﻜﺰﺍﺩ )‪ .(Lanxade‬ﻭﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﺥ‪» :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳـﺒ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺟﺘﺰﻧﺎﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺑﻦ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺒﺎﺕ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺘﻪ ﺇﱃ‬

‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬

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‫ﺗﺸـﺠﻴﻊ ﺩﻣﻘـﺮﻃﺔ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ«‪ .‬ﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﻓﻄﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻲ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺎﺷﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻄﻮﺭ »ﺑﺮﻭﺡ ﺣﻮﺍ ٍﺭ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﺃﺣـﺪﺙ ﺭﺣـﻴﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﻭﺩًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ‬
‫ﺍﳊـﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1991‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺪﺭﺕ‬
‫ﺍﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺑﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻻﺫﻋًﺎ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﲢﺪﺛﺖ ﻋﻦ‬
‫»ﳏﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻨﺤﻂ« ﻭﺍﺧﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﻪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻻﻥ ﺷـﻴﻨﺎﻝ )‪» :(Alain Chenal‬ﺇﻥ ﻣـﻨﻄﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻨﻄﻖ ﺛﻨﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺐ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﻭ ﳓﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻴﻌﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻌﺪﻡ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﻳ ٍﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﺒﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺪﻡ‬
‫ﺗﻌـﺮﻳﺾ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻟﻠﺸﺒﻬﺔ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺳﻬﻢ ﻛﻠﻮﺩ ﺷﻴﺴﻮﻥ‬
‫)‪ (Claude Cheysson‬ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻤﻠﻮﺍ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻮﺳﻌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﻠﺐ‬
‫ﺕ ﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳ ٍﺔ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻳﻦ ﺃﻭ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻭﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺘﺮﻑ ﳑﹼﺜ ﹲﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﻴ ٍﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﻴﺰﻳﻞ ﺣﻠﻴﻤﻲ‪،‬‬
‫ﻭﻫـﻲ ﳏﺎﻣـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻ ٍﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻫﺰﹲﺓ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﻢ‬
‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﺼﻦ ﰲ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ )ﻣﻊ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺍﳔﺮﻃﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺸﺪ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻟﺖ‪» :‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﺎ ﳝﻴﺰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬
‫ﻭﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺰﻡ‪ [...] .‬ﺃﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺫﻛﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﲡﻌﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻠﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﻃﻠﻴﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ]‪ .«[10‬ﻣﻊ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺕ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺪﻳﻦ ﲟﻌﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺭﺿﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﺍﰐ‬
‫ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺍ ٍ‬
‫ﻁ‪ .‬ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺍﻷﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ؛ ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺍﳌﲑﺍﺙ‬
‫ﻋـﻦ ﲢﺮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ ﻣﻔﺮ ﹲ‬
‫]‪[11‬‬
‫ﻳﺘﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻌﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﺛﻠﺜﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﻟﻠﺼﺒﻴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻠﺚ ﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﺕ ‪.‬‬

‫‪pbßbà§a@Énß@[5@/8‬‬

‫ﺇﻥ ﻣـﺘﻌﺔ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﺸﻤﺴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺿﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪،‬‬
‫ﺗﻔﺴـﺮ ﺩﻋـﻢ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﺿﻴﻮﻑ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩﻭﻥ ﺧﻠﻮﹰﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻃﺎﳌﺎ ﺑﻘﻲ‬

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‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬

‫ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺭًﺍ‪ .‬ﺭﺣﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﲑﺍﻥ ﰲ ﻋﻄﻞ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻉ ﲢﻤﻞ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﻣﺘـﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﺑـﺎﺋﻦ ﻣﺪﺍﻭﻣـﲔ‪ :‬ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻏﺮﻳﺪﺍ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﻣﺘﺎﺟﺮ )ﻏﺮﻳﺴﻮﻟﺪ‪/‬‬
‫‪ ،(Guerrisoldes‬ﻭﻃﺎﺭﻕ ﻣﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﻹﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﺇﻑ ﺇﻡ ) ‪FM‬‬
‫ﻱ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﻣﺆﻣﻦ ﺑﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ "ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻌﻠﻴﺔ"‪ .‬ﺃﻭ‬
‫ﻂ ﻳﺴﺎﺭ ٌ‬
‫‪ ،(Radio-Méditerranée‬ﻧﺎﺷـ ﹲ‬
‫ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﻠﺒﻨﺎﱐ ﺭﻏﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺇﺫﺍﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ ﻭﻋﻀﻮ ﻟﻮﰊ ﰲ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺼـﻒ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﲟﺆﺳﺴـﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ )ﳎﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺃﻭﺭﻭﻣﻴﺪ‪.(Euromed Group /‬‬
‫ﻭﺭﺍﻏﺪ ﺫﻟﻖ ﺍﻟﻠﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﻣﺪﻋ ٌﻮ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺤﺒﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.‬‬
‫ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻮ )‪ ،(Jean Miot‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻹﺷﺮﺍﻑ‬
‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻐﺎﺭﻭ‪ ‹Le Figaro /‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﳛﺐ ﺍﻟﺴﻬﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﲟﻈﻬﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﻄﺮﻱ ﻭﺣﺒﻪ ﻟﺮﺧﺎﺀ‬
‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﻮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﳏًﺎ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺒﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻛﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭﺟـﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﻣﻌﺠـﺒًﺎ ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﱐ ﻧﻴﻜﻮﻻﻱ‬
‫ﺕ ﻛﺎﺫﺑ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻣﺎﺩﺣ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ‬
‫ﺗﺸﺎﻭﺷِﺴـﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛـﺎﻥ ﻳﻜﺘـﺐ »ﻣﻘﺎﻻ ٍ‬
‫ﻟﻠﺴـﺨﺮﻳﺔ« ﻋـﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﻏﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺎ ›ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻷﲪـﺮ‪ .[12]‹La Vie en rouge /‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﳒﺢ ﻣﻴﻮ ﺫﻭ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺳﻊ ﰲ ﺍﺟﺘﻴﺎﺯ‬
‫ﺷـﻮﺍﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺧﺎﺭﺳﺖ "ﲝﺮﻳ ٍﺔ"‪ .‬ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺩ ›ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻐﺎﺭﻭ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺻﻔﺤ ﹰﺔ‬
‫ﻛﺎﻣﻠـ ﹰﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ "ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﺪ"‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﺢ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﺘﺐ‪» :‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﲑ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠ ٌﺪ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻼﺗﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻼﻓﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ‬
‫ﲬـﻮ ٌﺭ ﺭﺍﺋﻌ ﹲﺔ )ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻴﺚ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﺃﻧﻴﻘﺎﺕٌ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﲎ ﻫﻮﻧﻎ ﻛﻮﻧﻎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﺍﻷﺳﻮﺩ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺷﻴﻮﻋﻴًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻛﺎﻣ ٍﻞ«‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳋﻤﺮ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ‬
‫ﺍﳌﻜﻮﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳒﺪﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺏ ﻛﺜ ٍﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺏ)ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ(‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻜـﻞ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣﻴﻮ ﺇﻋﺠﺎﺑﻪ ﺑﺘﺸﺎﻭﺷِﺴﻜﻮ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻀﻴﻒ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ‬
‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﰲ ›ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻐﺎﺭﻭ‹ ﻣﻘﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻣﻐﺎﻟﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺡ‬

‬ﻭﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ .‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪179‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﻛـﺮًﺍ »ﻗﺪﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ«]‪ .‬ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺘﻤﺘﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺜﺒّﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻮﺍﻃﺊ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﻣﱰ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﺳﺎﻻﻣﺒﻮ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻴ ٍﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻜﺎﻧًﺎ ﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ ﻫﺪﺕ )‪ ،(Henri Hedt‬ﻣﺆﺳﺲ‬ ‫ﳏﻄﺔ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ )‪ ،(la station océanographique tunisienne‬ﻃﺮﺩﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ ﻹﺳﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻡ ﻟﻴﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﺴﺘﺮﺟﻊ ﻭﺭﺛﺔ ﻫﻨﺮﻱ‬ ‫ﻫﺪﺕ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﳍﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﲦﺮﺓ ﻧﺼﻒ ﻗﺮ ٍﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﲝﺎﺙ‪ .[13‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺎﺋﺪﺓ ﻃﻌﺎ ٍﻡ »ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳊﺼﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻴﻊ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ«‪.(Léon Zitrone‬‬ ‫ﻗـﻠﻤﺎ ﻓﻮﺕ ﺭﻓﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﺏ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ﹰﺔ ﳝﺠﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﳌـﺘﺤﻤﺲ ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﲢﻔﻈﹰﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻵﻭﻧﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻫﻲ ﺧﻴﺒ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔﹲ؟‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺁﺧﺮﻭﻥ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳍﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳊﻆ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺩﺭﺕ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻹﺳﻜﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻗـﺎﺭﺏ ﻟﻘﺼـﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻧﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤـﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﱰﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻮﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﲰﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﺈﻟﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﺃﻃـﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻧﻘﺎﺽ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ‪ُ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻋـﺘﻤﺪ ﰲ ﻋﻤﻠـﻪ ﳌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳒﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﻬﻮﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﻨﺎﺯﺓ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺧﻠﻔﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻴﻮﻥ ﺯﻳﺘﺮﻭﻥ )‪.‬ﺷﻮﱢﻩ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﺮ ﻣﺜﲑًﺍ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﻧﺎﻝ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﻳﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﻟـﻦ ﳝﺲ "ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻪ" ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻉ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺗﺄﺟﺠًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﺬﻳﻊ ﳒﻢ ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ›ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ‪ ‹France 2 /2‬ﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ "ﺍﻟﻌﻢ" ﰲ ﺍﻹﻳﻠﻴﺰﻳﻪ؛ ﻭﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺑﻦ ﺃﺧﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﻧﻮ ﺇﱃ ﻣﱰ ٍﻝ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺶ‪ ،‬ﲡﺬﺑﻪ ﺍﻷﻬﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻭﺗﺼﺎﺩﻑ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﻴًﺎ ﻣﻘﺮﺑًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﳝﻠﻚ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻊ‬ ‫ﺿـﺨﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﺗﺴﺎﻋﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺎﺋﺾ ﺍﳊﺼﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺮﻗﺎﺀ ﺟﻌﻠﺖ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻳﻬﺮﺑﻮﻥ‪.‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﳝﻠﻚ ﺩﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ ﲨﻴﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﱄ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻴﻨﻮ ﻛﺮﺍﻛﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﰐ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻗﺮﻭ ٍﻥ ﻟﻴﺘﻤﺴﺢ ﺑﺄﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ‪ .

‬ﺑﺬﻝ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺟﻬﺪﻩ ﻹﺭﺿﺎﺀ ﺿﻴﻔﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﺎﻑ ﺃﺭﺟﺎﺀ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻣﻄﻠﻌًﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﻳﺪًﺍ ﺑﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺬﻛﺮًﺍ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻳﻬـﻮﺩ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﻛﺎﻣﻠ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳍﻢ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻵﺧﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﻭﺍﺟﺒﺎﻬﺗﻢ«‪.[14‬ﻭﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1994‬ﻡ [ ﻗـﺎﻝ ﻣﺴـﺆﻭ ﹲﻝ ﺳـﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪» :‬ﳚﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺋﻊ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻗﺮﺑًﺎ ﺇﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺁﻭﻳﻨﺎﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻻﺭﺍﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻢ ﺫﺭﺓ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍ ٍﻡ ﻟﺒﻼﺩﻧﺎ«]‪.26‬ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳـﺒﺨﻞ ﺟﻮﺯﻑ ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺻﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﻳﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﺟﻞ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻉ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺪﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﲑﺓ«‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻧﺘﺨﺐ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ٌ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺃﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ‪.‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻴﺪ ﻓﺘﺢ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺣﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻀﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ .[15‬‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ٍﻝ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﻄﺎﻓﲔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻ ٍﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﻨﻈﻢ ﺭﺣﻼﺕ ﺣ ٍﺞ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤ ﹲﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻛﻨﻴﺲ )ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻳﺒﺔ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻗﺪﻡ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﲏ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﺠ ٍﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺒﺪ ﺳﻠﻴﻤﺎﻥ ]ﻛﺬﺍ ﺯ ﻡ[ ﺃﺣﻀﺮﻩ‬ .[16‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻮﻧﺘﺮﻭﻱ ﺧﺎﺯﻧًﺎ ﻟﻠﺤﺴﺎﺏ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ٌ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺛﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﲰﻲ ﻃﺒﻴ ٌ‬ ‫]‪ [26.‬ﻭﺧـﻼﻝ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺍﺗﻪ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻧﺎﺋﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴـﻴﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻮﺿﻊ ﲢﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﹲﺓ ﻭﺳﺎﺋ ٌﻖ‪ .‫‪180‬‬ ‫‪ÖaŠÏ@†Èi@HæìnÛaIl@ćõbÔÛ@[6@/8‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﻹﲨـﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧﻔـﻖ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﲢﻮﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟ ٍﺔ‪ .(Joseph Sitruk‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻭﺳﻴﺘﺮﻭﻙ ﻧﺎﺟﺤًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲢﻴﺔ »ﻋﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﺣﺪﺙ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺷﺠﻊ ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ«]‪.‬ﻭﻧﻈﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻ ٍﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﳎﻲﺀ ﺍﳊﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺟﻮﺯﻳﻒ ﺳﻴﺘﺮﻭﻙ )‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﻟﻘﺎ ٍﺀ ﻧﺎﺟﺤ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲡﻬﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻋﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺬﻧﺒﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻌﺾ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻑ]‪ .

‬‬ ‫‪N@N@_Ý•aìnÛa@µg@òíbdžÛa@åß@[7@/8‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻜﻔـﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺴﺒﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﺒﻨﺎﺀ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺗﻮﺍﺻ ٍﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺼـﺎﺑ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺠـﺰ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﺼﺪﺭ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪» :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺳﺄﻟﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻋـﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳉﻮ ﺻﺎﺣﻴًﺎ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻳﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴﺘﺄﺫﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺩ ﻛﻴﻼ ﳜﺴﺮ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻪ]‪ .‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪181‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺧﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺑﻠﻴﻮﻥ ]ﻛﺬﺍ! ﺯ ﻡ[‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻪ ﺍﻹﲨﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ‪ :‬ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻥ )‪(tunes‬‬ ‫)ﺍﻻﺳـﻢ ﺍﻟﺸـﺎﺋﻊ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﻰ ﻟﻠﻴﻬﻮﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻ ٍﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ( ﺻﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﺮﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺠـﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﺯﻭﺍﺝ ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﻮﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﰲ ﺣﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺩ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﳕﻮ ﺍﳌﻄﺎﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ‪.‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﻴﱠﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺷـﺒﻜﺎ ٍ‬ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﻫﻞ ﻷﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ؟‪» ،‬ﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ«‪ ،‬ﳚﻴﺐ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺑﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .[18‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺗﻄﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺻـﺪﻳﻘ ٍﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎ ﺗﻜﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ‪ . .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺩﻓﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﺗـﺒﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻲ ﻟﺘﺮﻣﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻜﻨﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺋﻦ ﰲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.[17‬ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﲑ ﻓﻌﺎ ٍﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ«]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻳـﺎﺭ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﺗـﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﻳﻬﻮﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﳊﺮَﻑ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﺳـﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﺸـﺎﺭﻛﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﳍﻢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺣﺔ ﻭﺍ ِ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳـﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻭﻱ‪» :‬ﺇﱐ ﻓﺨﻮ ٌﺭ‪ ،‬ﻓﺨﻮ ٌﺭ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺃﺭﺍﻛﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻠﺪﻛﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺡ«‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺃﺿﺎﻑ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻔﺘﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳﺘﺴـﺘﻘﺒﻠﻜﻢ ﺩﻭﻣًـﺎ ﺑﺄﻳ ٍﺪ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ ﻭﺑﻘﻠ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺼـﻔﻴﻖ ﺣﺎﺧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻄﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﺇﻧﺮﻳﻜﻮ ﻣﺎﺳﻴﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﻣﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻟﻮﻡ ﻛﻮﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺗـﺮﻙ ﻭﻇﻴﻔـﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺟﺰ ٌﺀ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺠﺰﺃ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻮﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﻟﻀﻴﺎﻓﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ«‪.

‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗـﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﲨﻴﻊ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺒﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻛـﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟـﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺃﻧﻪ »ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﺃﻱ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻗﺮﺍﺑ ٍﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺒﻪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻲ«‪ ،‬ﰒ ﺩﺍﻓﻊ ﻣﺬﻳﻌﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﺎﺋﻠﲔ‪» :‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻐﻼ ﹲﻝ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـ ٌﻲ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳛﺎﻛﻤﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﺴﺘﻐﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﻒ ﲝﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻹﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﲪﻠ ٍﺔ«‪.‫‪182‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫"ﻣﺴﺘﺸـﺎﺭًﺍ" ﺧﺎﺻًـﺎ ﻟﻴﻬﺘﻢ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ »ﺑﺘﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻣﻲ‬ ‫ﻟـﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ«‪ .‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺍﻬﺗـﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ )ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻮﺳـﻜﻮﺱ(‪ ،‬ﻭﺟـﺪ ﻣـﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺻﻌﻮﺑ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺇﳚﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﻼﺋﻤﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺇﳒـﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹲﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﲢﻘﻖ ﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻘﻮﺩﺓ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ .(Image Sept /‬ﻭﻫﻲ ﻣﻠﺤﻘ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﻔﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺷﺎﺑ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﰲ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺟﻴﺴﻜﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﱄ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻥ ﻣﺎﺩﻻﻥ )‪ ،(Alain Madelin‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﻘﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﻫﺒﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ ﺗﺪﺍﻓﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻭﺃﺳـﻨﺎﻬﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﱀ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﺑﻴﻨﻮ )‪ ،(François Pinault‬ﺍﳌﻠﻴﺎﺭﺩﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺻـﺎﺣﺐ ﳐـﺎﺯﻥ )ﻟﻮﺑﺮﻧﺘﺎﻥ‪ (Le Printemps /‬ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻮﺣـﻲ ﺑـﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺑﻌﲔ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪» ،‬ﺗﻠﻘﻮﺍ‬ .‬ﻭﺣﻠﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺇﺣـﺪﻯ ﺩﺭﺍﺳـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺎﺋﻠ ﹰﺔ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺈﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﻫﻮﺍﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻋﻔﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ«‪.‬ﻳﻜﻠﻒ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻـﻞ ﻏﺎﻟـﻴًﺎ‪ :‬ﺗﺘﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﺍﳌﻨﺤﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻧﻴﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺻﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ‪-‬ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﺘﺨﺪﻡ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺌﺔ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻴﻢ ﳑﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻼﺗﺼﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺨﻤ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‪.‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﲡﺎﻫﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﺮ ﻗـﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﺼﺮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﻮ ) ‪Anne‬‬ ‫‪ ،(Méaux‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﺪﻳـﺮ ﻣﺆﺳﺴـﺔ )ﺇﳝﺎﺝ ﺳﺖ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .

‬ﻧﻘﺮﺃ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﺳـﺘﻨﻜﺎﺭًﺍ ﻟﺮﺅﻳ ٍﺔ ﺳﻠﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺬﻛﱢﺮ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍﺓ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﳜﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳊﻮﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﲏ ﻳﻮﻣًﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﻄﺎ ٍﺀ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ ﺳﻠﻤﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﻣﻨﻄﻘﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﳎﺘﻤﻌًﺎ ﻋﺼﺮﻳًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﺩﻳًـﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣـﺘﺰﻧًﺎ ﻭﻣﻨﻔﺘﺤًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﻃﺮﺩﺕ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﻓﻀﻬﻢ«]‪.‬‬ .[20‬‬ ‫‪CÕ톕@đ†Üi@Ýuc@åß@òÛa†ÈÛaD@[8@/8‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .[21‬‬ ‫ﺑـﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻗﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺳﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ )ﻛﺎﻧﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺭﻳﺰﻭﻥ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ )‪ ،(Frédéric Mitterrand‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲡﺎﻭﺯﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻠﺬﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻋﺪﳘﺎ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍﺓ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻻﻛﻮﺗﻮﺭ )‪ (Jean Lacoutour‬ﻭﻣﺎﺭﻱ‪-‬ﻛﻠﲑ ﻣﻨﺪﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ )‪ ،(MarießClaire Mendès France‬ﺍﻟﻠﺬﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻬﻤﺎ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﱃ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﳛﺘﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺩﺭ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ »ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻏﲑ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﺣﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ«‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ‪ -‬ﻋﺮﻳﻀ ٍﺔ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻬﻧﺎ »ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﻟﺒﻠ ٍﺪ ﺻﺪﻳ ٍﻖ«‪ .‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺃﺕ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﻬﺗﺎﺟﻢ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﻬﺑﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺼﻒ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳉﺄ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﺮﺑًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‬ﻻ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﲢﺮﻳ ٍﺮ ﱂ ُﻳﺸَﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎﻣـﻪ ﲟﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺑﺮﻓﺎﻫﻴﺔ ﻓﻨﺎﺩﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻃﺊ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ‪.‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪183‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠـﻴﻤﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ« ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺟﻮﻻﻬﺗﻢ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫›ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﺘﺴﺎﳏ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻴﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳـﺘﻠ ﱠﻖ ﺳـﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺜﻨﺎﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًـﺎ »ﺑـﺎﻟﺬﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﺮﻓـﻴﻊ ﻟﻮﺷـﺎﺣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﺍﺭﻕ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺗﺸﺮﺡ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺎﻋِﺪﺍﺕ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻴﻮ]‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺹ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.

‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫›ﺟـﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﻋﻤﺖ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻀﻰ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻟﺚ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺗﺴﺎﳏًﺎ ﻣُﺪﺍﻧًﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﲑ ﺑﻦ ﺃﲪﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏﰲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻫﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺭﺑـﻴﻊ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﻭﻳﺮﻏﺐ ﰲ ﳑﺎﺭﺳﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﻓﻌﻠﻮﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺴﻌﺎﺩ ٍﺓ ﻭﺧﺪﻣﻮﺍ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ‪ :‬ﺩﻳﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺴﲏ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻮﻣﺒﺎﻭﺭﻳﻪ )‪،(Compaoré‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺒﻴﺪ )‪ .‫‪184‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻻ ﺗﻮﺟﺪ ﻛﻠﻤ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻠﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﺑﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﻠﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪.[22]«(Lebed‬ﺇﻥ ﻫﻮﺟِﻤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﱪﻱ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻋﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴـﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺴـﻤﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﻣﻠـﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﻏﺘﺼﺎﺑﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣـﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺃﺓ ﻭﺍﻷﺳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﲑﺩ ﻓﻮﺭًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﲏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺳـﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪» :‬ﺳﺘﻔﺎﺟﺆﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺣﻴﺎﻬﺗﻦ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟـﻴﻤﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸـﺮﺕ ﺍﻷﺳـﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ ›ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺘﻮﻳﻞ‪ ‹valeurs actuels /‬ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[ ﻋـﺪﺩًﺍ ﺧﺎﺻًـﺎ ﳝﺠـﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻀﺮﺏ ﺻﻔﺤًﺎ‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﳎﻠـﺔ ›ﻟﻮ ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻚ‪-‬ﺁﺯﻱ‪ ،‹le nouvel Afrique-Asie /‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻏﲑﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﺪﻫﺎ ﻛﻠﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﻐﻨﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻔﻀﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻬﺗﻤﺘﻪ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺉ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﺼﺖ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺎﺕ ﺃﻛﺸﺎﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﺭﺟﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺠﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﻴـﺚ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﺼﺎﱀ ﺷﻌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﻫﺒﻮﻃﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﻧﺰﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺭﲰﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﻫﺎ ﲤﺘﺪﺣﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﻳﻀﺔ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﺎﻋﺪ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺿـﺒﻂ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻦ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻌﻦ ﺑﺘﺄﻫﻴ ٍﻞ ﻣﻬ ٍ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺼﺼﺔ ﺑﺈﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺪﻳﻨ ﹰﺔ‪ .

‬ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ‬ ‫ﻟـﺘﺮﺗﻌﺪ ﻓﺮﺍﺋﺺ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻔﺘﺮﺽ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻗﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺣﺔ‪.‫ﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺭﺧﻮﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪185‬‬ ‫ﻭﳑﺎﺭﺳـﺔ ﺍﳍﻮﺍﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﻭﺍﺕ‪ . .«.‬ﺟﺮﳝﺘﻬﺎ؟‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﻄ ٍﺮ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺍﲰﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[23‬‬ ‫ﻱ ‪ .‬ﻟﺪﻳﻬﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﺪﻳﻘ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻴﺐ ﺃﻃﻔﺎ ٍﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺐ ﻧﻔﺴﻲﱞ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﲣﻠﻮ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﻃﺒﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﻃﺒﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﻲ ﺃﻥ ›ﺟﻮﻥ ﺍﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹ ﺻﻮﺩﺭﺕ ﻣﺮ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .

‫‪186‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬‬ ‫ﺖ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪187‬‬ ‫‪´îÐä½a@ñ…‰bİß@[9‬‬ ‫ﻋﱪ )ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﺎﺑﻠﻴﻮﻥ‪ (route Napoléon /‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺼﻌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻇﺎﻓﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻭﻣﻀﻄﺮﺑ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻏـﺮﺍﺱ ﳓﻮ ﺃﻟﺐ‪-‬ﺩﻭ‪-‬ﻫﻮﺕ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﻭﻓﻨﺲ )‪ ،(Alpes-de-Haute-Provence‬ﻳﺒﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﻣﺪﻳﺮﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﻲ )‪ (Digne‬ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ‪ ./‬‬ ‫‪ (Michel‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋـﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺿﻊ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌـﻴﺪًﺍ ﻣـﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺛ ٍﺮ ﳊﻴﺎ ٍﺓ ﻣﺪﻧﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﻧﺰﻝ )ﺳﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ‪Saint.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻳﻨﺒﻐﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺮﺓ ﻭﺍﳍﺎﺩﺋﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺃﻟﻒ ﺳﺎﻛﻨًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺟﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺧﻂ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻜﺔ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺻﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻀﻮﺍﺣﻲ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﺻﺎﱀ ﺑﻦ ﻫﺎﺩﻱ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺆﻗ ٌ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﳌﺆﻗﺖ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻔ ٌﻲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﺖ‬ .‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﻭﺃﻭﻻﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺔ ﻳﻌﻴﺸﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺴﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍ ٍﺭ‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻓﺘﲔ ]‪ 11‬ﻭ‪ [14‬ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﱰﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻄﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﺡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺣﺪﺓ ﻭﺍﳋﻤﺴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻗﺼ ٌﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻨﺎ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺭﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻹﺟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .

