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Preface List of Contributors

1 Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Alan Knight

2 The Chegomista Rebellion in Juchitán, 1911-1912: Rethinking the Role of Traditional Caciques in Resisting State Power Jennie Purnell 3 Naranja Revisited: Agrarian Caciques and the Making of Campesino Identity in Postrevolutionary Michoacán Christopher R. Boyer 4 God's Caciques: Caciquismo and the Cristero Revolt in Coalcomán Matthew Butler 5 Caciquismo in the Sierra Norte de Puebla: the Case of Gabriel Barrios Cabrera Keith Brewster

6 Caciquismo and Cardenismo in the Sierra P'urhépecha, Michoacán Marco Antonio Calderón 7 Dead-end Caudillismo and Entrepreneurial Caciquismo in Chiapas, 1910-1955 Stephen E. Lewis

Heliodoro Hernández Loza and the Politics of Organized Labour in Jalisco Maria Teresa Fernandez Aceves PART HI: T H E N E W F A C E S OF CACIQUISMO 169 201 10 Between Law and Arbitrariness: Labour Union Caciques in Mexico Salvador Maldonado Aranda 11 Challenging Caciquismo. the State and the Dynamics of Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Wil Pansters Bibliography Index 349 377 401 . Religion and Exile in Chamula. An Analysis of the Leadership of Carlos Hank Gonzalez Rogelio Hernández Rodríguez 12 Caciques and Leaders in the Era of Democracy José Eduardo Zárate Hernández 13 Building a Cacicazgo in a Neoliberal University Wil Pansters 14 The Performance and Imagination of the Cacique: Some Ethnographic Reflections from Western Mexico Pieter de Vries PART IV: CONCLUSIONS f 227 249 272 296 327 15 Goodbye to the Caciques? Definition.VI CONTENTS 8 The Struggle against Indigenous Caciques in Highland Chiapas: Dissent. 1965—1977 Jan Rus 9 En-gendering Caciquismo: Guadalupe Martínez.

Thus the idea was born for a larger meeting. However. Coming. in September 2002. and generously funded by the Hewlett Foundation. after further discussion. Chapters by Fowler Salamini. A particular point of interest was the complex relationship between regional power domains and federal government institutions. and furthered the study of caudillismo and caciquismo in the postrevolutionary period.Preface In March 1998 the Latin American Centre of the University of Oxford convened a small workshop on caciquismo and machine politics in modern Mexico. and based on a conference held at Cambridge University in 1977. that is. in collaboration with Utrecht University. As the title of the Brading volume indicates. the conference was hosted by the University of Oxford. Latin American Centre. debates about caciquismo in postrevolutionary Mexico were strongly influenced by the symposium Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution. as it did. down to the present day. For many years. by bringing together a new generation of scholars who had worked both on the 'classic' period immediately following the revolution and on the 'new' (post-classic?) period since 1940. the emphasis was on rural Mexico and on the 'classic' revolutionary and postrevolutionary period. The chapters in that volume provided an excellent anthology of recent work on the regional dimension of revolutionary Mexico. Ankerson and Jacobs. The papers which were presented fitted together well and during discussion the idea emerged that something more ambitious might be attempted on the same lines. the conference wanted to explore the . treated the rise and demise of regional cacicazgos in the decades after the revolution. up to the late 1930s. their rural followers and the emerging revolutionary state. In 2000 one oí the editors of this volume took more definitive steps towards the actual organization of the event. which would more systematically examine the phenomenon of caciquismo in twentieth-century Mexico. Joseph. the 2002 conference on caciquismo explicitly sought to reflect on this important work. among others. exactly a quarter of a century later. which was originally planned to take place at Utrecht University. Moreover. analyzing the transformation of the social and political relations linking revolutionary bosses (often armed warlords). edited by David Brading in 1980.

David Brading. the organizers invited several scholars who had participated in the latter. Thinking about the subject matter of a conference like this is an enjoyable activity. The aim was to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the changing forms and functions of the cacique in twentiethcentury Mexican politics and society. secondly. first and foremost. sorry. Eventually. and to Sarah Washbrook. of the Department of Anthropology of Utrecht University. Oxford and Utrecht. but organizing the event itself . thus contributing very significantly to the intellectual vitality of the conference. In the publication phase of the project we benefited from an efficient and collégial working relationship with the Institute for the Study of the Americas in London. Rachel Meyrick. Raymond Buve and Friedrich Katz took part in the general discussions and gave specific comments on several papers. especially to the administrator. John Maher. Professor James Dunkerley. who did an excellent job in seeing that everything went smoothly. We are therefore indebted to the staff of the Latin American Centre in Oxford. of the Hewlett Foundation and. and of the Institute's cacique.and producing the ensuing book — is hard work. We therefore particularly appreciate the contribution of ISA's publications editor. director. August 2005 Alan Knight and Wil Pansters . The idea for the conference would probably never have been realized without the generous financial support. both before and after our meetings.Vili PREFACE relevance and significance of caciquismo in societal domains and contexts other than those of rural Mexico. In order to emphasize the links between the Oxford 2002 conference and the Cambridge 1977/80 conference/book. who compiled the index. which enthusiastically agreed to publish this hefty volume.

Northern Ireland). Mexico). El Colegio de Michoacán (Zamora. SALVADOR MALDONADO ARANDA Researcher and professor at the C e n t r o de Estudios Antropológicos. UK). T h e Latin American Centre. California State University Chico (Chico. A. Mexico).C. WIL PANSTERS Associate Professor at the Department of Cultural Anthropology.Notes on Contributors CHRISTOPHER R. ALAN KNIGHT Professor of the History of Latin America. St Antony's College. (San Cristóbal de las Casas. The Netherlands). STEPHEN LEWIS Associate professor at the History Department. USA). USA). Queen's University (Belfast. M A R I A T E R E S A F E R N Á N D E Z A C E v e s Research professor at the Centro de Investigaciones en Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social (Guadalajara. JENNIE PURNELL Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science. MATTHEW BUTLER Lecturer at the Department of Spanish and Portuguese Studies. USA). Mexico). Boston College (Boston. Mexico). MARCO CALDERÓN Researcher and professor at the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos. BOYER Assistant Professor at the Department of History and Latin American and Latino Studies. El Colegio de Michoacán (Zamora. UK). Oxford University (Oxford. Utrecht University (Utrecht. University of Illinois at Chicago (Chicago. El Colegio de México (Mexico City. ROGELIO HERNÁNDEZ RODRÍGUEZ Researcher and professor at the C e n t r o de Estudios Sociológicos. University of Newcastle upon Tyne (Newcastle. JAN RUS Director of the Tzotzil Publishing Project of the Instituto de Asesoría Antropológica para la Región Maya. KEITH BREWSTER Lecturer at Historical Studies. Mexico) .

. USA). El Colegio de Michoacán and Academic Secretary of the Colegio de Michoacán (Zamora. Wageingen University (Wageningen.X NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS and Visiting Fellow at the Center for U. University of California (San Diego. Mexico). PIETER DE VRIES Lecturer at the Rural Development Sociology Group. The Netherlands).-Mexican Studies.S. EDUARDO ZARATE H E R N Á N D E Z R e s e a r c h e r a n d p r o f e s s o r at t h e C e n t r o de Estudios Antropológicos.

Introduction .

* .

3 'Revisionism' . Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution. coord. However. Caudillo and Peasant formed part of a new wave of such studies which. in some cases. Essays on Mexican Regional History. while it rejected many of the old teleologica! tenets of political history (thus it deserved the contentious term 'revisionist'). 1990).I Caciquismo in Twentieth-century Mexico Alan Knight which historians discussed the role of caudillos and peasants in the Mexican Revolution. 1980). which came thick and fast in subsequent years. many of which were honoured in the breach. and. 2 Good examples would be: Carlos Martinez Assad. as the historio- I n 1977 Dr David Brading convened a conference at Cambridge University at . Estadistas. 1980). The result was a published symposium. Caudillos y campesinos en la Revolución Mexicana (Mexico. Spanish translation.which had tended to dominate revolutionary studies in the 1950s and 1960s. dedicated to disinterested social and nationalist reform. but a host of competing movements.3 it regarded politics as important and worthy of close. A.' one of the first books to unearth the local and regional roots of revolution.and highly reified . 1 D. while they did not neglect political leaders and elites. Brading (ed.a term which sometimes causes offence . chose to locate them in specific localities and regions. recognized . and stressed the popular support which underpinned their power. questioned whether there had been a revolution at all. Provinces of the Revolution.). revisionism comes in many forms. Historiography of this kind. informal.2 fitted the prevailing notion that the Mexican Revolution was not a smooth and solid monolith. to a degree reciprocal. Such power was often regarded as caudillista or caciquista: it was personal.popular mobilization.. and resistant to formal laws and regulations.'Revolution' should be differentiated from the more radical revisionism which.without romanticizing . progressive and popular movement. ipio-29 (Albuquerque.denotes those currents of historiography which have challenged the old orthodoxy of the Mexican Revolution (including the post-1920 regime) as a broad. caciques y caudillos (Mexico. In recent years. 1988). dispassionate study. such historiography was highly sensitive to regional and local variations. Thomas Benjamin and Mark Wasserman (eds). Caudillo and Peasant in the Mexican Revolution (Cambridge. thus to depart from the 'top-down' national history — the so-called historia de bronce . In general terms. and that there was much more to the Revolution than formal laws and constitutional provisions. and the (moderate) revisionism which sought to disaggregate and critique this simplistic .

). On the debit side. they would seem to be grist to the political science mill. told us quite a lot about Mexican caciquismo. rearranged the coastline.9 For. Biography of Power. . See Jeffrey M.e. while it may adopt a regional or local perspective. for three reasons: (i) I consider history to be part of the social sciences. 1810-1996 (New York. Nevertheless. and so on. some new cultural historians discern ubiquitous 'power'. a measure of historiographical 'progress'. and we have been exhorted to bring 'reclaim the political': Gilbert M. 79/2 (May 1999). it can be pretty vague. hence. this.26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 5 Some might question whether $ve can ever talk of 'progress' in the study of history.have lost ground. recreation. By virtue of its capaciousness. The Failure of Reform in Postrevolutionary Yucatan (Durham.have. A History of Modern Mexico. especially politics conventionally defined. fewer political histories of any kind. New waves followed. Cantinflas and the Chaos of Modernity (Wilmington. as my citations suggest. with few exceptions. the caudillos and caciques who took centre-stage in the 1970s — not least at the 1977 Cambridge conference . 1997) is a synthesis and translation of several influential biographies {Las hiograflas del poder).8 This relative neglect has been compounded by the negligence of political scientists. we therefore understand it better than we did. Joseph (ed. has brought fresh insight and. 2001). 6 Another caveat: in part because of Foucault's influence. social scientists of a different stripe . p. radical revisionism may be said to have provoked a postrevisionist or 'neopopulist' reaction: see Ben Fallaw. the cultural turn has not usually paid close attention to states and their agents. and then began to recede. political science research has graphical dialectic marches on. N C . Since the 1980s. and certainly the evidence for cumulative improvement in our grasp of what happened is less clearcut in the social sciences than it is in the natural sciences. notably in the popular studies of Enrique Krauze). the concerns of the 1970s have receded: we encounter fewer regional-political studies and. the cultural turn has brought a substantial repudiation of political history. it seems to me unquestionable that we know more about. the weathervane has spun again. which may include conventional political authorities (states and their agents). the body.5 The new cultural history has tended to eschew politics. indeed.4 and a fresh emphasis on hitherto neglected socio-cultural themes: gender. however. it is the thematic focus which counts. in practice. and (iii) anthropologists . 8 Which from some points of view he is.i. N C . 2. Pilcher. 2001). rather than social scientists. if the word might be permitted. religion. 7 Enrique Krauze. medicine. but which is a far more capacious concept. say. it crashed on the beach. and that. with some exceptions. Cardenas Compromised. too..6 And. As a result.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O Like most historiographical waves. 9 I stress political scientists. than we did fifty years ago. Reclaiming the Political in Latin American History (Durham. Yet more recently.7 Thus. (ii) since caciques are political actors. (Though we should note something of a revival of the old historia de bronce. although Michael Monteón is now productively ploughing that furrow. consumerism. 4 The cultural turn in Mexican history is fully discussed in the special edition of the Hispanic American Historical Review. of course. Like the preceding wave. Cantinflas is now more interesting than Calles. power-wielders are to be found everywhere. the Mexican Revolution now. nearly a hundred years after the event. we have no recent scholarly biography of Calles. 2001). Mexico.

1986]) and. First. M D .'0 It is not i m m e d i a t e l y clear w h y this s h o u l d be. caciquismo caudillismo (and f o r present purposes I include u n d e r the same heading) is not easily investigated. 14. it does not figure in the Diario oficial or Crónicas de la presidencia. a n d . Decentering the Regime: Ethnicity. eminently investigate. in Robert Kern (ed. Radicalism and Democracy in Juchitdn. NJ. 1936). 1972).' 4 10 Two notable exceptions: Wayne A. Jonathan Fox. and Jeffrey W. Rubin. 1997). at least in the U n i t e d States. Scott. It requires . since m a n y w o u l d argue that these two related p h e n o m e n a . James C. For a hint of menace. Linz and Alfred Stepan. in Roger Bartra et al. 1975).). 14 For example.' 2 it is rarely a m e n a b l e to quantitative analysis. however.i988). The Princes of Naranja [Austin. The Caciques. Juan J. . Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: Southern Europe. p. caciquismo is averse to publicity. Los mazatecos ante la nación (Mexico. apart f r o m d e m a n d i n g linguistic c o m p e t e n c e . This is not meant to be a criticism of the genre. Víctor Raúl Martinez Vázquez.are to be f o u n d t h r o u g h o u t the world).26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Carapan: bosquejo de una experiencia (Lima. The Interpretation of Cultures (London. on the other hand. It is. State Power and Social Mobilization (Ithaca. very likely. see Eckart Boege. by means of basic archival sources. 1993). Johns Hopkins University Press. T h e r e are." S e c o n d . 11 Clifford Geertz. Mexico (Durham. by means of oral history and participant observation on the one hand (hence Paul Friedrich's classic. Ethnic tensions may also contribute to the 'cerrado' ('closed') character of rural communities: 'that sly cunning (socarronería) which the Indians contrive to perfection'. pp. thus it d e m a n d s i m m e r s i o n in specific case studies a n d . The Caciques (Albuquerque. Mexico City (henceforth.w h i c h I will attempt to d e f i n e a n d disaggregate shortly — have been integral to M e x i c a n politics. 13 For example. 1992) also comments interestingly on the phenomenon of caciquismo. New Haven. p. p. I think. still less of this particular volume. a period o f residence a n d research in places w h e r e caciques operate (and these m a y be neither pleasant nor entirely safe places). Comparative Political Corruption (Englewood Cliffs. NY. 12 Precisely because it operates outside the 'public transcript'. Caciquismo y poder político en el México rural (Mexico. C T . w h i l e it is e m i n e n t l y suited to cross-national c o m p a r i s o n (since f o r m s o f caciquismo — 'boss politics' . 165-7. pp. several reasons f o r this relative neglect. and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore. AGN). The Politics of Food in Mexico. 'Despojo y manipulación campesina: Historia y estructura de dos cacizazgos del Valle del Mezquital'. 'Contemporary Mexico: A Structural Analysis of Urban Caciquismo . illustrates the kind of cacical control and repression which makes popular reticence understandable.135-50. as Moisés Sáenz put it. b y virtue of its i n f o r m a l i t y .if two G e e r t z i a n q u o t a t i o n s in q u i c k succession m a y be permitted — a g o o d deal o f ' t h i c k description'. 1996). 47. South America. is also indirectly illuminating.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O neglected caudillismo a n d caciquismo. it requires researchers to g o w a y b e y o n d published sources. notably the voluminous Gobernación files in the Archivo General de la Nación. Kern. o f d e m o c r a t i c transitions in thirty-three countries — w h i c h stand at the pinnacle o f political science a m b i t i o n . N C . anticipating James Scott (Weapons of the Weak. Cornelius. 1973). 7. usually at a local o r regional level. 1985): Moisés Sáenz..' 3 it involves too m u c h 'local k n o w l e d g e ' to allow the k i n d o f g r a n d multi-case studies — for instance.

Lesley Byrd Simpson. that the age of the caciques had passed. Chalmers. viewed from above. pp. with powerful emphasis placed on the presidency. Robert E. 100. in Letras libres. p. 12 July 1935. Mexican Government in Transition (Urbana. 24 (die. 33. Furthermore. Hence. victim of — and here the explanations varied — modernization. twenty-five years later Excelsior. sometimes combatted caciques)20 and.26 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . p. 1977). and they echoed that old.). development and/or democracy. there was much talk of omnipotent presidents and the 'leviathan on the zócalo'. where the Maderista Don Timoteo hails the 1910 Revolution as the death-knell of the caciques. to be sure. Malloy (ed. Pablo González Casanova. 17 On the discerned or predicted demise of caciquismo see Mariano Azuela. features which contrasted with the shifting political physiognomy of the rest of Latin America.'7 Meanwhile. 23-45. Scott. Rubin. Again. 18 Such as the excellent study edited by Roger Bartra. 140-1.'6 and whose explanatory key was to be found in the Federal/presidential centre.'9 political scientists focused on the 'new social movements' (which. 20 Joe Foweraker and Ann L. 16 Douglas A. I4ff. . Cornelius. Meanwhile. 2000). which now acquired greater 15 For example. recurrent refrain. who resisted the siren-song of modernization theory. ideological and methodological fashions militate against cacical studies.. 92. but not to the advantage of 'cacical' studies (that is. the belly contained the nutrients which fed the rest of the beast's body). Democracy in Mexico (New York. gives other examples of premature obituaries. Decentering the Regime. especially provincial politics. Politics and the Migrant Poor. studies of specific forms and examples of patrimonial and clientelistic politics). 1964). 1975). p. Wayne A. they averted their gaze from the soft sagging underbelly of the beast (even though. not the provincial/local periphery.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O Thirdly. with a few exceptions. on elections.'8 they tended to regard the Mexican political system as a kind of reflex of dependent capitalism (an approach which also exempted them from engaging in the grind of empirical research). Marxist scholars. scholars enamoured of modernization theory tended to see such patrimonial phenomena as vestigial remnants of a 'traditional' past. Berkeley. La CNCen la reforma agraria (Mexico. 'The Politicized State in Latin America'. System stability and centralized presidentialism were the distinctive features of Mexican politics. industrialization.'5 By and large. 1972). were wedded to their own grand structural theories. in James M. literacy. no. Popular Movements and Political Change in Mexico (Boulder. Authoritarianism and Corporatism in Latin America (Pittsburgh. more recently still. Politics and the Migrant Poor in Mexico City (Stanford. 'Adiós a los caciques'. optimistically congratulates President Cárdenas on the imminent disappearance of agrarian cacicazgos: Moisés González Navarro. scholars tended to focus on the strengths of the system. it could be argued. Caciquismo y poder político. p. the 1950s and '60s). too. as the Mexican political system began to seize up — some time after 1968. or 1982 or 1988 — so the focus of political science shifted. Note. and. 1956). with few exceptions. pp. while the decentralizing and messily complicating phenomena of caciquismo were neglected. or 1976. the recent discussion. Craig. 19 Cornelius. Two Novels of the Mexican Revolution: The Flies/The Bosses (transi. and. they paid less attention to the 'epiphenomena' of politics. 1985). During the heyday of the Pax PRIlsta (roughly. 1990). increasingly.

Berlusconi's Italy). Subnational Poltiics and Democratization in Mexico (San Diego. Cornelius.Mexico. Todd A. 1999). When was Latin America Modern? (forthcoming). and Zárate. 23 I refer to the continued evidence of caciquista behaviour. There is also plenty of recent journalistic evidence: see. for example. for that matter. caciquismo may be usefully viewed in 'cultural' terms . are less susceptible to the swings of contemporary politics. a grubby fungus which shrivelled in the bright dawn of democracy and which lingered only in the diminishing. rural .is. 1996). caciquismo is a remarkably durable phenomenon. electoral studies reinforced the old notion that caciquismo was a thing of the past. 25 Alan Knight. in Nicola Miller (ed. 22 Alan Knight. Historians. ro7-8. Essays on Mexican Political Culture (Amsterdam. patrimonialism). despite the relative neglect of the phenomenon by US political scientists. Todd A. as a three-way tug-of-war between the rival forces of democratization. and the striking evidence of cacical longevity and reproduction over time. pp. 'When was Latin America Modern? Some Thoughts'. bureaucratization and caciquismo (or. Domínguez and James A. in Wil Pansters (ed.). 1964). 'Electoral Federalism or Abdication of Presidential Authority? Gubernatorial Elections in Tabasco'. their now dominant scholarly paradigm — rational choice theory .23 these trends are not wholly hegemonic in Mexico (or. Citizens of the Pyramid. if a broader label is preferred. in Wayne A.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O significance. who see no reason to give priority to the present (indeed. in many parts of the world.21 However. the conduct of politics according to strictly democratic or ('Weberian') bureaucratic principles. 351-4. who recognize that some phenomena are better studied years after the event). I tend to agree with Purnell and Buder (this volume) that analyses . 24 I realize that a three-way tug-of-war is a conceptually tricky metaphor. 269-93.24 Thus. Eisenstadt. On patrimonialism. this volume. whatever 'modernity' might mean. but it does capture the sense of three principles of rule contesting for supremacy within a hybrid system. But. darker corners of backward. The Theory of Social and Economic Organization (New York. pp. the study of caciquismo is not mere antiquarianism. perhaps. Contemporary Mexican politics could therefore be seen. Eisenstadt and Jane Hindley (eds. for example. 1997). even at a time of genuine democratization in Mexico: see. Yet even in the here-and-now the demise of caciquismo appears somewhat exaggerated. in my (admittedly amateur) view. p.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . It is not necessarily doomed by 'modernity'. adjusting to social and political changes. eminently suitable for such a study. 'Habitus and Homicide: Political Culture in Revolutionary Mexico'. grosso modo. 137 below. Democratizing Mexico.22 It is threatened by genuine democratization and/or bureaucratization — that is. 199t). Jorge I. as recent events suggest. n. for example. syndical . True. at last allowing the conventional methods of North American political science to be brought to bear south of the border without risking ridicule. Public Opinion and Electoral Choice ( embodying deeply-rooted traits which. As many of the contributors to this volume make clear.25 but it also 21 Juan Molinar Horcasitas. see Max Weber. El tiempo de la legitimidad (Mexico. derive from the 'habitus' of Mexican politics. we might say.). McCann. Furthermore. which assumes many forms.and. 22. including the so-called 'First World': consider.). Given the slipperiness of the term.

This book is the product of caciquismo or caudillismo which are premised on a dichotomous tradition-versusmodernity scheme are probably not very helpful (which is a kind of auto-critique: see Alan Knight. 142-3.were in some measure effectively addressed once powerful groups made a commitment to reform and created a meaningful system of oversight (the IFE). at least in intellectual terms. non-charismatic character of portesgilismo set it apart from other Mexican cacicazgos of the time). 'Peasant and Caudillo in revolutionary Mexico. pp. There is an obvious parallel here with electoral reform: the failings of Mexican democracy . notably the caciques themselves. Arturo Alvarado Mendoza.26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . perhaps. p.20 but also embedded in rational.. 1910-17'. pragmatic and instrumental relationships. not only 'suspended in webs of significance'. in Brading. and its perverse survival seems entirely predictable. may be best avoided. the empirical point is valid. To the extent that 'traditional' and 'modern' simply mean 'old' and 'new'. in deterministic fashion. Accordingly. If caciquismo is regarded as a deeply rooted cultural attribute . pp. Wil Pansters and I organized a conference at St Antony's College. 294 (although I would not accept that the instrumental. 1992). and underscores the durability and mutability of caciquismo. to the benighted politico-cultural baggage which burdened most Mexicans . Interpretation of Cultures. too. peasant communities). Oxford. twenty-five years after the Cambridge Peasant and Caudillo conference.C E N T U R Y MEXICO responds to individual or collective advantage and is to be found. and suggests that 'the cacique's relationship to his followers tends to have a far more utilitarian character than that of other local leaders whose influence derives largely from the esteem in which they are held'. in 2002.g. Intellectual grasp alone. survival. Of course. some relatively new (e. Caudillo and Peasant. sindicatos). for that reason.28 I. 28 That is to say. 50-8). the organizations within which caciquismo flourishes are highly variable: some are old (e. there needs to be effective commitment and corrective action. caciquismo responds to the specific actions of powerful actors. El portesgilismo en Tamaulipas (Mexico. How do you dislodge assumptions and practices which are hardwired into the Mexican political psyche? If. achieves nothing.often attributed. of course.. notes the 'strongly instrumental' nature of cacical patron-client ties. Definitions These lacunae would seem to justify taking a renewed look at caciquismo. then their behaviour. and the interests they 'represent'. begins to look unlikely. 'tradition' and 'modern' usually come with a good deal of teleologica! and normative baggage and.g. there are probably few political actors who are as self-interestedly rational as the cacique and his close followers. 2 6 Geertz. Note. . and. the means of their eradication become more accessible. However. 151. however. p. Indeed.a 'damned inheritance' of the colony or even of pre-columbian polities — then its eradication. its surrender to democratizing and/or bureaucratizing forces. Politics and the Migrant Poor. and rationale become more comprehensible. we can better grasp what makes caciquismo tick and how it might be combatted. which was primarily funded by the Hewlett Foundation.27 An important practical corollary follows. 5 (with uncited attribution to Weber). 27 Cornelius. premised on hardheaded notions of self-interest.

rebuts the caciquista credentials of Hank and his group).C E N T U R Y MEXICO of chat conference. arguably. The reason for this was simple: the Cambridge conference focused squarely on the armed revolution and its aftermath. had to recognize the passage of time and the production of new research. 32-6.3' Why should this broader focus involve a shift from caudillos to caciques? Here we broach the crucial conceptual question which. in order to avoid a re-run of the 1977 event. Friedrich Katz and David Brading himself.rather than 'cacicazgos' . pp. 639-40. However. 33 Marvin Harris. does require some preliminary clarification. 393 (1998). It therefore expanded the focus to encompass the regime which followed the armed revolution. but we did benefit greatly from the participation and comments of three: Rayond Buve. but caciquismo. down to the late twentieth century. it would be nonsensical to 29 The role of the peasantry in the Revolution is a matter of debate (which ties in with the orthodox. as a hardheaded natural scientist suggests:32 Does it matter what words we use to describe a model if we agree about its consequences? Perhaps it does. 'The Origin of Altruism'. or even 1940. as its central concept. and from a largely peasant rank-and-file to a more assorted set of clienteles and institutions. Such a shift in focus implied a corresponding shift from caudillos to caciques. who. Cost constraints meant that we could not invite all the veterans of 1977. which are those used ('subjectively') by contemporary historical actors and ('etic') terms deployed by historians and other social scientists. 32 John Maynard Smith. ex post facto. while it should not detain us too part to accommodate the 'Atlacomulco group' and its erstwhile leader. 3 above). peasants comprised the revolutionary rank-and-file. As historians we must try to fathom how historical actors thought. However. This.30 It also involved the recruitment of a generation of younger scholars whose work breached the old barriers of 1920. but we also need intuition about why the models give the results they do. spoke and wrote.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . the dark-blue (Oxford) version. universities and established PRIista 'machines'. and ranged over the broad sweep of the last century. the contributing authors in the Brading volume certainly privileged the peasantry over other 'subaltern' groups. We may usefully distinguish between ('emic') terms. in which caudillos figured prominently and. We need formal models. Names and concepts are important. 30 I refer to 'machines' . 1979). Cultural Materialism: The Struggle for a Science of Culture (New York. revisionist and other interpretations mentioned in n. including labour unions. Carlos Hank Gonzalez (see Hernández. twenty-five years on. differed from its lightblue (Cambridge) precursor in one or two important respects. First. as they were asked to. and it avoided any specific mention of peasants (although plenty of peasants figure in the pages which follow). and the words used guide our intuitions and tell us what to look for. pp. A good deal of historiographical debate and polemic derives from contrasting use of terms. .29 The Oxford conference. 31 The organizers of the conference set out to recruit such scholars.33 Both are important. it took not caudillismo. this volume. and supposedly 'objectively' or even 'scientifically'. without totally convincing me. Nature.

). 1964). Fernando Salmerón Castro. 111-2. in Kern. or. 'Cacique' and 'caudillo' are primarily emic terms. History. 34 E.133-7. or we would have to believe in witches and the wrath of Zeus as agents of historical causation. Like many emic terms. were it needed. What Is History? (Harmondsworh. 1964). part III'. 1991). It is not suprising that they do: while. as some historians have advocated. tend to stick closer to the ernie usage of their subjects (at the risk of sometimes ensnaring themselves in hermeneutical traps).26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Encyclopedia of Mexico. others may reflect perceptive 'local knowledge'. 2 vols. pp. prefer to deploy supposedly robust etic terms. Werner (ed. some 'emic' and subjective concepts (e. however..C E N T U R Y MEXICO rest content with purely 'ernie' formulations.34 Historians do. caciques were indigenous rulers..e. H. . a Mexican cacique): proof. Indigenous Rulers (Albuquerque. in Michael S. pp.37 Should we therefore retain such terms. however. hankering after the hard positivism of the natural sciences. The Caciques. an emic 'tin-pot fascist junta' becomes an etic 'bureaucratic authoritarian regime'. in colonial Mexico.a pulpo or aplanadora.35 During the nineteenth century. 'Caciquismo'. In Argentina. 'The Literary Evidence. vital cogs in the machinery of colonial administration. Thus. offers a useful resumé of the term. one who 'keeps a house'. 37 Nason. mediator or broker. or should). of course. Robert Haskett. 25. 177-9. Caudillos tended to be grander figures than (mere) caciques. for example. Carr.g.36 Caudillos. the term 'caudillo' came to jefer to a political boss (i. witches and the wrath of Zeus) signally fail to advance our historical understanding. and they were assocated with organized violence.according to some — stood at the interface between 'traditional' communities and the new ostensibly 'modern' institutions of the (usually republican) nation state.. in contrast. part 1'. 35 Marshall R. these have evolved and do not conform to rigid definition (as the neologisms of political scientists do. The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule (Stanford. 36 Indians could still figure as caciques. 1997). 'Caudillo' and. pp. according to some (historical) critics — becomes the political scientist's 'hegemonic' or 'dominant state-party'. witchcraft was invoked to explain events for which historical actors had no very good explanation (like plague or cattle murrain). 36 and passim. opting instead for 'scientific'. 'cacique' seem to fall into this category. as I have suggested. While. Nason. the bases of their 'caciquista power had shifted. p. vol. consign them to the dustheap of history. pp. often neologisms of their own making. however. in robust positivistic style. 'Cacique' was originally an Arawak term denoting a chief. Mexico's ruling party . a fortiori. p. who . Charles Gibson. however. of the treacherous fungibility of such emic terms. i. Society and Culture (Chicago. 27-8. a loose English translation might be 'warlord' or 'man on horseback'. 'cacique' came to mean a political boss. 'The Literary Evidence. 'cacique' was detached from its indigenous roots and came to denote a form of political boss. 'objective' terminology? Maybe the dilemma is spurious. while political scientists. principally as a result of the wars of independence (thus there was no tradition of colonial caudillos). Thus. with a rich semantic history. arose in the nineteenth century.

we can consider the cacique as a political boss or broker. 40 Fernando Díaz Díaz.radically . in that they led popular forces in battle and achieved national or regional prominence on the basis of their 38 Thus. which fly in divergent directions. First. can be readily identified. who . Presidentes. in Brading. Obregón4' . is in this context a helpful guide .40 Several conclusions follow from this. civic movements pressing for reform. hence the incidence of caciquista archival evidence should not be taken as a simple statistical index of caciquista reality.Villa. of course. necessarily began the transition from caudillo to cacique. Calles. by virtue of surviving and achieving the presidency.39 Following (Mexican) emic usage . we roughly concur with Díaz Diaz. Nevertheless. work through cacical intermediaries. Gilbert M. popular testimony is often persuasive. Caudillos y caciques (Mexico. who regarded the caudillo as a more elevated and praetorian figure (though we need not accept his additional. penned by José Siurob (1935) in Archivo General de la Nación. It should be recognized. or individuals petitioning for redress. I repeat.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 1972). feared. trade unionists mounting strikes. 201. while the caudillo corresponds more to a warlord. that caudillos might be good while caciques were bad). 'Caciquismo and the Revolution: Carrillo Puerto in Yucatán'. respected or hated. 'local knowledge' was a better guide to reality in respect of caciquismo than of. In doing so. 41 Obregón.3/49. 39 A classic case is the 12-page indictment of the Osornio cacicazgo in Querétaro.act as magnets for reports. refers to 'the caudillo [as] merely the cacique writ large'. pp. for example. they had to. I mention this because historians often differ . who were known. while they might polarize opinion and vie for 'good' or 'bad' cacical status. When it comes to miracles and Marian apparitions (see. it is hardly possible to reach a consensus of historical testimonies. the interesting work-in-progress of Eddie Wright-Rios). Are we dealing with credible canny subalterns or deluded clods? My suggestion is that it depends a lot on the field of inquiry and. say. The cacique — rather less so the caudillo — is therefore a permanent and unavoidable inhabitant of Mexico's voluminous archives. which captures the difference of degree.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O 'caciques' was a term used to describe flesh-and-blood local bigwigs. reward or protection. caciques. but his military reputation. as^rnng políticos looking to get on. to some degree.not necessarily normative . meant that the transition was truncated. on the other hand. indeed. but perhaps elides the two concepts overmuch. Zapata.were caudillos. something closer to a factual . reliance on the army. The celebrated leaders of the armed revolution . Caudillo and Peasant. and their activities can often be recounted. Lázaro Cardenas. since caciques have been ubiquitous in Mexican politics and they have necessarily figured in the calculations of political actors of all kinds: peasants petititioning for ejidos. Thus. it is this distinction which justifies the switch from 'caudillo' (the Cambridge 1977 conference keyword) to 'cacique' (Oxford.consensus is possible. 606. normative judgement. that some archives . in this case.over the reliability of 'local knowledge' and vox populi.notably Gobernación . 6. p. Joseph. all governments have had to reckon with and.'8 People recognized caciques and understood their rationale. Catholicism. and relative lack of institutional supports. which involved transcendental beliefs beyond any empirical validation. complaints and denunciations of this kind. the evidence is so extensive and recurrent that it clearly signals a widespread phenomenon. 2. I would hypothesize. 2002). For the same reasons.which.