‬ﺍﳌﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻮﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ . DST‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻳﺘﻨﺼـﺘﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺚ ﺫﻱ ﺷﺠﻮ ٍﻥ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺮﺳـﻠﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻃﻠـﺒﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺣﺪﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪.‫‪188‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻼﺀ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ) ‪La‬‬ ‫‪ ،(direction de la surveillance du territoire.‬ﻭﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺒﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻗﺮﻳ ٌ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻛﺎﺋﻪ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺳﻲ ﻣﺰﺭﺍﻕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﳏﺎ ٍﻡ ﺟﺰﺍﺋﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣـﺪﱐ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻴﻢ )ﺍﳉﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻟﻺﻧﻘﺎﺫ(‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻳﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﻮﺿﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺷﻮﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﳎﻠﺴًﺎ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﳘﲔ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺌﺔ ﺛﻼﺙ ﳒﻮ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺣﻲ ﻣﻮﻧﺒﺎﺭﻧﺎﺱ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻳﺮﻏـﺒﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﻓﻨﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘ ّ‬ ‫ﺪ ٍﺭ ﺑﺘﺴﻌﺔ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﻜﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻣﻼﺣﻈ ﹲﺔ ﻏﺮﻳﺒ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻀﻊ ﻬﻧﺎﻳ ﹰﺔ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻮﱢﻝ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻉ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺇﱃ ﳉﻨﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﻢ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺑﻀﻊ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﲔ‪ ،‬ﻋـﺎﺵ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﺎﻫﺮ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻦ ﲡﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺮ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﺼﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻕ ﺷﺮﻋﻴ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺑـﺪﺕ ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳـﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﻔﻮ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻗﻠﻘﻬﺎ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ ﻣﺼﲑﻩ‪ .‬ﻣﻀﻴﻔ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻥ »ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ »ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﺮﺿﻰ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ«‪ .‬‬ ‫]‪[1‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻭﺻﻮﻟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ُﺣﻜِﻢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻏﻴﺎﺑﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﻮﺕ ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺼـﻞ ﺍﻟﺰﻋـﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻨ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋـﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺍﳉﺎﺋﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺃﻃﻮﻝ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﰲ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳋﺎﻣﺴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ‬ ‫ﺭﻣـﺰ ﺩﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻖ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@ñ…†’½a@òaŠ§a@o¤@ćïbî@ćøuü@LŠ×Š×@b•@[1@/9‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻨﻮﺀ ﲝﻤﻠﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﻞ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﺛﻘﻴ ﹲﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻟﻼﻣﺘﺤﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﺘﺢ ﻟﻪ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌـﺒﲑ ﻋـﻦ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺟﻮﺍﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺪﺕ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺨﺬﺓ ﲝﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺃﻳﻠـﻮﻝ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺧﺼﻤًﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠـﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪189‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻠـﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﳛﻆ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ ،‬ﲟﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﻆ‪ .‬ﻭﻧﻔﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺍﻏﺎﺩﻭﻏﻮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻛﻴﻨﺎ ﻓﺎﺳﻮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻳﻘﻄﻦ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪.‬ﻭﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﺴﺒﺒﲔ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻟﺰﻋﻴ ٍﻢ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ :‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﲤﻨﺢ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻣﺄﻭ ً‬ ‫ﺯﻋﻤـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺇﻳﻮﺍﺀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ؛ ﰒ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﺍﲣـﺬﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺍﻗﻒ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻤﺎﺱ‪ .‬ﺗـﺮﻙ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﱯ ﺍﳌﱰﻭﻉ ﺍﻟﺴﻼﺡ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﻭﺫﻫﺐ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻟﻠﺪﻫﺸﺔ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺎﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ ﺍﳌﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜـﺬﺍ ﻧُﻘـﻞ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺰﻳﺮﺓ ﺃﻭﻳﺴﺎﻥ )‪ (Ouessant‬ﺇﱃ ﺑﺮﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳍﻮﺗﻠﻮﺍﺭ )‪ (Haut Loire‬ﺇﱃ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺮﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺑﺴﻼ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻧﻴﻖ ﰲ ﺿﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ‪.‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻐﲑ ﺭﺣﻴﻞ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺍ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻣﺼﲑﻩ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ ﻭﺿﻊ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﱪﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﺄﰐ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﳝـﺘﺪﺡ "ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ"‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﻘﻮﻱ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﰲ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻨﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫)‪ (Matignon‬ﺃﻭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺸﺪ ٍﺓ ﻟﻮﺿﻊ‬ .‬ﻭﺑﺪﺃ ﺍﻟﺮﻋﺐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳚﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﻛﻠﻬﺎ ﻟﻜﺮﻛﺮ ﻋﻨﺪ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺔ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺍ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﻟﻠﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻣﻄﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﻮﺍﺑ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺼـﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻳـﺮ ﺍﻟﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﻃﺆ ﺍﳌﺰﻋﻮﻡ ﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧُﻄﻒ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﻋﻨﺎﺻ ٍﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻑ ﻏﺎﻣﻀ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﻏﻤـﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺣـﺪﺍﺙ‪ ،‬ﻧﻈﻤﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻋﻤﻠﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺍﲰﺘﻬﺎ )ﺃﻗﺤﻮﺍﻥ(‪ :‬ﺃﹸﻭﻗِﻒ ﲦﺎﻧﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴًﺎ ﺟﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻨﻬﻢ ﺳﻴﻤﻮﺭﺯﺍﻕ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ )ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ‪Mouvment des /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(citoyeus. MDC‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮًﺍ ﺑﻌﺪ‪،‬ﻛﺘﺐ ﰲ ﻣﻠﺤ ٍﻖ ﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ›ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﻓـﺮﻳﻚ‪-‬ﺁﺯﻱ‹‪ ،‬ﰲ ﲤﺠـﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪» :‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﳝﻜـﻨﻬﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴـﺘﺒﻖ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺿﻔﱵ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ«‪.‬ﻣﺆﻟﻔﺘﻪ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺍﲰﻬﺎ ﺳﺎﻣﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺒـﻴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻫﻲ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺃﺧﺖ ﺯﻭﺟﺔ ﺻﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﱂ ﺗﺒﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻟﺔ ﻛﺎﻓﻴ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤﺮ ﺣﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀّﻞ ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻋﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﺩﻋـﻮﺓ ﳑـﺜ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﲣﻠﻰ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻋـﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒـﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻮﻗـﻴﻊ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﺍﳌﺨﻔﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺷﻮﻓﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ )‪،(Jean-Pierre Chevènement‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜـﻦ ﺫﺍ ﺭﺃﻓﺔ ﺑﺎﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﺪﺭﺟًﺎ ﰲ ﺩﻋﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ .‫‪190‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻛﺜﲑﻳﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﺪﻳًﺎ ﻭﺿﺤﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺸﺒﻜ ٍﺔ ﺿﺨﻤ ٍﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺪﻓﻬﺎ ﺯﻋﺰﻋﺔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﳊﻜ ُﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻘﻴﺪ ٍﺓ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ٍﺓ‪ :‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺎﻓﻴﻮﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘ ﹲﻞ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺳﻠﺤﺔ‬ ‫ﻉ‪ ،‬ﻭﺩﻋﺎﻳ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻮﻳﻞ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺗـﺎﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺫ ً‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻴﻘـﺘﺎﺩﻭﻩ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺃﺻﻐﺮ ﺍﺑﻨﺎﺋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻜﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺳـﻴﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻔﻴﺬ ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﺘﻘﻴﺪ ﺑﺎﻹﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﳉﱪﻳﺔ‪.‬ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺐ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻼﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟـﺔ ﻭﻣﻦ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻛﻴﻠﻮﻣﺘﺮًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﲑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻮﻣﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﺻـﺎﱀ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﰲ ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﺤﻖ ﺑﺄﺳﺮﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻯ‪ :‬ﺃﺗﻰ ﻋﺸﺮﹲﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﰲ ﺛﻼﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺴـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﺪﺍ ٌ‬ .‬ﰲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﺭﺣﻠـﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﺴﺘﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺘﺎ ٌ‬ ‫›]ﻛـﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﺃﺧـﻲ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﱄ ﻭﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ[‹‪ .‬ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻋﱪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﻜﻲ ﻗﺼﺔ ﺃﺧﻲ ﻛﺮﱘ ﺍﳌﺄﺳﺎﻭﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﰲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﺑﻮﻓﻮ )‪» :(Beauvau‬ﺇﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﲢﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻌـﺘﺮﻑ ﻣﻮﻇـ ٌ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺪﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﺍﳉﱪﻳﺔ ﰲ ﺩﻳﻨﻴﻲ ﻫﻮ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻧﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻧـﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﺇﺭﺍﺩ ٍﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ٍﺔ«‪ .

[2‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺠﻮ ٌﻡ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﺼﻔﻪ ﺏ»ﺍﻟﻌﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﺀ«‪» ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳉﺪﺭﺍﻥ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠـﻖ ‪.‬ﻭ ُﻋﻘِﺪ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻉ ﻋﻤ ٍﻞ ﰲ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﺇﻓﺮﻳﻘﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺄﻟﻒ ﻣﻦ ﲢﻮﻳﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﻮ ٍﺩ ﻃﻴّﻌﲔ ﻵﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨﺼﺼـﺔ ﻟـﻠﺠﻬﺎﺩ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ«‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟﻬـﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﻈﺎ ٍﻡ ﻧﻈﲑﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .[4‬‬ ‫‪ñŒèuþa@´i@ĞïÐ@ćæëbÈm@[2@/9‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺳـﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺧﻔﻴًﺎ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻤًﺎ‪ . .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪191‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺪﻳﺮﻭﻬﻧﺎ«]‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺗﺸﺮّﺏ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﺮﱘ‪ ،‬ﲢﺖ ﺗﺄﺛﲑ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﻫﻴﺐ ﻫﺬﺍ‪» ،‬ﺗﺼﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﳌﻘﺪﺳﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﻋﻔﺎﺭﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺇﺿﻌﺎﻑ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻤﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﳐـﻴﻔ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻘـﻨﻌﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ »ﻏﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﻳﻌﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻮﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻤﻌﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻮﺍﳍﻢ«‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﳍـﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺒﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﺔ ﺛﻼﺙ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ‪ :‬ﻣﺒﻴ ٌﻊ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿ ٌﻊ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻟﻠﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗﻀـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺸﻬﲑ ﺭﲝﻬﺎ ﻛﺮﻛﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻠﺴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺿﺪ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﺔ]‪ [3‬ﻭﻋﺰ ٌﻡ ﺟﺎﺯ ٌﻡ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺰﻋـﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻲ‪» :‬ﺩﻓﻌﺖ ﲦﻨًﺎ ﺑﺎﻫﻈﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺃﻋﺪ ﺃﺧﺸﻰ ﺃﺣﺪًﺍ«‪ .‬ﻻ ﺷﻚ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻓﻜﺎﺭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﱄ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻧﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﳓﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻣـﺎ ﻳـﺒﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﻌﺮ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﺑﺄﳘﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﳓﻦ ﻧﺘﻐﲑ‬ ‫‪ «.‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺩﻋﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺬﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﺼـﺎﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺪﻫﺎ ﻹﺭﺿﺎﺀ ﺿﻴﻮﻓﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺃﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺗـﺄﺛﲑ ﻣﻨﺎﺥ ﺍﻷﻟﺐ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻊ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﻓﻀًﺎ ﺻﻮﺗﻪ‪» :‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮﻳًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ«]‪.‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ )ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻼﹼﺟﺌﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ ﺗﺒﻌﻴ ٍﺔ‪Office Français pour les réfugiés et les /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(apatrides.‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﻋﻨﺪﺋ ٍﺬ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺭﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ‬ . . OFPRA‬ﺍﻟـﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﻟـﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻜﺮ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭًﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺤًﺎ ﺟﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻭﻳﺮﻓﺾ ﺃﻏﻠﺐ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﺪﻣﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷﻄﻮ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﻮﻥ‪ .

‬ﻭﺃﺿﺎﻑ‪» :‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺟﺎﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺻﻐﲑ ﹲﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ‬ ‫ﻳﺼـﺎﺩﻑ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ ﻏﻴﻴﻪ )‪ ،(Bernard Guillet‬ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﺷﻴﺎﱐ )‪،(Jean-Charles Marchiani‬‬ ‫ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﻬﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻧﺎﺋﺒًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱪﳌﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺮﺷﺤًﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻌﹶﻠ ٍﻦ ﳌﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺗﻮﻟﻮﻥ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﺴﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱪﻭﺩ ﺑﲔ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪ .‬ﲣﺸﻰ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻏﻠﻄ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻭﺗﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﺣﻠ ٌﻢ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ ﳌﻮﻇﻒ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺎﻟـﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ ﻫﺎﺩﺋ ﹰﺔ ﻫﻜﺬﺍ«‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﺗﻌﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻄﺎﻟـﺐ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻧﻈﲑﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﻋﺴﻜﺮ ٌ‬ ‫]‪[6‬‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ )‪» : (la Direction Generale de la Securite Exterieure.‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ )]ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻼﹼﺟﺌﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺑﻼ ﺗﺒﻌﻴ ٍﺔ[( ﳝﻨﺢ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻲ ﺑﺴﺨﺎ ٍﺀ ﺃﻛﱪ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪» :‬ﻧﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻭ ﺍﺛﻨﺘﲔ ﰲ ﻣﻮﻋ ٍﺪ ﳏﺪ ٍﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﻇـ ٌ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﻋﺎ ٍﻡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻌـﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ .[5‬‬ ‫ﲢـﺖ ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺑﺎﺳـﻜﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟـﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ‪. DGSE‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﻌـﺪ ﳛﺼـﻞ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻄﻴﻨﺎ ﺍﳌﻠﻒ ﻷﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺘﻤﺮﻧﲔ«‪ .‬ﻓﻮﺭ ﻋﻮﺩﻬﺗﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻫﻨﺎ ﺳﻨﻌﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻬﻧﺘﻢ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻫﻢ«]‪.‬ﻳﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﺡ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺣـﺪ ﻣﻮﻇﻔـﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳋﻤﻴّﺲ ﺍﻟﺸﻤّﺎﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﳓﻦ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﻏﻤﻮﻥ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻣﻼﺣﻘـﺘﻜﻢ‪ ،‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﳌﺮﺍﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺠﺴﺴﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻜﻢ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﺎﲨﻮﻛﻢ«‪.‫‪192‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ‪» :‬ﻗﻮﻟـﻮﺍ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿـﲔ ﺍﻟﻼﺟﺌﲔ ﻟﺪﻳﻜﻢ ﺃﻧﻨﺎ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻭﻥ ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺟﻮﺍﺯﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﳛﺪﺙ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‬ ‫ﳎﻠﺴﻪ ﺍﳊﺮﰊ ﰲ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻹﻗﺎﻣ ٍﺔ ﺧﻔﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﻐﺾ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺮ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﹸﺃﻬﻧِﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ .‬ﺧﻄﺮ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻭُﺟﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﰐ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺩﺋـ ﹲﺔ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ‪ .

‬‬ .‬ﻫﺪﺩﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺼﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺎﻫﻮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺾ ﻟﻴﺤﻜﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻨﺨﻔ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﺼﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﺳـﺒﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﰊ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪﺓ ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻛﺮﻳﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﻋﺎﺷﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻵﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﺠﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻄﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﰊ ﲝﺬ ٍﺭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﳝﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻳﺴﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ :‬ﻳﻌﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺧﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻑ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺴـﻮﺍ ﲝﺎﺟ ٍﺔ ﺇﻟﻴﻨﺎ ﻟﻴﺤﺼﻠﻮﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﺒﺎﻻﺓ ﻭﺍﳋﻮﻑ«]‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺘﻌﺪ ﺣﺎﺛﹰﺎ ﺍﳋﻄﻰ‪.‬ﻭﻳﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻄﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺮﺍﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺮﺿًﺎ‬ ‫ﻯ ﺑﺮﺷﻮﺓ ﺷﺎﻫ ٍﺪ‪.‬ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺮﺓ ﻏﲑ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ٍﺓ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﺒﺎﻋﺪ ٍﺓ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪﻡ ﺷﻜﻮ ً‬ ‫ﻭ ُﺣﻔِﻈﺖ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺘﺎﺑﻌ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺋﺲ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﻓﻊ ﺻﻮﺗﻪ ﻭﺃﺷﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﻋﺎﻣﻠﲔ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻏـﲑ ﻣﺴـﻤﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺎﺟـﺮﻳﻦ ﳎﻬﻮﻟـﲔ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺻﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﻄﻌﻢ‪» :‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﺎﻥ ﳐﱪﻱ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﳊﻘﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ«‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﺼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺪﻗﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺍﻣـﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻀﻰ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ ﻭﳉﺄ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺋﻊ‬ ‫ﺽ ﻋﻠ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻧـﺮﻯ ﻧﻔـﺲ ﺍﻟـﺘﻮﺗﺮ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿ ٌﻊ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺼﺎﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻛﺎﳊ ٍﺔ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﲑﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺗﺸﺎﺟﺮ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻗـﺪ ٌﱘ ﻣﺴـﺘﻘ ٌﺮ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﻳﺘﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﻏﺪﺍﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﺎﺣﺔ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﺳﻜﺎﺭﺏ‬ ‫ﻧﻘـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Contrescarpe‬ﺑﺼـﺤﺒﺔ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪193‬‬ ‫ﻳُﻌـﺮَﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﺜﲑﻭﻥ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﰲ ﻭﻣﻨﻈﻤﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻒ‪» :‬ﻻ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻙ‬ ‫ﺕ«‪ .[7‬‬ ‫‪N@N@bĆàöa…@ñŠ™by@òibÓ‰@[3@/9‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻊ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺃﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺨﻴﻒ ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺎﻟـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲏ ﻣﺜﻞ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻨﲑ ﺑﻠﻄﻴﻔﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﺸـﱴ ﺃﻧـﻮﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻀـﻐﻮﻁ‪ .

‬ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﻔﺘﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺸـﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺃﻛﺜﺮﻫﺎ ﺑﺴﺎﻃ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻟﻪ »ﻣﺴّﻴﺮًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻌ ٍﺪ« ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﺔ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺧـﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﳉﺎﻟﺴﲔ ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎﺋﺪ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﻫﻲ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﺳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌﻮﻥ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﻢ ﺭﺃﻭﺍ ﻓﻼﺷﺎﺕ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ ﻋﻤﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺒﺌﲔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﺎﺩﻳ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﻮﻳﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﺟﻞ ﺷﺒﻪ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺒﺊ ﻳﻜﺴﺐ ﻋﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﺳﺎﺋﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﺟﺮﺓ‪ .[8‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﰲ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﻣﺎﺭﺗﲑ )‪،(Martyrs‬‬ ‫ﳒﺪ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻼﺀ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻓﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻄﻌ ٍﻢ ﻟﻄﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻗﻠـﺐ ﺍﳊـﻲ ﺍﻟﻴﻬﻮﺩﻱ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﺘﺼﺪﺭ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﻄﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻣﻞ ‪.‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺗﻨﺎﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻣﻄﺎﻋﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻔﺎﺧﺮ ﺑﻌﺾ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺑﺎﻣﺘﻼﻙ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﲣﺬ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻈﺎﻓﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮﻱ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻮﻣﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻳﻘﺘﺪﻱ ﺑﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲏ ﲝﺰ ٍﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﱂ‬ ‫ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﲢﺮﻳﻚ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻷﺗﺒﺎﻉ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻓﻌﻠ ٍﻲ‪.‫‪194‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻭﳉﻮ ٌﺀ ﺇﱃ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﻳ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﻮﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺤﺼﻞ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻣﻦ )ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻼﹼﺟﺌﲔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﻼ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺔ( ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻓﻖ ﺃﻣ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺑﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺪﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺼﺎﺑ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻠﻞ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟـﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﳐـﺎﻭﻓﻬﻢ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺃﻭﻫﺎ ٍﻡ‪ .‬ﻏﺪﺍ ﻣﻠﻴﺌﹶﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺸﻚ ﻭﺍﳋﻮﻑ‪. .‬ﺍﳋﻮﻑ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺷﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺣﺪًﺍ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻨﻘﺴﻤ ﹰﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻧﻈﻤﺖ ﺭﺍﺑﻄ ﹲﺔ ﳊﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋًﺎ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺄﰐ ﻋﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﺃﻭ ﺛﻼﺛﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻷﺷﺪﺍﺀ ﻓﻮﺭًﺍ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺪﺧﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﻳﺴﺘﻌﻴﻨﻮﻥ »ﺑﻌﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﱪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﺎﺭ ﻛﺘﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﺭﻳﺮ«]‪.‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻼﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﺣﻴﺎﻛ ٍﺔ ﺑﻄﻴﺌ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﺒﻼﺩ ﻣﻦ ﲨﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺍﺑـﺘﻌﺪﺕ ﺷـﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﺸـﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺟﺎﻟﻴﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ ﻭﺳﺎﻭﺱ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻣﺮﺍﻗﺒ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻕ ﺟﻴﺪﹲﺓ ﺗﻠﻌﺐ ﻬﺑﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻗﻮﻳ ﹰﺔ ﲟﻠﻴﻮﱐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴـﻴ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﳐﱪﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻮﻥ‬ .‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭﺭﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻭﺷﺒﻜﺎﺕ ﺗﻀﺎﻣ ٍﻦ ﻋﺪﻳﺪﹲﺓ ُﻭﻟِﺪﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ‪ .

‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﻘﻠﻖ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡٍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﺮﺻﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺠﻮﺍﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻯ ﻻ ﻟﺰﻭﻡ ﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪.‬ﺁﺧـﺮ ﻣﺒـﺘﻜﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺍﳌﺒﺪﻋﲔ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﻫﻲ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻔﻬﻢ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﺮﻫﻢ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺑﺪﻗﺎﺋﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﻋﱪﻭﺍ ﺣﺎﺟﺰ ﺍﳉﻤﺎﺭﻙ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪195‬‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﳍﺎﺗﻒ ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻌﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ]‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﺼﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻮﺩﻬﺗﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺘﺠﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻬﺎﺟﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻃﻮﻳﻠـ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺗﺘﺮﻛﻬﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ ﻳﻈﻨﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻣﺄﻣ ٍﻦ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻬﺗﺎﻣﻪ ﺏ»ﻧﺸﺮ ﺃﻧﺒﺎ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺫﺑـ ٍﺔ« ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺳﺠﻦ ﰲ ﺯﻧﺰﺍﻧ ٍﺔ ﻏﺎﺻ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺠﻨﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﺑﺎﻟﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﻭﻣﻊ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﺒﻴﺔ]‪.[10‬‬ ‫ﳎﺮﺩ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺎﺭﻱ‪ .[9‬ﻭﻳﻌﺎﻗﺐ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻻ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺻﺪ ً‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﺃ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﲢﺖ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﺭﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ )ﲨﻌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪/‬‬ ‫‪ (L'Amicale des Tunisien en France‬ﻗـﺪ ﺯﺍﻟـﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻛـ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻜﺎﻬﻧﺎ ﻝ)ﳎﻠﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺎﻟـﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪Conceil des Communautés tunisiennes en /‬‬ ‫‪ ،(France‬ﻭﻫـﻮ ﺣـﺮﻛ ﹲﺔ ﲡﻤﻌـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺍﲣﺬﺕ ﻣﻘﺮًﺍ ﳍﺎ ﰲ ]‪ ،[36‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺗـﺰﺍﺭﻱ )‪ ،(Botzaris‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺋﺮﺓ ]‪ [19‬ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻧﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻔﺼـﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻨﺴﻴﻖ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﳌﻬﻤﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻓﻌّﺎ ٍﻝ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﺼﺎﺩَﻑ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ]‪[7‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻓﻤـﱪ ﺑﻌﺜـﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺎﺋﺒﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺷﻴﻮﻋﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺸﻘﻮﻥ ﻭﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﺪﻟﻮﻥ ﻳﺆﻣﻨﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﲨﻴﻌﻬﻢ ﺏ"ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ" ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻦ ﺳﺮﻋﺎﻥ ﻣﺎ ﺃﻭﻓﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺣﺪ ﻛﻮﺍﺩﺭﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﻟﻴﻨﺸﺊ )ﲡﻤﻌًﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤـﺘﻪ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﲢﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺻﺎﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻔﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﺘﻐﻞ ﻣﻨﻔ ٌﻲ ﻣﺜﻞ ﲬّﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻤّﺎﺭﻱ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺰﻋﺞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺷﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻭﻑ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻘـﺎﻭﻝ ﻭﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻬﻧﺞ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ ﲡﻤﻊ ﺫﻭﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻋﺎﻗـﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﻛـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻜﺘّﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﳌﻼﻛﻤﲔ ﺃﻭ ﺳﺎﺋﻘﻲ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﺟﺮﺓ‪ .‫‪196‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻛﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺬﻟﻚ ﻣﻴﺰﹲﺓ ﻣﺰﺩﻭﺟ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻗﺪﺭﹲﺓ ﺃﻛﱪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﻐﻞ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻛـﺰ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳﺎﻁ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻞ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻣﻮﺍ ٍﻝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪.(footballeurs du Sud tunisien /‬ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﺆﻻﺀ‬ ‫ﺗﺪﻋﻤﻬـﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺼﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﳌﻨﺘﺸﺮﺓ ﻋﱪ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻫﻲ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻷﻣﺎﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ‪.‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ›ﺍﻷﻗﻨﻌﺔ‹ ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻴﻊ ﻬﺗﻤﻬﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﻲ ﺃﻥ ›ﺍﻷﻗـﻨﻌﺔ‹‪ ،‬ﻭﺳـﻂ ﻓﻴﻀﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺋﻌﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﻭﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﲢﺮﻛﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﻭﺃﻭﺳﺎﻃﻬﻢ‪.(Amis de la Tunisie /‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻛﺎﺗﺒﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﻃﻴًﺎ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴًﺎ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﲢﻘﻴ ٍﻖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻮـﻟﻪ ﺃﺟﺮﺗﻪ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻉ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﰲ )ﻓﺮﺯﺍﻥ‪ (Fresnes /‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﻋُﻘـﺪ ﺍﺟـﺘﻤﺎ ٌ‬ .‬ﺃﺧﻼﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺳﺪﺓ )ﺍﻓﺘﺮﺍﺿﻴًﺎ( ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈ ٍﻢ ﰲ ﺻﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﺎﺋﺢ ﻫﺬﻩ‪[%80] :‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ "ﺍﳌﻠـﺘﺤﲔ"‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺗﺰﻋﻢ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻨﺴﺦ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺎﺑﻮﻥ ﲟﺮﺽ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺴﺐ )ﺍﻹﻳﺪﺯ(؛ ﻭﺯﻭﺝ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﺗﺰﻭﺟﺖ ﺯﻭﺍﺟًﺎ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﱐ ‪.‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻄﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺴﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ )ﻻﻋﱯ ﻛﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﻨﻮﺏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻲ‪ . .‹Les Masques /‬ﳏﺸﻮﹲﺓ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺮﹲﺓ ﻣﻐﻔﻠـ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺬﻳﺌ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺸـﺘﺎﺋﻢ ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻋﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺋﻢ ﺭﺍﺑﻄ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻏﺎﻣﻀـ ﹲﺔ ﻝ)ﺃﺻـﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻘﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﺭﻉ ﺑﻮﺗﺰﺍﺭﻱ ﺍﻧﻄﻠﻘﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈ ٍﻢ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺹ ﺍﲰﻬﺎ ›]ﺍﻷﻗﻨﻌﺔ[‪ .[11‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ›ﺍﻷﻗﻨﻌﺔ‹ ﺗﻄﻠﻖ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻـ ﹰﺔ ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﺟﻨﺪﻭﰊ‪ ،‬ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ]‪ ،[12‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻘﻮﻡ ﺑﻌﻤ ٍﻞ ﺇﻋﻼﻣ ٍﻲ ﻫﺎ ٍﻡ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﻟﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻴﻔﺔ‪.