who. 45 Nason. but not caciques. 144. . turned into a pretty nasty local cacique: John Womack Jr.45 Thus. Joseph. cacique). which deals with political intellectuals.33x8. which have caused and continue causing such enormous abuses': Vicente Castellanos to Cárdenas. 2. but force was not their primary weapon. reported to President Cárdenas the abuses of the municipal treasurer (a member of the local Barbosa camarilla) and argued that now was 'the moment to get rid of all the small-town cacicazgos {cacicazgos pueblerinos). Obregón (nationally). to Mexican ears. of course. 1969). Cedillo had never been a pre-eminent revolutionary caudillo.42 However. 1935. caciques regularly used force.44 To talk of a 'municipal caudillo' would — outside Argentina — make little sense. faintly ridiculous. evanescent coalitions of the Revolution . and Alan Knight. 2.Maderismo. Zapata and the Mexican Revolution (New York. M y terminology differs from that of Gilbert M.ever became caciques. 'Caciquismo and the Revolution'. Caciquismo stemmed from institutionalization. The Mexican Revolution (2 vols. pushes the metaphor even further. 379-85. pp.2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H .43 Furthermore. upon whom the grand. Archivo General de la Nación. 1976). sees 'cacique-to-caudillo progressions' in the careers of both Villa and Zapata. many lesser caudillos. defining the difference between cacique and caudillo as purely one of scale. during the armed revolution the common generic label for popular military leaders was cabecilla rather than caudillo (and never. As I later argue. Cambridge. to the benefit of their posthumous reputations. 201. rather than (also) modus operandi. pp. 43 Enrique Krauze. 273-6. jefe máximo of the official political machine and paterfamilias of the 'revolutionary family'. 46 Possibly Villa was mutating into a local cacique during his three short years at Canutillo. did not. at best. We should recall that Zapata's son. pp. pp. Dirección General de Gobierno. operating within a clientelist system. Carrancismo. the political boss. early death robbed them of the possibility of such a transition. such that it makes good sense to talk of municipal caciques. caciques operated at all levels of the political system (I shall later propose a hierarchy of nested cacicazgos). To refer to Luis Morones or Fidel Velázquez as syndical 'caudillos' would be. ally of organized labour. Caudillos culturales en la revolución mexicana (Mexico. p. 44 Claudio Gì Vélez-Ibáñez. 'mini-caciques' and similar street-corner varieties. Puebla. metaphorical and somewhat misleading. became more common and relevant. the pre-eminent figures of the Revolution can be roughly categorized: Villa and Zapata were caudillos.still less Zapata . Most caciques were civilians and many eventually occupied positions in organizations. 187.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O military prowess. Villismo . albeit institutionalization of a particular kind. Escobar) could claim the title . 'The Literary Evidence. Serrano. part ill'.while that of the cacique. was a masterful national cacique architect of the PNR. caja 35A/4.vol. of course. although they were familiar with violence. Vox populi helps again: in 1935 a baker ('panadero en pequeño') from Tehuacán. I do not think that Villa .111-2. Argentina's 'caudillos fuertes de los suburbios' sound. Rituals of Marginality (Berkeley. which. like the revolutionary army. regionally or locally powerful commanders. Incidentally.were built: ste Brading. Nicolás. such as sindicatos or even universities. 42 There were. 1983). after 1920 the role of the caudillo declined — perhaps only Obregón and a handful of failed praetorian leaders (Gómez. 11 Aug.46 However. 1920-3. Caudillo and Peasant.. 1986). have violence as their raison d'être.

C E N T U R Y M E X I C O (regionally). are antithetical to both democracy and bureaucracy. Los señores de utopía. 49 François-Xavier Guerra. of course. and drawing on the 'ernie' distinctions just discussed. it is not clear where. we can reenter the 'etic' terrain of supposedly objective. Latin America Research Review. unless they were drunk'). analytical criteria against which to judge a messy and fluid reality. but to explore the modalities of particular political systems or processes. they may be seen as products of the incongruous union of 'modern' politics with 'traditional' society. is not to hang labels around individuals' necks. 51 A good example of a charismatic cacique might be Eligio Díaz of Santa Fe de la Laguna. Paris. charismatic and rational-legal). vol. noted more for instrumental calculation than charismatic leadership. which embody hierarchies of authority. 1993). Le Mexique: de l'Ancien Régime à la Révolution (2 vols. achieve and retain power are. whereby they become machine politicians. pp. Many recent polities would represent some sort of balance between these contrasting practices. within Weber's famous triad of systems of authority (traditional.50 In fact. Fortunately. they are far from the norm. I repeat. the city bosses of New York's Tammany Hall and the grandi elettori of southern Italy. was thus preserved for posterity and became embellished with myths (e. Diaz was killed after leading his cause for some ten years. Michoacán. the transition is fairly smooth.49 conceptually. Agrarian Warlord: Saturnino Cedillo and the Mexican Revolution in San Luis Potosí (DeKalb. that he has fought in guerrilla wars in Vietnam.'tata Eligio' to his devoted followers . Etnicidadpolítica en una comunidadpurhépecha (Zamora. represents an influential perspective. who is beautifully captured in José Eduardo Zárate Hernández. Revolución y caciquismo: San Luis Potosí. 'when confronting him. as distilled from Mexican talk and practice. as I have said. The characteristics of the cacique. this volume. Historically. of course. With this in mind. experienced a form of paralysis. 1910-38 (Mexico. 22 ) the tradition/modernity dichotomy is open to serious question. Díaz . Though called a 'cacique'. and struck fear into the hearts of his opponents (who.. I suspect. 48 Note the interesting comparative analysis of Luis Roniger.47 The point of the exercise.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . our task as social scientists is to evaluate the balance and the trends at any given time. they are representatives of patron-client systems. 'Caciquismo and Coronelismo: Contextual Dimensions of Patron Brokerage in Mexico and Brazil'. and could barely speak against him. fit quite snugly within the greater universe of political bosses/mediators/'link-men' who have been discerned in a variety of countries: consider Brazil's coronets.5' 'Rational-legal' caciquismo is a 47 Seen. involving actors of unequal staus and power. 'ideal types'.48 hervís gamonales. His reputation.stamped his personality on a militant Indian movement. I stress 'may'. and Brewster. Central America and Iran). Such systems. was renowned for his courage.. Romana Falcón. p. 'Charismatic' leaders who.41. 71-99. academic social science.g. . likely to undergo what Weber called the 'routinization of charisma'. 182. 22/2 (1987). unlike Diaz or Zapata. Though 'charismatic' caciques are not unknown. at least partially. 1984). 50 These are. and Gabriel Barrios (locally) made such a transition. caciquismo is to be located. Dudley Ankerson. who are linked by bonds of reciprocity and patronage (also unequal). Like Zapata. since (see n. also like Zapata's. since neither fair and free elections nor the rigorous impersonal and meritocratic rules of a classic Weberian bureaucracy apply. 156-64. 1984). 1985). pp. i.

of course. 'laws and rules are never a stumbling block among friends'.'I am the only law around here' . its capacity to mutate. Formal rules take second place to informal personal power. since by definition it involves systematic flouting of the law. 34. the 'good 52 Compare Weber: 'a system of imperative coordination will be called "traditional" if legitimacy is claimed for it and believed in on the basis of the sanctity of the order and the attendant powers of control as they have been handed down from the past. caciquismo in general is a distinctive form of patrimonial and clientelist authority. Politics and the Migrant Poor. with secular 'modernity'. 'Literary Evidence. even though the deals and trade-offs which are the stuff of cacical politics may be eminently rational (that is. including game theory). part I'. 'aquí no hay más ley que yo'.2 6 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . quite vigorously. which in most cases has been neither sacred nor prescriptive.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O contradiction in terms. 34. It also misconceives the very fundament of caciquismo. and twentieth-century Mexican caciquismo is a distinctive subset. 142. explicable in terms of the rational pursuit of goals and even amenable to rational-actor analysis. the product of Mexico's peculiar sociopolitical development since the Revolution. Also. 1989). 53 The first. theocracies and absolute monarchies based on the principle of the Divine Right of Kings). . the second and third are to be found in Alain Rouquié. 341 (I suspect this has suffered in translation). and to co-exist. The Military and the State in Latin America (Berkeley. Caciquismo is therefore 'rational' without being 'legal'. "have always existed'": Theory of Social and Economic Organization. to respond to changing social. p. grounded in either heredity or divine right. But these were characteristically 'traditional' and to denote caciquismo as inherently 'traditional' is to throw another large and lumpy object into an already overloaded holdall (where it consorts most incongruously with chiefdoms. I have left a few graphic phrases in the original Spanish. This arrangement is well captured in familiar dichos: 'reward your friends and punish your enemies'. p. the fourth . 2.comes from Cornelius. like Fortino Ayaquica of Atlixco in the 1920s or 'Tomás'. is Sam Gompers' well-known dicho-. p. economic and political environments. p. providing English translations in the accompanying footnotes. Modalities Thus. 'justice is for our friends and the law for enemies'. and Nason. there have been 'good' caciques. It bears some family resemblance to Weber's 'patrimonial' regimes.53 This does not mean that caciques are necessarily capricious despots (indeed. as I note below. Caciquismo is resolutely secular (which does not prevent a few curas from attaining cacical status) and it is inherently vulnerable to succesion crises. What are its distinctive characteristics? Caciquismo is arbitrary and personalist.52 and it overlooks the remarkable stamina of caciquismo. citing Marta Lynch. caciquismo differs from Weber's traditional forms of authority by virtue of lacking clear rules of succession.

p. thus recreating. downward and sideways movements. et al. Nebraska. predictable paths.).'4 Though arbitrary. 11. Leadership was thus independent of formal office . p. Mexico and its Heritage (London. 56 Rubin. 48. had been a victim). 58 Frans J. Cornelius and David Myhre {eds.244-66. the authors note. caciques may follow well-known. 1973). cacique of Huáncito (Michoacán). 'exercised absolute control over the administration of Governor Aguilar'. Caciques need not hold formal office in order to exercise power. regarding Lucio Rosales of Tolimán. Jalisco. They are not formally mapped. in part.impelled. Violence and Morality in a Mexican Village (Palo Alto. never held formal office. cacique of Juchitán for twenty years. Santos carved out an even more illustrious career for himself. the informal power of which he. this volume. local deputy.The Transformation of Rural Mexico. 128.. in Wayne A. federal deputy. as provisional president in 1929—30. pp. 57 Lola Romanucci-Ross. 1996). 1990). Juvencio Nochebuena. pp. nor did 'Don Pablo'. p. 1938-93'. (eds). 1997). but not by local residents'. served as presidente municipal of Pachuca. 'Beyond the Agrarian Question: The Cultural Politics of Ejido Natural Resources'. 'the term ["good cacique"] has been used by outside observers. some caciques . Ethnicity and Class Conflict in Rural Mexico (Princeton. El portesgilismo.'8 Gonzalo N. 61-3.. but comprise part of 'local knowledge'. But such paths are determined by messy practice. By their very nature. (Calles' Maximato is the best-known example.'7 However. senator for the state of Hidalgo. Miguel Covarrubias.a durable regional power. 1985). in the Huasteca Hidalguense. 454-5. while remaining boss of San Luis.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Of course. while retaining . 184. 2. . regardless of who happened to hold offfice at any given time'. See also José Eduardo Zárate Hernández. Michoacán] in the 1980s). four leaders 'exercised the village's real leadership whether they happened to be in office or not. caciques sometimes polarize opinion: Juan Pastián of San Andrés Tuxtla has been seen as both a fearless agrarian luchador and a vicious selfinterested cacique: cf. 59 Wil Pansters. by the rule of 'no re-election' shuttle through a sequence of offices. Conflict. . El Sur de México (Mexico. Procesos de identidad y globalización económica. longtime cacique of Huejutla. 1998).C E N T U R Y M E X I C O [ejidal\ cacique' of El Maguey [Ecuandereo. which is a major caveat. 208. p. and even general inspector of police in Mexico City. Sergio Zendejas and Gail Mummert. 55 Alvarado Mendoza. 182. on Cosme Moran of Cihuatlán. not universal principle. Organización y práctica politica (Mexico.specific offices notwithstanding . in Rob Aitken. El Llano Grande en el sur de Jalisco (Zamora. any imputation of a 'good' (or 'bad') cacique is likely to be highly subjective. p. Reforming the EjidalSector (San Diego. 1920-38 (Lincoln. especially the Huasteca Potosina. making upward. p. Agrarian Radicalism in Veracruz. Manuel Jiménez Castillo. 1928). Dismantling the Mexican State? (Basingstoke. Huáncito." Heliodoro Charis. p.59 In 54 Ernest Gruening. and Zárate. Schryer. Decentering the Regime. 311. but Portes Gil.'6 In the Morelos village studied by Romanucci-Ross. p. 160. 124. in the second case. 1978). at state level. [and] decisions were made by the same people. 'Citizens with Dignity: Opposition and Government in San Luis Potosí. pp. 1980. as de facto boss of Tamaulipas. and Heather Fowler Salamini.

Politics of the Migrant Poor. manpower and organization.6l In addition.. credit. since the 1920s the Federal army has been a force for centralization. caciquismo is not praetorianism. however. holds no elective office': Cornelius. elected) is usually required. range from material handouts (land. sporadic. it could be argued that the social control exercised by Mexican caciquismo. c. Los mazatecos. However. Rewards (pan). in the cities. The stick is also crucial: 'caciquismo is unthinkable without direct violence'.that is. but not necessarily. 64 Claudio G. protection.60 The cacique rewards his friends and punishes his enemies. effective . Vélez-Ibáñez. it's necessary to set up a person in whom they (the people) can have confidence. They also rely extensively on 60 While it is important to stress the informality of cacical power. 'Estructura de poder. it seems. caciques and army may find themselves at odds.. 237.64 The contrasting forms of repression are important. 167. 142.that 'a cacique . Mexico's rural bourgeoisie could rely on caciques.^even surgical (especially. rather than the form.caciques do not engage in wholesale violence and repression. . they lack the hardware. 62 That is not to say that all armies do so conform. formal office was sometimes the fig-leaf of caciquismo: it legitimated — and.126. where non-violent alternatives are readily available. in fact. 63 Pilar Calvo y Roger Bartra. 61 Boege. it stands poles apart from caciquismo. cash) through intermediate material-cumintangible benefits (jobs). to be sure. Rituals of Marginality (Berkeley. On both counts. 146. of political violence. good . but at state and national level some formal office (usually. rather than army bayonets. The Argentine proceso ('dirty war") was carried out by caudillo-style local and regional commanders whose principles were hardly classically Weberian. and where the political price of bloodshed may be higher).. it is surely too strong to say presumably as a general rule .g. therefore.6' But. Unlike modern armies. p. freelance pistoleros could sometimes do the army's dirty work.g. Politics and the Migrant Poor. as a provincial businessmen put it.. to 'non-material' benefits (e. in Bartra. It may be. 1983).C E N T U R Y M E X I C O such cases. in urban settlements or rural villages). that 'formality' becomes increasingly important (if only as a legitimizing figleaf) the higher up the political hierarchy one goes: unelected caciques are common at the grassroots (e.63 In the cities. clases dominantes y lucha ideológica en el México rural'. to the extent that the ideal (regular) military conforms to Prussian/Weberian standards of impersonal rules and discipline. Cacical violence tends to be low-key.. too. p. ioi. even out in the sticks. made bureaucratic authoritarianism of the Southern Cone type unnecessary: caciquismo and praetorianism represent alternative means of securing social control. to keep order: 'it's only by means of these people'. indeed.26 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 65 Cornelius. p. He follows Diaz's old maxim: pan o palo.. p. which I shall discuss more fully below. as mentioned above. pp. And this person serves as an intermediary between these people and the authorities. 'that all the people can be kept under control . in order to keep control over them'.65 However. 1950—80. which may mean shielding the client from the sticklpalo of rival caciques). augmented — an existing cacical authority. Caciquismo y poder político. if we consider the function.

p. the less any specific geographical base is likely to count: Fidel Velázquez.usually had a geographical base which went with it (e. It follows that caciquista regimes are more durable than military ones. the larger the organization. 'Estructura de poder'. to a degree. is more consensual — perhaps even 'hegemonic'. N E . 1972). the counter-revolutionary military tyrant of 1913—14. 'bureaucratic authoritarianism' is an ideal type. embracing five levels: national. Informal Politics. e. always stirred mixed feelings and. Brazilian and Chilean military put together. such as trash-combers and street-vendors. Porfirio Díaz and Victoriano Huerta: Díaz. Politics and the Migrant Poor. did not depend on a specific community or zone. we might recall. Caciques (unlike caudillos) operate at all levels of the political hierarchy. Cross. was cordially hated and has never been historiographically rehabilitated. La Quina of the oilworkers union had Ciudad Madero. Tamaulipas). 69 Cornelius. has benefited from charitable revisionist portrayals.).underpinned. don de mando which characterizes the (successful) cacique. all stick and no carrot. a good cacique is 'someone who knows how to get on with people'. on balance. Conflict. and Morality. in a sense. p. in the Gramscian sense — than bureaucratic authoritarianism. Frances Hagopian. convincingly argues that 'traditional' forms . Compare. for example.such as a sindicato .C E N T U R Y M E X I C O non-violent methods: thepan offsets the palo. regional.some would say invariably — natives. 68 Michael C. to a greater degree in cacical than in military/authoritarian 'regimes'. p. more consensual. less 'exceptional'. but. lasted 71 years — longer than the 'bureaucratic-authoritarian' regimes of the Argentine. often well-versed in gunplay. The regime of the institutional revolution in Mexico. long-time leader of the C T M . caciquismo and clientelism included. Brazilian military rule was. State Power and Social Forces (Cambridge. in. Of course. they are.including coronelismo . is a scholarly study. including the telenovela Vuelo del Aguila. resisted and to a degree subverted Brazilian 'bureaucratic authoritarianism'. (I shall present a typology later. caciques are often more fondly remembered than military despots: the latter may be appreciated (by the right) for saving the country.g. Street Vendors and the State in Mexico City (Stanford. . in practice.37-64. 67 Romanucci-Ross. Huerta: A Political Portrait (Lincoln. as I shall note. municipal and local. they are more flexible. 'Traditional politics against state transformation'.) But they are usually strongly associated with a particular territory. 142. Meyer. pp. 1994).67 As a result. caciques are almost invariably civilian. patrimonial. and the same seems to be true of the numerous petty caciques who 'represent' informal workers.66 We have noted the existence of'good' caciques.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Violence. Mexico City: see John C. the gran cacique of the Porfiriato. with some exceptions perhaps Guatemala's Ubico? — they lack the populist. 1998). indeed. in Joel S. it may represent a bundle of political practices. of course. Huerta. of which they are often . Migdal. Caciquismo. and.. Of course.69 While the 'municipal 66 Calvo and Bartra.. recently. Atul Kohli and Vivienne Shue (eds.68 And I would not anticipate record viewing figures for a telenovela — perhaps 'Pasos del Chacal'? — offering a sympathetic version of Huerta's sanguinary career. state. I suspect this is more true of Brazil than of Argentina or Chile. but its revisonist thrust is not persuasive. Even caciques who had a sectoral base . 130.g. in Tepito. though.

Cedillo (1920-38) did well for a state cacique.7' Fully-fledged cacicazgos therefore have limited life-spans. mature. weaken and die.72 Possibly the institutional props of syndical caciquismo are unusually strong. head of the local textile union. of course. 48-52. cacicazgos typically reflect a personal career. or 'link-men'. the 'national cacique' is simply unusual and. ch.75 Municipal caciques may last . 72 Jorge Durand. 1929—34). brokers. 'Caciquismo and the Revolution'. Interestingly. down to 1947. that Alvarado Mendoza is working with a different (nineteenth-century?) model of'caciquismo'. in Martínez Assad (coord. in other words. albeit in attenuated form. 'Saturnino Osornio: remembranzas de una época en Querétaro'. whereas the majority of caciques are Janus-figures. Parnell. 1997).70 If these linkages represent the cacicazgo's 'external relations'. 47. from the mid19305 to the mid-1950s. They are. Perspectivas de los movimientos sociales en la región Centro-Occidental (Guadalajara.). at the expense of its personalist/clientelist characteristics. but I am less persuaded by the notion that he was not a cacique either (p.that o f p a n o palo — has been mentioned.2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . controlled El Salto de Juanacatlán (Jalisco) for forty years. pp. among the great universe of caciques. in part. p. Juvencio Nochebuena. who have — indeed must have — links both up and down the political/cacical hierarchy. the most durable cacicazgos appear to be syndical: Fidel Velázquez lasted some sixty years at the head of the C T M . 74 Fowler Salamini. Escalating Disputes. ' Burocracia sindical y control municipal. pp. p. a comparable cacique. 198. It may be. 335-62. pp. I think. 4. Estadistas. Decentering the Regime. correctly. 8. their functions involve reconciling upward and downward 'linkages'. only inferiors. 1988). El caso de El Flavio Ramírez of Arandas (Jalisco). Sociedad y política en Querétaro (1P13-1940) (Mexico. Jalisco'. and will be further discussed later. rare. 73 Alvarado Mendoza.74 At the regional level. this volume. Santos (1938-58). because he confronts no superior cacique. Marta E. They rise. . Diaz's national cacicazgo of 35 years was a record.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O caudillo' is an oxymoron. This would seem to exaggerate the bureaucratic/corporatist quality of the Partido Socialista Fronterizo. who held power from 70 Joseph. that Portes Gil was not a caudillo (pp. See also Fernández and Maldonado. Another concerns cacical cycles. its internal relations — the 'domestic policy' of caciques — also reveal recurrent patterns. The latter argues. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. Heliodoro Hernández Loza. pp. caciques y caudillos. Given the personalism inherent in caciquismo. which summarizes the same author's Génesis del porvenir. 1986).). One pattern . 147-8. García Ugarte. as did his successor. Agrarian Radicalism-. Philip C. experienced a similar rise and fall. Portes Gil lasted from 1924 to 1936. Cornelius. Elportesgilismo. The national cacique — such as Diaz or Calles . Schryer. Juchitan's Charis lasted some twenty years. say. in Jaime Tamayo ( unusual. Social Participation and Change in the Oaxacan Highlands (Tucson. Political caciques rarely last that long. to regimes or nations. 75 Rubin. as was Osornio's in Querétaro. Politics and the Migrant Poor. 71 The 'anthropomorphic fallacy' is therefore less risky when applied to cacicazgos than. 105-6). 242. by which time his power was in decline.207). and survived. although his influence suffered a break in the early 1930s.7ä Tejeda's hegemony in Veracruz was appreciably shorter (c.

Orderly succession. Municipios en conflicto (Mexico. of course. this is blindingly obvious: the 'revolutionary' (post-1920) regime is the first in Mexican history to last. 'Formación y transformación de una oligarquía: el caso de Arandas. strictly adhered to.). 1976). at least. Tejeda. pp. Belief and Behavior in a Mayan Community (Prospect Heights. as the Mexican political system became institutionalized and civilianized. 'Atlacomulco: La antesala del poder'. In the Eyes of the Ancestors. Santos. this volume. followed by formal (often 'technocratic') office. 25.all good Machiavellian virtues.1985).80 Three generations of Figueroas. Princes of Naranja. 'Rancheros of Guerrero: The Figueroa brothers and the Revolution'. develops the Machiavellian theme to very good effect. lacks the 'force and intelligence' of his deceased father. p. a phase of factional infighting and instability. Política y sociedad en México: el caso de los Altos de Jalisco (Mexico. most of which are lost to posterity. with some real continuity of personnel and institutions. first pubd. hence succession crises are endemic. nephew of the cacique Nicolás Merino. 73. N o doubt there are many such stories of failure. Cacicazgos lack such rules. But the classic cursus honorum . and a good deal of spatial mobility. like Crisóforo Martel of the Huasteca not typically cacical (though it may well be clientelistic): it involves formal education. p. this volume. whether of hereditary monarchs or democratic presidents. 81 Ian Jacobs. a transition to a more democratic or. intuition).82 But these are far from typical. in Carlos Martinez Assad (coord. 76 Tomás Martínez Saldaña. Jalisco'. rule-governed system (more of that in conclusion). 1986). As the old cacique fades — or the not-so-old cacique is ousted the result may be a swift replacement by a new cacique. 69-70. 78 Gonzalo N. 144 below. 77 June Nash.outlined. have misgoverned Guerrero. of course. cacical systems demand a certain level of ability (intelligence. is likely to fail in his attempt to succeed. Though nepotism may be rife within cacical systems.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 80 In one sense. Labyrinths of Power (Princeton. 1985. for example. 7-26. 1970). by Peter Smith. hence it is the first to allow multigenerational political dynasties to form.77 The Achilles' heel of established cacicazgos — as of the Mexican national political system which for many years they underpinned — is the political succession. 83 Dynasties and camarillas are. and Hernández. eloquence. Note also the failure of Everardo Merino. 1978) . Memorias (Mexico.Cedillo. 137 below. As . under the aegis of an expanding central government. so the potential for quasi-hereditary cacicazgos tended to grow. never make it. as well as luck and ruthlessness .8' The Atlacomulco group has dominated the state of Mexico (and played a big part in national politics too). in Brading. beyond a long-ish generation (the Porfiriato lasted 35 years). pp. p. straightforward hereditary succession is not the norm: the 'cacique heredero' who.79 Over time. See also n. requires strict rules. familiar features of Mexican politics (the Salinas family being a case in point). 82 Alvaro Arreóla Ayala. for example. of Cihuatlán: Zárate. Portes Gil. possibly. in Tomás Martínez Saldaña y Leticia Gándara. This is another way of saying that the centralization and 'technification' of political power in Mexico have diverged from earlier cacical practices. Caudillo and Peasant.83 Other state caciques . See n. of course. courage.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O 1930 to 1945 — but they may also circulate wth some rapidity/6 Some would-be caciques.78 In other words. 76-91. 79 Friedrich. or. Santos.

this does not mean that caciquismo is moribund. pp. they are better described as 'hybrid politicians'. Escalating Disputes.86 3.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O Osornio — left no political dynasty. it merely co-exists with non-cacical political forms. the hereditary principle sometimes works. 2002).of more 'political' figures like Bartlett. of course. especially to Mexico City. I think five levels. seem to indicate a revalorization of 'political' over 'technocratic' expertise. even to the United States.26 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . 257. Madrazo and López Obrador. Schryer. 134). as the sons of caciques succeed their fathers (it is rarely the daughters. But we may be witnessing a shift away from the technocratic trend which seemed to prevail in Mexico during the last quarter of the twentieth century.. 1979). The Rancheros ofPisaflores (Toronto. accompanied by the rise . 84 Parnell. National caciquismo I turn now to my five levels oí caciquismo: national. Los caciques (Mexico. nor am I categorizing the latter trio as 'caciques' tout courf. 138. 87 N o doubt the cake could be sliced differently. economics or public administration . but also very hard work: Carlos Loret de Mola. provides the right combination of discrimination and parsimony. according ro Roderic Ai Camp. Rituals ofMarginality. Mexicans in general . although cases have been known). 69. however.certainly not at the lower levels. certainly compared to big business. and the Cartucho family of Betaza. equating 'political' with 'cacical'. luck and ruthlessness. gives examples of hereditary caciquismo (the Torres and Sesto families of Villa Alta.what we might call the technocratic turn — may provide attractive entrées into Mexico's higher political elite. which in turn has the effect of uprooting cacical offspring. Female cacicas crop up in urban communities (e. 29. it offers a way up for poor. 82. . banking. It is worth stressing that establishing . regional. in short. pp. and graduates of such studies are hardly likely to want to become caciques . I am not.8' Hence. 86 Maybe the 1990s witnessed the high point of technocracy in Mexican politics.a cacicazgo can be not only dangerous. at least for the time being. 85 On the bourgeoisie's aversion to cacical careers: Frans J. municipal and local.g. Upward mobility. p. inhibits cacical dynasty-building. corresponding to recognisable territorial units. commercial farming or national politics. 207-8. Formal education is an indifferent preparation for informal politicking. Studying law.84 Apart from the stochastic factors of ability. Vélez-Ibáñez. Oaxaca]. 64-5. acquired a somewhat cacical role in the early 1980s: Schryer. and some 'hybrid politicians' may also display cacical qualities. but sometimes works to mutual advantage. impelling them to the city. Gabriela Rojo. The decline of both the PRI's technocratic wing and the Foxista business technocracy. relatively low-income career.invest in their children's education.or resurgence . Mexico's Mandarins (Berkeley. low-level caciquismo may represent a risky. tough boys from the barrio.^. especially when it comes to grassroots provincial politics. At lower levels in the cacical hierarchy. but are rare in rural Mexico. However. p. niece of Governor Rojo Gómez of Hidalgo. like boxing.and maintaining . establishing an articulation of political modes which sometimes displays tension.87 At the top stands the president: 'the only cacique in Mexico is to be found I suggest in conclusion. 1980). state. pp. But such studies do not prepare caciques. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. one powerful factor weakening hereditary succession is that caciques .

In the censorious. post-1992 . Compare. too.not simultaneously up and down.and seeking to ingratiate himself with? .President Echeverría). which may similarly encourage decorum and respectability at the expense of violence and corruption. But the 'conditionality' imposed by foreign relations is rather different from that imposed by a superior (national) cacique on inferior caciques within the political hierarchy. This has not been a realistic option for some seventy years. 91 Alan Knight. play the classic 'Janus' role of all the rest: he looks one way . in particular. so. 2000). Puritan eyes of the United States. he must avoid seeming corrupt. Los caciques. In some periods of enhanced 'dependency' . Huey Long and Gonzalo N. Lowerlevel caciques can be more brazen. 5-30. clientelism. notably relations with the United States. at least excernally.they are at pains to exonerate themselves. First. not least by publishing massive memoirs of stupefying tedium. 'México bronco. pp. develops this argument. denial of credit.down . .on account of corruption. Santos's racy Memorias with Carlos Salinas Gortari. 92 The history of several recent presidents may seem to question this assumption. however. hence the one thing the Mexican national cacique cannot afford to do. even when presidents fall into disgrace . Mexico. The sanctions are different. US opinion. The rules of the game are different . First. in his dealings with the USA.9' Within the domestic political system. 3/1 (1996). Un paso difícil a la modernidad (Barcelona. decertification). nepotistic. trade) and penalties (non-recognition. the national cacique is subject to different demands and expectations. is to behave like a classic cacique.this relationship has imposed clear obligations and restraints. both governmental and public. frowns on cacical practices. p. presidents. the 'national cacique' is odd from a number of perspectives.This reflects the fact that the culture of US-Mexican relations contrasts with that of domestic politics. Política y gobierno. 89 In the old days the USA could also threaten armed intervention. however.The lower in the hierarchy we go. 90 No matter that the US political system has its cacical features. too. not municipal.C E N T U R Y MEXICO in Los Pinos'. the less it serves to bridle cacical excesses. whereby Mexican leaders offer their good side to the judgemental cameras of the north. afcer all.88 As already suggested. I suspect that national caciques care more for the judgement of posterity.92 Second.90 Hence the 'schizoid' syndrome. Historia de bronce. deals with national. while leaving their bad side in the obscure shadows of Mexican informality. he is the only cacique who lacks a superior. México manso: una reflexión sobre la cultura cívica mexicana'. 1940—46. the less the judgement of history counts. 52. Santos would have got along famously. therefore. the rules of the game. is the political culture. However. The USA can offer both rewards (recognition. and more 88 Los Pinos being the Mexican president's official residence: Loret de Mola. as Sánchez Vice put it (but he was addressing .89 But these sanctions are different from 'domestic' sanctions. and who does not. There is one partial and interesting objection to this generalization: the president/ cacique has to manage foreign relations. violent and undemocratic.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H .1920-23. nepotism or other quasi-cacical abuses . Weberian. for example. and they are governed by different criteria. loans. too. compared to lesser caciques. and to appeal to the judgement of history.

especially since 1940. Fiscal resources also offer a clear contrast: the president has more money. national caciques probably enjoy greater 'relative autonomy' vis-à-vis dominant classes than their regional. or. This was undoubtedly true for the second half .96 Finally. ch. pp. Cárdenas in Michoacan . brooks neither peer nor rival. and heads a complex set of bureaucracies. 230. Tejeda. Los mazatecos.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O important (if true). that. Oxford D. the point where serious analysts have depicted caciquismo. Obregón in Sonora. in Bartra. they have displayed less 'relative autonomy'. 196-7.2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H .of the twentieth century. 2. In addition.and technocratic. 'México bronco'. 94 Knight. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. endowed with these resources. recent policy has somewhat shifted resources from the federal government to state and municipal governments while. especially since the 1940s. Taken together. for which it is difficult to find regional. The classic case was Cárdenas. these qualifications may imply a diminution and/or a decentralizaion of discretionary spending. and syndical . Caciquismo y poder político. within the national political system. of course. 95 Carlos Elizondo. . national clienteles . 96 Luisa Paré. p. presidents habitually and successfully flout vested interests: since Cardenas they have done so sporadically and often unsuccessfully. The president/cacique must take foreign opinion into account. more important.which successfully transcended any regional base. See also Schryer. in contrast. to put it bluntly. municipal or local counterparts. constructing new. local or municipal counterparts. save for the unusual period of the Maximato (1928-34). Phil.94 It does not follow. thesis. p. 'Property Rights in Mexico: Government and Business after the 1982 Bank Nationalization'. may be concerned about the judgement of posterity. sometimes convincingly. including large discretionary funds. with which to build networks of patronage. some of them relatively merito. As I note in conclusion.military. have often reflected and served the interests of elites.93 This derives from a combination of factors. as a simple carapace of class rule. tried to use his Veracruz cacicazgo as a springboard to national power and failed. 1992. national caciques may start out with regional bases . all other caciques form part of a larger group. conferred on the president by his central. they have governed more egregiously at the behest of such elites . and play the role of a benign populist paterfamilias. 'Caciquismo y estructura de poder en la Sierra Norte de Puebla'. reward friends (and punish enemies). who let slip his Michoacán feudo in pursuit of national power. the president/cacique is the only unique cacique. But measures like the 1982 bank nationalization indicate a degree of'relative autonomy'. divided government and congressional oversight make discretionary spending by the federal executive more difficult. Cedillo sought to retreat to his Potosino 93 Boege. This begs a big question concerning 'dominant classes' which cannot be answered here. He therefore has both more incentive and more capacity to flout powerful vested interests. but the Mexican president. 22. campesino. hence they have their peers and rivals.95 Caciques at these lower levels. executive powers.Diaz in Oaxaca. some already mentioned.and especially the last quarter .but successful national caciquismo involves a progressive 'nationalization' of the cacique's power and clientele.

instrumental attitude to formal office. caciques included. but formal office is not the real source of power. The predominance of técnico presidents (a 'técnico cacique' would be a rare beast) confirms the odd. and it proved highly unstable. quite often.v. a fortiori. and Dudley Ankerson. Presidents who have tried to buck the trend . 'Saturnino Cedillo: a traditional caudillo in San Luis Potosí.97 But there is a major price to pay for the presidency: the unbreakable rule — perhaps the unbreakable rule — of Mexican politics. 1890-1938' . first as tragedy. perhaps. then farce. 'no re-election'. Of course. if less spectacular. or. It may also help explain both the gulf which. the subsequent revival of the políticos following the traumatic defeat of 2000. prestige and legitimacy attached to the presidency. defiance of their predecessors/mentors)99 reveals the central importance of formal office those Aztec sacrificial victims who for a time were lavishly fed and feted. 99 Zedillo's recent treatment of Salinas drew some fanciful comparison with the Cárdenas/Calles confrontation of 1934-6. do not even need to hold formal office). in Brading.C E N T U R Y MEXICO bunker. Modest ambitions thus have their rewards. separated the cupular leadership of the PRI . and came even more dramatically to grief.the president and his immediate (largely technocratic) entourage from the rank-and-file políticos of the party.e. and.. This pattern is also possible because. with the sole exception of Calles.g.this happy time will end. partial character of national caciquismo. and that it is but a prelude to their certain (political) extinction. Hence the recent trend towards the appointment of politically inexperienced presidents. men who had acquired doctorates abroad rather than elected office in Mexico. and legitimizes (prior) cacical power (some caciques. even humiliation. dispenses with it altogether.i. where the man makes the office. under Presidents Salinas and Zedillo. Given the power. indeed. This is possible given the range of options at the state/regional and.98 but does so in the certain knowledge that . hence short-lived. Formal office gilds. augments. chapters 7. Caudillo and Peasant.2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 100 See n. before finally having to climb the slick steps of the sacrificial temple . But lesser caciques/ officials can rotate: one of the arts of the cacique is to compile a c. another example. experienced rapid disappointment. 'Revolutionary Caudillos in the 1920s: Francisco Mugica and Adalberto Tejeda'. the presidency . at the national level. of history repeating itself. where one pre-eminent office prevails. Again. The Mexican national cacique enjoys enormous power for six years.ot> 97 Heather Fowler Salamini. takes a more cynical. a major crisis at the end. perhaps. 'no re-election' is not confined to the presidency. 86 above. 98 Although he usually runs into a lame-duck period during the last quarter of his sexenio and. the office can make the man. of sequential offices. we have seen. there is no political life after the presidency. 8. the Mctximato is the only national example of this dysjunction between dejureanà defacto authority. . which is quite the reverse of the classic cacical process..either flirting with re-election (e. lowerlevel caciquismo. being 'purer'. Alemán. perhaps Salinas) or seeking to control their successors (Echeverría) — have. Cárdenas' triumph over Calles (and subsequent presidents' successful. as already suggested.within the national political system. municipal/local levels.