‬‬ ‫ﺖ ﻣﻀﻰ ﺇﻋﻄﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﳎﺮﺩ ﻛﻮﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﺍﺳﺘﻄﺎﻉ ﰲ ﻭﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺍﻣـﺮ ﻟـﱭ ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﻨﺬﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺒﺒًﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻌﺮﺿﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﻤﺮﺍ ٍﺭ ﻟﻼﻓـﺘﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‪ .[13‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﺎﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻌﻘﺎﺑﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺽ ﺍﳌﻼﻋﺐ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﻠﻎ‬ ‫ﺶ ﻭﺭﺍﺀﻩ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻄﻤﺢ ﺇﻻ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻀﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﺒﻌﲔ ﻣﻦ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺟﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺗﻘﺎﻋ ٍﺪ ﻫﺎﺩﺋ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﻄﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﻨﻌﻢ ﺑﺸﻌﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋـﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﺟﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻧﺼﺎﺑًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺘﺂﻣﺮًﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺻـﻮﻟﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﻳﻀًـﺎ ﺑﻨﻘﺺ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺴﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻳﺪﺯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﻭﻳًﺎ ﻟﻌﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺟـﻪ ﻭﺃﺧﲑًﺍ ﻣﻬﻮﻭﺳًﺎ ﺟﻨﺴﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺒّﺐ‬ ‫ﻟﻪ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺗﻠﻘﹼﻲ ﺻﻮﺍﻋﻖ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻵﰐ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳜﺸﻰ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻓﺴﺔ‪. .‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺩُﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﻟﻼﺷﺘﺮﺍﻙ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻣﺞ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺮﻱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺷﺨﺼﻴًﺎ ﺑﺄﻣﲑ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻟﻴﻌﻠﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺘﻪ ﳌﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪.‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻧﺸﺌﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﳉـﻨ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺒﻬﻤ ﹲﺔ )ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﻜﻮﻣ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻂ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﻗـﺘ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﺼﺎﳊﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻨﻴﺔ ﻭﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ(‪ ،‬ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻧﺎﺷ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘـﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺴـﺒﺐ ﺁﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺷﺘﻜﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﻮﻡ ]‪ [4‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺴﺤﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻓﺘﺤﻲ‬ .‬‬ ‫‪ćpaõaÏaë@ćpbÔyýß@[4@/9‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﳜﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪197‬‬ ‫ﺽ ﺑﺬﻟ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺿـﻮﺍﺣﻲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺄﻣﺮﻩ ›ﺍﻷﻗﻨﻌﺔ‹‪ .‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻌﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻓﺮﺕ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺴﺎﺭﻉ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﺮﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﺍﳋﱪ ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﻖ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻨﻊ ﻟﻪ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺷﺮﻳﻂ ﻓﻴﺪﻳﻮ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻣﺂﺛﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺍﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﺮﺿﺔ]‪.‬‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻓﻜﺮﹲﺓ ﺛﺎﺑﺘ ﹲﺔ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻏﺮﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﻳﺬﺍﺀ ﳏﺪﻭﺩﹲﺓ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻷﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﳌﺒﻴﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺃﻃﻠـﻨﻄﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻋﻀﻮ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﻟﻌـﺎﺏ ﺍﻷﻭﳌﺒﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺯﻉ ﺍﳌﻴﺪﺍﻟﻴﺎﺕ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺕ‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﳌﱯ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻓﺄﺓ ﺍﳌﻌﻄﺎﺓ »ﺑﺄﻳﺪﻱ ﻣﻠﻄﺨﺔ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻟﺪﻡ‪ ،‬ﺳـﺮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳـﺠﻨﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﻠﺖ«‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺩُﻋﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻄﺮ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺼـﺤﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﳉﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﻣﺒﻴﺪﻭ )‪(Georges Pompidou‬‬ ‫ﻭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺑﲑ )‪ ،(Michel Jobert‬ﻳﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧـﲑ ﺟﺎﻧـﺒًﺎ‪» :‬ﺍﻧﺘـﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٌﻲ ﺧﻄ ٌﲑ«‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻫﻲ ﻏﻠﻄﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﰲ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﳏﻮ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﱐ ﺭﺍﺳ ٌﺦ ﻳﻈﻦ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺩﻣﺞ ﺟﺰ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣـﺎ ﺗـﺒﻘﻰ‪ ،‬ﺃﲪـﺪ ﺑﻨّﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻤﺎ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻓﻌﺎﻟ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻼﻗﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺫﺍ ﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﳌﺘﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻏـﲑ ﻻﺋ ٍﻖ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻔﺎﻩ ﰲ ﻓﺮﺻﻮﻓﻴﺎ ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﺒﻊ ﺳﻔﲑًﺍ‪.‬ﻭﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ .‬ﲰﺤﺖ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ‬ ‫ﺏ‪.‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺭﺟ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀـﻞ ﻣـﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﳏﻴﻂ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﻒ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺷﻘﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺧﺬﺕ ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩًﺍ ﺇﻋﻼﻣﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺳﻌ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻳُﻌـﺪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩﻩ ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪًﺍ ﳐﻴﻔﹰﺎ ﻟﻘﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ »ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﻗﻊ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﻳﻦ«]‪.[14‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﺴـﺘﻨﻜﻒ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻋﻦ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻜﺬﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺤﺸًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺩﻋﺎﻳﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻋﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻣﺰﺍﱄ ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﱁ ﺃﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ )‪(abattoirs islamistes d'Amiens‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻧـﻪ ﻳﻐﺘﲏ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻘﺮ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻨﻮﻥ ﻟﻸﻓﻐﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻜـ ّﻦ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻛﺮﻫًﺎ ﺧﺎﺻًﺎ ﻷﲪﺪ ﺑﻨّﻮﺭ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺗـﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺇﺑّﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ . .‫‪198‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺎﻝ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻟﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺮﻭﻧﺰﻳ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺳﻴﻢ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻮﻇـﺎﺋﻒ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺳﺔ ﲟﺘﺎﺑﻌﺔ ﺟﺰ ٍﺀ ﻣﻦ ﺣﻴﺎﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺷـﺎﺀﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻑ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ ﰲ ﺍﳊﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻓـﻴﻪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﰒ ﺍﳌﻠﺤﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺮﺑﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﳚﺐ ﺑﺄﻱ ﲦ ٍﻦ ﻋﺰﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻄﻊ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻼﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺴﻴﺔ‪ .

‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺸـﻴﺔ ﺗﻜﺮﺭ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻛﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻨﺖ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﹰﺎ ﻻ ﻟﺒﺲ ﻓﻴﻪ‪.[16‬‬ ‫ﻉ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﻴﻬﺎﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺋﻤًﺎ ﺑﻨﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﻳﺮﺗﺪﻱ ﻗﻔﺎﺯﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ‪» ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺴﺎﻧﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻋﻲ ﺳﻔﲑ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻹﺩﻻﺀ ﺑﺄﻱ ﺗﺼﺮﻳ ٍﺢ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺑﻨّﻮﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻸ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺻﻤﺘﻪ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪» :‬ﺍﻬﺗﻢ ﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ«‪.‬ﻭﺗﺘﻬﻤﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﺪﱠﻡ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﻛﺸﺮﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺷﺮﻳﻚ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺨﺎﺑﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﲏ ﻋﺎﻃﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺴﻮ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﺷﻬﺮ ﹰﺓ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻳﻀـﻄﻬﺪﻫﻢ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﲦﻦ ﲪﺎﻳﺘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫‪N@N@´İ‘bäÛa@…bèİ™a@[5@/9‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗـﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼـﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﻟﻼﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﳉﺴﺪﻱ‪ ،‬ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﺻـﻼﻬﺗﻢ ﲢﻤـﻴﻬﻢ ﻧﺴـﺒﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺨﻮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻣﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺎﻫﻠﻪ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﲪﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﻂ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺃﺣﺪ‬ ‫ﻣـﺮﺍﻓﻘﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺇﺛﺮ ﻗﺼ ٍ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻟﻠﺠﻴﺶ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 1‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ‪ 1985‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﻨﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻚ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺮﺳﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﻻ ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﺮﺽ ﺑﻨّﻮﺭ ﻷﻱ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗﻨـﺘﻪ ﲪﻠﺔ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻟﻜﺬﺏ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻴﺎ ٍﻥ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳊﺰﻡ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻧﻜﺮﺕ ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺎﺕ ﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﻭﻣﺮﺷ ٌﺢ ﻣﺴﺘﻘ ﹲﻞ ﻟﻼﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺮﻳﻌﻴﺔ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺵ ﻣﻦ ﻭﻗﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺟﺤﻴ ٍﻢ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗُﻌﻠِﻤﻨﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ ﳊﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪199‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﺮﺿ ٍﺔ ﺻﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺿﺪ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻋـﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻚ ﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺟﻌﻠﺘﻪ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳﺔ »ﺃﺻﻮﻟﻴًﺎ ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓﹰﺎ ﻣﺼﺎﺑًﺎ ﲜﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﺔ«]‪ ،[15‬ﻭﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻯ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻂ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ ﻛﻴﻒ ُﻋﺬﱢﺏ ﺑﻮﺣﺸﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ]‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﻴﻞ ﺇﻥ ﳏﻜﻤـﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺑﲑﻭﺕ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻨّﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﻟﻘﺘﻞ‪.

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺧﺮﻭﺟﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻣﱰﻟﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺪ ٍﺓ ﻗﺼﲑ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﲡﺮﺋﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ »ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ« ﻟﻠﺒﺎﺑﺎ ﻳﻮﺣﻨﺎ ﺑﻮﻟﺲ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ :‬ﳏﺎﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ ﻹﺣﺮﺍﻕ ﺷﻘﺘﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻳﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻔﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳍﺠﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻜﺮﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ﺳﻔﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺟﻠﺐ ﻟﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺍﺛﻨﱵ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﻗﻄﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺇﻗﺎﻣـ ﹰﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺸـﻔﻰ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺨﺼﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﺤﺎﻥ ﺑﻌﺼﺎ ﺑﻴﺴﺒﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﱰﻟﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻼﺋﺤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺩﺍﺀ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻻ ›ﻟﻮﺩﺍﺱ ]ﺍﳉﺮﺃﺓ[‪،‹L`Audace /‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ]‪ ،[18‬ﻣﻨﺬﺭ ﺻﻔﺮ ﻭﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺣﺎﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺣﱴ ﺑﻴﻊ ﳎﻤﻮﻉ ﳑﺘﻠﻜﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﰲ ﻧﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺘﺨﻠﻰ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‫‪200‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻻ ﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻱ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﺓ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺟﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺸـﺮﺡ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺃﻭ ﻟﻄﺒﻘ ٍﺔ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺫﻫﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًـﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﺃﺧـﺖ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﺔ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻟﺘﺮﺟﻮﻩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻮﻗﻒ ﺇﺻﺪﺍﺭ ›ﻟﻮﺩﺍﺱ‹‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻣﻼﺣ ٌﻖ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﻳـﺔ ٌﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺳﺔ ﺻﺒﺎﺣًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺿﻐﻮ ﹲ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺑﺮﻓﻴﻠﻴـﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﺎﳌـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻢ«]‪ .‬ﰲ ﻋﻬﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻟﺸﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﻌﺐ ﳛﻠﻢ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺃﻭ ﺗﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﺜ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻧﺎﺷﺌ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺆﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺩﻭﻟ ﹰﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻫﻴﻜﻠﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﻣﺆﺳﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻇﻴﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﻧﺴﺒﻴًﺎ ﻭﺗﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺇﱃ ﺷﺮﻋﻴ ٍﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺗﺂﻛﻠﺖ ﻗﻠﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﺀ ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻴًﺎ ﻭﻓﻨﻴًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺻـﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺭﺩﻳﺌ ﹲﺔ ﻃﺒﻌﻬﺎ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻛﺘّﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺮﺩﻳﺌﻮﻥ‪› ،‬ﻻ ﻓﲑﻳﺘﻴﻪ‪la /‬‬ ‫‪ ‹Vérité‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻗـﺪ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳚﺐ‬ ‫ﺇﺳـﻜﺎﻬﺗﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﻲ‪» :‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﺃﻋﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﻭﻋﺼﺎﺑ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺘﺂﻣﺮﹲﺓ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻃﻦ‪ .‬ﻓﻠﻨﻨﻬﺾ ﺑﻘﻮ ٍﺓ ﻻ ﺗﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﻟﻨﻘﻤﻌﻬﻢ ﻭﳓﻤﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻦ ﺷﺮﻭﺭﻫﻢ«‪.‬‬ .[17‬ﻭﻳﻀﻴﻒ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻟﻴﺲ ﺑﺄﻓﻀﻞ ﺣﺎ ﹰﻻ‪ :‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻓﺎﻭﺿﺖ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﺠ ٍﻞ ﺳﻠﻄ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻄﺸﻰ ﻟﻠﺴﻴﻮﻟﺔ ﻳﻬﺪﺩ ﺑﺘﺴﺮﻳﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﻜﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺑﺪﺃ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳋﺼﺨﺼﺔ ﻭﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ«‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻘـﻮﻝ ﺳـﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﺔ‪» :‬ﺃﺻﺒﺤﻨﺎ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻓﺸﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﲔ ﻣﺼﺎﺑﲔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﻋﻮﻥ ﻟﺴﺎﺋﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ]‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺜﺎ ﹲﻝ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻐﺎﱄ ﻋﺒﺪﻭ ﺿﻴﻮﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺑﺪﻯ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺪﺭﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻔﻮﻓﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﻣًﺎ ﺗﺎﺋﺒﲔ‪ .‫ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ‬ ‫‪201‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺭﺑـﻴﻊ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﻓﻴﻪ ›ﻟﻮﺩﺍﺱ‹ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻛـﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﻠﻘـﻰ ﺳـﻠﻴﻢ ﺑﻘﺔ ﺍﺗﺼﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪﻳًﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻨﺘﺼﻒ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﻞ ﻣﻦ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋـﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺗـﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﻸﻣﻦ ﻭﺫﺭﺍﻉ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﺤﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﻦ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺮﻛ ٍﺔ ﺗﺪﻭﺭ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﺛﲏ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺁﻓﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﹲﺓ ﻋﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺟﺎﻉ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻰ ﺃﻭ ﺣﱴ ﺇﺑﻄﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻌﻮﳍـﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﻞ ﺃﻧﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺭﺟ ٍﻞ ﳏﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪.‬ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ‪-‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻏﲑ ﻗﺎﺩ ٍﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻘﺔ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰒ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﺩﺭﻳـﺲ ﺍﻟﺒﺼﺮﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﳊﻘﻮﻗﻲ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﳚﺰﻡ ﺑﻌﻨﻒ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺃﻭﻓﻘﲑ ﻭﺃﲪﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻟـﻴﻤﻲ‪ :‬ﺭﺟـﻞ ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﳛﺐ ﺃﻥ ﳛﻴﻂ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺒﺤﺎﺛﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺜﻘﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺮﻑ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺮﺑﻂ ﺑﺎﳌﻠﻜﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻳﻔﻴﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻗﺪ ﻋُﺪﻭﺍ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﻗـﺎﺑﻠﲔ ﻟﻺﺻـﻼﺡ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺜ ٌﲑ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪﻳﻦ ﻟﻠﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻌﺒﻮﺍ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .[19‬ﺍﻷﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﻋﻮﻫﻢ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﳛﺮﺻﻮﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻳﻘﺎﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺭﺍﻬﺗﻢ ﺑﻌﻴﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻣﱰﻟﻪ ﻛﻴﻼ ﻳﻜﺸﻔﻬﻢ ﳐﱪﻭ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ«‪.

‫‪202‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻣﺴﺘﺮﺧﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺒﺘﺴـﻤًﺎ ﻭﺳﻌﻴﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺮﺏ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﳌﻀﻴﻔﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻧﻄﻼﻕ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﲑﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺴﺎﺟﺪﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫‪BòîãìnÛa@Úa‘@Úbu@ñŒvÈßB@[1@/10‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﺮﺯ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﺭًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻃﺎﻓﺤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻠﻘﺎﺋﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺟﺰ ٍﺀ ﻣﻨﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺣﻴﺐ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺸﻌﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﺭﺃﺳًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻗﻠﺐ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﻫﺬﺍ‪.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﳋﻤﻴﺲ ]‪ 5‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺐ‬ ‫ﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺭﲰﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻬﺗﺪﻫﺪﻩ ﻫﺘﺎﻓﺎﺕ ﲨﻬﻮ ٍﺭ ﻃﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﺨﺐُ ﻣﻦ ﺯﻣ ٍﻦ ﻗﺮﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨَﺘ َ‬ ‫ﳏﺘﺸ ٍﺪ ﰲ ﺟﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ "ﺷﺎﻧﺰﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ" ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪203‬‬ ‫‪ñŠíbß@òîbßìÜi…@[10‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﻘﺲ ﺭﺍﺋﻌًﺎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺰﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺝ ﳑﺘﺎ ٍﺯ‪ .

.‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳏﻤﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻠـﻴﻒ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﱘ ﰲ ﻧﻀﺎﻟﻪ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﻋﻮﻗﺐ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ‪،‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮﺃﹲﺓ ﻭﺣﻴﺪﹲﺓ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﲡﺮﺃ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻴﻀًﺎ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺻ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟﻬًﺎ »ﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺜﻞ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ«‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ ﲟﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻮﻙ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﺎﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﻣﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻌﺜﺮﺓ ﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺑﻠﺪﻩ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫»ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﳊﺪﺍﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻢ ﺍﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ‪.‬ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻜﻦ ﻛﻴﻞ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺢ ﺑﺈﻓﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻳﺪﻳﺮ ﻋﻘﺒﻴﻪ ﺣﱴ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻞ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺃﻫﻢ ﺃﺣﺰﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﻣﻮﺍﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ »ﺍﻻﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﺑﺪﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺃﺟﻨﺒﻴ ٍﺔ ]ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ[«‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﻨﻘﺺ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳊﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻴﺔ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺘﻤﲎ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺜﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺃﻱ ﳑﺜ ٍﻞ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪..‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻁ ﻟﻠﺤﺎﻛﻢ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺩ ﻳﺸﺠﻌﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻐﺪﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺒﺪًﺍ‪ .‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪.«..‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺛﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﲤـﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1992‬ﻡ[ »ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﳌﺘﻌﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ‬ ‫ﺕ!‪» ،‬ﺑﻼﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﻮﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻨﺪﳎﺔ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ ﺑﺎﳌﺒﺎﺩﺉ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ]‪ ،[.‫‪204‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﺿﻴًﺎ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ‪ .. .‬‬ ‫ُﻣﺴِﺢ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﱪﻧﺎﻣﺞ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻀﺎﻳﻖ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻃﻴﻠﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﺢ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻗﺪ ﻏﻤﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﻟﺜﻨﺎﺀ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻌﺠﺰﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻣﺎﺛﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻋﱪ ﻣﻨﻈﺎ ٍﺭ ﻭﺭﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗُﺪﻫِﺶ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﳉﻬﻠﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺄﻳﺔ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻟـﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﻳﻘﺔ ]‪ ،[. .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻹﲨﺎﻝ ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﻔﺼﻴﻞ‪» :‬ﳒﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻭﻁ ﺍﳌﻌﻴﺸﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﺴﻨﺖ‬ ‫»ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋﻲ«‪ ،‬ﻓﺘﺢ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ »ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﳐﺘﻠﻒ ﺗﻴﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ«‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺍﳉﺮﺃﺓ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ«‪» ،‬ﺭﻭﺡ ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ« ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺬﻓﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻘﻄﻊ‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺧﻄﺎﺏ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳐﺘﻠﻔ ٍﺔ‪.

‬‬ .‬‬ ‫‪N@N@đõa‰…‹bi@LòîãŠÐÛa@òîu‰b¨a@ñ‰a‹ë@[2@/10‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻻ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻣﻦ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﹸﺧﻄِﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﻟـﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺜﻠﺜﺔ ﺍﻷﻟﻮﺍﻥ )ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺒﻌﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺄﺧﻮﺫﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣﲔ ﻏﺮ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺗﺸﻴﺢ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻬﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺘﺮﺩﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺗﻌﺮﻑ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺇﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺃﻭ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﳊﺎﺻﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺑﻠ ٍﺪ ﻧﺎﻃ ٍﻖ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ُﻳ َﻌﺪﱡ ﺟﺰﺀًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﳏﻤﻴﺎﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ »ﺷﻔﺎﻓ ﹰﺔ«‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻹﻫﺎﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺳﺘﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﳌﻠﻒ »ﺑﺎﻫﺘﻤﺎ ٍﻡ«‪.‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﲤـﻨﻊ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺌﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺧـﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﺑﺼﺤﺒﺔ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺩﻳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺴﺔ ﲨﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﺧﲑﻳ ٍﺔ ﺗﻌﻠﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻤﺎﺀﻫﺎ ﻟﻠﻤﻠﻚ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺳﻊ )ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻳﺲ ﻟﻮﻳﺲ(‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻮﰲ ﰱ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺇﺣـﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻤـﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﹲﺓ ﺧﺎﺻ ﹲﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺎﳌﻌﺎﳉﺔ‬ ‫ﲝﻤﺎﻣـﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮ ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻵﺛﺎﺭ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﲔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺣﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎ ٍﻝ ﺃﻗﺎﻣﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺕ ﹸﺃ ِﺳﺮﱠ ﻬﺑﺎ ﰲ ﺃﺫﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺩﻳﺖ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪» ،‬ﺗﻌﻠﻤﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺟﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﻊ ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻛﻌﺎﺋﻠﺘﻨﺎ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ«‪ ،‬ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﻗﻀﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺻﻐﲑ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻌﻠﻢ ﻛﻢ ﲢﻘﻘﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ‪.‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪205‬‬ ‫ﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﻩ ﻋﻠﻨًﺎ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺃﺫﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳊﻠﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺮﺑ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﹸﻗﺼﻲ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﻋﻘﺪ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻭﻃﻴﺪ ﹰﺓ )ﻳﺘﺤﺎﺩﺙ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻼﻥ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻴًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﻨﺘﻈ ٍﻢ(‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ ﺍﻟﺜﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺣﻔﺮﻩ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺍﺳﺨﹰﺎ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﺼﻞ »ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﻟﻄﱯ« ﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﺃﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺜﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺟـﻨﱯ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﻣُﻘﺮِﺿﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﻻ ﻳﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ؟‪.‬ﻭﺩﺍﻡ ﺯﻭﺍﻝ ﺍﳊﻈﻮﺓ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪.

‬ﺃﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻃﻔﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﻟﻞ؟‪ ،‬ﺃﱂ ﻳﻀﻊ ﺑﻴﲑ ﻣﻨﺪﻳﺲ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺑﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼ ٍﻝ ﳕﻮﺫﺟﻲٍ؟‪ .‬ﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺭﺳـﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺟﻬ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻔﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﳎﺪ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳﺘﻤﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ«‪ .‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺑﺈﻣﻜﺎﻧـﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳌﺨﻠﻮﻉ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺷﻴﺨﻮﺧﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﺍﳌﺆﻛﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﺇﺭﺍﻗﺔ ﺩ ٍﻡ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﲨـﺎﻉ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻱ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺼـﺮﳛﺎﺗﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺍﳌﻄﻤﺌـﻨﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳌﻌـﺘﻘﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻌﻠﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﺮﺟﺢ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﻟﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﻳﺢ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺤ ٍ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻭﻻ ﻣُﺴَﺘ َ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻣﺘـﻨﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‫‪206‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﳜﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ ﺗﺮﺑﻂ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ" ﺑﻔﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﺪﺭﺟـﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗـﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﰲ ﺗﺄﻳﻴﺪ ﺇﺯﺍﺣﺘﻪ‪ . .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻮ ﺍﳌﹸﻨَﺘﻈﹶﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲝـﺬ ٍﺭ ﻣﺎﻛـ ٍﺮ ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﺗﺼﺮﻳﺢ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﺯﻣًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﺗﻠﺖ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﺩﺛﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻣﻴـﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻭﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻭﻧﻈﲑﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ‬ ‫ﻕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻴﺎ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺈﻥ ﻧﺺ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﱂ َﻳ ُﺮ ْ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻴﻘﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻋﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ ﻳﺘﻤﲎ ﲰﺎﻋﻬﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺇﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ »ﻏﲑ ﺿﺮﻭﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﺻـﺒﺢ ﺟـﺰﺀًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ«‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﳌﺸﺘﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺠﻤﻟﻬﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳝﺜﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻠﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﳝﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺾ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺩﺍﻧﺔ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛـﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺤﺒﻪ ﻟﻮﻱ‬ ‫ﻟـﻮ ﺑﻨﺴـﻴﻚ )‪ ،(Louis Le Pensec‬ﺍﳌﻜﻠـﻒ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﻲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﻳُﺴﺘَﻘﺒﻞ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ]‪ 18‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺷﺮﺣﺖ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﺍﻹﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻼﺫﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺮﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﺴﺮﻋ ٍﺔ‪.‬ﻳﻜﺮﱢﻡ ﺍﻟﻨﺺ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻭﻍ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻜﺘﻔﻲ ﺏ»ﺃﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻢ« ﺑﺘﻐﻴﲑ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺑﻜﺜ ٍﲑ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ‪ .‬ﻓﻀﱠﻞ‬ ‫ﺐّ ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺩﺍﻓﻌﺖ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪.