Mexico's Mandarins. thus favouring the centralized authority of the presiden t/cacique. New institutions .2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H .g. crucial to the centralization of power. at times contradictory.101 It is a commonplace of Mexican historiography that. We should be cautious. 2002). Cumulatively. the official party. these processes built the 'Leviathan' state which has become a staple of Mexican political analysis. resulting in a plethora of Federal agencies whose tentacles reached the furthest corners of the country. the Ministries of Hacienda and Relaciones Exteriores. in the entrails of the Party or the C T M . since the Revolution. a phase (from the late 1960s through the 1970s) when state economic power — and the state payroll . second. . we find that state power was regularly stymied by vested interests. displayed more classically Weberian characteristics: the Banco de México.C E N T U R Y MEXICO The same contrast is evident if we consider the growth of the Mexican state.102 also possessed pockets of meritocracy. however. in James Dunkerley (ed. and PRI). implications for caciquismo. a phase of political stabilization (1920—40). regional and local. as the state divested itself of its swollen rent-seeking functions and conformed to principles of market efficiency and administrative transparency. a key process of the twentieth-century which has important. 101 I have discussed the make-up of the state more fully elsewhere: Alan Knight. are valuable guides to elite formation. and analysts often assumed that these would grow with the neo-liberal transformation of the 1980s and '90s.). and Ai Camp. a victim of centralized. recruitment and circulation. of course. and of the 'political culture' which underpins it. so clientelism and caciquismo were not eliminated but nationalized: for example.rapidly expanded. PAN.. The Federal government. in the process. the state has grown in size. during which regional challenges to 'the centre' were countered and central authority was enhanced and. However. civilianized. Sometimes this involved outright vetos (of socialist education in the 1930s or fiscal reform in the 1970s). Centralization did not necessarily mean 'Weberianization'. 9. involving members of all three major parties (PRI. chap. Labyrinths of Power. scope and power.have all tended to enhance national at the expense of regional and local power. presidential power. the expansion of the state was halting. national.103 Two particular phases of state growth are apparent: first. about accepting at face value this classic account of Mexican politics. Recent (2004) news from Mexico still contains a large quantum of corruption stories. the process of divestment gave great scope for corruption and cronyism. and often compromised in practice. For one thing. 'The Weight of the State in Modern Mexico'. the PVEM). contributing a goód deal to the assumption. and some minor ones too (e. In both periods. 102 Smith. Studies of the Formation of the Nation State in Latin America (London. To the extent that these burgeoning institutions embodied clientelist practices. the Federal bureaucracies and their technocratic elites . mentioned at the outset.the C R O M / C T M . that caciquismo was in terminal decline. If we 'unpack' the burgeoning state (I prefer to 'unpack' than to 'deconstruct' or 'decentre'). 103 These assumptions appear to have been overly optimistic. though itself a nest of clientelism. if sometimes misunderstood. bureaucratic. some Federal institutions.

and powerful as usually imagined. and the Evolution of Language (London. 69-76. 'ordered all future visitors from the cabecera whom he did not recognise shot on sight' (my emphasis). (4) the municipal. not . for example. 14.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . p. and. Hidalgo. superior caciques' control of lesser caciques is also subject to systemic constraints. 60. states loosely correspond to the Bourbon intendancies. are the boundaries of personal control appreciably wider than they were a generation or more ago? Does this facilitate a hands-off. 1996). phones and fax. 106 Robin Dunbar. p.this deft conversion of centralizing state power into particularistic private power — was the cacique. p. 107 This raises the interesting but difficult question of the impact of technology on caciquismo. the hegemonic party and centralized state were never as strong. but rather of the state by civil society. local caciques control communities on the basis of personal knowledge and face-to-face relations. thus producing a variety of typologies. pp. 'comparable in size to the early Mediterranean city states'. The Nahuas After the Conquest (Stanford. Grooming.106 Higher up. Escalating Disputes. where forms of indirect rule (and. I now turn to the 'classic' caciques who fulfilled this function of political mediation and reciprocal cooption.104 A key figure in this sustained political prestidigitation . 238. A good example of cacical face-to-face relations is provided by Schryer. mentions the case of a cacique. judgement and personal contact. cars. 4. In an age of roads.of civil society by the state. 'absentee' caciquismóì Parnell. At the lowest level.107 Beyond a given point — of territory and (more important) population 104 Rubin. which became the corporate headtowns of colonial Mexico and thus formed the basic building blocks of both empires. cacique of Agua Zarca. Human capacity sets an upper limit to the maximum clientele that can be maintained in this direct fashion (the figure seems to be about 150). these often correspond roughly to ancient political units: national can be equated to the old viceroyalty of New Spain. 1992). finally. David . which radiated out from the altepetl!0'' Indeed. 105 James Lockhart. pervasive. had refined such forms of political sleight-of-hand. Thus. the 'ethnic states' of Aztec Mexico. eventually. as Jeffrey Rubin has convincingly argued. Gossip. pp. Decentering the Regime. 23.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O often it involved more subtle co-optation. there may even be a deeper logic at work. municipalities are on a par with the older altepetl. My first cut produces five levels: (1) the national. for generations. in that effective control requires a measure of information. 'local' denotes the individual towns and villages (pueblos). the 'link-man' between the different levels of state authority. (3) the regional. Porfirio Rubio. 91: fearing an asassination attempt (a rival faction had just tried to poison him at a wedding banquet). 15-23. Rancheros of Pisaflores. especially by powerful propertied actors in civil society who could grapple with the tentacles of state power and turn them to their own collective advantage. functioning bureaucracy) must apply. who. Interestingly. Classic (subnational) caciquismo It may be possible to slice the layers of the political hierarchy at several different points. (2) the state. (5) the conventionally argued .

Second level caciques operate at the state level."1 State caciques always face subregional challenges: Oaxaca. 64.26 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H ."1 Such 'bottom-up' threats are all the more serious when they combine with 'top-down' pressures. as in the past. In a sense. quoting an Osornista on the 'miniature'. the hardest to sustain: 'only a man wih enormous capacity for wheeler-dealing can extend his cacicazgo over an entire state. m Loret de Mola. such as San Luis Potosi's Navismo. long-time boss of Tamaulipas. once a fortnight. In fact. This ascent may be precarious. 294. Elportesgilismo. Most combine distinct politico-ecological regions. 'Saturnino Osornio'.109 Yocupicio of Sonora was strongest in the north. delegation becomes abdication. weaker in the north. Villa the Federal government has done. which may derive from the vagaries of history as much as any ecological or economic rationale. This is a gigantic undertaking'. Sonora and the Mexican Revolution (Wilmington. but had to reckon with the centrifugal forces of the Isthmus. However. 112 Carlos Martinez Assad. technological advantages have been somewhat offset by population growth: each of the five political units I have identified have grown substantially in size since the Revolution. 335.108 Most 'state' caciques are therefore regional caciques who have achieved control of their states on the basis of a particular territorial base (inter alia). pp. State cacicazgos are perhaps."0 Cedillo and Santos ran San Luis. like Aguascalientes or Querétaro. display a rough homogeneity.156. whereby 'state' and 'region' may be considered coterminous. therefore. 151. 1930. Bantjes. thus converting it into something less classically cacical . 109 Alvarado Mendoza. only small states. and heavily dependent on a tactical alliance with the Tampico stevedores. Municipios en conflicto. I know of no study of this 'absentee-caciquismo' trend. the classic state (level 2 ) cacique is often a regional (level 3) cacique who has made it one step up the ladder. is a classic case. In particular.continue to exercise influence and authority in their pueblos of origin. 'Nava: de la rebelión de los coheteros al juicio político'. As If Jesus Walked on Earth. who commutes. We based in Mexico City or even New York . and that the imperatives of delegation affect rising caciques now. of communities where long-distance migrants . p. They are also vulnerable to concerted movements of civic resistance and democratic opposition. 1998). hence manageable. c. Or. n o See Adrian A. where state caciques usually emerged in the central valley. as Loret de Mola suggests. State governors/caciques cannot avoid presidential scrutiny and sanctions. Examples are legion: Portes Gil. and holding together a multi-regional state is a tricky business. including Juchitan. Presidents Mendiolea. . and faced challenges from the agrarista.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O control falters. Cardenismo. nature of Querétaro. from Oaxaca City to his cacical seat. pp. but their real fiefs were the Valle del Maíz and the Huasteca respectively. I suspect that face-to-face relations remain important. in Martínez Assad. p. 108 Garcia Ugarte. CTMista south. 55-74. Los caciques. the 'state' is a somewhat arbitrary unit. in seeking to maintain control. the cacique institutionalizes and bureaucratizes the system. and the superior cacique loses his grip. was strongest in the central part of the state. too.

More recently. During 1920—40 they were often violent: Cárdenas cut through a swathe of Callista state caciques in the mid-1950s. Conflicts and ousters have therefore been common. on that basis. 23-4 and Calderón (this volume). however. Sáenz. but their influence spread beyond both their native pueblo and its municipio. in the municipio of Chilchota (total population about 9. At level three and below we encounter the classic caciques.C E N T U R Y MEXICO may be too lofty to worry about regional. reaching as far as La Piedad and Pátzcuaro."3 Later. though the violence dwindled.are not easy to define. municipal or local caciques. Calderón. and was a key player in state 113 Wil Pansters. They would include Juchitán's Heliodoro Charis and Huejutla's Juvencio Nochebuena. could figure as major players in state politics. Journal of Latin American Studies. 11 June 1936."5 The size of their fiefs — and the cut-off point between them and (level 4) 'municipal' caciques. But. Presidents Avila Camacho and Alemán purged Cardenista state governors.000). Manuel Avila Camacho was a faithful follower and. . to Cárdenas. 10.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 235. his toppling of Cedillo in 1938-39 was an exemplary lesson in centre-state relations (yet. that the cases just cited involve caciques who controlled several municipios and who. Hernández García et al. 28/1 (Feb. especially given the variation in size of Mexican municipios. 1990). who have tended to dominate the recent historiography. at the same time. 1996). 117 Jimenez Castillo. Chihuahua. Ernesto Prado (and the other Prados) hailed from the pueblo of Tanaquillo (population about 400 in 1940). But they are notable for their longevity. Salinas was following an old tradition. and for the key role they have played in the construction and maintenance of the postrevolutionary political system. Cárdenas' chosen successor). 'Caciquismo in Rural Mexico During the 1920s: The Case of Gabriel Barrios'. distributed his protection and patronage widely. ultimately.. Salinas removed a clutch of state governors. the conflicts continued. 61/10. Cárdenas connived at the construction of the cacicazgo Avilacamachista in Puebla: after all. in part. Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana. whereby the national cacique sacifices state caciques on the altar of public opinion and political expediency."6 It is clear. Mugica Archive. note the sheer multiplicity (hence. throughout the Meseta Tarasca."7 Juvencio Nochebuena controlled the Huasteca Hidalguense. 116 In particular. pp. Politics and Power in Puebla (Amsterdam. 'amos y señores de los destinos de nuestra Patria Chica'. 137. for their ubiquitous archival presence. 115 Keith Brewster. Carapán. smallness) of Oaxaca's 570 municipios (a quarter of the national total). whose power radiates out from a single headtown . 114 'Lords and masters of the destinies of our Little Country': J. pp. Gabriel Barrios of the Sierra Norte de Puebla and Ernesto Prado of the Once Pueblos of Michoacán." 4 They are less celebrated than the state caciques mentioned above. this volume. this volume). already mentioned. Jiquilpán. pp. Mexico-watchers hailed a new democratic dawn. but state caciques have been a perennial threat and problem. Hudncitp. 105-28 (and Brewster. partly in response to democratic protests.

127 Mark Wasserman. but they all said. Mugica Archive. p. 158-62.124 'Jaime Lira' of Zacapoaxtla (Puebla). Alberto Dorantes of Sahuayo and the Valdespino family of Santiago Tuxpán (Michoacán). Instituto de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana 'Lázaro Cárdenas'. 1936. 175-6. the Licóns of Meoqui. 4 Aug. Michoacan.could not have managed. and 'Marcos Calvo' of Mixquiahuala (Hidalgo). the cemetery. Remedios Rodríguez to Mugica. an organic . 47-8."8 Some regional caciques. 99. owe their longevity to presidential favour: presidents do not mind perpetuating regional caciques. 2. Ethnicity and Clasi Conflict. 'Caciquismo'. see also Calderón. Jiquilpán. Their territories are manageable: the 'regions' of 'regional' caciques (for example. 120 Cárdenas still exercised palanca (leverage) in 1970. 217. and the president of the cooperative. N C .127 Emilio Vargas of Huazalingo and Andrés Guillén of Chililco. Rituals of Marginality. p. archivo particular de Emilio Portes Gil. Don Flavio of Arandas and Don Melchor of Paracho. Brewster. 126 Jesús Gamboa to Cárdenas. 122 Agustín García to Cárdenas. 176. shorly before his death: Vélez-Ibáñez. in fact. Persistent Oligarchs (Durham. 1993). lasted up to twenty years. 119 Rubin. pp. 'Caciquismo in Rural Mexico'. Such longevity suggests an ability to resist challenges. and Romanucci-Ross. 1933.state governors. Dirección General de Gobierno. 'Habitus and Homicide'. A G N .120 Regional (level 3 ) cacicazgos are usually built on the basis of lesser (level 4) municipal cacicazgos-. p. vol.122 the Caso clan of Naranja. the juez. Charis) were raised along with Cárdenas and. not to mention presidents . 68 T-6. 'Arturo Martínez' of Zimapan (Hidalgo). Martínez Vázquez. doc. 24. in Puebla). 124 Knight. . the Huasteca Potosina) tend to reflect a certain economic and ecological unity. Conflict. 10 Feb.126 the Medina family of Balleza. and 'hasta el último puesto de gendarme'. 127-42. A considerable crop of caciques (Prado. perhaps. which points out that the Valdespino family currently provide the presidente municipal. whether of cacical rivals. on the outskirts of Mexico City. like Charis and Nochebuena. 2/ 321 P(i2) 1613. and the Salidos of Guazapares (all Chihuahua). the president of the ejidal the case of Juchitán an ethnic — solidarity which states often lack. Princes of Naranja. pp.125. 125 Paré. caja 99.123 Fernando Basurto Limón of Zacoalco (Jalisco).121 José Mozo of Tlalnepantla. pp. rotating (or spurning) office in a way that superiors . ch. 115. sotto voce. Many. 118 Schryer. lamenting that 'things had got to the point where no one consulted the municipal president or town council. A G N .C E N T U R Y MEXICO politics (as Gabriel Barrios had been. 25 June 1940. 123 Friedrich. but they would balk at perennial state governors. a decade earlier. or of broader civic opposition movements. thanks to their close personal identification with el general.2 6 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . the jefe de armas. 121 J. they enjoy. 'Despojo y manipulación campesina'. Nochebuena.125 Pablo Peña and Amado Palacios of Nuevo Laredo. Decentering the Regime."9 Regional caciques usually pose no serious threats to presidents. that Pablo and Amado fixed everything'. flourished long after Cárdenas had left Los Pinos. this volume. while also controlling the civil registry. p. Violence and Morality.

lower level caciques are vulnerable to the vicissitudes of power higher up. when a succession of military revolts and national factional disputes produced rapid turnover of caciques at the lower levels .'33 Even parish priests can figure as local caciques (which is not altogether surprising if one recalls the role of colonial curas. 5. 129 Paul Friedrich. Magistrates of the Sacred (Stanford. the formal offices occupied by local caciques are highly variable: they may be political officials. even street blocks)'32 are like hidden capillary roots. Rituals of Marginality. 'only schoolteachers. 1977 ) and Princes of Naranja. face-to-face quality of patron-client relations. 144. 141-2. on municpal turnover in Chiapas. bidding to become a regional cacique at least equal to Ernesto Prado. Local caciques who combine cargo positions would be the closest to (Weberian) 'traditional' authorities (see n. had to content themselves with municipal status. 88. 131 Or caciquitos-. given the small size of their home base.'34 Some local caciques are remarkably durable: in San Miguel El Alto (Jalisco) a municipal secretary.g. the work of aggressive state governors. pp. and Parnell. 'mini-caciques''3' . teachers (the maestrocacique is a common phenomenon) or. roughly 'elders'.caciquillos. Many other examples could be given. Escalating Disputes. or mobilization from below. government employees. 270. and merchants are candidates for cacique status': Parnell. The schoolteacher/whitecollar cacique appears to have become the norm in some regions: in the Villa Alta district of Oaxaca. p. pp. 134 William Taylor. cacical units cannot sprawl extensively. The latter. digging deep into the earth. villages. 393. and this was particularly true during the turbulent period c. 1997). Mugica to Cárdenas.'35 128 Schryer. p. 1988). principally the Casos. For cura-caciques: James Greenberg. Even municipal caciques therefore need client caciques . and his successors in Naranja.129 As the Tapia case illustrates. the Casos of Naranja were in some ways punching above their weight. Again.. police. held formal office and a good deal of informal power uninterruptedly for thirty years. Política y sociedad en México. hence the greater durability of cacicagos at both regional and municipal level. drawing sustenance for the proliferating branches above. whether by means of preferment from above. . 135 Leticia Gándara Mendoza. in Martínez Saldaña and Gándara Mendoza. 40.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O junior allies of Nochebuena in Hidalgo. Agrarian Revolt in a Mexican Village (Chicago.'30 Following the mid-i930s greater stability prevailed. who hold sway over local communities (pueblos.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . in 'traditional' Indian communities. Blood Ties (Tucson. these municipal cacicazgos offer the possibility of promotion. Even by maintaining a 'level 4' (municipal) cacicazgo. immune to the strictures of no reelección. analysed by William Taylor). pp. 'La evolución de una oligarquía. 133 See Rus.usually. judges. 28 June 1938. this volume. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. for example. the local level (five). ancianos.118 Apart from being necessary cogs in the great cacical machine. 179. p. 130 E. Mugica archive vol. whose authority derives in part from their place in the cargo system. briefly transcended his local and municipal roots. El caso de San Miguel el Alto'. it seems. Vélez-Ibáñez. but his death curtailed the process. 1920-35.187. 41). Primo Tapia. Escalating Disputes. i9-2off. p. 132 Vélez-Ibáñez. the great agrarian cacique of Naranja. Given the personal. Rituab of Marginality.

fair-weather allies of radical governor Felipe Carrillo Puerto . The Fernández family 'have the reputation of being caciques and killers'. Cacical modus operandi Having sketched the typology.1940 greater stability was achieved. pp. under the auspices of the PRI. this could create an optical illusion of party hegemony which would be unwarranted. radical figures. indeed. 1220. though elections were regular and. relying on pistoleros. One 'structural' reason might be that the 1920s and '30s were years of endemic political instability when. see 'Alcaldes estilo mexicano'.26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . three. and caciques more faithfully reflected local vested interests.19 March 2002. a local peasant observes. especially from the late 1920s to the late 1980s. priests and elites. local caciques may be weak. Caciques face 'upwards' and have certain obligations to their superior patron(s). hence the PRI figured as a broad church. 'Caciquismo and the Revolution'.890) run by the Fernández family since 1965. However. In polities with a competitive — though caciquista — electoral system. however. pp. comments a civic activist. as I have sáid. but can endure. Tammany Hall's Boss Tweed was a Democrat. and. Usually . 137 I suspect this may be more true of post-1940 than before. In Mexico. it is the cacique's mobilization of the vote which counts for most. 212-17. PRI) won the vast majority of elections. aspirants to office were strongly advised to work within its ranks. After c. where a crude form of electoral pluralism existed long before the political reform and national apertura of the 1980s and '90s. the PNR and PRM). Colombia follows the Spanish pattern. and competition for office was conducted within the party. in the sure knowledge that the (internal) winners would gain electoral office. 8-9. caciques were usually members and servants of that party.and at levels two and three almost invariably caciques worked for the^PRI (or its predecessors. 'it is the rancho of the Fernández'. such caciques usually carry party labels. 'Tekapán is not a municipio'.brief.137 5. I want to give some attention to the cacical modus operandi. Since the dominant party (PNR.C E N T U R Y MEXICO The local caciques of Yucatán . local caciques were sometimes popular. . where the cacique's 'Janus' character is most apparent. during which time a father. Proceso. and hounding opponents from the community. Sagasta and Cánovas each headed a hierarchy of Liberal and Conservative caciques. 2. in some cases continued to prosper.survived his fall and. they were to a degree sui generis.'36 Indeed. Given the near-monopoly of the PRI. in Spain. significant. his two uncles and three of his sons served as municipal presidents. furthermore. The internal competition therefore counted for more than the public election. a Yucatán pueblo (pop. especially as it applies at levels two. one is tempted to formulate a rule of thumb which states that cacicazgos are potentially durable in inverse proportion to their scope and power: presidentcaciques are short-lived but very powerful. Only at the lowest level was there some slippage. notably in the multiple municipios of Oaxaca. For a good example of enduring local caciquismo. no. at odds with local landlords. and four. which focuses on Tepakán . PRM. During the 136 Joseph. at times.

In the Huasteca Hidalguense. caciques had to get out the vote. 455. PRM. coupled with a positive television presence. hence the famous 'Soviet' precincts of the PRI. 142 Schryer. for some examples). 464. Thus. 'outsiders were always impressed by the large turnout of "Nochebuena's Indians" and the hospitality provided at the local banquets'. 125. 208. 119. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. given that the result was largely a foregone conclusion. 141 The PRD. El Universal. lists casualties. Apart from elections. However. See also Knight.275. internal competition was brisk.and perhaps their rivals too'4' — now need to get the vote out as never before. lower level caciques had a part to play: less by way of fixing the election of PRI candidates against all comers. Only since the late 1980s have such results become anomalous. a degree of violence.'38 Of course. 453. democractic. where the party racked up 90—100 per cent of the vote. 139 A G N . the corporate PRI achieved greater 'top-down' control over these internal processes of selection.'43 Caciques also have some responsibility for order: the best cacique is 138 Gruening. p. Vicente Fox won the 2000 election on the basis of a loose. has always shared some of the genetic material of its political parent (including some cacical genes).'40 Victory was pretty much assured. 1938-46) consolidated. Dirección General de Gobierno 99.there is no PAN machine. 443. 140. however. than by brokering the choice of PRI candidates .'39 But. Later. so the role of local caciques in some regions may have grown. 140 González Casanova. A massive majority reflected credit on the cacique. 488.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O 1930s. especially prior to the 1940s. especially post-1940. 458. and the party primaries (plebiscitos) were often boisterous affairs. 2/311 P(i2). business. presidents — to the locality. 469-70. diverse. . whether to mount political demonstrations at the right time and place or to welcome visiting dignitaries — governors. Rituals ofMarginality. Mexico and its Heritage. 433. State and local elections demand somewhat different assets and approaches. p. electoral coalition (the 'friends of Fox'). the pressure of political competition seems likely to select for some cacical practices (see Eisenstadt. 1939-38. There is also abundant archival information.'42 The palanca (leverage) of city bosses could be measured by the number of buses they filled. but also a measure of mass participation. 143 Vélez-Ibáñez. is a rich source: see pp.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . being in part an offspring of the PRI. 'Habitus and Homicide'. come election day. since the embattled PRI . even violent. p. a potential paradox lurks here: to the extent that democracy has prospered and electoral competition has become more vigorous. there was a ritualistic quality to the exercise. Either way. I repeat. while these do not have to be cacical in character (they can perfectly legal. and they used a range of methods to do so (July 1940 was a notorious instance). corrupt. caciques have — or had — a range of obligations to their superiors.which looked good and humiliated the opposition — became the goal. as the new official party (PNR. One standard criticism of the PAN has been that it lacks grassroots organization . 'Electoral Federalism'. They owe political support in a more generic fashion: they have to get people on to the street. involving fraud. could be a messy. 425. p. p.which. and transparent). 16 July 1940. Democracy in Mexico. so overwhelming victory .

There is evidence that. especially in a fairly opaque polity like Mexico. Diaz was ill-informed by some state caciques. filtering information in and out. Cambridge History of Latin America [6/2]: Latin America Since 1930: Economy. they were therefore ignorant of the fact that I had been in charge of the wild politics of San Luis for nearly four years and I new all the tricks of the trade. Christan Science Monitor. And we may presume that. In return for fulfilling such obligations to the satisfaction of his superior(s).2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H .has remained strong. they themselves were by their own municipal caciques lower down the cognitive chain. so cacical hierarchies were increasingly linked by direct conversations. The files of both Presidentes and Gobernación bulge with provincial reports (not all from recognisable caciques.analogous. as the telephone replaced the telegraph.'44 Particularly important. Society and Politics (Cambridge. rhetorically asking. victims of the repressive regime of Governor Rubén Figueroa ('Mexico's most notorious cacique'. Los mazatecos ante la nación. arriving in Mexico City in the mid-i92os. still less television or airplanes. 14 March 1996). 'State Organization in Latin America Since 1930'. the cacique may be in a strong position. In some cases. capable of filtering political intelligence in and out of his territory. 236. it has been said. to the detriment of central government comprehension. where the 'cognitive capacity"46 and political reach of the central government are limited. to British colonial 'indirect rule' . Memorias. the cacique is a source of information and political intelligence. pp. 46-7. in good cacical style. as. in 1993. Figueroa was removed from office. he allegedly stated. perhaps especially in some southern states. for fear of derailing the NAFTA negotiations. But it may also be that — over years if not decades — the caciques of Chiapas self-interestedly screened out 'negative' intelligence. after repeated protests and inquiries. and the politicians in Mexico City knew only the most celebrated national leaders. by 1910. in Leslie Bethell (ed. where the media have been traditionally coy. We know that Diaz maintained a detailed correspondence with governors and jefes políticos. Knowledge is power. perhaps. Santos. the central government no doubt chose to ignore signs of impending insurrection. and where rumour. Guerrero. 'are we or are we not the authorities?'.'47 In Chiapas. cabal and camarilla flourish. cacical power . in June 1995. p. Gobernación should know when a leaf falls in the selva lacandona. found his intimate knowledge of Huasteca politics a valuable asset:'45 in those days there were no long-distance telephones. Figueroa alleged that they were involved in armed subversion: 'they came for a war and they got a war'. 146 Laurence Whitehead. the 144 Seventeen people were killed at Aguas Blancas. 'Local knowledge' can be crucial. p. 280. while egregious repression may be the signal for the intervention of the centre (Aguas Blancas being a recent example). it is true). But. A year later. no radio. Gonzalo N. though not the great mysteries of the capital'. gossip.The growth of the state's reach and cognitive capacity has presumably curtailed this phenomenon. 1996).C E N T U R Y MEXICO one who incurs few headlines.). 147 Boege. . 145 Santos.

454. if he can keep the local constituency 'happy'. public works. pp. 149 Peter F. Paré. One clear. 1981). . 28. and the prestige of political junkets. Amilpas versus Soyaltepec in Oaxaca. Conflictos por tierras en el Valle de Oaxaca (Mexico. 52. Greenberg. Guerrero.C E N T U R Y MEXICO cacique can expect some benefts in return: political protection from above. 151 Guardino. 'head towns' (cabeceras) strive to retain control of their 'subject towns' (sujetos) while the latter seek independence. 150 There is a large literature. Most cacical activity therefore concerns state. though not necessarily total rejection). 1996). but also collective benefits (roads. Chatino Peasant Religion and Economics (Berkeley. In particular. like caciquismo. they are converted into distributive resources for the cacique himself . the two phenomena are inseparable. are older.'50 Higher up. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. Princes of Naranja. the image oï gemeinschaftlich 'closed corporate communities' needs serious qualification. 'Caciquismo'. irrigation) for the community. Guardino.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 136. ch.1976). 451. Santiago's Sword. schools. 119.'5' More generally. pp. for. 1. than the Upper Paleolithic'. Peasants. Either way. see also Greenberg. Indeed. it divides pueblos (hence. in fact.quite complex — activity under three headings: factionalism. and probably mutually supportive. p. it may divide communities (internally). 198. 1800-57 (Stanford. is a useful overview. roads.'48 access to patronage. at least. or local brokerage. But since factionalism.'49 Factionalism — the organization of social and political conflicts around rival patron-client networks of some longevity — occurs at different levels. pp. 5a: Factionalism Factionalism and caciquismo appear to be inseparable. 215. municipal. it demands some sort of rough disaggregation. 72-3. and patronage (pan). Friedrich. Peasants. But caciques also mediate between factions. which makes him a 'good' or. Factionalism is also ancient: Peter Guardino's description of late colonial village politics embodies elements which are to be found throughout postrevolutionary Mexico. violence (palo). it is these downward linkages which count for most in the cacique's modus operandi.'52 Land. neighbouring pueblos confront each other. or pit rival communities against each other. Philip Adams Dennis. 152 Schryer. Caciques often manipulate factions to their own advantage . In that many of these represent not simply individual rewards (cash for the cacique or jobs for his cronies). p. variant is the battle for power and political supremacy fought within the formal politico-administrative structure: this may be termed spatial factionalism. recurrent. is Protean. forests 148 Gruening. Politics and the Foundation of Mexico's National State. a tolerable cacique. p. I will discuss this . he has discharged his primary function in the eyes of those above. Rival pueblos struggle for pre-eminence (or emancipation).cacical battles for power are essentially factional. goes further: ' what I have called cacical processes are of course nothing new.part of the pan he scatters among his own clients. pp. James B. At the lowest level. Mexico and its Heritage. Santiago's Sword. vying for resources and recognition: Yahualica versus Atlapexco in Hidalgo. 28-30.

on Zuno's 'horrible and insatiable lust for power'. power appears as an end in itself. 'Caciquismo'. that the decline of barrio rivalry has made for a more peaceful ambience. p. p. p. considerations of naked power and personal rewards bulk large. ix. notes the parallel.perhaps even more common . hombre. Princes of Naranja. factionalism appears as a kind of Hobbesian 'zero-sum-game'. 143. p. Violence. there remains a rough congruence. 157 Romanucci-Ross. catch the 153 Greenberg. 160 'Questions of skirts'. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. 158 Schryer. . are driven by the libido dominandi. 72. a continuity of family and clientele loyalty over time. 202.'55 Needless to say. 144. Conflict.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O and water rights all figure as prizes in conflicts which may endure for generations even to the point where the distant origins of the conflict are lost in the mists of time. similarly familial factionalism: factional struggles organized around key families and their clienteles. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. and Morality. 159 'It's a battle of equals. de quítate tu para ponerme yo'. though by no means indifferent to material rewards.'62 Their factional followers. pp. What lies behind such factional disputes? On the face of it. amoral. within communities. 442.even pitched battles like the 1937 'Nopala War' in the Juquila district of Oaxaca . Compare Gruening. Whether spatial or familial. in which each actor struggles for advancement in a ruthless.26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Mexico and its Heritage. Mitla. Rancheros ofPisaflores. Town of Souls (Chicago. p. 37. 161 Friedrich. converting them into something like the 'hereditary hatreds' of Colombia. 243. man. p. 120. along the lines of Verona's Montagues and Capulets. Santiago's Sword. and Morality. 155 Gruening. 156 Paré. p. 68. 162 Vélez-Ibáñez. p. 197. 446. the lust for power. p. spatial factionalism is common.'6' Defeat can even engender a psychological collapse.reinforce such allegiances. (This analogy suggests a second element: power means patriarchy. such factions are usually headed by caciques (there are even examples of caciques promoting fictive feuds in order to enhance their own power). 29. 115. however.'56 Like spatial factions. hatred is long'). Rituals of Marginality. p. 154 Schryer. unprincipled world: 'es pleito entre los mismos. Caciques.'57 and local politics come to revolve around 'violent peasant entrepreneurs'. Schryer. p. Many more cases could be cited. Ethnicity and Class Conflict. Greenberg. Schryer. these family feuds can also acquire a life of their own. p. p. 134. to get you out to put me in': quoted by Bantjes. too. Rival barrios contest for pre-eminence and political office. 7. and a distinct set of factional disputes appear to have been provoked and perpetuated by 'cuestiones' de faldas').'54 A second variant .'59 It is the politics of the baboon troop writ large. Mexican counterparts of the Mafia or Camorra. 474. 1936). pp. Conflict. Violence.'60 In many cases.'58 Though families — real and fictive — may often split apart on the rocks of factionalism. RomanucciRoss. Blood Ties. They are prosecuted though decades and generations ('friendship is short. As If Jesus Walked the Earth. Mexico and its Heritage. Princes of Naranja. pp. 74.'53 Meanwhile. Friedrich. 51. which also notes. Recurrent conflicts . Elsie Clews Parsons .