.‬ﰲ ﺍﳊﻘﻴﻘﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻓﺔ ﺑﻨﻈﺮﻫﺎ‪ .(Robert Pandraud‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﻬﻤﺎ‪ ،‬ﰎ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﻔـﺎﻕ ﻟﺘﺒﺎﺩﻝ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﰲ ﻣﺎ ﳜﺺ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﳊﻤﻴﻢ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﲟﻬﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﳊﺴﺎﺏ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ ﳔﻠﻂ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻮﺀ« ﻣﻊ »ﺣﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺎﺿﻄﺮﺍﺑﺎﺕ«‪.‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺳﻨﺔ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﻟـﻦ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺃﻭﱃ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺿـﻤﺎﻧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺩﻋﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻣﻮﺍﻝ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ‬ .‬ﻭﺭﺟﻊ ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﰎ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﻪ‪ :‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ َﻣ ﹾﻄ َﻬﺮُ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪.‬ﻫﻞ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ؟‪ .‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﳎﻴﺌﻪ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻄﻠﺔ ﻋﻴﺪ ﺍﳌﻴﻼﺩ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﺱ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ‪ ،‬ﺑﲔ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﲔ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻷﺛﺮﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﳊﺒﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺴﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ "ﺍﻟﻌﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺪﻳـﺪ"‪ .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪207‬‬ ‫ﻛﻤـﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ ﺟﻮﻛﺲ )‪ (Pierre Joxe‬ﺭﲟﺎ ﺃﻛﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺴﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﳝـﻮﻥ )‪ ،(Jean-Bernard Raymond‬ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺣﺼﻴﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺏ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﲬﺲ ﺳﺎﻋﺎﺕٍ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺗﻜﺎﺩ!‪» ،‬ﻣﺪﻋﺎﺓ ﺇﻋﺠﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺯﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺑﺎﺳﻜﻮﺍ »ﻭﺯﻳ ٌﺮ ﻋﻈﻴ ٌﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺘﺄﻛـﻴﺪ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﳊﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺘﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﳏﺎﻭﻟـﺔ ﳏـﻮ ﺇﺧﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ /‬ﻧﻮﻓﻤﱪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪-‬ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﻌﺪﺩﺕ ﺍﻟﻠﻘﺎﺀﺍﺕ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺳـﺘﺘﺒﺪﺩ ﻛﻞ ﲢﻔﻈﺎﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1988‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘـﻨﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻜﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻛﻴ ٌﺪ‪.‬ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﻳﺴﺎﻭﻣﻬﺎ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻤﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺎﺿﻲ ﺭﻏﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻘﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺘﺤﺼﻞ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻨـﻴﻮﻥ )‪] (Matignon‬ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺯ ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺴًـﺎ ﻟـﻠﺤﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﻭﺭًﺍ ﲟﻘﺮ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻻﺷﺘﺮﺍﻛﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ‪،‬ﻭَﻳ ِﻌﺪُ‪ ،‬ﻭُﻳﻄﹶﻤﺌِﻦ ‪ .‬ﰒ ﺳﻴﺄﰐ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﻩ ﺍﳌﻔﻮّﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻜﻠـﻒ ﺑـﺎﻷﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺑﲑ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺭﻭ )‪ .

‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﲣﻠﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺧﺼﻮﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺮ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪ .‫‪208‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺣﺎﻓﻼﹰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺌﺘﺎﻥ ﻭﲬﺴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺷﺨﺼًﺎ ﰲ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺭﻗ ٌﻢ ﻗﻴﺎﺳ ٌﻲ!‪،‬‬ ‫ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻑ »ﻛﻴﻒ ﳛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺄﺳﺎﺓٍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺧﻼﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺹ ﻻ ﻧﺘﺬﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺧـﺰﺓ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ]‪ .[1‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﹲﺓ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﻈﻬ ٍﺮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﻯ ﻃﺮﻓ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺛﺎﻧﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺿـﻄﺮ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺼﻐﻲ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻴ ٍﻖ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻨﺸﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﺪﱘ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻐﲎ ﺑﻌﻈﻤﺔ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻷﻛﱪ"‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪِﻝ‬ ‫ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﺋﺞ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺃﳘﻴ ﹰﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺗﻔﺎﻕ )ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﻔﺎﻭﺽ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻒ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ( ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺑﺚ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ‪ (2‬ﰲ ﺍﻷﺭﺍﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺗﺪﺭﳚﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻧﺼ ٌﺮ ﻣﻜﻠ ٌ‬ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻔﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪-‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺒﻐﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻃﻔﻴﺔ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻋﻠﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﺍ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺯﺣًﺎ‪.‬ﺃﺗﺖ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺲ ﻣﻨﺘﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻠﻚ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻈﻬﺮًﺍ ﻛﺮﺋﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ "ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﻴﺘﺮﺍﻧﻴﺔ" ﰲ ﺭﺣﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻏﺮﺑﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ :‬ﺑﻴﲑ ﺟﻮﻛﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﻻﻥ ﺩﻭﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﲑ ﺑﲑﻳﻐﻮﰲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ :‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗـﻴﲑﻱ ﺩﻭﺑﻮﺳـﻴﻪ )‪ .‬ﻭﺍﺧﺘـﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺟﻴ ٌﺪ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺕ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺪﻳﻨﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﳛﺘﻔﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﳌﺌﻮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺜﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﻳﺎﻓﻄﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﲤﺘﺪﺡ »ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﻝ‪ «1789‬ﻭ»ﺍﻟﺘﻀﺎﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﻓﺮﻳﻘﻲ‪-‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ«‪ .‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺛﻴﺎﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺰﻳ ٍﻞ ﻟﺒﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺘﺎ ٍﺀ‪ . .‬‬ ‫‪õaŠz–Ûa@¿@Bòîãaî½aB@[3@/10‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﳌﻬﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺳﻴﺪﻋﻮﻩ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻲ »ﺍﻟﺼﺪﺍﻗﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﳝﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻴﻨﺔ« ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﺘﻬﺖ ﲡﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺖ ﻬﺑﺰﳝﺔ ﺍﻟﻴﻤﲔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ . (Thierry de Beaucé‬ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻻ ﻏﺒﺎﺭ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﻬـﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺋﺎﻡ ﻛﺎﻣ ﹲﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻓﲔ‪» .

‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻜـﻲ ﻳﻈﻬِﺮ ﳌﻀﻴﻔﻴﻪ ﻛﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﺛﲑﹲﺓ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﻮﺍﱏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﻋﻮﺩﺗﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺮﺣﻠ ٍﺔ ﻗﺼﲑ ٍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺪ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺯﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻌ ﹲﺔ ﺧﻀﺮﺍﺀ ﺻﻐﲑﹲﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻠﻔﻴﺔ ﺟﺒ ٍﻞ ﻣﺼﻔ ﱟﺮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻴﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺇﺩﻏﺎﺭ ﻓﻮﺭ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Edgar Faure‬ﰒ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺍﺣـﺎﺕ ﺟﺒﻠـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺑﻌﻴﺪ ٍﺓ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺪﺕ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺰﺑﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻭﺍﳌﻮﺭّﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗُـﻨ َ‬ ‫ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﻭﺍﻟﻘﺘﻞ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﻭﺗﻼﺣﻖ ﻋﺎﺋﻼﺕ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‪ .(2‬ﻭﺳﺘﻔﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‬ ‫ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ‪.‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪209‬‬ ‫ﻟﺒﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﲢﻤﻞ ﻛﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﲎ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺘﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﺘﻐﻄﻴﺔ ﳎﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ )ﻋﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺍﻧﻜﻮﻓﻮﻧﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﺌﺎﺕ ﻣﻼﻳﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﻜﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻧﺼ ٌﺮ ﺭﻣﺰ ٌ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﺍﻹﻳﻄﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ )‪ (RAIUNO‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻐﻄﻲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻮﺍﺣﻴﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻴـﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺪﻳًﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻋ ﹰﺔ ﺭﻣﺎﺩﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻓﻀﻔﺎﺿ ﹰﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺘﺤﺎﺩﺙ ﲢﺖ ﳔﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺢ ﻣﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳍﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﻜﻮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺫﻫﺐ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻺﻟـﻴﺰﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺑـﲑ ﻓﻴﺪﺭﻳﻦ )‪ ،(Hubert Védrin‬ﳛﻤﻞ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻟﺴﺠﲔ‬ ‫ﻒ«‪.‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺛـﻨﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﲣﺬﺕ ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﻣﻨﺤ ًﻰ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨﺴﺘﲑ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻔﻆ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﱂ ﻳﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺀ‪:‬‬ ‫ﲢﺘﻔﻆ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺑﺒﻌﺾ ﻓﺘﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺚ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ‬ ‫]‪ 2000‬ﻭ‪،[2030‬ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻧﺸﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ‪» :‬ﱂ ﻧﺘﻄﺮّﻕ ﺇﱃ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﺗـﻰ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺼﻼﺕ ﺑﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺎﺀﺕ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺩﺓ ﺑﺎﻟﻀﻴﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﳉﻴﺪﺓ«‪.‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻭﺟﺪ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ »ﻭﺍﻋﻴًﺎ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺿﻌﻴ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺳﻨﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻏﺪﺍﺓ ﺣﺮﺏ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﰲ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺧﺎﻃﻔ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﳌﻮﺿﻮﻉ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺲ ﺭﺍﻫﻨًﺎ ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﳌﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﲑ ﺑﲑﻳﻐـﻮﰲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺒﺄ ﺍﻟﺴﻌﻴﺪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ :‬ﻣﻨﺢ‬ ‫ﻁ ﳑﺘﺎﺯ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺿﻊ ﻣﺴﺎﻋﺪ ٍﺓ ﻣﺎﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﻗﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻠﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺮﻧﻚ‬ ‫ﺽ ﺑﺸﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﲢﺖ ﺗﺼﺮﻑ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻟﺴﻨﺔ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[‪.‬‬ ‫ﺲ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .

‬ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﱂ ﻳﺒﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺮﺭ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺨﺮﻁ ﰲ‬ ‫ﲔ ﺑﻨﺸﻄﺎﺀ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﻚ ﳏﺎﻃﹰﺎ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ ﻣﺘ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭ‪ .‬ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﻴﺾ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻔﺎﻝ ﺑﻼ ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﺡ ﻭﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻃﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻠﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ .‬ﻳﱪﺯ ﺍﶈﺎﺳﻦ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻠ ٌﺪ ﻣﻀﻴﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻑ ]ﻭ[ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳛﺒﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻲﺀ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﺯﺍﺕ ﳜﻄﺌﻮﻥ ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺑﺘﻌﺪﻭﺍ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﺴﻠﻚ‪ .‬ﻟﻦ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﺪﺍﻧ ٍﺔ« ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺧﻔﹼﺾ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﻮﻥ ﺣﺠﻢ ﺑﻌﺜﺘﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﻧﺼﺤﻮﺍ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺎﻫﻢ ﺑﻌﺪﻡ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺫﻱ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺮ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺘﻐﻨﻮﻥ ﲟﺰﺍﻳﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﲔ‪ .‫‪210‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺳﻴﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﻣﻜﺸﻮﻓ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺣﺴـﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻜﻼﻡ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺟـﻮﺍﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻬﺘﻔﻮﻥ ﻟﻪ ﻛﻤﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1989‬ﻡ[ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺟـﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﻳﻘﻞ ﻛﻠﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﻬﺎﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪.‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺗﺪﺭﻱ ﻭﺗﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﺼﺮﺧﻮﻥ‪» :‬ﺑﻮﺵ‬ ‫ﻗـﺎﺗﻞ! ﻭﻣﻴـﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻠـﺒﻪ!«‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﺃﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺪﺭﻱ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻨﺎ ﻧﺸﻌﺮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﻓﻀﻮ ٍﻝ َﻣ ِﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺡ ﳌﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﻤﲎ ﻋﻮﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ‪.‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﳒﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﳌﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺩﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑـﺪﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ُﻣﻄﹶﻤِﺌﻨًﺎ‪ .(saison tunisienne /‬‬ ‫ﺳﻠﺴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ُﻧﻈﱢﻤﺖ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﰲ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺪ ٍﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻷﻗﺎﻟﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺍﻬﺗﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﲟﻨﺢ »ﺗﺴﻬﻴﻼ ٍ‬ ‫‪N@N@Bćïãìm@ćáìßB@[4@/10‬‬ ‫ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺜﺎﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻭﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﱀ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺢ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪) ،‬ﻣﻮﺳ ٌﻢ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ‪.‬ﻳﺮﺩﺩ ﺍﻷﻃﻔﺎﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻠﺒﺎﺱ ﺍﳌﺪﺭﺳﻲ »ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ! ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻨﻔﺦ ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻴﻘﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺑﻮﻕ ﺃﻭ ﻳﻘﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻄﺒﻞ‪ .‬ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻠ ٌﺪ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺶ ﻓﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻇﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻓﺎﻫﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﺗﺴﻠﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ«‪.‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﳎﻲﺀ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺸﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﺭﻓﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﲡﺪﻳـﺪ ﺗﺄﺷﲑﺓ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺯﻋﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻬﻀﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ‪ .

‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ ﻟﻦ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﺰﻋ ٍﺞ ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻏﲑ ﺗﺸﻬﲑ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻣـﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺽ ﺣـﻮﻝ ﺍﳊﺎﺿﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻃﺎﺟﻴﺔ ﰲ )ﺍﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ‪ ،(petit palais /‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻌـﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺽ ﺣـﻮﻝ )ﺍﻟﻔﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮ( ﰲ ﻣﻌﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ )ﺣﻔ ﹲﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﻌـﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ( ﰲ ﺳﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﱐ )‪.[3‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻏﻀﺐ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﺟﻬﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ . (Saint-Denis‬‬ ‫ﺗﻄﻠـﺐ ﺍﻷﻣـﺮ ﻛـﻞ ﻗﺮﳛﺔ ﺳﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻭﺣﺬﺍﻗﺔ ﺳﻠﻴﻢ ﺷﻴﺒﻮﺏ )ﻣﻬﺎﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑـﺮﺍﻋﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺻـﻬﺮ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺘﻬﺪﺋﺔ ﻏﻀﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺭﺍﺩ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌًﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﻃ ٍﺆ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٍﻲ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺏ)ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ(‪.‬ﳒﺢ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻼﻥ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻌﺎﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘـﺐ ﺳﻔﲑ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺧﻼﻝ ﳏﺎﺩﺛ ٍﺔ ﻫﺎﺗﻔﻴ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺛﲏ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻋﻦ‬ .‬ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﰲ ﺑﻼ ٍﺩ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﺗﺄﺧﺮ ﻗﺪﻭﻣﻪ«]‪.[2‬‬ ‫ﰲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮﻭﻥ ﺑﺪﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻉ ﺛﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌـﺮﺣﻠﺔ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﺘﺎﺀ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻬﺗﺘﻢ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﲞﻼﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴـﻮﺍ ﻣﻴـﺘﺮﺍﻥ ﺫﻱ ﺍﻟﻮﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻋﻮﱐ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺂﻛﻠﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﺽ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻫﺘﻤﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﲟﺴﺄﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻨﺎﻧﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺻﺮﻳﻦ‪ . .‬ﺳﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ؟‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﻲ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﳛﻜـﻲ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺍﳌﺆﻟﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺬﻳﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻗﺎﺳﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻌﺎﻧﻴﻪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺳﺠﻮﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ]‪.‬ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌـﺮﺽ ﺍﻟـﺬﻱ ُﻧﻈﱢـﻢ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺜﻤﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﻋﺸﺮ ﻗﺮﻧًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺷﻲﺀ ﺫﻭ ﺧﻄ ٍﺮ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺭﻁ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪.‬ﻭﻣﺎ ﺯﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻄﲔ ﺑﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺃﻥ )ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ( ﱂ ﻳﻒ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﹰـﺎ ﺑﻮﻋﻮﺩﻩ ﻻﻓﺘﻘﺎﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﺑﻨﺎﺀ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﻼﻝ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﺮﻫﻢ ﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1968‬ﻡ[‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﱂ ﺗﻨﻔﻊ ﺗﻔﺴﲑﺍﺕ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺣﻮﻝ ﺣﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺒﲑ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺓ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻱ‪ . .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪211‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺩﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻓﺮِﺩﺭﻳﻚ ﻣﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻬﺗﺪﻑ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺘﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧـﺪ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺗﻜـﺮﱘ »ﻓﻨﺎﻧﲔ ﺗﺘﻨﺎﺯﻋﻬﻢ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ )ﺍﳌﻮﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ( ﺃﻥ ﻳُﻠﻐﻰ ﰲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﳊﻈ ٍﺔ ﻭﻳﺜﲑ ﻋﺎﺻﻔ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳـﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪ .

‬ﻋـﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﻗﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧـﻴﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻓﻀﻠﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﺸﺮًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﰲ ﺟﻴﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻮﻗﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺪﻳ ﹲﻞ ﻛﺒ ٌﲑ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺃﳝﻜـﻦ ﺃﻥ ﳚﻬـﻞ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﻣﺎ ﳚﺮﻱ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ؟‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻳﺘﺎﺑﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ُﻳﻌَـ ﱠﺬ ُ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ"‪.‬ﻭﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﻨﻌﺎﻩ »ﺑﺎﳋﺮﻭﺝ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺯﻣـﺔ ﺷﺎﳐﹰﺎ«‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺗﺴﻤﻴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻧﻐـﺎﱄ ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﻨﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺳﻔﲑ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﲑﺍﻝ ﺟﺎﻙ ﻻﻧﻜﺰﺍﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﺭﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﳋـﺎﺹ ﲟﻴﺘﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﻭﻕ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴـﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .(International Year of Tolerance /‬‬ ‫‪N@N@òà•bÈÛa@ãìm@¿@ćÑíČ Œß@MćïÔîÔy@ćÐ@[5@/10‬‬ ‫ﰎ ﺗﻔـﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﻷﺯﻣـﺔ‪ .‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺣﺎﻣﺪ ﻗﺮﻭﻱ ﺷﺨﺼﻴًﺎ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﻴﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭﺳﻴﻤﺜﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﲢﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻳﺶ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﻏﲎ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﰲ ﺟﺰ ٍﺀ ﻣﻨﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻔﲑ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻮﺟـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻀـﻮﻟﻪ ﲡﺎﻩ ﳎﺘﻤ ٍﻊ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻏﺒﺘﻪ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻌﻄﻲ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏﺮﱠﻓ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﳊﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳝﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﳌﻌﺎﻭﻧﻴﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻜﺮﻡ ﺳﺘُﺮﻓﹶﻊ ﻋﻘﻮﺑﺔ ﻣﻨﻊ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﱵ‬ ‫›ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧـﺪ‹ ﻭ›ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‹‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﻔﺮﻭﺽ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﺘﺘﺢ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﺽ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳـﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ؟‪ .‫‪212‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋـﺰﻣﻪ ﻭﺇﻗـﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﰎ ﺍﳊﻔﺎﻅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ "ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺟﻴﺔ" ﺑﲔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺮﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﺘﺴﻮﻳﻎ ﺍﳌﻨﻊ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺍﲣﺬﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺻـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺠﺔ »ﺇﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳓﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻬﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺪﺍﺀ ﻭﺍﻹﺯﺩﺭﺍﺀ« ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻫﺎﺏ ﻋﺒﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﷲ‪ ،‬ﳌﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﻣﺎﺭﻱ ﻛﻮﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﺃﻬﻧﻤﺎ ﹸﻗﺒِﻠﺘﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ )ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻟﻠﺘﺴﺎﻣﺢ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﻭﻟﹼﻰ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺳﻔﲑ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻳﺮﺳﻞ‬ ‫ﻭﻟـﻦ ﻳﺘﺼـﻞ ﺑﺄ ﱟ‬ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻟﻶﻻﻑ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺮﻭﺍ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺃﲪﺪ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﻋﻲ‬ ‫)ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﺴ ٌﺦ ﻣﻨﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ( ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ ﻫﺎﺋ ٍﻞ ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻓـﻴﻪ ﺑﻼ ﺿﻤ ٍﲑ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻨﻬﻢ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺴﺄﻡ ﺍﻟﺸﺪﻳﺪ«‪.[4‬ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﺗﺖ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻜﺘ ٍﻢ‪ ،‬ﺧﻔﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪. .‬ﻭﺗﺎﺑﻌﺖ ﻗﺎﺋﻠ ﹰﺔ‪» :‬ﻳﻮﻡ ﳏﺎﻛﻤﱵ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻏﺮﺑﻴ ٍﺔ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺭﺳﻠﺖ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﹰﺎ ﺇﱃ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﺬﺭ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﱪﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﻻﻧﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﳒـﺪﻩ ﰲ ﺗﺼـﺮﳛﺎﺗﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ . [5‬‬ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺇﺷﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﺓ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺿﺤ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪًﺍ ﻣﻮﺟﻬ ﹰﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻟﺘﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺼﺮﻑ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﻮﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻛـﻞ ﺷـﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ«]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻗـﺪ ﻗﺎﻟـﺖ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺭﺍﺿﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﺭ ﺭﻋﺐ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪» :‬ﻣﺎ ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﺣﺼـﻠﺖ ﱄ ﻣﺘﺎﻋـﺐ ﺟﺪﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻫﺮﺏ ﻣﲏ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤـﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺤﺖ ﻣﺼﺎﺑ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺎﻋﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻛﻨﺖ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ ﺃﺩﻋﻰ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ«‪ .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪213‬‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺎﻗـﺔ ﺩﻋﻮ ٍﺓ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺭﺍﺷﺪ ﺍﻟﻐﻨﻮﺷﻲ ﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﰲ ]‪ [14‬ﲤﻮﺯ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﱪﻗﻴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﺮﺳﻠﻬﺎ ﻻﻧﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﺇﱃ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺠﺎ ٍﺀ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻌﻮﻥ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﺃﻗﻞ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩًﺍ ﻟﻠﺴﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻔﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻦ ﻧﺎﺣﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﺔ ﻗﺴﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻀﻲ ﺯﻭﺟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ ﺣﻜﻤًﺎ ﺑﺜﻼﺙ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺠﻦ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ )ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ( ﻧﺎﻗﺪ ٍﺓ ﺿﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ )ﺍﻧﻈﺮ ﺹ ‪» :(138‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﻛﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﱪﻳﻄﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻷﳌﺎﻥ ﺗﻀﺎﻣﻨًﺎ ﱂ ﺃﺟﺪﻩ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ«‪.‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺳﺄﻟﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﻴﻔ ﹲﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ ﰲ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1996‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﺘﺮﺩﺩ ﰲ ﺍﳊﺪﻳﺚ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﺭﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻘﻘﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ »ﰲ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﻴﺎﺩﻳﻦ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺒﻴﺔ »ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻟﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ »ﺍﻟﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ]‪.‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺑﻘﻮﻟﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻛـﻞ ﺷـﻲ ٍﺀ ﻣُﺤ ﹶﻜﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺷﻲﺀ ﻳﺘﺤﺮﻙ‪ .

‬ﻭﻳﻜﺎﺩ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺰﻳﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ‪ . .‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﻟﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﳛﻜـﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ؟‪ ،‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻻ ﳛﻠﻢ‬ ‫ﺴﺮﱡ‪» :‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻧﺘﻢ ﺗﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﺧﺬ ﺃﺷﺮﺍﻑ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺇﻻ ﺑﺬﻟـﻚ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﻜﻠﻔﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﻗﻌﺔ‪ :‬ﲦﺎﻧﲔ ﻣﻠﻴﻮﻧًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺇﻧﻔﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ‪.‬ﻭﻳﻄﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻣﻦ ﳏﺪﺛﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﺑﻴﲔ‬ .‫‪214‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﺼـﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﺍﻟﻔـﻴﻐﺎﺭﻭ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻤﻨﻮﻋﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺄﻟﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻌﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﺍﻝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻮﺍﺏ ﺍﳌﻬﺪﺉ ﻟﻠﻐﻀﺐ‪» :‬ﺇﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗـﻨﺎﺫﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺼﻒ‪ .‬ﻻ ﺃﻣﻠـﻚ ﻛﻞ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ«‪ .[6‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﻣﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺹ ﺍﻷﻣﲑﺍﻝ ﻻﻧﻜﺰﺍﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻬﺪﻱ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺳﻔﻴﻨ ﹰﺔ ﺣﺮﺑﻴ ﹰﺔ )ﺃﻓﻴﺰﻭ‬ ‫‪ ،(Avieso 69 /69‬ﻣﺮﻛـﺒًﺎ ﻗﺪﳝًﺎ ﻳﻘﺎﺭﺏ ﻋﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﳋﻤﺴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﻋﺎﻣًﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺴﻜﺖ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻳﻠﺠﺄ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺇﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮ ٌﺭ ﺑﺸﺄﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﺫﺍ ﻗﻠﻖ ﺯﺍﺋ ٌﺮ ﺭﻓﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻭﺯﻳ ٌﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﻻ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻧـﺘﻬﺎﻛﺎﺕ ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴـﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺮﺡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﺣﺪﻫﻢ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃـﻴﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﺰﳝﺔ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻣﺮًﺍ ﻣﺮﻏﻮﺑًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺇﻥ ﻟﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﺘﺒﺎﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﺜﻤﺮ ﺍﺿﻄﻬﺎﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻳﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﺔ ﲟﻞﺀ ﺇﺭﺍﺩﺗﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪òãbİjÛa@òİÜË@[6@/10‬‬ ‫ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﻣﺎﻛ ٌﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﻲ ﻳﺴﺤﺮ ﳏﺪﺛﻴﻪ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺃﺻﺤﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺇﱃ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳋﻄﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ ﻭﺍﳌﺪﺍﻫﻦ‪.‬ﻟﻜـﻨﻪ ُﻳ ِ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﻞ ﺍﻻﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‪ .‬ﻋﺪﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﻋﻄـﺎﺀ ﺭﺍﺩﺍﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﲢﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﲡﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﻛﺎﻣ ٍﻞ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﺩﻫﺸـﺖ ﺍﳍﺪﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﻭﺇﻥ ﺃﺗﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻣﲑﺍﻝٍ‪ ،‬ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﻠﻤﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺮﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺗﻘﺘﺼـﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺳﻔﻦ ﺧﻔﺮ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺣﻞ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻨﺎﺳﺐ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺕ ﳌﺮﺍﻗـﺒ ٍﺔ ﺟﻮﻳ ٍﺔ ﺃﻓﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺼﲔ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﻟﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻋﻠﻰ ﻋﻼﻣ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻟـﺬﺍ ﳕـﻴﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻜـﻮﻥ ﻣﺘﻄﻠﺒﲔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻻ ﲢﺼﻞ ﲤﺎﻣًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺳﻄﻰ ﰲ ﳎﺎ ٍﻝ ﻣﺎ«]‪.

‬ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﲑﺍﻧًـﺎ ﻏﲑ ﺳﻬﻠﲔ ﻳﺘﺎﲬﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﻔﺴـﺮ ﻭﺿـﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳉﻴﻮﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻟﻄﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺰﻋﻤﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﺡ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺣﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﺮﺃﻱ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﺨﺘﺼﲔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﻠﻢ ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﺍﺕ ]‪ 1995 -1993‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻜﻦ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻤـﻞ ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺗﻐﺮﻕ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺄﺣﺠﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮ‪.‬ﺑﺪﺧ ٍﻞ ﻳﺒﻠﻎ ﺃﻟﻔﻲ ﺩﻭﻻﺭ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻔـﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻧﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺄﻣﻞ ﺑﺎﳊﺼﻮﻝ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﻮﺟﻮﺩﺓ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐـﺮﺏ«‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴ ٍﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺑﻼ ٍﺩ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻭﻳ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺯﻋﺰﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻗﻠـﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻟﺴـﻜﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﻏﻨﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺪﻭﻻﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺮﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﻋﺪﺓ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳـﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻴﻼﺀ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺨﺪﻣًﺎ ﺍﻟﻮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺣﻴﻨًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺮﳛﺔ ﺃﺣﻴﺎﻧًﺎ‪.‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪215‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻔﻬّﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﱪ ﻟﻴﺴﺎﻋﺪﻭﻩ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻠﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﺎﺏ‪» .‬ﰲ ﺍﳉﻨﻮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﰲ ﻻ‬ ‫ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻜﻬﻦ ﺑﺘﺼﺮﻓﺎﻬﺗﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺿـﻊ ﻟـﻴﺲ ﺃﻛـﺜﺮ ﺃﻣﺎﻧًﺎ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﺎﺻﺮﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﻢ ﻋﻤﻴﺎ ﹲﻥ ﻭﻳﺮﻳﺪﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻘﻮﺍ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﺣﱴ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﺍﻫﻨﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭﺍﺿﺤ ﹰﺔ ﻛﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺸﻤﺲ‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺃﺳﺘﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﲣﻠﺖ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﻃﻤﻮ ٍ‬ .‬ﻭﻳﻠﺨﺺ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻣﻮﻇ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﲡﻨﻴﺒﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺧﻠﻘﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ«‪.‬ﺷـﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭ ﻻﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﻬﻢ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ "ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ" ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻳﻜـﺘﻔﻮﻥ ﺑﺬﻟـﻚ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺴـﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﲢﺎﺷـﺖ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﻡ ﺍﻻﻧﺰﻻﻕ ﰲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪.‬ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﻜﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﰲ ﻳﻮ ٍﻡ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻔـﻲ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟـﻨﻤﻂ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺟﻮﺑﺔ ﰲ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻷﺣﻴﺎﻥ ﻹﺳﻜﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧـﺘﻘﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﲑﺓ ﺍﳌﺰﺩﻭﺟﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺨﺎﻃﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻑ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻒ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﺣﻠﻔﺎﺋﻪ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﻮﺣًﺎ ﲟﺮﻭﺣﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﺍﱡﺗﺨِﺬﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻓﺮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺻـﻮﻟﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﻨﺤﻮﱐ ﻭﻗﺘًﺎ ‪ . .‬‬ ‫ﺍﳊﻜﻤـﺔ ﺍﳌﺰﻋﻮﻣﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺷﺠﻌﺖ ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ .

‬ﹶﱂ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﲑ ﺍﳌﻔﺎﺟﺊ؟‪.‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺑﺄﺧﺬ ﻣﻮﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﺍﻟﻐـﺮﰊ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺃﺯﻣﺔ ﺍﳋﻠﻴﺞ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﱂ ﻳﺼﺪﻕ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻗﻮﻣﻴ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑـﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸـﻜﻜ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺷﻚ ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻭﺍﻻﳔﺮﺍﻁ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺩﺍﺋﻤ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺻـﻒ ﺍﳌﻌﺴـﻜﺮ ﺍﳌﻌـﺎﺩﻱ ﻟﻠﻐﺮﺏ‪ .‫‪216‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌـﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻲ ﺭﳝﻲ ﻟﻴﻔﻮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻫﻦ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼ ٍﻝ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳـﺘﻘﺒﺎﻟﻪ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻣﻘﺮ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴـﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ]‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺽ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻖ "ﺑﺎﻷﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑـﻴﺔ" ﻳﻔﺴﺮ ﺗﺄﺭﺟﺢ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺗﺮﺩﺩﻫﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻭﺯﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺪﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺮﺓ؟‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﻫﺎﻣﺶ‬ ‫ﻼ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺍﺳـﺘﻘﻼ ٍﻝ ﺗـﱪﻫﻦ؟‪ .‬ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﺄﺟﺠﺔ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺮﻑ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻭ ﱂ ﻳﺸﺄ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺜﻤﺮﻫﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺮﻙ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ ﻳﻌﱪ ﻋﻦ ﺩﻋﻤﻪ ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺻـﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴـﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﹶﻗﺒِﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺆﻭﻱ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺭﺍﺿﻴﻪ ﻃﺎﺋﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻮﻳﻨﻎ ﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﺸﺮﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻄﲑﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺍﻗﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ﹲﺔ ﳐﺠﻠ ﹲﺔ ﻭﻣﺸﻮﺷ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻴﺪﹲﺓ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻌﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻬﺑﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻏﻤـﻮ ٌ‬ .[7‬ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﻮﻥ ﻳﺼﻨﻔﻮﻥ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻳﺎﺳﺮ ﻋﺮﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻛﻤـﻨﻈﻤ ٍﺔ ﺇﺭﻫﺎﺑـﻴ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﻳﺆﻛﺪ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﻣﻦ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫»ﲟﻮﻗﻔﻪ ﺍﳌﺎﻫﺮ‪ ،‬ﳒﺢ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﺟﺘﺰﺍﺯ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺐ ﲢﺖ ﺃﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﲔ«‪.‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻘﺮﺕ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻒ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻠﺴﻄﻴﻨﻴﺔ ﰲ ﻗﻄﺎﻉ ﻏﺰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻡ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﻫﻦ ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺍﻧﺰﻋﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺗﻔﻜـﺮ ﺟﺪﻳًﺎ ﰲ ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﺘﻘﻠـﺖ ﺍﳉﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﺑﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺮﺓ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬ ٍﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺐ ﻟﺮﻋﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻴﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻠـﺖ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 1995‬ﻡ[ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ ﻣﻜﺘ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﺡ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻣﲔ ﻧﺎﺗﺎﻧﻴﺎﻫﻮ ﰲ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻵﻥ ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺑﻠﺪﻳﻨﺎ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﻤﻮ ﺍﳌﺒﺎﺩﻻﺕ ﺑﻄﺮﻳﻘ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺡ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﻤﻮﺳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬ ٍﺔ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﺼﻲ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻝ ﺍﳌﻜﺘﺐ ﺇﱃ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺟﻨﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻓﻨﺪﻕ ﻫﻴﻠﺘﻮﻥ«‪.‬ﰒ ﻏﲑ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻭﺟﻬﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺬﺭﻳًـﺎ‪ :‬ﻋـﺮﺽ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﳑﺜﻞ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻭﻣﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﺃﺭﺳﻠﺖ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﹶﲔ ﺭﻓﻴﻌﻲ ﺍﳌﺮﺗﺒﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺇﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ .

‬ﻏﲑ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺣﺼﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﳌﺸﻬﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻗﺪ ﺗﻐﲑ ﻛﻠﻴًﺎ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺛﻼﺙ ﻣﺮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺌﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ ﺑﺄﻟﻖ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﹸﺃﺟﱢﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺣﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻄﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑﻴﻮﺱ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺪﺍﻓﻌﻮﺍ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻳُﻌﻤَﻞ ﻋﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﻟﺮﺅﺳﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺻﻔﻌ ﹰﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﻼ ﺟﺪﺍ ٍﻝ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺔ ﺃ ﱟ‬ ‫‪N@N@ñŠfl–n‚Žß@òÜy‰@[7@/10‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 20‬ﻭ‪ 21‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺍ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻣﺘﻀﺎﻣﻨًﺎ ﻟﻴﻘﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻹﺧﻔﺎﻕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﻳﺴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺯﻳﺎﺭ ﹰﺓ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺷﺎﻗ ﹰﺔ ﻭﳐﻴﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻶﻣﺎﻝ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻴﺖ ﺃﻭ ﹰﻻ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﻟﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪.‬ﺳﺘﺔ ﻧﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻤﺎ ﺫﻫﺒﺖ ﺍﻧﺴﺤﺎﺑﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋـﺔ ﺍﻟﺸﻴﻮﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺁﻻﻥ ﺑﻮﻛﻴﻪ )‪ ،(Alain Bocquet‬ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﳉﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸـﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺭﻱ ﺟﺎﻙ ﻻﻧﻎ )‪ ،(Jack Lang‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻫﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺴـﺎﻫﻼﻥ ﻣـﻊ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭﻭﺍ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻃﻌﻮﺍ ﺣﻔﻞ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻨﻮﺍ ﺫﻟﻚ‪.‬ﻋﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻞ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﳏﻞ ﺁﻻﻥ ﺟﻮﺑﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺫﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﺍﺿـﻄﺮ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﺇﱃ ﺗﺮﻙ ﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ ﺇﱃ ﻟﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺑـﻴﻮﺱ )‪ .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪217‬‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻋﺮﻑ‪ ،‬ﺭﻏﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ ﺟﻐﺮﺍﻓﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﳝﺎﺭﺱ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭ ﺍﻟﻮﺳـﺎﻃﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﲎ ﻋﻨﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﱰﺍﻉ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ ﺍﻹﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻻﻛﺘﻔﺎﺀ ﲝﻔﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﻗﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﻓﻨﺪﻕ‬ ‫ﻻﺳّـﺎﻱ )‪ ،(Lassay‬ﻣﻘـﺮ ﺇﻗﺎﻣـﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ‪ .(Laurent Fabius‬ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺮﺣﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻯ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺁﻣﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻣﻦ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻗﺼﺮ ﺑﻮﺭﺑﻮﻥ )‪(Palais-Bourbon‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧـﲑﺓ ﰲ ﺇﻟﻘـﺎﺀ ﺧﻄﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﺬﻫـﺐ ﺃﺩﺭﺍﺝ ﺍﻟـﺮﻳﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻠﻚ ﺇﺳﺒﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺎﻫﻞ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬‬ .

‬ﺣﺘﻤًﺎ ﺇﻥ ﺣﻔﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﺑﺼﻔﻌ ٍﺔ‪› .‫‪218‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴـﺖ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ!‪ ،‬ﺣﱴ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﺪﻳﻖ ﺍﻷﺯﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺃﻗﻞ ﺣﺮﺍﺭ ﹰﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺘﲑًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻠﻮﻧًﺎ ﰲ ﳎﺎﻣﻼﺗﻪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻒ ﻻ ﻳُﺮﻯ ﰲ‬ ‫»ﺳﻴﻘﻮﺩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺇﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻭﺿ ٍﻊ ﺗﺮﺍﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ؟‪.‬ﺛﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﻫﺎﺩﺋ ﹲﺔ«‪» ،‬ﳕﻮﺫ ٌ‬ ‫ﺶ«‪» ،‬ﻏﺪًﺍ ﺳﻨﻐﺎﻓﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻡ«‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﲪﺎﺳًﺎ ﻫﻲ ›ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺘﻮﻳﻞ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻫ ٌ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﳝﻠﻜﻬﺎ ﺣﻴﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻷﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻣﺎﺭﻙ ﻻﺩﺭﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﻻﺷﺎﺭﻳﲑ ) ‪Marc Ladreit‬‬ .‬‬ ‫‪Bâý⁄a@ñ‰ìÏbÌäB@[8@/10‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ!‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻮﺭ ﺃﻛﺘﻮﻳﻞ‪› ،‹Valeurs Actuels /‬ﺟﻮﻥ ﺃﻓﺮﻳﻚ‹‪› ،‬ﻟﻮ ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺃﻓـﺮﻳﻚ‪-‬ﺁﺯﻱ‹‪ ،‬ﻟﻜـﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺴـﺖ ﺑﺎﻻﲰﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻼﻣﻌﺔ ﻭﻣﺼﺪﺍﻗﻴﺔ ﻣﺪﳛﻬﺎ ﺗﺘﺄﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﺝ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺼـﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﺎﻳـﺔ ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻐﻠﹼﻒ ﺛﻨﺎﺀﻫﺎ‪» .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻬﺑ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻌﺸﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻗﻴﻢ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺡ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﺮﺡ ﺃﻧﻪ »ﺑﻮﺿﻊ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺟﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﳌﺘّﺒﻌﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻹﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻔﺘﺎﺡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻲ‪] ،‬ﺣـﺮﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ[ ﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻹﺣﺒﺎﻃﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻷﺣﻘﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﺬﻳﻬﻢ«‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺭﺩًﺍ ﺩﺧﻮﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﹼﺮ ﺿﻴﻔﻪ ﺑﺄﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳋﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺡ ﺃﻭﺳﻊ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﺗﻄﺮﻕ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺒﺎﺷ ٍﺮ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﳉﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﺎﻝ‪» :‬ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳊﻖ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻣﺎ ﺑﺸﻜ ٍﻞ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻭﺍﻟﱵ ﺣﻔﻈﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﺎﻓ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻓﻀﻞ«" ﻫﺬﻩ ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻗﻴﻠﺖ ﺑﺼﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﺎﺗﻴﻨـﻴﻮﻥ )ﻣﻘﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ(‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﺩُﻋﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﻐﺪﺍﺀ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ ،‬ﻣﻐﻠﻔﹰﺎ ﺑﺎﳊﻼﻭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺣﺎﺯ ٌﻡ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺰﻫﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﺯﻋﺔ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﺷﻮﺍﻙ ﻟﻠﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺜﺎﱐ ﻟـﺰﻳﺎﺭﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﳎﺎﻣ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻬﺎﱐ ﺍﳌﻌﺘﺎﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﺃﱀ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺑﺸﺪ ٍﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺓ »ﺗﻌﻤﻴﻖ«‬ ‫ﻭﺿـﻊ ﺍﻟﻘـﺎﻧﻮﻥ‪ .

(Alain-Gérard Slama‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ .(d'outre-mer.‬ﻗﺎﻝ ﻟﻠﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫‪ .[8‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺃﻥ ﳜﻀﻊ ﻟﻠﻤﺆﲤﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﻠﻴﺪﻱ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ‪ .‬ﺃﻟـﻴﺲ ﺫﺍﻙ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻣﺎﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﲢـﺪﺙ ﰲ ›ﻟـﻮ ﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹ ﻋﻦ »ﺍﻹﺫﻻﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻻ ﻳﻄﺎﻕ« ﻟﻠﻜﻮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻁ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﻏﻤﻬﻢ ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ »ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺎﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻧﺸﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﱐ ﺃﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻲٍ؟‪.(de Lacharrière‬ﻭﺍﻷﻛـﺜﺮ ﻣﻜﺎﻓـﺄ ﹰﺓ ﺑﺴـﺨﺎ ٍﺀ ﻋﱪ ﺷﺮﺍﺀ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﳌﺆﺳﺴﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﻟﻌﺸﺮ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻘـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪،‬ﻣﻦ ›ﺍﻟـﺒﺎﺭﻳﺰﻳﺎﻥ‪ ‹Parisien /‬ﺇﱃ ›ﻟﻴﻔﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻮﺩﻱ‪/‬‬ ‫‪› ،‹L'événement du Jeudi‬ﻟﻮﻣﻮﻧﺪ‹ ﺇﱃ ›ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ‹ ﻣﺮﻭﺭًﺍ ﺏ ›ﻟﻮﻛﺎﻧﺎﺭ‪Le /‬‬ ‫‪ ،‹Canard‬ﺗـﺘﺄﺭﺟﺢ ﺑـﲔ ﺍﳊـﻴﺎﺩ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻳﺮ ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‫ﺩﺑﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮﺓ‬ ‫‪219‬‬ ‫‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﺴﺎﻳ ٍﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﺃﻗﻞ ﺗﻌﻨﺘًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻷﻗﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻳﺄﻣﻞ ﲟﻮﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜـﺒﲑﺓ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌـﺮﻑ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﻟﻦ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﻣﺴﺎﻳﺮ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺪ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻣﻌﺮﻓ ﹲﺔ ﻓﺠ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺳﻄﺤﻴ ﹲﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ . RFO‬ﻭﺃﺻـﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﺫ ً‬ ‫ﻫـﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺘﻄﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻴﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻬﻧﻰ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺍﳊﻘﺎﺋﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﳉﻠـﻴﺔ‪» :‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﻠﻮﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺠﻦ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﻟﺪﻳﻨﺎ ﺳﺠﻨﺎﺀ ﺭﺃﻱ‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﻓﺾ ﺇﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﻭﻃﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻭﻣـﻪ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﻜﺲ ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻣﻌﺘﺎ ٌﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌًﺎ ﺑﺄﻬﻧﺎ ﺳﺘﺴﺄﻟﻪ ﻋﻦ ﻭﺿﻊ‬ ‫ﺣﻘـﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ]‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﺫﻛﺮ ﱄ ﺣﺎﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﹰﺓ!«‪.‬ﺣﱴ ›ﻟﻮﻓﻴﻐﺎﺭﻭ‹‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻘﺴﻤ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺬﻛﺮ »ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﱪﺍﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ« ﻭ»ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﺠﻴﺒﺔ«‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻨﺸﺮ »ﺛﻨﺎ ًﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ« ﺑﻘﻠﻢ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻹﺧﺒﺎﺭﻱ ﺁﻻﻥ ﺟﲑﺍﺭ ﺳﻼﻣﺔ‬ ‫)‪.‬ﺃﻓﻀﻞ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻫﻮ ﻣﺪﺭﺳﺔ ﺳﺎﻥ‬ .‬ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻘﻨﺎﺓ )ﻣﺎ ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺤﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴﺔ‪télévision /‬‬ ‫ﻯ‪ .

‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺧﻄﻂ ﻟﺘﻤﺪﻳﺪﻫﺎ ﻷﺭﺑ ٍﻊ ﻭﻋﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﺎﻋ ﹰﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺍﳉﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﻴﺶ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻭﺍﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﻴﻠﻴﺐ ﺳﻴﻐﺎﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﻨـﺘﻪ ﺇﻳﺒﻴﻨﺎﻝ )‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﺗﺴﺠﻦ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻴﻬﺎ ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺠﻮﻟﻮﺍ ﻟﻴ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ‪.‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ ﺍﳌﻔﺘﻮﺣﺔ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﺘﺴﺎﳏﺔ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﺍﻓﺌﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﺍﺡ‬ ‫ﻼ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﳐﺎﻃﺮ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺮﺭ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺘـﻨﻌًﺎ ﺑﺄﻧﻪ ﺿﺤﻴﺔ ﻣﺆﺍﻣﺮ ٍﺓ‪ .‬‬ .(Saint-Cyr‬ﻭﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺜﻐﺮﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﳉﻬﻞ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﳌﺎ‬ ‫ﺗـﺄﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﺤ ًﻰ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻨﺘﻈ ٍﺮ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻯ ﻫﻞ ﻓﻘﺪ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﱪﻛﺔ؟‪.‫‪220‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺳـﲑ ﺍﳊﺮﺑﻴﺔ )‪ .(Épinal‬ﱂ ﻳﻔﻌﻞ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺭﲝـﺖ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﺎﺕ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺜﻼﺛﺎﺀ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻋﺸﺎ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟـ ٍﺰ ﲪـﻴ ٍﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻧﻔﺮﺍ ٍﺩ ﰲ ﺍﻹﻟﻴﺰﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻃﺎﺋﺮﺗﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﲡﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪.

‬ﻳﺬﻫـﺐ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ ﻋﻄﻠ ٍﺔ ﻭﳜﺘﻠﻂ ﺑﻜﻞ ﻣﻦ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣـﺜﻘﻔﲔ ﻭﻓﻨﺎﻧﲔ ﻭﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺳﻴﺎﺳ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺟﺮِﺡ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑـﱰﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1961‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺃﺛﻨﺎﺀ ﺗﻐﻄﻴﺘﻪ ﻟﻠﺼﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻴﻮﺵ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ )ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗﺮﻏﺐ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺑﻘﻴﺖ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺃﻳـﺪﻱ ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ(‪ ،‬ﻇـﻞ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ ﺗﻌﻠ ٌﻖ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ٌﻲ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳـﻄﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻧﻪ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺻﺪﻳ ٌﻖ ﻗﺪ ٌﱘ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ُ .‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﺻﺤﻔ ٌﻲ ﻣﻮﻫﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﲑﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻫﻮ ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﺫﻭ ﻣﻜﺎﻧ ٍﺔ‪ .‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ‬ ‫‪221‬‬ ‫‪Zò•ý‬‬ ‫•‪ò•ìÔäß@ñ‰ì‬‬ ‫ﻑ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﰊ ﻣﻌﺮﻭ ٌ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﲡﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻻ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺛﻘﺔ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳊﺒﻴﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴـﺒﺔ ﺣﱴ َﻋ ْﺰﻟِﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺘﺢ ﺃﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﻳﻌﺎﻣﻞ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﻴ ٍﺪ ﳌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻃﻮﻳﻠ ٍﺔ‪.

‬ﻭﺿِﻊ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺇﺫﻥ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻻ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﻨﺎﺀﻩ‪.‬ﺭﺟ ﹲﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻨﺲ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﰊ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﻋﺒـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋـﺮﻱ ﺍﻹﺑﺮﺍﻫﻴﻤﻲ‪ .‫‪222‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳏﻈﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﻻﺳﺘﻄﺎﻋﺘﻪ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻤﺎﺩ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳊﻠﻴﻒ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺃﻱ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻌـﻞ ﻛـﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻛﻴﻼ ﳜﺎﺻﻤﻪ‪ .‬ﻗﺒﻞ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‬ ‫ﺟـﺰﺀًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺘﻪ]‪ .‬ﻋﺒﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺨﺼﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻨﻘﺼﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺃﻣ ٌﺮ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻬـﺎ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻬﺬ ٍ‬ ‫ﳛﺘﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﻳﺼﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺸﻚ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺱ ﺇﺧﻼﺻًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻗﻠﻬﻢ ﺳﻌﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻭﺭﺍﺀ ﺍﳌﺼـﻠﺤﺔ‪ :‬ﺇﺫﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻮﻙ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺟﻴ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﺃﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺳﺒﺒﻪ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ ﺗﻠﻘﻮﺍ ﺃﻭﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺬﻟـﻚ؟‪ .[1‬ﺿﺎﺋﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺳﻂ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺘﻤﺌﺔ ﺻﻔﺤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺑـﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺖ ]‪ 1‬ﺁﺫﺍﺭ ‪ 1997‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﻄ ٍﺮ ﻻﺫﻋ ٍﺔ ﺗﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺑﺜﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺴﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﺎﺭﺣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺸﺎ ٌﺀ ﻟﺪﻯ‬ ‫ﳏﻤـﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﻃﲏ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ .‬ﻭﻷﻥ ﺣﺴﻦ ﺿﻴﺎﻓﺘﻬﻢ ﻻﺗﻔﻌﻞ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺗﺮﲨﺔ ﺍﳋﻀﻮﻉ ﻟﻸﻣﲑ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﻨﺨﺮﻁ ﻣﺜﻞ )ﺷﺮﰲ( ﺃﻭ )ﺟﻼﻝ( ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺩﺍﺀ ﺍﳋﺒﻴﺚ«‪.‬‬ ‫…‪Bđòiˆèß@ËB@òÛë‬‬ ‫ﺗﻌـﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ .‬‬ ‫ﱂ ﳝـﺮ ﺍﳌﻘﻄﻊ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺤﻈﻪ ﺃﺣ ٌﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻧﺸـﺮﺗﻪ ﺣﺮﻓـﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺇﺣـﺪﻯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﻬﺗﺎ]‪ ،[2‬ﻭﻻ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻫﻮ "ﺍﻹﳒﺎﺯ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻘﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺇﺛﺮ ﻏﻠﻄ ٍﺔ ﺭﲟﺎ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻏﲑ ﻣﻘﺼﻮﺩ ٍﺓ‪.‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ "ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻲ" ﺑﻮﻟﻴﺴ ٌﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺩﺭﺟﺔ ﻳﺼﺒﺢ‬ ‫ﺏ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺧﺸﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﻀـﻴﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑـﺪﻝ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻧﺸﺮ ﺍﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻓﻀﻠﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﺎﺡ ﺑﺒﻴﻌﻪ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒ ٍﺔ ﻭﺣﻴﺪ ٍﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﺠﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﻓﻘﻂ‪ُ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻄﺮﻳﻦ ﺣﺮﺟﲔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﱵ ﺣﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ :‬ﺃﻟﻐﻴﺖ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‪ :‬ﻭﺃﻟﻐﻲ ﻣﻮﻋ ٌﺪ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺻﺪﻗﺎﺀ‪ :‬ﺍﺗﺼﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺗﻔ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻭﺯﻳـﺮ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﺔ "ﺍﳊﺰﻳﻦ"‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﻋﺖ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﻟﻠﻘﺪﻭﻡ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﺭ ﺣﻴﺚ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺯﻭﺟﺘﻪ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﺽ ﺻﻮ ٍﺭ ﻓﻮﺗﻮﻏﺮﺍﻓﻴ ٍﺔ‬ .

‬ﻭﻧﻈﻢ ﺭﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ..‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺇﺧﻄﺎﺭ ﺃ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﻏﻼﻕ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﰲ ﻣﺪﻳﻨﺔ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ُﺑﺪّﻟﺖ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺃﻗﻔﺎﻟﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻓﻮﻕ ﻃﺎﻗﺔ ﺍﺣﺘﻤﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻨـﺘﺪﺏ ﻟﻘﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﳉﻠﻴﻠﺔ ﺣﻔﺼﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺪﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ‪ ،‬ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ )ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻌﻬﺎ‪» ،‬ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﻓﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﱪﳎﺔ ﺳﺎﺑﻘﹰﺎ«‪ .«[. ..‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ ﻋﻠﻤﺖ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﳛﺘﺮﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺧﱪ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﳍﺎ ﻭﺇﺣﺎﻟﺘﻬﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺎﻋﺪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣـﺎ ﺗﻼﻩ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺃﺷﺪ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ ﹰﺓ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻋﻨﻴﻔﹰﺎ‪..‬ﻭﺃﻛﺪ‬ ‫ﺑـﻴﺎ ﹲﻥ ﺣﺎﺳﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ »ﺁﺧﺮ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﱂ ﻳﺼﺎﺩﺭ«؛ ﻭﰲ‬ ‫ﺝ ﻃﻤﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﻣﻨﺠﻲ ﺑﻮﺳﻨﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺗﺼـﺎﻝ ﻫﺎﺗﻔ ٍﻲ ﳏ َﺮ ٍ‬ .‬ﲢﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‪» :‬ﺃﺣﺒﺒﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﺳﻠﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺡ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻻ ﻳﻄﺎﻕ«‪ ،‬ﻭ»ﺃﻓﻜﺎ ٍﺭ ﻋﺴﲑﺓ ﺍﳍﻀﻢ«‪ ،‬ﻭ»ﺻﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ«‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ »ﻛﺘّﻴ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﻭﺭ« ‪ .[3‬ﻭﺍﻓﻖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼـﺤﻔﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺬﺓ ﺟﺎﻣﻌ ٍﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺑﻀﻊ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ‪ .‬ﻟﻮ ٌﻡ ﻓﺎﺋ ٌﻖ ﻳﻮﺟﻬﻪ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ »ﻻ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ«‬ ‫ﺑـﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪» ،‬ﺛﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻴﺎﲰﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﺪﻯ ﳎﻲﺀ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻲ ]‪ [.‬ﱂ ﻳﺒﻖ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪.‬ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻘﺪﻡ ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻛﻠﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺎﺑﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﻭﺳﻴﻮﻗﻌﻪ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺔ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺩﻳﻐﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻣﺒﲎ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺓ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﰒ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪..‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﳎﻲﺀ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﺑﺒﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸﺮﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔﺔ "ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ" ›ﻟﻮﺗﺎﻥ‪le /‬‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫‪ ‹temps‬ﺑﻘـﻠﻢ ﺳـﻠﻔﺎﺗﻮﺭِﻩ ﻟﻮﻣﺒﺎﺭﺩﻭ )‪) (Salvatore Lombardo‬ﻣﺆﻟﻒ ﻛﺘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ‬ ‫ﺹ ﺑﺘﻤﺠﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺭﺃﻳﻨﺎ( ﻧﻘﺪًﺍ ﻣﺸﻮﻫًﺎ ﻟﻜﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ]‪ ،[4‬ﻣﻜﺘﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺭﻓﻴ ٍﻊ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺷﺮﻳ ٌﺮ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓ ٍﻮ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺛﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﻀﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺸﻔﺘﻬﺎ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ﻟﻴﱪﺍﺳﻴﻮﻥ ﺿﺠ ﹰﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﺭﻏﻤﺖ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﺎﻭﻟﺔ ﺇﲬﺎﺩ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﺷﻌﻠﻮﻩ‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻋﺸﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﻐﲑ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻝ ﻳﺘﻤﺘﻊ‬ ‫ﻓﻮﻕ ﺟﺴﺮ ﺭﻳﺎﻟﺘﻮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺪﻗﻴﺔ]‪.‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ‬ ‫‪223‬‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ )ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﻣﻴﺸﻴﻞ ﻓﻮﻛﻮ( ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﻈﻤﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺎﰲ ﰲ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ]‪ .