Caudillo and Peasant.'04 Agraristas versus ricos was a common pattern in factional disputes. El costo social de un éxito politico (Chapingo. this volume.'68 Dyadic rivalries.'69 Hence caciques. By the same token.'66 Some 'agrarian' caciques were distinctly opportunistic.'03 The affarista leaders — later caciques — of the Laguna waged a similar war in the 1930s. 10. Ethnicity and Class. too. Four such identities seem to recur (and they may blend and permutate in complex ways). However.'6' As a result. factional struggles often seem to reveal an underlying rationale. 1920—40: apart from the well-known level 2 agrarian caciques (Cedillo. vol. To put it more simply. Cárdenas). collective factionalism is a logical form of self-protection (again.'67 others. We tend to envisage the classic postrevolutionary cacique along the lines of the mestizo boss Don Melchor of Paracho. in Brading. The Ejido: Mexico's Way Out (Chapel Hill. 54. 1. in the abstract at least. Eyler Simpson. are coloured by ethnicity. Schryer. graphically described by Carleton Beals. caciques therefore 'represent' collective identities and struggles. see n. 435. 'State Governors and Peasant Mobilization in Tlaxcala'. They are not mere struggles for power and position. join 'em. 165 Gruening. 9. respected by their peasant followers. come in various ethnic shades. 266-7. of course. pp.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 167 Raymond Buve. 164 Tomás Martínez Saldaña. of rational-choice models and game theory). 1980). 366. . paid a heavy price for their radicalism. too. 358. the radical agrarian cacique became a stock figure of Mexican local politics. p. there was crop of lesser (level 3 and 4) caciques. Indian Yahualica confronts mestizo Atlapexco.87-9. caciques lead factions which embody a certain collective identity. 1986). In the 1920s Primo Tapia and the agrarian caciques of Michoacan captained their agraristas in a bloody struggle against the landlords and their allies. p. Mexico and its Heritage. we note the relevance. Juan Pastián. not 163 Friedrich. see also Boyer. inter alia. 168 Alan Knight. Ernesto Prado. were genuine luchadores. notably where a mestizo cabecera dominates Indian dependencies. Tejeda. Mugica. more negatively. pp. Both internal and external conflicts often exhibit an ethnic dimension. Or. pp. such as Primo Tapia.C E N T U R Y MEXICO crumbs from the cacical table (and hope one day to sit below the salt themselves). there is an obvious class rationale. Some. On Pastián. Agrarian Revolt. especially during the turbulent period c. Conflict. evident. First. whose inhabitants disparage the Indiada of their neighbouring community. 169 Schryer. the imperatives of this Hobbesian world compel families and individuals to play by its remorseless rules: individual altruism spells disaster. A second rationale was (and is) ethnicity. The Mexican Revolution (Cambridge. 119. in Gobernación reports (and one assumes that Gobernación informants were not usually doctrinaire Marxists who imposed such class labels). 166 On the latter. Both internal (intra-community) and external (inter-community) factional battles may be premised on class allegiances. ch. feared by their landlord enemies. Rancheros of Pisaflores. 245. but Indian caciques — and these are 'caciques' in the generic sense. and 'Young Flores' of Pisaflores. like Primo Tapia. 1936). for all their cacical corruption and violence. if you can't beat 'em.

Escalating Disputes. or reflect. ch. In all such situations. Conflict. Escalating Disputes. 7 (the balneario)-. 53-4. community fissure. A third rationale concerns 'natives' and 'newcomers'. of course. p. A single public works or educational project can. however. which. Mexican Maze (Philadelphia. in some cases.112. in seeking to defend fiestas or cargo systems). for example. 24. 1931). caciques play a major role. but has been scarcely studied in any systematic comparative fashion. external influences have tended to follow the market (hence. INI. this volume. Simpson. 38. PRONASOL. 479. electricity.g. 34-5. 'autonomist' for 'conservative' and 'cosmopolitan' for 'progressive').C E N T U R Y MEXICO the old colonial sense — are legion. external influences included land that groups are often defined in terms of their espousal or rejection of external influences (in this sense. 'radical' and 'cosmopolitan' roughly went together. For Don Melchor of Paracho. ethnicity and place-of-origin already mentioned. Protestantism. has provoked conservative. Escalating Disputes. 65-6. 'Conservatism' in this respect is not the same as political conservatism. The Ejido. p. pp. (the Escuela Técnica Agropecuaria). Conflict. 'Progressive'. 38-9. Violence and Morality. These may not follow any prior class or ethnic attachment. notably in Chiapas. Conflict. (There are several variations on this theme: tontos!correctos. bus lines. conflicts of this sort have tended to increase. It seems to pit those committed to 'change' or 'progress' against those who cleave to 'custom'. this vague dichotomy may mask. Violence and Morality. Clearly. Los mazatecos. 174 Romanucci-Ross.'73 The key point . 209.'70 Indeed. caciques broker relations between communities and 'outside forces'. other divisions. In the 1930s. pp. CONASUPO. 'underlying' allegiances. cerrados!civilizados)'1* It follows that no class or ethnic group has a monopoly of either stance. 171 Romanucci-Ross.'74 Finally. newcomers to the community. say. 172 Romanucci-Ross. and 'influences' may vary greatly over time and place. including those of class. and increased migration. anticlericalism and unionization. More recently. apparently irreducible to prior. in opposition to 'natives'. for example. one might substitute.. pp. while well-to-do elites may oppose them. p. the old ways. It concerns 'conservatives' and 'progressives'. socialist education. recent political and ethnic mobilization has probably added to their number. pp. 34—jff. Some factions appear to recruit migrants. . with population growth. By definition. 59. popular Indian groups may reject 'progress' and espouse 'conservatism' (e.which helps explain the apparent ideological indeterminacy of this alignment . costumbrista reactions. Catholic. tourism) as well as federal government initiatives of a less socially radical kind: roads. Clearly. p. provoke a deep factional schism within a community. II. 'tradition'. But it also appears in a free-standing form. Parnell. Parnell. 173 Parnell. conventionally defined .2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . Boege. see Carleton Beals. Violence and Morality. both governmental and non170 Rus. a sui generis 'external influence' which similarly provokes factional responses along 'conservative/progressive' lines is.'7' A final rationale is remarkably common. consumer goods.

a dominant cacique establishes his authority. long-term cacicazgos. Rivalry and insecurity may be all the greater the higher up the hierarchy we proceed (from level five up to level two). as Gonzalo N. at most. can also generate chronic violence: for example in the Puebla and Veracruz textile factories of the 1930s. Here we find ourselves repeating Dahl's old question: who governs? Or.'77 Romanucci-Ross describes a similar arrangement in a Morelos community.124. Assuming the rivalry is real and not fictive in the first place. precisely because of its more discreet. A second pattern might be called collective caciquismo. It is harder to discern. the diarchy may be chronically violent or watchfully peaceful). . Memorias. we have seen.must be ever watchful against upstart rivals. 'Citizens with Dignity'. Politics and the Migrant Poor.5 Nationally. however.unsuccessfully to eliminate the intransigent CROMista rump. Santos's remarkable career is traced in Santos. and Claudio Lomnitz-Adler. P. 1938. First. p. so.overly schematic. Santos did in San Luis. I think four outcomes are evident.'80 In such situations the 'centre' 175 Cornelius. Violence and Morality. which. establish a rough stand-off (the Verona syndrome. do the caciques who lead them. 47. or successfully mediating among them from a position of strength. and dominant caciques — like alpha baboons . 158. who wins? At the risk of being .'78 If cacical unity can be maintained. this is a highly stable system. just as factions assume 'conservative' as against 'progressive' stances. 3 Feb. can produce highly stable.7S And. State Department Records (Internal Affairs of Mexico) 812. While the cacique/factional phenomenon can thus be disaggregated in terms of underlying rationales.again . has brooked no rival and who. the stronger cacique must be unable or unwilling to crush his rival (hence. Elsewhere in the hierarchy. since it attracts less comment or criticism. collective character. 255. it can also be analysed in structural (game-theoretic?) terms. 249. It may be harder to research. either crushing his rivals. where the aggressive C T M sought .'79 Syndical factions. usually captaining rival factions. 39. 'La evolución de una oligarquía'. 263. Romanucci-Ross. avoiding internal dissent. A good example is that of Arandas. Veracruz. 177 178 179 180 Gándara Mendoza. Conflict. 176 Rubin. 1995) chap. where four. such security is a rare luxury. where two caciques. Decentering the Regime. sequences of these four 'outcomes' unfold. this is the usual position of the president who. For this to occur. given the complexity and circularity of some cacical stories. A third pattern is one of unstable diarchy. however. pp. Vela Rodrig uez to Departamento Autónomo de Trabajo. given the Hobbesian world of caciquismo. to State Department. or. pp. Las salidas del laberinto (Mexico. Burt.504/1703.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . collectively resisting challenges.. five or six leaders shared power. 11. we might call it). as Charis did in Juchitan. even capable of selfreproduction across generations (something which father/son cacical dynasties rarely achieve). too. Pansters. mediates among lesser caciques and would-be presidents.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O governmental. p. We are dealing here not with one egregious individual — the classic cacique of folklore and fiction — but with a power-sharing group.17. since the mid-i930s.

. as they entered the political and agrarian struggles of post1910. they meted out harsh treatment to their opponents. At least two broader historical argument are also important. A second factor is drink. p. this volume. from an early age. 479. it is also the case that inebriation offers a valid plea in mitigation of violent crime. I am a deputy and you can't arrest me'. as Paul Friedrich showed. potential caciques (in his case. it proved politically effective. Hudncito. the 'Princes of Naranja') were. conspires with judicial leniency in promoting acquittals. I killed him. Persistent Oligarchs.2 6 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . 'Habitus and Homicide'. Whatever the legality of the claim. 198 Joseph. 195 Romanucci-Ross.. notes the influence of constitutional inviolability (the 'political fuero') in the 1920s: as Diputado Enrique Hernández Alvarez boasted to the police.'97 caciques are also be to found running cantinas.does not seem to have disappeared. 215. Mexico and Its Heritage. there are certainly aspects of Mexico's judicial and political systems which have militated against successful depistolerización. p. 'Organized Crime and Political Corruption in Ciudad Juárez. 197 Jiménez Castillo. p. p. but the notion of elite impunity . 'Caciquismo and the Revolution'. recidivism is frequent. provoked by the drunkenness and lust for blood of Margarito Gómez. too.notably in the border towns during Prohibition — bootleg operations (which reminds us that the narcotraficantes of today stand in an old tradition). stills and . Gruening. inured to harsh treatment. It is worth noting. Violence and Morality. pp. pistoleros can get away with murder. 1928-1937'.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O especially in association with caciquismo? I shall suggest some historical and functional arguments. Mexico and Its Heritage. shortly after shooting and killing Senator Manuel Hernández Galván in a Mexico City restaurant in 1936: 'Yes. 456. too. 2004. Princes of Naranja. 116. violence and abuse. First. Quite literally. Times may have changed since the 1920s. June 1925 'Sunday night there was skirmishing between the Rivapalacistas and the Dariolopistas .with drink seems clear. but there are a couple of broader 'psycho-social' considerations which may be mentioned. there can be 194 Friedrich. 4ff. the Mexican legal system takes a lenient view of crimes of violence. p.'98 In Chiapas the association of liquor and 'entrepreneurial caciquismo ' seems to have been particularly close (witness the Pedrero brothers' cacicazgo of the 1940s and '50s). hence in favour of continued poitical respect of both corruption and crimes of violence . of whom it is said that he shot at a bootblack just because he wore a Dario López emblem'. Masters diss.'94 It is not surprising that. pp. of course. . The association of violence . 136. 196 Knight. the intimate assocation of caciquismo with liquor: not only do caciques ply their clients with drink (it is a classic form of cheap patronage). Not only are crimes of violence regularly associated with borracheras-.. Conflict.political and apolitical . Nicole Mottier. Sentences tend to be short. but look at my fuero. Gruening. First. 131-7. 143. while the search for a macho personality easily degenerates into circular reasoning. Oxford University. pp. 199 Lewis.'99 Thus.'95 More generally. Wasserman. 484. Mexico.'96 The arbitrary authority of the cacique. gives an example from the State of Mexico. 473.

pp. the ageing national political elite stopped killing each other. 437. Carapán. Armed caciques (petty caudillos) gradually gave way to civilian caciques. the Mexican Revolution schooled young men in the use of the weapons and then . like Manuel Parra of Veracruz.both political and budgetary . Antonio Santoyo. In addition. . and adopted more decorous means of sanctioning defeated enemies (note Cárdenas's gentle treatment of Calles). La Mano Negra. The latter did not eschew violence. 136-7. in particular. various junctures . Sáenz. Wasserman. but they possessed a broader repertoire of political resources. Governors like Almeida of Chihuahua rose through the ranks of the defensa social-. social and unsocial. 1928-43).203 Over time. political 200 Schryer. 202 Gruening.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O no doubt that the legacy of the armed revolution was an armed society.23. The Ejido. quotidian and even acceptable. The defensas sociales. as conventional political warfare waned. Gabriel Barrios of the Sierra Norte de Puebla. As a result.202 The political colouration of this violence varied as much as cacical politics itself. second. 132. p. 433. conventional political warfare waned slowly: the military revolts of the 1920s. 201 Simpson. Cárdenas appears to have benefitted Parra's local cacicagzo. it also erupted in the national capital. 37-8. by the 1930s that need had diminished. Poder regional y Estado en México (Veracruz. when 'the [Federal] soldiers [garrisoning the town] came running and were joined by our boys here in town who still had guns from the revolution'. the central government needed the services of armed regional caciques — we could also call them petty caudillos . a society in which the possession of arms (guns and armas blancas) was widespread and where. p. paramilitary recruitment by local caciques. while the opportunity cost . Armed challenges to the central government receded (note the fiasco of Cedillo's revolt). urban crime and smuggling. they sought alternative employment. Agrarian Radicalism. Mexico and Its Heritage. records an eye-witness account of a rebel attack on Pisadores in October 1922. defensas sociales and guardias blancas.of maintaining semiindependent armed fiefs had grown.told them to go home and peacefully cultivate their milpas. their use was familiar. Ernesto Prado of the Once Pueblos of Michoacán based his power on the local defensa. Rancheros of Pisaflores. 79. coupled with the Cristiada. the arming of agraristas and schoolmasters during the turbulent 1930s. by breaking up the Tejedista machine in Veracruz. a degree of pacification occurred. but guardias blancas often served as the shocktroops of conservative caciques. gave ample opportunity for further recruitment and mobilization.*01 Of course. when Veracruz gubernatoral candidate Manlio Fabio Altamirano was gunned down in the Café Tacuba (allegedly) by Parra's pistoleros in 1936. dominated communities and threw up political leaders from Chihuahua to Chiapas.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . p.100 Like other revolutions. Persistent Oligarchs. Two aspects of Parra's egregious career deserve mention in this context: first. Some of these 'hard boys' declined and. pp. no less importantly. though his cacical violence was largely local. especially at state and national levels. p. But unconventional violence became more important: banditry. Prado was a die-hard Cardenista and agrarista-. 203 Fowler Salamini. in the 1920s.