‬‬ ‫‪N@N@Bòîäîjì¦aB@pbÄФ‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ ﺃﻭ ﰲ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻄﻠﻖ ﻣﻮﻇﻔﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻣﺮﺍﻛﺰ ﺭﻓﻴﻌ ٍﺔ ﻭﺣﻔﻨ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺷﻄﲔ ﺣﻜﻤًﺎ ﻗﺎﺳﻴًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺘﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻜﺘﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﲰـﺎﺋﻬﻢ‪ .[5‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻴﺴـﺖ )ﻗﻀﻴﺔ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪ (affaire Jean Daniel /‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳ ﹰﺔ ﻓﺤﺴﺐ‪ .‫‪224‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳـﻢ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻬﻧﻢ »ﻳﻨﺘﻈﺮﻭﻧﻪ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﱴ »ﻳﺮﻏﺒﻮﻥ ﺑﻮﺟﻮﺩﻩ« ﰲ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» ،‬ﰲ ﺑﻴﺘﻪ«‪.‬ﺍﻟﺮﻏﺒﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ "ﺻﺪﻳ ٍﻖ" ﻣﺪﺍ ٍﻥ ﺑﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺴـﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﹰﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺃﳘﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ :‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﺴﻌﻴﻨﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺳـﺒﻴﻠﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻻﳓﻼﻝ‪ .‬ﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻣﲔ ﻣﺘﻴﻘﻈﲔ‬ ‫ﻟـﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺣﻜﺎﻣﻬﺎ ﺍﺑﺘﻌﺪﻭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﺰﻋﺞ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳـﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﺫﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤ ٍﺔ ﺭﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﱂ ﻳـﺘﺄﺧﺮ ﺍﳍﺠﻮﻡ ﺍﳌﻀﺎﺩ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻳﺮ ›ﻟﻮﻧﻮﻓﻴﻞ ﺃﻭﺑﺴﺮﻓﺎﺗﻮﺭ‹ ﺃﺛﺎﺭ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺇﺛﺎﺭﺓ ﻋﻤﻴﻘٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺀًﺍ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳـﺮ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﺑﲑ ﻓﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ ﺳﻔ ٌﲑ ﺳﺎﺑ ٌﻖ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪» :‬ﻻ ﳛﺮﻙ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻏﲑ ﻏﺮﻳﺰﺓ‬ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻉ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﺙ ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻱ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻋﺪﺍﺋ ٌﻲ ﻭﻓﻮﺿﻮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﻋﻦ »ﻣﺰﺍﺝ ﺍﻷﻣﲑ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻼﻩ ﲪﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﻷﱐ ﺃﻋ ﱡﺪ ﻧﻔﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﺍﻡ ﺻﺪﻳﻘﹰﺎ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻼﻁ«‪ ،‬ﻭﺧـﺘﻢ ﻗﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻗﻠﻖ ﳍﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻈﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﳌﻬﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﻳﺰﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﺪﺩﻫﻢ ﻭﻳﺘﺤﻤﻠﻮﻥ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﻗـﻞ ﳑـﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺳﻨﺘﲔ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﻳﻨﺘﻬﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﺘﻌﺎﻗﺐ ﺍﻹﺣﺘﻘﺎﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﺮﻫﻴﺐ«]‪.‬ﺣﱴ ﻟﻮ ﺣﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻻ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﻀﻴ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣـ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻷﺧﲑ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻣﻌﺎﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﺘﻬﻰ‪ .‬ﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﺣﻠﻴﻒ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﳌﻔﻀﻞ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﻌﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻟﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﺍﻟﻨﻀﺎﻝ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺮﻛﺔ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﰲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻭ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﺧﺘﺼﺎ ٍﺭ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ )ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻑ ﺍﻹﻗﻠﻴﻤﻲ( ﺍﻟﺸﻬﲑ‪.

‬‬ ‫ﺐ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺰﺍﻝ ﺷﺎﺑًﺎ]‪.‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ‬ ‫‪225‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺒﻘﺎﺀ ﰲ ﻗﺼﺮﻩ ﰲ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ«‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺷﻮﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺃﻗﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻓﻊ ﻟﻠﺠﻨﺮﺍﻻﺕ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻳﲔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧـﺖ ﻟﺪﻳﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺠﺎﻋﺔ ﻟﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺭﺍﻫﻦ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺒﺚ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻗﺼ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻭﺑﲑ ﻓﺪﺭﻳﻦ )ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ( ﻇﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺳﻴﻘﺒﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ »ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻛﻞ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﻈﻨﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻵﺧﺮ«‪ .[6‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻘـﺮ ﺍﳊﻜﻮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺮﺍﻑ ﺑﺎﳉﻤﻴﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺴﺘﺮﻋﻴﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﺘﻘﺮﺏ ﻣـﻦ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻣﺰﻋﺠ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷـﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪-‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺫﻛﹼﺮﻩ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﲣﺬﺕ ﺧﻴﺎﺭ ﺃﻭﺭﺑﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻳﻌﲏ‬ ‫ﻋﺪﺩًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﻭﺃﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻣﻬﺎ«]‪.[7‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺄﺳـﻒ ﻣﻮﻇﻔـﻮﻥ ﺁﺧـﺮﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳑﺎﻃﻠﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺴ ﱡﺮ ﺩﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳ ٌﻲ ﺁﺧﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ‪» :‬ﺗﺘﻠﺨﺺ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﻜﻠﻤﺔ ﺳ ٍﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻧﻨﺘﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﻣـﺎ ﻳﺴﺘﺮﻋﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻖ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﻦ ﻳﺮﺣﻞ ﻋﻤﺎ ﻗﺮﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺰﻭﻝ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﳌﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﳌﺮﺳﻠﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻷﻧﺘﺮﺑﻮﻝ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﳍﺎ ﺭﺃ ٌ‬ ‫ﺑـﲔ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﺗﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺍﻻﺣﺘﻜﺎﻛﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻝ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻟﻠﺒﻠﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﺇﳚﺎﺑﻴ ﹲﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﻟﻘﻄﺎﻋﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﲤﻀﻲ ﻗﺪﻣًﺎ‬ ‫ﲎ ﲢﺘـﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻭﺗﺸﺮﻳ ٌﻊ ﻋﺼﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﻭﺑـ ً‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻟﺴـﻴﺎﺣﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﺴﺘﺸﺎﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﺃﻥ »ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺘﻨ ٌﻊ ﺑﺄﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪﺍﺕ ﺍﻷﻣﻨﻴﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺴﻮﻍ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﳌﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﺃﺭﺳـﻠﺘﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻣﻘﻨﻌ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﺎﺭﺩﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻬﺎﲨﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ‪ :‬ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻳـﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﰲ ﺫﻟﻚ‪ .‬ﳓﺎﻭﻝ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﺤﺎﻭﺭ ﻣﻊ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻧﻘﻮﻝ ﻟﻪ‪» :‬ﻟﺪﻳﻚ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻘﻮﻣﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﺠﺎﺡ ﻭﺃﻧﺖ ﺗﺆﺫﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴـﻚ«‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻭﺑﲑ‬ ‫ﻓـﻴﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺰﻳﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺭﲰﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺯﻣﻴﻠﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺟﺎﻙ‬ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﱪﺍﻫﲔ ﺍﳌﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺪﻋﻢ ﺍﻟﻄﻠﺒﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺱ ﻭﻻ ﺫﻳ ﹲﻞ«‪.‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﻻ ﻳﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻔﻬﻢ ﺷﻴﺌﹰﺎ‪.‬ﻭﻳُﺬﻛﹼﺮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺡ ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻼ‪» :‬ﱂ ﺗﻘﻞ ﺳﻠﻄﺎﺗﻨﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﺑﻮﺿﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺨﺎﺑـﺮﺍﺕ ﻗـﺎﺋ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟـﻮﺩ ﻛـﻞ ﺍﳌﺆﺍﻣﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺍﻛﺘﺸﻔﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺇﺭﻫﺎًﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻧﻜﻦ ﻟﻨﺮﻓﺾ ﺇﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﳌﻄﻠﻮﺑﲔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﺗُﻌﻄـﻰ "ﻋﻠﻘـﺔ" ﺑﺎﻟﻌﺼﺎ ﻣﺮﻓﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺑﺪﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﺹ ﻟﻠﻤﻮﺿﻮﻋﻴﺔ«‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺘﻘﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻛﺎﻟﺔ »ﺇﱃ ﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺩ ﳌﻌﺎﳉﺘﻬﺎ ﻟﻠﻮﻗﺎﺋﻊ ﺑﺎﻧﻌﺪﺍ ٍﻡ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻱ »ﺍﳓﻴﺎﺯًﺍ ﻻ ﻳﻠﻴﻖ ﺑﻮﻛﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻋﺎﳌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻻ ﺗﺮﻯ ﺇﻻ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﺍﻩ«]‪.‬ﻓﻘﺪ ﻗﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﺼـﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﶈﻠـﻴﲔ ]ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺍﺧﺘﲑﻭﺍ ﳊﻀﻮﺭ ﻣﺆﲤﺮﻩ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ[‪» :‬ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻫﻲ‬ ....‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺃﺩﺍﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻏﲑ ﻣﺮﻏﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﺳﲑﺍﻓﻘﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺨ ٌ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺗﻌﺮﺽ ﻟﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻞ ﺻﺤﻴﻔﺔ ›ﻻﻛﺮﻭﺍ‹ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪،‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ ﻛﺴﺮ ﻟﻪ ﺫﺭﺍﻋﻪ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺷﺮﻃ ٍﺔ ﺑﺎﳌﻼﺑﺲ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻃﻠﺒﺖ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻔﲑﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺘﺪﺧﻞ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ »ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ‬ ‫]‪ [.‬‬ ‫‪ï×ßþa@Õ톖Ûa‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﻧﻐـﺎﱄ ﺇﻥ ﻗﻠـﻨﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﻠﺒﻴًﺎ ﲡﺎﻩ "ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺎﺋﺢ" ﺍﻵﺗﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺑـﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ..[8‬‬ ‫ﻭﰲ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺔ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺴﻄﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ‬ ‫ﱂ ﺗـﺄﺕ ﺃﻳﺔ ﺃﺯﻣ ٍﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ ﺗﺰﻳﺪ ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ ﺑﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺘﲔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ٍﺔ ﳐﺼﺼ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺧﺮﺝ ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪ -‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺳﺨﻴًﺎ ﺑﺎﺠﻤﻟﺎﻣﻼﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻤﻦ ﺇﻣﻜﺎﻧﻴﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺭﺍﺀ ﻟﻴﻮﻧﻴﻞ ﺟﻮﺳﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻘﺮﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﻬﻮﺭ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2000‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺑﺮﻏﺒ ٍﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﲤﺜﻠﻬﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻻﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻴﻚ ﺷﺘﺮﺍﻭﺱ‪-‬‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻛﻠﲔ ﻓﻠﹼﻮﺱ )‪ ،(Jacqeline Fellous‬ﻣﻦ ﺃﺻﻮ ٍﻝ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺪ ﺃﻛﺪ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺟﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺻﺤﻔﻲ ›ﻻﻛﺮﻭﺍ‹ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺭﲰﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳏﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻻ ﺃﺳﺎﺱ ﳍﺎ« ﻭ»ﺃﻥ ﺗﺄﺧﺬﻫﺎ ﺳﻠﻄﺎ ٌ‬ ‫»ﺍﺩﻋـﺎﺀﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺏ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ«‪ .‬ﺇﺟﻼﺀ ﻏﻤﻮﺽ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻼﺑﺴﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀ«‪.‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺭﺃﺕ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﳉـﺪ ﳍـﻮ ﺃﻣﺮ ﻣﺴﺘﻐﺮ ٌ‬ ‫ﺱ ﰲ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺒﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻷﻬﻧﺎ ﺭﺩﺩﺕ ﺍﳋﱪ‪.‬ﺃﳘـﻴﺔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﲢﻘـﻴ ٌﻖ ]‪ [.‫‪226‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻛﲑﺍﻥ )‪ ،(Jean-Jacques Queyranne‬ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺮﺭ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺁﺧـﺮ ﳊﻈ ٍﺔ ﺇﻟﻐﺎﺀ ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺗﻪ ﻷﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻓﻴﻪ‪ .

‬ﰲ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻣـﻨﺢ ﻟـﻠﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻷﻭﱃ ﺟﺎﺋﺰﺗﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺴﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ‪ .‬ﺟﺰﺭ ﻫﺎﻭﺍﻱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﻧﻴﻴﻞ ﺇﻳﻨﻮﻱ )‪ .‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ‬ ‫‪227‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳒﺢ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺍﻩ ﰲ ﺷﺮﺍﻛﺘﻪ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ ]‪ [.‬ﻃﻠﺐ ﺗﻨﻈﻴﻢ ﻋﺸﺎ ٍﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺷﺮﻓﻪ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻷﺑﻴﺾ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻓﻀـﻞ ﰲ ﻋـﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻟﺪﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻨﱳ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺪﻣـﻪ ﻟﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ ﻏﺪﺍ ٍﺀ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺃﺳﺒﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻄﺒﺦ ﺍﳊﻘﲑﺓ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﻳﻌﻠﻖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻴﻬﺎ ﺭﲰﻴًﺎ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ ..‬ﰎ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1998‬ﻡ[ ﺇﻧﺸﺎﺀ )ﻧﺎﺩﻱ ﻫّﻨﺒﻌﻞ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳـﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ (club Hannibal-États-Unis /‬ﲟﺒﺎﺩﺭ ٍﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺪﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻦ ﲪﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺼﺎﱀ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ .‬ﻋﻨﺪﻫﺎ ﺩﻓﻌﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺑﻴﺎﺩﻗﻬﺎ ﻋﱪ ﺍﻷﻃﻠﺴﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺍﳌﺜﺎﱄ ﻟﱭ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻘﺒﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﻛﻠﻨﱳ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎ ﹰﻻ ﺣﺎﻓ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩًﺍ ﻭﺇﻥ ﱂ ﳝﻜﻦ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻓﺬﻟﻚ ﻷﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﺑﺪﺍ ﺟﺸﻌًﺎ ﺟﺪًﺍ‪ .‬‬ ..‬‬ ‫ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺟﻬﺔ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﻏـﺮﺍﺀ ﻣﻮﺟﻮ ٌﺩ ﻟﻠﻌﺐ ﻭﺭﻗﺔ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﺿﺪ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻗﻞ ﻹﻋﻄﺎﺀ ﺩﺭ ٍ‬ ‫ﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﺎ ﺍﳌـﺘﻬﻤﺔ ﺑﺘﻨﻤﻴﺔ ﺷﻌﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﻨﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻘﺒﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ‬ ‫ﺽ ]‪ [. .(Daniel Inouye‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺗﻠﻚ ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﺒﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺑﻼ‬ ‫ﻚ‪.‬ﻳﺮﺃﺳﻪ ﺍﻟﺴﻔﲑ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﺭﻭﺑﲑ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻠﻴـﺘﺮﻭ )‪ ،(Robert Pelletreau‬ﻭﻳﻀـﻢ ﺑﻌـﺾ ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻔﻨ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﻳﺒﻠﻮﻣﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﻭﻛﺒﺎﺭ ﺍﳌﻮﻇﻔﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺼﻒ ﺩﺯﻳﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻴﲔ ‪ . .‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻥ ﺷ ٍ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﳐﻴﺒ ﹲﺔ ﻟﻶﻣﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﳌﺎﺫﺍ ﻻ ﻧﻠﺘﻔﺖ ﳓﻮ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻘﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﻼ؟‪ .‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﺼﺎﳊﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻚ‪..‬ﺃﻻ ﻳﺸﺠﻊ ﺍﻟﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻷﺑﻴﺾ ﻫﻮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﺷﻬ ٍﺮ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ ﻓﻌ ﹰ‬ ‫ﻣـﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺗﺒﺎﺩ ٍﻝ ﺣ ٍﺮ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﻮﻻﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺘﺤﺪﺓ؟‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﺰﻭﺭﻭﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﻉ ﻣُﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﲑ ﺟـﻴﺪًﺍ ﻭﻳـﻨﻤﻮ ﺑﺈﻳﻘﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﱄ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺸﻌﺮ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺸﻌﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﺎ ﻭﻛﺄﻬﻧﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﳚﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺁ ٍ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻜﺘﻤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺻﺪﻗﹰﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺃﻬﻧـﻢ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﻫﻢ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ«‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻨﺘﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﺻﺎﻧﻊ "ﺍﻟﺘﻐﻴﲑ"‪.

‬ﺩﻭﻟ ﹲﺔ ﺻﻐﲑﹲﺓ ﻋﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻋﺎﻟﻘ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﺑﲔ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﻏﺮﻳﺒﺔ ﺍﻷﻃﻮﺍﺭ ﻭﺟﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﻓﺮﻳﺴ ٍﺔ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻴﺔ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺇﻻ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺴﺘﺮﻋﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺄﺳﻮﺃ ﺍﻷﻣﻮﺭ ﺣﻴﺎﺩًﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﺎﻃﻔﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻯ ﺍﻟﻌﻈﻤﻰ‪.‬ﺳﻮﺍ ٌﺀ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﺍﺭﻭﺍ ﳓﻮ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺃﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻠﻮﺍ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻢ ﻣﻘﺘﻨﻌﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺄﻥ ﺑﻼﺩﻫﻢ ﺳﺘﺴﺘﻤﺮ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﻤﺘﻊ ﲟﻌﺎﻣﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﻴ ٍﺔ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟـﺮﺩ ﻣـﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻴ ٍﺔ ﻛﺒﲑ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺃﻋﻄﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﺪﻭﺓ ﰲ ﺇﺑﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﺮﺍﻛﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺑﺮﻭﻛﺴﻞ؟‪.‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺎﻋﻔ ﹰﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺇﺧﻔـﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﻌـﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻱ ﺑﻔﺨ ٍﺮ ﲤﺴﻜﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻟﻐﺮﺏ ﻭﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺴﻮﻕ‪ .‬ﲨﻬﻮﺭﻳ ﹲﺔ ﻣﺸﻬﻮﺭﹲﺓ ﺑﺘﺴﺎﳏﻬﺎ ﺃﻋﻄﺖ ﺍﻷﻓﻀﻠﻴﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ ﺑﲔ ﺍﳉﻨﺴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺸﺠﻊ ﻭﺻﻮﻝ ﺍﳉﻤﻴﻊ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﻠﻴﻢ ﻭﺍﻟﺼﺤﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻔﻮﺯ ﺩﻭﻣًﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻠﻜﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﻄﻠﻘ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻔﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺰﻣﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﳏﺎﻓﻈ ٍﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﻞ ﺗﻘﺎﺭَﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻊ ﺍﳌﻐﺮﺏ؟‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﻣﺜ ٍﻞ ﳛﺘﺬﻯ ﺑﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻔﻬﻮﻡ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﳐﺘﻠ ٌ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺝ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﻛﺲ‪ .‬ﻫﻲ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺗُﻤﺘﺪَﺡ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ ﻭﺭﺍﺀﻫﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺻـﺤﻴ ٌﺢ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ ﰒ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻴﻒ ﺗﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﳒﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻠﻮﻙ ﺟﲑﺍﻬﻧﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﲡﻨﻴـﺐ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﺼﲑ ﺟﺎﺭﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺒﲑﺓ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ‪ :‬ﺍﺳﺘﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻠﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﺮ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻳﺮﻕ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻟﻘﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻷﻣﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲤﻜﲔ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺧﺎﻟﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻏﺎﻟﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻣﻦ ﺗﻠﻘﻲ ﺍﻟﻌﻼﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺄﻣﲔ ﺗﻜﺎﻓﺆ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﺹ ﻫﻲ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﺍ ٌ‬ ‫ﺷـﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌﲎ ﰲ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﻘﺮﻥ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳌﺴﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﲣﻔﻲ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻠﺘﺰﻣ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺟﻴ ٍﻞ‪.‫‪228‬‬ ‫‪ïãìnÛa@×bȽa@x‡ìàäÛa‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﻌـﻴﺶ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ ﻭﻳﻔﻜﺮﻭﻥ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﻛﻤﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻮﺍ ﻳﻔﻌﻠﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﲔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺅﻳﺔ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑ ﺍﶈﺐ ﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﺎ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻠﻴﺒﻴﺔ ﺃﻭ ﻳﺘﻌﻔﻦ ﺏ"ﺍﳋﻄﺮ ﺍﻷﺧﻀﺮ"‬ ‫ﺍﻵﰐ ﻣﻦ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺳﻮﻍ ﻛﺜﲑًﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻀﻌﻒ ﻭﺍﳉﱭ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪.

‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ :‬ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﻣﻨﻘﻮﺻﺔ‬ ‫‪229‬‬ ‫ﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭﻫﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﳊﺎﺯﻣﺔ ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﻌﺎﻟﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻡ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻫﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻳﺸـﺎﺭ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﻹﺻﺒﻊ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺘﻨﻘ ﹰﺔ ﺛﻮﺍﺑﺖ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕ ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻭﺍﻟﺒﻨﻚ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﻗﻌ ﹰﺔ ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺧـﺮﻯ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺷﺮﺍﻛ ٍﺔ ﻣﻊ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺗﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﻤﻠﻜﺔ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳊﺒﻜﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻔﺎﺋﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﻬﺎ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻠﻜﻴ ٍﺔ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻈﻬﺮ ﺃﻥ ﺇﻗﺎﻣﺔ ﺩﻭﻟ ٍﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﻋﺼﺮﻳ ٍﺔ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺂﻟﻒ ﻣﻊ ﺗﻴﺎ ٍﺭ ﺇﺳﻼﻣ ٍﻲ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ‪ .‬ﺗﻌﻘﱠﻠﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻴﺎ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ ﻗﺬﺍﰲ ﻛﻴﻼ ﻳﺒﻘﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ ﻣﻌﺰﻭﻟ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺳﺒﺒﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳓﺮﺍﻓﺎﺕ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟِﺒْﻨ ْﻌﻠِـﻴﱠﺔ"‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻼﺑﺘﺴﺎﻡ‪.‬‬ ‫ﰲ ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﺣـﻴﻞ ﺍﳊﺴـﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﰲ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﺃﻳﻘﻆ ﺁﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻤﻮﻋـﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺮﻳﺪ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺮﻯ ﰲ ﺍﺑﻨﻪ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺏ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪ ،‬ﺧﻄﹰﺄ ﺃﻡ‬ ‫ﺻـﻮﺍﺑًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠـﻴﻜﹰﺎ ﻣﺴـﺘﻨﲑًﺍ ﻭﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺼﺒﺢ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﺒﻞ ﻧﻮﻋًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ‪ .‬ﺗﺜﲑ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻛﺜﲑ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻲ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ ﻋﺒﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﺰﻳﺰ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺯﻣ ﹰﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﻄﻊ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺧﻼﻝ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺻـﻼﻬﺗﺎ ﺑﺴـﻨﻮﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﳊﺔ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻃﻒ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻴﻂ ﺟﻬﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮﻱ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪ -‬ﺍﻟﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﺍﺭﻳﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻﻠﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻫﻲ ﺍﳌﻘﻴﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻗﻴﻖ‬ ‫ﻟﺬﻟـﻚ‪ ،‬ﺗﻈﻬﺮ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻨﺼﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﱂ ﺗﻌﺪ ﺣﺠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﺮﺋﺔ ﺗﻨﻔﻊ‪" :‬ﺍﳌﻠﺘﺤﻮﻥ" ﻻ ﳝﺜﻠﻮﻥ ﻬﺗﺪﻳﺪًﺍ‪.‬‬ .‬ﻣﻮﺟـﺎﺕ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﻘﺎﻝ ﰲ ﲨﻴﻊ ﺍﻻﲡﺎﻫﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺷﻼﻝ ﺍﶈﺎﻛﻤﺎﺕ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺷـﻄﻲ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻹﺯﻋﺎﺟﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻤﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻊ ﺿﺤﻴﺘﻬﺎ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻤﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﺗﺜﲑ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﻣﺘﺰﺍﻳﺪ ٍﺓ ﺳﺨﻂ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﻳﻌﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺃﻥ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺷـﻲﺀ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮﻯ ﺍﳍﺎﺟﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻷﻣﲏ‪ ،‬ﻳﺴﻮﻍ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﻤﺎﺭﺳﺎﺕ‪.‬ﺗﺬﻫﺐ ﻋﺪﺓ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻭﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﳌﻨﺤﻰ‪ .‬ﺍﳉﺰﺍﺋﺮ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳛﻠﻢ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﻫﻲ ﻋﻜﺲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻥ ﻗﻀﺖ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺗﻮﺿﺢ ﳉﲑﺍﻬﻧﺎ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺟﺐ ﺍﺗﺒﺎﻋﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻞ ﻗﹸﻀﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﻨًﺎ ﻃﻮﻳ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻘﻰ ﰲ ﺍﳌﺆﺧﺮﺓ؟‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳـﺰﻳﺪ ﺗﻄﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺎﻭﺭﺓ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻮﺀ ﺍﻟﺴﻤﻌﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﻌﺎﱐ ﻣﻨﻬﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺬﻟﻘﺎﺕ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﲣﻴﻒ ﻓﻴﻤﺎ ﻣﻀﻰ‪ .

‫‪230‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ .

‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻭﺳﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻷﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﻣﻪ ﻃﺮﻳﻘﹰﺎ ﳑﻬﺪ ﹰﺓ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ﹰﺔ ﺳﺨﻴﻔ ﹰﺔ ﳎﺰﺃ ﹰﺓ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺻـﻐﲑ ٍﺓ ﻻ ﺟﻴﺶ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ‪ ،‬ﺯﻋﻤﺎﺅﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﻛﺎ ٌﺀ‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﳎﻤﻮﻋـﺎ ٍ‬ ‫]‪[1‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺎﺑﻘﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣـﺜﻘﻔﻮﻥ ﻣﻦ ﻧﻮﻋﻴ ٍﺔ ﻏﲑ ﺟﻴﺪ ٍﺓ« ‪ .‬ﻧﻌﻢ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﻟﻔﺘﺮ ٍﺓ‬ ‫ﺙ ﺻﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﺎﺳـﻴ ٍﺔ ﺟﺪﻳـﺪ ٍﺓ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2004‬ﻡ[ ﻭﻻ ﻧﺮﻯ ﺟﻴﺪًﺍ ﻛﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼ "ﺣﺎﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻗﻊ"‪ ،‬ﻟﻦ ﻳﻔﻮﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳ ٍﺪ ﺑﻨﺴﺒﺔ ]‪ ،[%99‬ﻛﺎﳌﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻘﺔ‪.‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪231‬‬ ‫‪@Z{2002}@òÈj@ÕzÜß‬‬ ‫‪_ñbî§a@ô†ß@bĆîö‰@LïÜÇ@åi‬‬ ‫»ﺑـﻦ ﻋـﻠﻲ ﻫﻨﺎ ] ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ[ ﻭﺳﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻫﻨﺎ ﻷﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺴﻼﻣﺘﻪ‪ ..‬ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺮﻳﺮﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﻀﻌﻪ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻔﻲ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻜﺎﺗﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ ﰲ ›ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﺷﻲ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﳌﻨﺸﻮﺭ ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻳ ٌﺮ ﻭﻭﺍﺿ ٌﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻠﻴﺄﺱ ﻭﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻗـﺒﻞ ﻋـﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻪ ﻗﺪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻫﺸًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻮﺍﻋﺪﻩ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﺔﹰ؛ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 2002‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﲑ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺮﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﻻ ﻳﻌﺎﺷَﺮ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ‬ .‬ﳏﻜﻮ ٌﻡ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ‬ ‫]‪ [..‬ﻟﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺫﻫﺐ ﺑﻌﻴﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ‪ .

.‬ﻓﺄﻭﺭﺑﺔ ﻳﺎﺋﺴ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻠﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻌﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻟﻘﹰﺎ ﻻ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺇﻧﻜﺎﺭﻩ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﳊﺮﻛﺔ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﻴﻔﺔ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﺧﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻷﻧـﻪ ﻳﻘـﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﺳـﻨﻮﺍﺕ ]‪ 1990‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻧﻀﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻻ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﻓﻴﻪ ﺿﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻮ ﻳﺮﻗﻰ ﺇﱃ ﻣﱰﻟﺔ ﺍﳌﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ؛ ﻷﻧﻪ ﱂ‬ ‫ﻳﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻋﻦ ﺇﺩﺍﻧﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﺧﻲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺑﻴﲔ ﲡﺎﻩ "ﺫﻭﻱ ﺍﻟﻠﺤﻰ" ﺍﳌﻨﻔﻴﲔ ﰲ "ﻟﻨﺪﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ" ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺳـﻮﺍﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎ ﻫﻮ ﳛﺘﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺄﺣﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻭﻋﻴًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ .‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻴﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻤﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺬﺍﰲ ﺍﻟﻨﲑﺍﱐ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ ﺷﺮﻳﻜﹰﺎ ﳝﻜﻦ ﺍﻟﻮﺛﻮﻕ ﺑﻪ؛ ﻭﰲ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ‪،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺰﻭﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺗﻔﻠﻴﻘﺔ ﻭﻛﺬﻟﻚ ﻋﺪﻡ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﺮﺭ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺮّﺍﺑﻴﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮﻳﲔ ﳐﻴﺒ ﹰﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻶﻣﺎﻝ؛ ﺃﻣﺎ ﰲ ﻣﻐﺮﺏ ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺩﺱ‪" ،‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺮﺍﺀ"‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﻮ ﻳﺴﲑ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺄﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﺧﻄﻰ ﺃﺑﻴﻪ ﺍﳊﺴﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ .‬ﺁﻩ! ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﻢ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﻤﻌﻮﻩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻨﺘﻘﺪﻭﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻜﺬﺍ ﻳﻬﺘﻒ‬ ‫ﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻫﺬﺍ ﻣﺎ ﻗﻤﺖ ﺑﻪ ﰲ ﺑﻠﺪﻱ‪.‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻓﺮﺩﻭﺳًﺎ‪.‫‪232‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻣﻦ ﲪﻼﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐـﺮﺏ ﻳﺘﻤﻠﻘﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺟﺪﻳﺪٍ؛ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳُﻈ ﱡﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻣُﻀ َﻌ ٌ‬ ‫ﺧﺼـﻮﻣﻪ ﺍﻷﻛـﺜﺮ ﻋﺰﻣًﺎ ﻳﺒﻘﻰ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻤﻜﻦ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻐﻨﺎﺀ ﻋﻨﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺩﺣﻮﻩ ﺑﻠﻬﺠ ٍﺔ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻣﻐﺰ ً‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻨﻌﺘﺮﻑ‪ :‬ﻟﻘﺪ ﺍﺷﺘﻐﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻳﺪﻋﻮ ﻟﻺﻋﺠﺎﺏ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺪﲤﻮﱐ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺹ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ]‪ 11‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻣﺎ ﺳﺒﺐ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻮﺩﺓ؟‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﱃ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﻟﻔﻀﻞ ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﺒﻄﻮﱄ؟‪.‬ﺗﺮﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ ﺃﱐ ﻛﻨﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺣ ٍﻖ(‪.‬‬ ‫ﳒـﺢ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺤﻮﺍﺫ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﺄﺳﺎﺓٍ‪ ،‬ﺗﻐﻮﺹ ﺟﺬﻭﺭﻫﺎ ﰲ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ﺍﻟﺸﺮﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻭﺳـﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺆﱂٍ‪ ،‬ﻓﺎﻕ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻵﻣﺎﻝ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪ÞìÜíc@11@lýÔãa‬‬ ‫ﻋـﺮﻑ ﺑـﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻴﻒ ﻳﺴﺘﻐﻞ ﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﱄ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺟﻲ ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺎﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﰲ ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺒﻨﺘﺎﻏﻮﻥ ﰲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟـﱵ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺃﺳﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ ﻭﺃﺻﺤﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺆﻭﻟﻴﺘﻬﻢ ﻋﻨﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻘﺘﺮﻑ‬ ‫ﺣﱴ ﻧﺒﺸﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠ ﹰﺔ ﻗﺪﳝ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻨﺤﻬﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻟﺼﺤﻴﻔ ٍﺔ ﳕﺴﺎﻭﻳ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿـﻮﻋﻬﺎ‪) :‬ﳚـﺐ ﺍﺟﺘـﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻹﺳـﻼﻣﻴﲔ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌﺪ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ ]‪ [11‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻨﺞ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒًﺎ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺫﻟﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﻜﻲ ﻳُﻨﺴﻰ ﺃﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺑـﲑ ﻓـﻴﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺟﻮﺳﻼﻥ ﻗﺪ‬ ‫ﺣـﺮﺹ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﳑﺜﻠﻲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ ﺍﳌﺪﱐ‪ .‬ﻭﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ ﺃﺗـﺖ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﻡ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻻﻧﻮﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﳊﺞ ﺑﺪﻭﺭﻩ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﻗـﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﻝ ﻣﺆﲤ ٍﺮ ﺻﺤﻔ ٍﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﻭﺟﻬﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺮ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﺇﱃ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﺑﻼ ﻣﻨﺎﺯ ٍ‬ .‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﺣﺮﺻﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪﺓ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮﺓ‪ ،‬ﰲ "ﺣﺮﻛ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﺭﻣﺰﻳ ٍﺔ "‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﺳﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺼﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﻣﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪.‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﻮﺩﻭﺍ ﻳﺬﻫﺒﻮﻥ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻣﻜﺮﻫﲔ‪ ،‬ﺧﻠﺴ ﹰﺔ ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒًﺎ؛ ﺻﺎﺭﻭﺍ ﻳﻬﺮﻋﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺤﻨ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﺣ ٍﺔ ﻭﺻﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻋﺎ ٍﻝ‪ . .‬ﺃﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻮﻧﻮﺍ ﳚﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻈﻬﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﻠـﻨًﺎ ﰲ ﻗﺼـﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ؛ ﻭﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻘ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ ﻟﻺﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻐـﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺭﻛﻀﻮﺍ ﺭﻛﻀﺔ ﺭﺟ ٍﻞ ﻭﺍﺣ ٍﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﺴﺎﻬﻧﻢ ﻳﻘﻄﺮ ﳎﺎﻣﻠ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻟﻠﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳌﻔﻮﺽ ﺑﺸﺆﻭﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﺭﻝ ﺟﻮﺳﻼﻥ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻭﺇﻳـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻼ ﺫﻫـﺎ ٌ‬ ‫ﻓﻌـ ﹰ‬ ‫)‪ ،(Charles Josselin‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺍﻟﺼﻴﻒ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻌﻮﺩ ﺍﳉﺎﺋﺰﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻉ‪ .‬ﻗـﺒﻞ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺍﻟﺘﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺗﺒﺪﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﺎﺀ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﻳـﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﺈﺭﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺆﻭ ٍﻝ ﺣﻜﻮﻣ ٍﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ‪ .‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪233‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺍﺻـﻠﺔ ﻟـﺰﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﳊﻜﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﻣﻨﺬ ﺧﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺫﺍ ﻓﻜﺮ ﻋﻦ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻌﺮﺍﺽ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﺴـﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﲔ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ؟‪ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺣﺪﺙ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ‬ ‫ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺭﺓ ﻭﺯﻳﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺸﺒﺎﺏ ﻭﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﺭﻱ‪-‬ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﻓﻴﻪ ) ‪Marie-Georges‬‬ ‫‪ ،(Buffet‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺫﻟـﻚ ﻛﺎﻥ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻹﻃﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺮﻳﺎﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺒﺎﺭ ٍﺓ ﺃﺧﺮﻯ‪) ،‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳـ ٍﻲ( ﻟﺪﻭﺭﺓ ﺃﻟﻌﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺃﱂ ﳝـﺾ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻋﻄﻠ ٍﺔ ﻟﻪ ﻛﻌﻤﺪﺓ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ؟‪ .‬ﺻﺤﻴ ٌﺢ ﺃﻥ ﻣُﺰﻳﺢ ﺟﺎﻥ ﺗﻴﺒﲑﻱ )‪ (Jean Tibéri‬ﻫﻮ ﻣﻦ ﻣﺮﺗﺎﺩﻱ ﺍﳌﻜﺎﻥ‪.‬ﻭﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﻧﻀﻴﻒ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺔ ]‪ 2002‬ﻡ[ ﻣـﺎ ﻛـﺎﺩﺕ ﺗﻨﻘﻀـﻲ ﺣﱴ ﺣﺬﺍ ﺣﺬﻭﳘﺎ "ﺷﻮ"‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﲑ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻓﻴﻨﻤﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺍﺡ ﳝﺘﺪﺡ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪» ،‬ﻭﺍﺣﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ« ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ»ﺧﻄﻮﺍﻬﺗﺎ ﺍﻟﺴﺒﺎﻗﺔ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻡ ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫـﻞ ﺗﻠـﺬﺫ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺎﻧﺘﺼﺎﺭﻩ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺃﻭﻝ ﺍﻟﺰﻭﺍﺭ ﺃﻭﺑﲑ ﻓﻴﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺇﻃﺎﺭ ﺟﻮﻟ ٍﺔ ﺳﺮﻳﻌ ٍﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻤﻐﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ؛ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺷﻬﺮﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺣﺬﺍ ﺣﺬﻭﻩ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ‪ .

‬ﻭﻗـﺪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﺩﱐ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺎﺭ )‪» :(Denis Jeambar‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺑﻀﻊ‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺐ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﺼﺎﺭ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﲔ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺴﺘﻔﻴﺪﻭﺍ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻈﺮﻭﻑ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﱵ ﺧﻠﻘﻬـﺎ ]‪ [11‬ﺃﻳﻠـﻮﻝ ﻟـﻴﺪﻋﻤﻮﺍ ﻣﻮﻗﻔﻬﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﺸﻬﺪ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﺗﻌﻠﻴﻘﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﻒ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺭﻧﺎﻧ ٍﺔ‪» ،‬ﻟﻼﻧﻄﻼﻗﺔ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪﺓ« ﻟﻠﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻠﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﳌﺮﺍﺭﺓ ﰲ ﺃﻗﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﳒﻴﺐ ﺍﻟﺸﺎﰊ‪ ،‬ﺍﻷﻣﲔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﻟﻠﺤﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻘﺪﻣﻲ )‪ ،(Partie démocrate Progressiste.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺒﺔ ﺃﻣﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻫﻲ ﺑﻘﺪﺭ ﻫﺬﻩ "ﺍﳋﻴﺎﻧﺔ"‪ .‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴ ٍﺔ ﺑﻌﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ«‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻄﻠﻖ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﲢﺮﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻌًﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺳﻴﺪ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺮﻯ ﺃﻧﻪ ﺍﻧﺘُﻘﺪ ﺑﻐﲑ‬ ‫ﺣـ ٍﻖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻳﻘﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﻐﺮﺏ »ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﺤﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻼ ﺿﻤ ٍﲑ ﻣﻊ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻔﻄـﻴﺔ«‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻜﺬﺍ‪ ،‬ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺒﻮﻋﻴﺔ‬ ‫›ﻟﻜﺴـﱪﺱ‹‪ ،‬ﺍﻟـﱵ ﲤﻴﺰﺕ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ ﲟﻌﺎﺭﻙ ﻣﺸﺮّﻓ ٍﺔ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﺗﺼﺮﻓﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻣﻴًﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﻘﻮﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﻣﻨﺼﻒ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺩًﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﺗﺒﺎﻉ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻌﻠـﻴﺔ" ﺍﳉﺪﺩ‪» :‬ﳚﺐ ﺗﺬﻛﲑ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻲ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﻋﺸﺮ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﳛـﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻴﲔ ﰲ ﺑﻼﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﳛﺎﺭﺏ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﲔ«‪.‬ﻭﻳﺮﻯ ﺍﶈﺎﻣﻲ ﺃﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ »ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻣﺜﺎ ﹰﻻ ﻟﻠﻨﺠﺎﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﳕﺎ‬ ‫ﻟﻠـﺘﺮﺍﺟﻊ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻥ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺧﺒﺰًﺍ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻛﹰﺎ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‫‪234‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺟـ ٍﺰ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻـﻤﺔ‪ ،‬ﲢﺪﺙ ﺟﺎﻙ ﺷﲑﺍﻙ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ »ﺍﳌﺜﺎﻟﻴﺔ‪-‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻤﻮﺫﺟﻴﺔ« ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻘﻮﺩﻫﺎ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻟﻜﻔﺎﺡ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺑﻴﲔ‪.‬ﻳﺒﺪﻭ ﻭﻛﺄﻥ ﺍﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ‬ ‫]‪ [11‬ﺃﻳﻠـﻮﻝ ﺃﻋﺎﺩﺕ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺇﱃ ﻣﻮﺿﻌﻪ )ﰲ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﻄﻦ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ( ﻭﺃﻟﻐﺖ ﺃﺷﻬﺮًﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻌﺮﻳﻒ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻷﻭﺭﰊ »ﺑﺎﻟﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﻥ ﱂ ﻧﻘـﻞ ﺳـﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﺧﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺠﺰﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ«‪ .‬ﺗﺼﻔﻖ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻓﺘﺘﺎﺣﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ؛ ﻭﲢـﻴﻲ »ﻟﻘـﺎﺀ« ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺘﲔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﻋﻦ »ﺣﻮﺍ ٍﺭ ﻣﺜﻤ ٍﺮ«‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻦ‬ ‫»ﺷﺮﺍﻛ ٍﺔ« ﺑﲔ ﻃﺮﰲ ﺍﳌﺘﻮﺳﻂ‪.‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ ﰲ ﺃﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻮﺵ ﻫﺬﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻳﺼﻐﻲ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ؟‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﳚﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﻀﺘﻪ؟‪. PDP‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻳﻼﺣﻆ ﺃﻥ »ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺾ ﺇﻻ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺟﺘـﺜﺎﺙ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻛ ﹰﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﺔ ﱂ ُﺗﻔﹾـ ِ‬ ‫ﻟﻸﺻـﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻛﺎﻣﻠـ ﹰﺔ«‪ .

[2‬ﻭﻛﻤﺎ ﻻﺣﻆ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ‬ ‫›ﻟﻜﺴـﱪﺱ‹‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻀﻌﺔ ﺃﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ‪» :‬ﻳﻮﻟﺪ ﺃﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ ﻭﻳﻌﻴﺜﻮﻥ ﻓﺴﺎﺩًﺍ ﻷﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌـﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌـﺮﰊ‪-‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ ﻫﻮ ﲢﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﻁ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﺍﻷﻧﻈﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺉ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﻮﻟﻴﺴﻴﺔ ﻭﺍﳌﺘﻄﺮﻓﻮﻥ ﺍﳌﺘﺪﻳﻨﻮﻥ ﻭﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻟﻌﻤﻠ ٍﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ٍﺓ«‪ .. .‬‬ ‫‪C†ÜjÛa@õbjÇdi@ìèäÛaD@¿@‰aŠànüa‬‬ ‫ﻷﻥ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻭﻻﻳ ٍﺔ ﺭﺍﺑﻌ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻳﻌﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﻒ ﻗﺪ ٌﱘ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﺤﻖ ﻣﺘﺄﺧﺮًﺍ ﺑﺼﻔﻮﻑ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺷﺮﰲ‪» :‬ﻳﺴﺘﻌﺪ‬ ‫ﺣﻠﻴ ٌ‬ ‫]‪[3‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﻴﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺪﺍﺩًﺍ ﻭﺍﺿﺤًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳ ٍﺔ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ «‪ ،‬ﻣﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﻮﺹ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺭﻳﺔ ﲤﻨﻊ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﺃﻥ ﳜﻠﻒ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃﻥ ﻧﺴﺎﻳﺮ ﺑﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻧﻜﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻋﲔ‪ :‬ﻻ ﺗﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴﺔ ﺑﲔ‬ ‫ﻋﺸـﻴ ٍﺔ ﻭﺿـﺤﺎﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻼﺩﻧﺎ ﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﺄﺧﺮﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ«‪ ..‬ﺑﻘﻲ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﳚﺪ ﺣﻴﻠ ﹰﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻭﳚﻌﻠﻬﺎ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻲ ﻟﻴﺒﻘﻰ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪.«[4‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻪ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[ ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﳑﻜﻨ ﹰﺔ ﺇﻻ‬ ‫ﻋﱪ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ ٍﺓ ﻣﺮﺍﻋﻴ ٍﺔ ﻟﻠﻨﺺ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ :‬ﱂ ﺗﺆﺧﺬ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﻣﺎ ﺑﲔ ﻋﺎﻣﻲ ]‪ 1987‬ﻭ‪ 1994‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺑﺎﳊﺴـﺒﺎﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺸﲑ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ ﺇﱃ ﺃﻧﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺣﺴـﺐ ﺗﻌـﺎﺑﲑ ﺍﻟﺪﺳـﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻲ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺘﻘﺪﻡ‬ ‫ﻻﻧـﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2004‬ﻡ[؛ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﰎ ﻭﻻﻳﱵ ﺍﳋﻤﺲ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﱵ ﻳﻨﺺ ﻋﻠﻴﻬﺎ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ]‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﻳﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻟﺘﻮﻟﺪ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﻴﺔ ﻓـﻴﻪ ﻛﻤـﺎ ﹸﻗﻤِﻌـﺖ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﻟﻴﺔ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺑﻘﺴﻮ ٍﺓ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺖ ﻟﻴﺨﻠﻖ ﺃﺳﺴًﺎ ﺩﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻴ ﹰﺔ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﻴ ﹰﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺧﺼﻮﺻًﺎ ﻋﱪ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻱ ﳛﺘﺎﺝ ﺇﱃ ﻭﻗ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺑـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺮﻑ ﻗﺎﺭ ٌ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﺨﻠﺺ ﻣـﻦ ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﺪﻳـﺒﺎﺟﺔ ﺍﳌـﻨﻤﻘﺔ ﻓﻜﺘﺐ‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﻋﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗﺮﺍﻃﻲ ﺍﳉﻴﺪ ﻳﻌﺪﻝ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﻟﻴﺼﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴًﺎ ﻣﺪﻯ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ‪ .‬ﻭﺧﺘﻢ ﻬﺑﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻨﻬﺎﺋـﻴﺔ‪» :‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺍﻻﻋﺘﺪﺍﺀﺍﺕ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﱪﺟﲔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﺃﻣﲔ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻭﺍﺿﺤًﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎ ٍﻝ ﺃﻧﻪ ﳚﺐ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﺃﺳﺎﻣﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻻﺩﻥ«]‪ .‬‬ .‬ﻣﻊ ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺣﺴﻦ ﺳﻠﻮ ٍﻙ ﻣﻨﺤﺘﻪ ﺇﻳﺎﻫﺎ ›ﻟﻜﺴﱪﺱ‹«‪.‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪235‬‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﲢﺎﻣﻠﻨﺎ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ ﻫﻮ ﺍﻷﻛﺜﺮ ﺗﻘﺪﻣًﺎ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﱂ ﺍﻟﻌﺮﰊ‬ ‫ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺎﺕ ﺍﳌﺪﻧﻴﺔ ]‪ [.

‬ﻟﻜـﻦ ﻫـﻨﺎﻙ ﺇﺷﺎﺭﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﺲ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﻑ ﻣُﺰﻳﺢ ﺑﻮﺭﻗﻴﺒﺔ‬ ‫ﺺ ﻣﺘﺤﻤ ٍ‬ ‫ﳏـﺮَﺟ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬ﻟﻨﺮﺍﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﺎﻋﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ‬ ‫ﻛﹸٍﺘﺒﺖ ﻓﻴﻬﺎ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻔﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻛﻞ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﻛﻴﻼ ﳜﻴﺐ ﺃﻣﻞ‬ ‫ﻫـﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻳﺘﻮﺳﻠﻮﻥ ﺇﻟﻴﻪ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻠﺘﻤﺲ ﻭﻻﻳ ﹰﺔ ﺭﺍﺑﻌ ﹰﺔ‪ .‬ﺃﻱ ﺭﺟ ٍﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻭﻡ ﺍﻟﺪﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺗﺘﺼﺎﻋﺪ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ؟‪ .‬ﻭﺣﺪﻩ ﺍﻻﲢﺎﺩ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﻟﻠﺸﻐﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻮﺣﻴﺪﺓ‪،‬ﱂ‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﺷﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻜﻦ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻧﻀﻢ ﺑﻌﺪ ﻟﻠﺪﻋﻮﺓ‪ .‫‪236‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳـﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2002‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﻜﻦ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﻗﺼﻒ ﺭﻗﺒﺔ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳊﺎﱄ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ ﻛﹸﺸﻔﺖ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﺍﻟﺴﺘﺎﺭﺓ ﻗﺪ ُﺭﻓِﻌﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻔﺼﻞ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻫﺬﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﺪﻋﺔ ﺍﳌﺄﺳﺎﺓ‪-‬ﺍﳌﻠﻬﺎﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﱃ ﺍﳌﺸـﻜﻜﲔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳـﻦ ﻻ ﻳﺼﺪﻗﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳚﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻝ ﺇﻬﻧﺎ ﲤﺜﻴﻠﻴ ﹲﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺧﺪﻋ ﹲﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺼﺮ ﻗﺮﻃﺎﺝ ﳏﻈﻮﻇﹰﺎ ﺑﻌﺮﺽ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺋﻤﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﻻ ﺗﻨﺘﻬﻲ ﻟﻠﺠﻤﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﻞ ﺍﻷﺟﻨﺎﺱ ﺍﻟﱵ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﴰﺎﱄ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﱃ ﺟﻨﻮﻬﺑﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻜﺎﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻤﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺻﻔﺎﻗﺲ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺳﻠﺖ ﺇﱃ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺑﻴﻊ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺳﺒﻘﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻄـﺎﺏ ﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﻳﺮﻏﻢ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﺢ‪ .‬ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺛﹰﺎ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﲬﺴﺔ ﺁﻻﻑ ﺷﺨ ٍ‬ ‫ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎﻥ »ﺷﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﻟﺘﺄﺛﺮ ﻭﺍﻻﻧﻔﻌﺎﻝ ‪ .‬ﻫﻞ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﳌﺮﺀ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺎﺭﺽ ﺭﻏﺒﺔ ﺷﻌﺒﻪ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻴﻘﺔ؟‪.‬ﲟﻈﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻟﻮﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﻇﻬﺮﻫﺎ ﱄ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﺍﻟﻔﺌﺎﺕ ﻭﺍﻵﺭﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻃﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﻟﻔﺘﺮﺓ ﺍﳌﻨﺼﺮﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﺪﺍﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻬﻮﻩ ﱄ ﻷﺳﺘﻤﺮ ﰲ ﺍﻟﻘﻴﺎﻡ ﺑﺄﻋﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ«‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ ﺑﺬﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2002‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺍﻧﻌﻘﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﺆﲤﺮﻩ‪.‬ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳋﻄـﺎﺏ ﺍﳌﻠﻘـﻰ ﰲ ]‪ 7‬ﺗﺸـﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 2001‬ﻡ[ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺬﻛﺮﻯ ﺍﻟﺮﺍﺑﻌﺔ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻘﺪﻭﻣﻪ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ‪،‬ﱂ ﻳﺬﻛﺮ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻃﺒﻌًﺎ ﻛﻠﻤ ﹰﺔ ﻭﺍﺣﺪ ﹰﺓ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻩ ﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺕ‬ ‫ﺕ ﺗﺬﻛﺮ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻷﻣﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﳑﺎ ﺗﻔﻌﻠﻪ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎ ٌ‬ ‫]‪ 2004‬ﻡ[‪ .‬ﻛﻞ ﻣﺎ ﺗﻀﻤﻪ ﺃﻋﻤﺎﻕ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻬﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﺃﻏﺮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺼﺤﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻕ ﻓﻮﻟﻜﻠﻮﺭﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﻮﺍ ٍﺩ ﺭﻳﺎﺿﻴ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﲨﻌﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻧـﺲ ﻣﻦ ﻓﺮ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺳﺎﺋﻞ ﺗﺸﺠﻴ ٍﻊ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ . .‬‬ .‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﺧﺮﻳﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﺪﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺃﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺟﻠﺴ ٍﺔ ﺳﺮﻳ ٍﺔ‪» ،‬ﺣﻀّﺖ« ﺍﻟﻠﺠﻨﺔ ﺍﳌﺮﻛﺰﻳﺔ ﻟﻠﺘﺠﻤﻊ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺪﳝﻮﻗـﺮﺍﻃﻲ‪ ،‬ﺣـﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﻟﺘﻤﺎﺱ ﻭﻻﻳ ٍﺔ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ ٍﺓ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﻼ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳌﺸﻜﻠﺔ ﰲ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1999‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﻗﺒ ﹰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﻗﻠﹼﺐ ﺍﻟﺼﻌﻮﺑﺔ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻭﺟﻮﻫﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﺪﻳ ﹲﻞ ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﳓـﻮ ﺍﺳﺘﺜﻨﺎﺋ ٍﻲ‪ ،‬ﻗﺪ ﺳﻬﻞ ﺍﻹﺟﺮﺍﺀ ﻭﲰﺢ ﻷﻣﻨﺎﺀ ﺍﻟﺘﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﲔ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻤﺜﻠﲔ ﰲ ﳎﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﻃﻠﺐ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴﺢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﶈﺘﻤﻞ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺪﻳﻞ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﻌﻠﻦ ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[ ﻳﻬﺪﻑ ﺇﱃ ﺗﻮﺳﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﻋـﺪﺩ ﺍﳌﺮﺷـﺤﲔ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻻ ﺃﺣﺪ ﻣﻦ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﲨﻌﻬﺎ‪ :‬ﻻ ﺗﺴﻴﻄﺮ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ ﺍﳌﺸﺮﻭﻋﺔ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﺃﻱ ﺑﻠﺪﻳـ ٍﺔ ﻭﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻧﺖ ﲤﻠﻚ ﻭﺍﺣﺪًﺍ ﻭﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﻣﻘﻌﺪًﺍ ﰲ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﻠﺲ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﰊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻬﺎ ﳚﻌﻞ ﻛﻞ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻟﺘﺮﺷﻴ ٍﺢ ﻣﺸﺘﺮ ٍﻙ ﻭﳘﹰﺎ‪.‬ﰲ ﺍﻟﻮﺍﻗﻊ ﻳﻐﻠﻖ ﺍﻟﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﻟﻄﺮﻳﻖ ﺃﻣﺎﻡ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﺴﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‪ ،‬ﺣﻴﺚ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﺘﺮﺷﺢ ‪ ،‬ﳚﺐ ﲨﻊ ﺛﻼﺛﲔ ﺗﻮﻗﻴﻌًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻮﺍﺏ ﺃﻭ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﺪﺍﺕ‪ .‬ﻳﺘﻔﻨﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﲢﻄﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻧﺎﻗ ٍﺪ‬ ‫ﻛـﻞ ﺃﺛـ ٍﺮ ﻟﻠﻤﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻟﻮ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻗﺪ ﺃﻗﺴﻢ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺇﺳﻜﺎﺕ ﻛﻞ ﺻﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﻣﻬﻤﺎ ﺻﻐﺮ‪.‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪237‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻨﻔﺲ ﺍﻟﻮﻗﺖ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻓﻴﻪ ﻳﺸﻜﺮ ﻣﻮﺍﻃﻨﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺃﻋﻠﻦ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻋﻦ‬ ‫ﺱ« ﻟﻠﺪﺳﺘﻮﺭ »ﻟﺘﺜﺒﻴﺖ ﺍﻟﺘﻌﺪﺩﻳﺔ« ﲟﻨﺎﺳﺒﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2004‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺡ »ﺃﺳﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺇﺻﻼ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳـﻴﺔ‪ .‬ﺑﻦ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﲣﺪﻣـﻪ ﺷﺮﻃ ﹲﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻻ ﳜﻔﺎﻫﺎ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺳﺎﺋﻂ ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ ﻣﻜﻤﻮﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻓـﻮﺍﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺀ ﺭﻫﻦ ﺍﻷﻭﺍﻣﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻨﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻣﺮﻭﺿ ﹲﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪æìØàní@æ왉bȽa‬‬ ‫ﻛﺘـﺐ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ‪» :‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﺒﺪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﺮﺟﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺴّﻢ ﺍﺠﻤﻟﺘﻤﻊ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺩﺍﺱ ﺍﻟﻘـﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻄـﻢ ﺍﻷﺭﻭﺍﺡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑـﺘﺮ ﺍﻷﻟﺴﻦ]‪ . .‬ﻧﺘﺨﻴﻞ ﻋﺮﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺴﻜﺎﻛﲔ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺳﺘﺴﻔﺮ ﻋﻨﻪ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 2004‬ﻡ[ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﺎﺳﻴﺔ ‪.‬ﻭﻳـﻨﺪﺭﺝ ﻫﺬﺍ ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﳏﺘﻤ ٍﻞ ﰲ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﻴﺠﻴﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ .«[5‬ﺧﻠﻒ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﻜﻠﻤﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺸﺤﻮﺫﺓ ﻛﺎﻟﻨﺼﺎﻝ ﲣﺘﻔﻲ ﺣﻘﻴﻘ ﹲﺔ‪ :‬ﻻ ﺗﻨﻔﻚ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺗﻐﻮﺹ ﰲ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﺘﺎﱄ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺋﺰ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪ "ﻭﺍﺟـﻪ" ﻣﺮﺷﺤَﲔ ﺁﺧﺮَﻳﻦ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺧﻄ ٍﺮ ﻛﺒ ٍﲑ‪ ،‬ﲟﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﺬﻛـﺮ‪ ،‬ﻓـﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﻻﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺑﺄﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ]‪ [% 99‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻷﺻﻮﺍﺕ‪ .

‬ﻭﻭﺍﺟﻪ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴـﺎﺑﻖ ﻟﻠﺮﺍﺑﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﻟﻠﺪﻓﺎﻉ ﻋﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﲬﻴﺲ ﻗﺴﻴﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﲑًﺍ‬ ‫ﻼ‪ :‬ﹶﻓﻘﹶﺪ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ﻭﺍﺿﻄﺮ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺬﻫﺎﺏ ﻟﻠﻤﻨﻔﻰ ﻣﻊ ﺃﺳﺮﺗﻪ‪.‬ﺗﺼﺒﺢ ﺣﻴﺎﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ ﺟﺤﻴﻤًﺎ؛‬ ‫ﺱ‪ .‬ﺇﱃ ﺃﻥ ﲰﺢ ﻟﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺑﺪﺍﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻛـﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻷﻭﻝ ﻋـﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﲟﻐﺎﺩﺭﺓ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﺇﱃ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻠﻚ‬ ‫ﺣـﺎﻝ ﺭﺍﺿـﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﻨﺼﺮﺍﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﳏﺎﻣﻴﺔ ﺍﳌﺘﻬﻮﺭﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺇﺣﺪﻯ ﻣﺮﻋﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ .‬‬ .‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻹﺯﻋﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ ﺍﻟﻌﻨﻒ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻌﺾ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﻬﺑﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺒﻠﺪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﳑﺎﺛ ﹰ‬ ‫ﰲ ﻫـﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﻴﻮﻡ‪ ،‬ﻟﻴﺲ ﺫﻟﻚ ﺑﻌ ُﺪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﳐﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﻴﺤﻴﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻳﺘﺤﺎﻣﻞ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟـﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻣـﻨﺬ ﺃﻥ ﲤﺮﺩ ﻫﺬﺍ "ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻂ" ﺍﻟﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻛﻞ‪ ،‬ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻬﺘﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳـﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﺫﻟﻚ ﰲ ﲤﻮﺯ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻀﺢ ﰲ ﺭﺳﺎﻟ ٍﺔ ﻣﻔﺘﻮﺣ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﳉﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺔ ﻭﺿﻊ ﺃﻗﺮﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﳌﺮﻏﻤﲔ ﻋﻠﻰ »ﺍﻟﻨﻄﻖ ﺑﺄﺣﻜﺎ ٍﻡ ﻣﻌﺪ ٍﺓ ﻣﺴﺒﻘﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﻻ‬ ‫ﻳﺴـﺘﻄﻴﻌﻮﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻗﺸﺘﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ ﺗﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﺑﺪًﺍ]‪ .‫‪238‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻮﻳﻞ ﳍﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﳚﺮﺅﻭﻥ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ‪ . .‬ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻟﺘﺨﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺇﱃ‬ ‫ﰊ ﺑﺘﺴـﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍ ٍ‬ ‫ﻏـﻴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺍﶈﻜﻤﺔ ﰲ ]‪ 2‬ﺷﺒﺎﻁ ‪ 2002‬ﻡ[‪ :‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﳏﺎﻛﻤ ٍﺔ ﻣﺸﻮﺷ ٍﺔ‪ُ ،‬ﺳﺠِﻦ‪ :‬ﱂ ﻳﻌﺪ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﺎﺵ ﺍﻟﺪﻛﺘﻮﺭ ﺍﳌﺮﺯﻭﻗﻲ ﻛﺎﺑﻮﺳًﺎ ﺁﺧﺮ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺭﺅﻳﺔ ﺍﺑﻨﺘﻪ ﺍﻷﺧﲑﺓ ﺇﻻ ﺑﻀﻊ ﺳﺎﻋﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻷﻧﻪ ﺟﺮﺅ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻬﺔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﺃﺻﺒﺢ‪ ،‬ﻛﻤﺎ ﻗﺎﻝ‪» ،‬ﻃﺒﻴﺒًﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺿﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻛﺎﺗـﺒًﺎ ﺑـﻼ ﻗﺮﺍﺀ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺏ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﻋﺎﺋﻠ ٍﺔ«‪ .«[6‬ﺃﻭﻗﻒ "ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ ﺍﻟﺒﺴﻴﻂ"‬ ‫ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻭﺣﺮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍﺗﺒﻪ ﰒ ﺃﻗﻴﻞ ﰲ ]‪ 29‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻭﳝﻜﻦ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺸﻲﺀ ﻋﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺿﻠﺔ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﺑﻨﺴﺪﺭﻳﻦ‪ :‬ﺍﻋﺘﻘﻠﺖ ﰲ ]‪ 26‬ﺣﺰﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫‪ 2001‬ﻡ[ ﻟـﺪﻯ ﻋﻮﺩﻬﺗـﺎ ﻣﻦ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﺗﺼﺮﳛﺎﻬﺗﺎ ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﱂ ﺗﺬﻋﻦ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗـﺒﻘﻰ ﻟﻜﺜﲑﻳﻦ ﺭﻣﺰًﺍ ﻟﺘﻮﻧﺲ ﺍﻷﺧﺮﻯ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﻟﱵ ﱂ ﺗﻨﺠﺢ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﻋﺸﺮﺓ ﺳﻨ ﹰﺔ ﻣﻦ‬ ‫"ﺍﻟﺒﻨﻌﻠﻴﺔ" ﰲ ﺇﺳﻜﺎﻬﺗﺎ )ﺃﻃﻠﻖ ﺳﺮﺍﺣﻬﺎ ﰲ ]‪ [14‬ﺁﺏ‪ ،‬ﺇﺛﺮ ﲪﻠ ٍﺔ ﺩﻭﻟﻴ ٍﺔ ﻗﻮﻳ ٍﺔ(‪.‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺭﺑﻊ ﺳﻨﻮﺍﺕ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻻﺧﺘﺒﺎﺀ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴﲑﻬﺗﻢ ﺍﳌﻬﻨﻴﺔ ﺗﺘﺤﻮﻝ ﺇﱃ ﻛﺎﺑﻮ ٍ‬ ‫ﳘﺎ ﳘﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺗﺸﻜﻴ ٍﻞ ﻣﻦ ﺃﻗﺼﻰ ﺍﻟﻴﺴﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻇﻦ ﺃﻧﻪ ﻳﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺍﺳﺘﺌﻨﺎﻑ ﺣﻜ ٍﻢ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻭﺛﻼﺛﺔ ﺃﺷﻬﺮ ﺳﺠ ٍﻦ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎ ﻗﺪ ﺍﻛُﺘﺴِﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﹸﺭﻫِﺐ ﺯﺑﺎﺋﻨﻬﺎ ﻟﻴﺘﺮﻛﻮﺍ ﻣﻜﺘﺒﻬﺎ؛ ﻭﻟﻮﺣﻖ ﺃﻃﻔﺎﳍﺎ ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﻫـﺬﻩ ﺍﳌـﺮﺃﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻐﲑﺓ ﺍﻟﺼﻬﺒﺎﺀ ﺍﳌﻌﺮﻭﻓﺔ ﲜﺮﺃﻬﺗﺎ ﺗﻘﺎﻭﻡ‪ .

‬‬ ‫ﺳـﻨﺘﺤﺪﺙ ﺑﺼـﺮﺍﺣ ٍﺔ ﻋﻦ ﻣﺸﺎﻛﻠﻨﺎ]‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﻳﻨﺘﻤﻲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﻬﻧﺎﺋﻴ ٍﺔ ﺇﱃ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﻄﻐﺎﺓ ﺑﻌﲔ ﺍﻟﺮﺃﻱ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪،‬‬ .‬ﻧﺴﺘﻄﻴﻊ ﺣﱴ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺆﻛﺪ ﺍﻟﻌﻜﺲ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻨﻬﺎ ﺻﻮ ٌ‬ ‫)ﺍﳌﺴـﺘﻘﻠﺔ( ﻫـﻲ ﻟﻠﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻣـﻊ ﺍﻟﻔﺎﺭﻕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﻛﺎﻧﻪ )ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ( ﳌﻼﻳﲔ‬ ‫ﺕ ﻣﻀﺎﺩ ٍﺓ ﺑﻔﻀﻠﻪ ﻻ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴـﻴﲔ ﺧـﻼﻝ ﺍﳊﺮﺏ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﳌﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻣﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﻮﺩ ﻟﻠﻜﺬﺏ ﺍﻟﺮﲰﻲ ﻭﺟﻮ ٌﺩ ﻭﻳﻀﻤﺤﻞ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻻ ﺟـﺪﺍﻝ ﰲ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻀﻐﻂ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺍﳌﻌﺎﺭﺿﲔ ﱂ ﳜﻒ؛ ﺃﻣﺎ ﺃﻥ ﻳﻜﻮﻥ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋـﻠﻰ ﻭﺷـﻚ ﺍﻻﻧﺘﻬﺎﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻛﻞ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻬﺬﺍ ﺷﻲ ٌﺀ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ...‬‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺆﻫـﻼﺕ ﻟﺘﻨﻔﺮ ﺃﻛﺜﺮ ﺍﳌﺸﺎﻫﺪﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺘﺎﺣًﺎ‪ .«[7‬ﻣﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﻩ ﺍﳉﻤﻞ ﺍﻟﻘﻮﻳﺔ ﻟﺘﺴﺘﺤﻖ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺴﺠﻞ ﰲ ﻛﺘﺎﺏ ﺍﳊﻤﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ ‪.‬ﻣﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﲑﺍﻫﻦ‪ ،‬ﺃﻣﺲ‪ ،‬ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪ ،‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻌﺐ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﺎﻝ ﺇﻧﻪ ﲣﻠﻰ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﺔ ﻬﻧﺎﺋﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺿﻌﻴﻔﹰﺎ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﻬﺠﺮ ﺍﻟﺸﻮﺍﻃﺊ ﻭﺍﳌﻘﺎﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﺑﻌـﺪ ﻇﻬﺮ ﺍﻷﺣﺪ ﻟﻴﺘﺎﺑﻊ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﳎًﺎ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﺪًﺍ‪ ،‬ﺻﺎﺭﻣًﺎ ﻛﻤﻮﻋﻈﺔ ﺇﻣﺎ ٍﻡ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺐ ﺑﺄﻛﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋـﻴ ٍﺔ ﺗﻘﻨﻴ ٍﺔ ﻣﺘﻮﺍﺿﻌ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻟﻜﻨﻪ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﻟﻘﺎﺀ ﺷﻌ ٍ‬ ‫ﻉ ﰲ ﺿﺎﺣﻴﺔ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺍﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺣـﺮﻳﺔ ﺗﻌـﺒﲑﻩ؟‪ . .‬‬ ‫‪ïÛë†Ûa@õbšÔÛa@†í†èm‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻦ ﻛﺎﻥ ﻟﲑﺍﻫﻦ ﺃﻳﻀًﺎ ﺃﻥ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﰲ ﺍﳋﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺼﻮﺭ ٍﺓ ﺧﺎﺻ ٍﺔ ﰲ‬ ‫ﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻱٍ‪ ،‬ﺳﺘﺘﺮﺩﻯ ﲟﺜﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﻟﺴﺮﻳﻊ؟‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺸﺄ ﹰﺓ ﰲ ﻣﺴﺘﻮﺩ ٍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻗﺘﺼﺎ ٍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺩﻭﻥ ﺩﻋﺎﻳ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻤﻞ ﻬﺑﺎ ﺻﺤﻔﻴﻮﻥ ﻟﻴﺴﻮﺍ ﻛﺬﻟﻚ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺪﻳﺮﻫﺎ ﺗﻮﻧﺴ ٌﻲ‬ ‫ﺐ ﻻ ﳝﻜـﻦ ﺍﻹﻣﺴـﺎﻙ ﺑﻪ‪) ،‬ﺍﳌﺴﺘﻘﻠﺔ( ﻫﻲ ﻗﻨﺎﹲﺓ ﺗﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻧﻴ ﹲﺔ ﻟﺪﻳﻬﺎ ﻛﻞ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻘﻠـ ٌ‬ ‫ﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻀﻮ ٌﺭ ﻻ ﻣﺜﻴﻞ ﻟﻪ‪.‬ﳚﺐ ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﺴـﺎ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭﻝ ﺷﺮﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﻧﻌـﺘﺮﻑ ﺑﻔﻀﻞ ﺗﻮﻓﻴﻖ ﺑﻦ ﺑﺮﻳﻚ‪" ،‬ﳎﻨﻮﻥ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ" ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﺇﺿﺮﺍﺑﻪ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻄﻌﺎﻡ ﰲ‬ ‫ﺻﻴﻒ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2000‬ﻡ[ ﻓﻌﻞ ﺍﻟﻜﺜﲑ ﻣﻦ ﺃﺟﻞ ﺗﺸﻮﻳﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ‪ .‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪239‬‬ ‫ﻣـﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺍﻟﻮﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﳉﺪﻳﺪ ﺍﳌﻜﻠﻒ ﲝﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻭﺍﻟﺘﻮﺍﺻﻞ‪ ،‬ﺻﻼﺡ ﺍﻟﺪﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻌـﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﺪ ﰲ ﺭﺑﻴﻊ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪» :‬ﳓﻦ ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺃﺷﻜﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﳌﻼﺣﻘـﺔ ﻟﻨﺸﻄﺎﺀ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻹﻧﺴﺎﻥ ]‪ [.‬ﻟﻦ ﻧﺴﻜﺖ ﻋﻦ ﺃﻱ ﺷﻲ ٍﺀ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﻵﻥ‪.

‬ﻫﺬﺍ ﻻ ﳝﻨﻊ ﺃﻥ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻫﺬﻩ ﻟﻴﺴﺖ ﻓﺄﻝ‬ ‫ﺧ ٍﲑ ﻟﻠﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻤﺎﻝ ﻟﻄﻴﻒ‪ ،‬ﺻﻨﺎﻋ ٌﻲ ﻋﻠﻰ ﺭﺃﺱ‬ ‫ﺛـﺮﻭ ٍﺓ ﺿﺨﻤ ٍﺔ‪ ،‬ﻫﻮ ﺃﺣﺪ ﺻﻨﺎﻉ ]‪ [7‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ؛ ﻭﻛﺎﻥ ﺣﱴ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 1993‬ﻡ[‬ ‫ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺸـﺎﺭ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ ﺍﳌﺴﺘﺘﺮ ﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺃﻥ ﻳﺒﺘﻌﺪ ﻋﻨﻪ ﻬﺑﺪﻭ ٍﺀ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺳـﺒﺐ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻟﻸﻣﻞ‪ :‬ﺑﲔ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﻭﻫﺆﻻﺀ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﺻﻠﻮﻩ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 1987‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺩﻗـﺖ ﺳﺎﻋﺔ ﺗﺼﻔﻴﺔ ﺍﳊﺴﺎﺏ‪ .‬ﻣﻨﺬ ﺫﻟﻚ‬ ‫ﺍﳊـﲔ‪ ،‬ﺫﺍﻙ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻟﹸﻘﺐ "ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ" ﺑﻘﻲ ﺑﻌﻴﺪًﺍ ﻋﻦ ﺍﳊﻴﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻴﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻟﻜـﻦ ﺍﻷﺷﺪ ﻣﺪﻋﺎ ﹰﺓ ﻟﻠﻘﻠﻖ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻳﻮﺟﺪ ﰲ ﻣﻜﺎ ٍﻥ ﺁﺧﺮ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺍﻟﺘﻬﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻀﺎﺋﻲ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳛﻮﻡ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻵﻥ ﻓﺼﺎﻋﺪًﺍ ﺣﻮﻝ ﻛﻞ ﺍﳌﺴﺆﻭﻟﲔ ﻋﻦ ﺍﻟﻘﻤﻊ‪ .‬ﻭﳕﻮ ﺍﻟﻔﺴﺎﺩ ﻳﺜﲑ ﺣﻨﻘﻬﻢ‪.‬ﻭﺍﻟﻮﺿﻊ ﺳﻴﺘﺤﺮﻙ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿ ﹲﺔ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﹲﺓ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ ﻧﻔﺴﻪ‪ .‬ﺃﻋﺮﻑ ﻭﺯﺭﺍﺀ‬ ‫ﺿﺪ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﳜﺪﻣﻮﻬﻧﺎ ﻭﺿﺪ ﺍﳊﺰﺏ ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﰲ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ«‪.‬ﻷﻬﻧﻢ‬ ‫ﺏ ﻟﻠﻌﺪﺍﻟﺔ‪ :‬ﺳﺘﺔ ﺗﻮﻧﺴﻴﲔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻬﺪﺩﻭﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻥ ﻭﺿﻌﻮﺍ ﻗﺪﻣﻬﻢ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﻘﺪﱘ ﺣﺴﺎ ٍ‬ ‫ﺐ(‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺛـﻨﺎﻥ ﻣـﻨﻬﻢ ﻻﺟﺌﺎﻥ ﰲ ﻓﺮﻧﺴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﺩﻳﻦ ﺃﻧﻔﺴﻬﻢ ﺿﺤﺎﻳﺎ )ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﺬﻳ ٍ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﻣـﻮﺍ ﺑـﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ ﺷـﻜﻮﻯ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ ،‬ﰲ ]‪ 9‬ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺿﺪ‬ .‫‪240‬‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻳﻘﻨﺎ ﺍﳉﻨﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺑﺪﻳﻦ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﺣـﱴ ﻟﻮ ﻣﺮﺕ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﺎﻙ ﺃﺣﺪﺍﺙ ]‪ [11‬ﺃﻳﻠﻮﻝ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺘﺄﻛـﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻀـﻌﺔ ﺃﻳﺎﻡ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎ ٍﻝ ﰲ ﺳﺠﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﺍ ﺃﻬﻧﺎ ﺗﻐﻠﺒﺖ ﻋﻠﻰ ﻏﻀﺐ "ﻧﺎﺋﺐ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ" ﺍﻟﺴﺎﺑﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﳉﺄ ﻣﻨﺬ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ ﺍﳊﲔ ﺇﱃ ﺍﻟﺼﻤﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴـﻴﻮﻥ ﻏﲑ ﺭﺍﺿﲔ ﻋﻦ ﻧﻘﺺ ﺍﳊﺮﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺍﳋﺎﺋﻦ ﺍﳌﻘﺒﻞ؟‪.‬ﻋﻠﻨﻴًﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﺘﺤﺎﺷﻰ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻻ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻳﻬـﺄﻥ ﻳﻀﻔﺮ ﺃﻛﺎﻟﻴﻞ ﻏﺎ ٍﺭ ﻟﺼﺪﻳﻘﻪ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ‪ .‬ﺇﻬﻧﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻓـﻴﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻄ ﹲﺔ ﺑﻌﺎﺋﻠﺔ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﱵ ﲢﻜﻢ ﺍﻟﺒﻼﺩ ﻭﻳﺪﻋﻬﺎ ﺑﻦ ﻋﻠﻲ ﺗﻔﻌﻞ‬ ‫ﺫﻟـﻚ‪ .‬ﻏﲑ‬ ‫ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﰲ ﻬﻧﺎﻳﺔ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻦ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻋﺎﻡ ]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪ ،‬ﻗﻄﻊ ﺭﺟﻞ ﺍﻟﻈﻞ ﻫﺬﺍ ﺻﻼﺗﻪ ﺑﺎﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ ﳓﻮ ﻣﺜ ٍﲑ ﻟﻠﺪﻫﺸﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻮ ﻳﺘﻬﻢ‪» :‬ﺃﻧﺎ ﺿﺪ ﻛﻞ ﺯﻣﺮﺓ ﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﺔ ﰲ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﲑﺝ ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺬﻱ ﻛﺎﻥ ﳏﺎﻣﻴًﺎ‬ ‫ﻛﺒﲑًﺍ ﻟﻠﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻦ ﻏﲑ ﺍﳌﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﻋﻮﺓ ﺍﻟﺮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻟﺘﻮﻧﺴﻲ ﺇﱃ ﺍﺳﺘﺪﻳﻮﻫﺎﺕ )ﰐ‬ ‫ﰲ ﺳﺎﻧﻚ‪ ،(TV5 /‬ﻗﻨﺎﺓ ﺍﻟﺘﻠﻔﺰﻳﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﻃﻘﺔ ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺮﻧﺴﻴﺔ ﺍﻟﱵ ﺃﺻﺒﺢ ﺭﺋﻴﺴﻬﺎ ﰲ ﻋﺎﻡ‬ ‫]‪ 2001‬ﻡ[‪.

‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ‪ 15] ،‬ﻛﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﻟﺜﺎﱐ ‪ 2002‬ﻡ[‪.‬ﻛﺎﺗﺐ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ ﻟﺸﺆﻭﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣـﻦ ﰲ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺓ ﺍﻟﺪﺍﺧﻠـﻴﺔ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻲ ﺍﻟﻘﱰﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺰﺓ ﺍﳋﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺝ‬ ‫ﻗـﺪﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﺋـﻴﺲ ﻓﺮﻗﺔ ﺍﻻﺳﺘﺨﺒﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﳏﻤﺪ ﺍﻟﻨﺎﺻﺮ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺟﺰ ٌﺀ ﻣﻦ ﻋﺸﺮﺍﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﺷﺨﺎﺹ ﺍﻟﺬﻳﻦ ﺗﺴﺘﻬﺪﻓﻬﻢ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮﻯ‪.‬ﻭﻋُﺪﺕ ﺍﻟﺸﻜﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻘـﺒﻮﻟ ﹰﺔ ﻭﻓﺘﺤﺖ ﺍﻟﻨﻴﺎﺑﺔ ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ ﰲ ﺑﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﲢﻘﻴﻘﹰﺎ ﺑﺪﺋﻴًﺎ‪ .‬‬ .‫ﻣﻠﺤﻖ ﻃﺒﻌﺔ ]‪[2002‬‬ ‫‪241‬‬ ‫ﻣﺴـﺆﻭﻟﲔ »ﳛـﺘﻠﻮﻥ ﻭﻇﺎﺋﻒ ﻫﺎﻣ ﹰﺔ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﺯ ﺍﻟﺪﻭﻟﺔ«‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﻜﻮﻥ ﺃﻭﻝ ﻣﻦ ﻳﻘﺪﻡ ﺣﺴﺎﺑًﺎ ﻟﻠﻘﻀﺎﺀ؟‪.

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