Schryer. Thus. ch. or older thugs came out of retirement. logging and stockraising in Chiapas are now well known. ch. Mexican Revolution. there has also been a cycle of violence associated with coffee in Oaxaca and the Huasteca. the same argument can be made. . This. Rancheros of Pisaflores. there was now more to fight over. internal stratification and proletarianization. drugs follow an old tradition of export-led agrarian change. Again.349. market demand for coffee.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O violence was purged from the top. highland Chiapas. and coffee cultivation was well-suited both to temperate hillsides (the sort of terrain which subsistence peasants had long inhabited and which older haciendas had largely spurned) and to direct peasant cultivation (which meant that conflict often pitted peasants against peasants. pressure on peasant resources. leading to social and political conflict. during 1910—20. sugar seemed to be the most socially divisive crop. however. central/southern.205 after 1940 coffee cultivation appears to correlate most closely with phases and regions of violence (something which students of Colombia or Peru might not find surprising). since the 1930s. p. vol. the Huasteca. Demand for coffee was buoyant. is a political trajectory and explanation. therefore. broadly valid for the nation as a whole. 105-6. associated with heightened tension. Greenberg. vol. while the conflicts generated by. and the illegal nature of the product which. 3. Knight. coffee booms gave an added impetus to cacical violence: the stakes were higher.204 Mutatis mutandis. The Revolution of 1910 — to the extent that it responded to some underlying socioeconomic malaise — represented a collective protest against a generation of Porfirian 'development'. political violence correlates with the lower levels of caciquismo mentioned above. of course. as a new generation of pistoleros were hired. drugs — stimulated regional 'booms'. pp. or sierra communities: highland Sinaloa. In that these were often phases of'primitive accumulation' — involving the irruption of the market into erstwhile 'regions of refuge' — they tended to affect hitherto 'remote'. Roughly. 1. cattle. Blood Ties.but commercial middlemen). Indian. such booms converted relatively tranquil zones into battlegrounds. There is a contrasting socioeconomic pattern which follows its own independent logic and which displays marked regional differences. 1. pp. say. but pushed down to the nether reaches of the sociopolitical hierarchy. Drugs are unusual only because of the scale of the demand. 155. that.2 6 C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . as well as peasants against — n'ot hacendados . Schryer. 4ff. in respect of the drugs boom of the 1980s and after. timber. Mexican Revolution. 7. characterized by rising land values. especially in respect of the impact which commercial (often export) agriculture had had on peasant communities. 204 205 206 207 Knight. 116. a fortiori. In some cases. parts of Oaxaca. exacerbates the familar problems of caciquismo and violence. similar causal patterns developed at later stages in Mexico's history.207 Needless to say. We may roughly generalize. in which caciquismo played a central role.206 Since these were often regions of entrenched caciquismo. and cacical violence. If. social conflict. oil. Rancheros of Pisaflores.

at the same time.) But this raises the important question of patronage.157-8.10% But whether agrarismo was 'sincere' or 'cynical'. Prado) and below. 80. And. although there were later bursts of land distribution. were opportunistic agraristas. However. also became more 208 Buve. they tended to become richer. a priori. and the ejidatarios lot was not an enviable one. and they. Thus. Rancheros ofPisaflores. such as Callista landlords. the ejido still offered a solid material benefit. But their economic patronage could not derive solely or primarily from their own private resources. pp. it afforded lesser caciques — notably level four and five ejidal bosses . committed to doux commerce. bolstering his power in return for (inter alia) ejidal grants and poliitcal back-up. Such grants offered a means not only to reward friends. also generate resources. the positive side of cacical authority. and commitment — often violent commitment. Princes of Naranja.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O $c. Of course. plenty of plebeian caciques rose to power. indeed. Hence the swathe of deals which Cárdenas cut with third and fourth level caciques. But what they do varies a good deal by time and place. Tejeda). 237-8. such as Prado or the 'Princes of Naranja'. Ejidal grants lost their appeal: there was less land to distribute. and anticipating my conclusion. since the ejido was a conditional grant. of course. the pace of agrarian reform slackened. Sçff. became a more conservative force.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . for one thing. Even syndical caciques have to do something for their rank-and-file. whether of coffee or drugs. are the economic kingpins of their communities or regions. Some. (Consider contemporary Russia. That is why land reform became crucial. It would be quite wrong. level three (Tapia.a convenient means to control and mobilize their local clienteles.more patronage — in the hands of caciques. It is a commonplace that caciques themselves are out to make money. Ejidal communities. 209 Friedrich. needed the patronage of higher-level caciques. of course. a distinct evolution over time. . once they had received land. the ejido was often the fruit of dogged 'bottom-up' peasant struggle). 1940.the 'reformed' peasantry. contacts. While I would not accept the ultrarevisionist argument which sees the ejido simply as a 'top-down' strategy designed to forge a peasant clientele (since. accessible to those who had the right leadership. in turn. Some. I shall note. 121-4. as regards both forms. pp. I shall rather arbitrarily divide cacical patronage into economic and political forms. Schryer. therefore. during the upheaval of the revolutionary era (roughly 1910—40). Patronage Market booms. pp. Like other postrevolutionary peasantries — in France or Bolivia for example . The agrarian cause needed its luchadores-. tied to the apron-strings of the ruling PRI. 'State Govenors'. possessed of land. it is clear that the agrarian reform underpinned a clutch of caciques at level two (Portes Gil. and that caciques are not usually poor. I have stressed that caciques do not and cannot rule solely on the basis of coercion (palo). to assume. they put more pan . that commercialization and market-deepening must result in a more transparent political economy.209 After c. but also to punish enemies.

Romanucci-Ross. Los mazatecos. 145). already mentioned. 'the aim of usury is basically the building or reinforcement of clienteles' (p. But. and Thierry Linck. . Craig. 54.2'0 (Interestingly. medical treatment. pp.2'3 Sometimes. historically. The p'erils of the revolutionary era placed a premium on cacical protection. The Ejido. p. 'Formación y transformación'. pp.2'4 Although violence by no means disappeared — in some regions. pp. see Martinez Vazquez. Hudncito. may seek to prolong mobilization. 'Formación y transformación'. run-of-the-mill politics). 141-5. Zárate. new urban settlements often went through a similar process: a phase of popular mobilization associated with the acquisition and 'tarification' of land. 75-6. Local caciques' capacity to attract. The Defensas Sociales. the Ejidal Bank supplied the credit.the peasants had land. 212 Martínez Saldaña. 185.2'2 It was expected that the cacique would provide credit: for fiestas. 84. 13. who patronized local sports events and fiestas. 187. following the reparto in Los Altos de Jalisco. as a result. negative rather than positive.usually local or municipal .caciques who controlled the local shops. generalizes this phenomenon further. Usura rural en San Luis Potosí (Zamora. who held the Pemex or Pepsi-Cola monopolies. 153. pp. less involved in broader campesino alliances. see also Roger Bartra. pp.26 26C A C I Q U I S M O IN T W E N T I E T H . records how. which notes that one consequence of 'demobilization' may be a loss of power on the part of mobilizing caciques. PRONASOL. Furthermore. animals. 379. the Bank acquired cacical qualities quite at odds with its formal Weberian status. seed. 1983). even to the extent of obstructing successful outcomes. cacical patronage took another form: political rather than economic. linked to the rise of rich . gas stations and trucks. 67. 455-6. Susan Eckstein. pp. though it does not address caciquismo directly. who. the federal government became a major distributor of resources itself: through public works. p. Nineteenth-century caciques (who had few material resources to distribute) had. But often credit was informal and private. Such patronage typically involved protection against outside threats. 'Despojo y manipulación campesina'. which. 146-7. we have seen. 211 Cornelius. 161. The tyranny of the landlord was replaced by the tyranny of the usurer. 69-70. Violence. 1988). n. protected their clients against forced recruitment (the leva). critics alleged. CONASUPO. in postrevolutionary France . 237. In postrevolutionary Mexico . 213 Boege. PROGRESA and so on. 214 Martínez Saldaña. Procesos de identidad.2" New forms of economic patronage now came to predominate. pp. 129-30. 1993). for example. Agrarian Structure and Political Power in Mexico (Baltimore. hence. Jiménez Castillo. notes that. For a rural equivalent. Conflict. 138. Simpson. 1982). The Poverty of Revolution (Princeton. p. in many cases. p.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O introverted. commercialization augmented violence — these post-i940s level four caciques usually relied a great deal on economic resources and distribution. Politics and the Migrant Poor. and Morality. tap into and channel these resources became crucial. but they now needed credit (for which the ejido offered no collateral). 'each ejidal community was involved in its own internal governance problems'. pp. especially from the 1970s. This was an old tradition. law suits. was followed by a lapse into more quiescent. cantinas. p. were born as quasi210 Ann L. The First Agraristas (Berkeley. rather than the distribution of material rewards.

local versions of the..2'9 The extended reach of the federal govenment.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . pp. Bringing the State Back In (Cambridge. by internal extortion. in Peter B. p. could to a degree monitor: military service. 216 See Charles Tilly. Dietrich Rueschemeyer and Theda Skocpol (eds. especially in the later stages of the armed revolution. to the extent that caciques aimed 'to create a sense of community solidarity by fostering a collective perception of "external threats" to the community's chances for survival and development': Cornelius. 180 gives other recent examples of cacical 'gatekeeping' (my term). 169-91. . Roads benefited some groups. 154. the feared rifle aftosa. Zárate. Los mazatecos.g. p. vol.220 Caciques promoted some public works. be underestimated). 123.2'8 After the 1940s. but stymied others: they might veto a road or oppose the intrusion of a federal agency. Paré. pp. strange rumours of child-stealers circulated: trucks were coming to take away children who would be sacrificed beneath the foundations of the Estadio Azteca. 197. dams) and new federal agencies (INI. compulsory military service in the early 1940s. CONASUPO. Evans. pp.117 Some external threats were extreme and bizarre — little. 128-9. in Zacapoaxtla. 42. grande peur of the French Revolution. 145. posed challenges which the cacique. But external threats remained: the Cristeros in the 1920s.215 Over time (and here we may note a distant parallel with the evolution of the early modern state) external protection was complemented. defence against a hostile outside (extra-community) world formed part of the cacique's repertoire. sometimes locked in dyadic local struggles. 1985). The factional disputes between 'conservatives' and 'progressives'. While these could appear as resources. In Oaxaca. in the late '40s. PRONASOL). 219 Vélez-Ibáñez. at least in the centre-west. The local cacique. Morelos' El Tallarín) in the 1930s. designed to protect communities against marauders. 2. 'Caciquismo'. they were also potential threats. caciques were to be found captaining factions of both kinds.C E N T U R Y MEXICO vigilante organizations. even outstripped. Mexican Revolution. 'War Making and State Making as Organized Crime'.2'6 The vigilantes began to prey on their own people. as the gatekeeper of the community. was credited with halting the trucks and saving the comunity's children.). Hernández. in particular. of course. external threats were usually pacific rather than violent (although the violence of Mexican cities should not. 217 Even in the (civilized? anomic?) city. 218 Boege. often revolved around such issues. Rituals of Marginality . p.437-8. p. 215 Knight. Politics and the Migrant Poor. sporadic banditry (for example. public works programmes (roads. seat of the regional cacicazgo). prejudiced others. on mercantile opposition to road-building in the Sierra Norte de Puebla (specifically. mentioned above. 220 E. or plunged into the Ixtoc oilwell. 131. quarantine regulations. Procesos de identidad.

As 'link-men'. tended to overlook. too. If. Calles. the pattern was reversed: a reformist president cut deals with conservative caciques. Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven. cacical activities also change. This 'slippage' may be ideological. 1990). 'Burocracia sindical'. Since this chapter is already over-long. it has permitted a corresponding articulation of political procedures. as well as lower level caciques: hence. the 'broad church' of the PRI. . tended to the pragmatic and expedient: 'arreglos transcend ideology'. radicals were obliged to endorse Avila Camacho and Alemán.C E N T U R Y M E X I C O 6. In particular. or — here I am groping for the right word — 'procedural'. to 'reinvent' themselves and their party on a sexennial basis. often hingeing around the 1940s: the transition from violent to pacific external threats. mediators or brokers. Examples are not hard to find (especially for the turbulent period 1920—40). Arbitrary. 223 Knight. to relate this shift more systematically to cacical activities. the Mexican political system (or.. 221 E. while engaging in political hardball? Such practices have been noted under numerous headings: the 'pendulum effect'.221 This was possible in part because caciquismo. personalist patron-client relations are resistant to ideological politics: something which the ardent apologists of President Salinas. p.223 Caciquismo is both a symptom and an explanation of this 'schizoid' syndrome. so. between different levels. 100. But the latter are also important. entrepreneurial bosses. Conservative presidents have co-existed with more radical state governors.26 CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . the dissonant 'public' and 'hidden transcripts' of the regime. Tejeda. Mexican political culture) has allowed an unusually flexible 'articulation' of contrasting ideologies. Scott.g. the terms are taken from James C. Ideological slippage is evident when the several levels of political activity are out of step. on the one hand. It remains. such as Charis and Nochebuena. 222 Vélez-Ibáñez. Cacical Evolution Ac several points I have noted an evolutionary shift in Mexican politics. the decline of military and agrarista caciques and the rise of more civilian. Since the entire. the growth in federal government authority and. if you prefer.222 Which student of Mexican politics has not been struck by the remarkable flexibility of Mexican (especially PRI) políticos. though it'could assume highly ideological forms. federal spending. later. or model. is quite compatible with shifting macro-political circumstances. especially those in the USA. we should note that the multi-level analysis allows for considerable variation. lower levels caciques had to be ideologically flexible: in order to appease the 'centre' and thus to survive. 245-6. just mentioned. Rituals ofMarginality. in this last section. Throughout. A broad structural definition. Primo Tapia. multi-level system changes over time. 'México bronco'. to spout high-falutin' rhetoric. caciques stand at the gateways between different levels of political activity. I will deal with this final topic briefly and superficially. or 'slippage'. Durand. With Cardenas. pp. their capacity to be all things to all men. thus to move from an overly synchronic and structural approach to one that is more diachronic and evolutionary.

school of thought which regards 2000 as the last year of the twentieth century and of the second millennium AD. I would stress that 2000 did witness a major shift in Mexican politics . 228 By 'pluralism' I mean the existence of real party competition and alternancia. In Rubin's own case of Juchitán the eventual outcome . and 224 Robert R. By virtue of promoting greater pluralism. clarification: I adhere to the pedantic . 224 They have even cropped up in quintessentially modern. 226 Rubin. 'modern' cities. 5.a mass extinction of the dinosaurs — occurring around the late 1960s and early 1970s. Rubin discerns a generational culling of caciques .. as well as deeper changes in Mexican society).already in flux . technocratic institutions like universities. COCEI. PRONASOL). too. Caciques have indeed fallen. Thus. 67-8. which now means that electoral outcomes are genuinely uncertain . capable of responding to major shifts in politics and society. as Rubin notes. The commonplace view that postrevolutionary Mexico witnessed the growth of mass corporatist organizations.even if the implications of that shift remain far from clear. democratization took a genuine leap forward with the victory of the opposition in the presidential election. including a phase of'new caciquismo — was a genuine popular movement. They have to a degree 'cannibalized' the mass organizations and centralized programmes (including. 717-46. in large measure.g. Twentieth-century Mexico has also witnessed successive democratic movements. bureaucratic and caciquista.227 By wresting from the PRI both the federal executive and the ample reserves of patronage which went with it. 4. sometimes toppled by movements of civic opposition (e. Anti-cacical insurgencies (such as Navismo) do not necessarily produce political transformations. may be misleading. pp. as we have seen.228 accountability. Kaufman and Guillermo Trejo. is far from typical. to see these bureaucratizing trends as somewhat antithetical to caciquismo. sometimes ousted by reformist — or Machiavellian? presidents.a key prerequisite of (electoral) democracy. In the last year of the last century. the victory ofVicente Fox certainly transformed Mexican politics. Decentering the Regime. . 'Regionalism. 225 Rubin.went out of the window. 226 But COCEI. and of huge. Journal of Latin American Studies. 29/3 (Oct. These. The old rules of the game . have fought caciquismo. most recently. of the forging of a new. 'Weberian' Mexico.26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . chs. the three paradigmatic ways previously identified — democratic.but correct . of more powerful centralized state institutions. A second minor. caciques have been remarkably durable. Decentering the Regime. a consequence of that transformation and of the collective political apprenticeship which all parties and political actors are now serving. and the current (2004) political impasse is. and PRONASOL: The Politics of the National Solidarity Program in Four Mexican States'. is to a degree correct. not the first of the twenty-first century and third millennium.after several vicissitudes. the appearance of 'massification' and 'modernization'. It is probably correct. 1997). However.225 There is clearly something in this (it partly reflects the natural life-cycle of caciques who consolidated power under Cardenista auspices in the 1930s. Regime Transformation. pp. too. Navismo).C E N T U R Y MEXICO By 'procedures' I mean contrasting ways of doing politics: in particular. 227 Given the emphasis on (cacical) continuity in this chapter. dating back to Madero in 1910 and Vasconcelos in 1929.

'Subnational Politics and Democratization: Tensions between Center and Periphery in the Mexican Political System'. as contrasting political ideologies and procedures have coexisted in a loose. 85/ i (Jan. Politics and the Migrant Poor. but rather to classic local caciques. 230 For example. Economic restructuring. too. i. especially Wayne Cornelius. 2004): a vision which contrasts so starkly with her previous upbeat assessments of the Salinas years that one is inclined to ask whether it is Mexico or Delal Baer who has changed so much in the this sector (streetvending. However. Don Melchor himself. a transparently democratic Mexico (Fox's vision. with the dramatic growth of the informal sector in recent years. awkwardly articulated. or a chaotic. shifting ensemble. crime-ridden 'Colombianized' Mexico. 24 (die. which coincides with the analysis suggested here.230 We may get a bit of each. 158. Informal Politics. to monitor the 'crucial junctures or synapses . and. much in vogue c. so the role of caciques . 24. 229 Carlos Monsivais. some of whom — like Governors Madrazo and Bartlett — seem reminiscent of the state caciques of the 1920s and '30s.1990). 232 Empanizado = (literally) 'breaded'. tastily prepared. caciques included. Indeed. . Mexico included . quoted in Cornelius. 231 Eric Wolf. The weakening of the federal executive creates space for lowerlevel political actors. no. What is more. political decentralization . or approbation. For a more convincing panorama of contemporary Mexican politics. 295-342. should not be underestimated. Eisenstadt and Hindley. by reviewing case-histories oí caciquismo in the twentieth century. Yet lower in the hierarchy. 'After the State Withdraws: Neoliberalism and Subnational Authoritarian Regimes in Mexico'. 'Mexico at an Impasse'. 3-18. to the extent that elections now count for more. local caciques can survive and. the apocalyptic vision of Delal Baer. repackaged and even empanizado^1 Perhaps this book. as in the past. the cacical ability to get out the local vote is at a premium.may have the effect of devolving power and resources not to model local democracies. 'La moral es un árbol que da moras'. 2000).and cacicas . And who better to manage this awkward articulation. pp. see Cornelius. lottery sales. depending on your point of view.e. as I mentioned earlier.which has become something of a mantra in recent discussions of 'good governance' in Latin America. the stamina and ingenuity of vested interests. has permitted the survival of others. the PAN which. but also involving a play on the name of President Fox's party... while it may have weakened (some) syndical cacicazgos.. and Richard Snyder. has not shown itself very adept ar emulating the machine politics pioneered by the PRI (and its progenitors). Letras Libres-. a failure which may be a source of regret.C E N T U R Y MEXICO transparency. which connect the local system to the larger whole'23' than the cacique. Subnational Politics and Democratization in Mexico. Foreign Ajfairs.26 26CACIQUISMO IN T W E N T I E T H . this outcome propelled Mexico towards democracy thus away from the caciquista corner of the three-way tug-of-war mentioned earlier. we should not necessarily expect the future to produce clearcut and definitive outcomes. see also Cross. suitably 'modernized'. p. as pundits often seem to predict: an efficiently technocratic Mexico (Salinas' promise. ten years later).129 Given that Mexico has lived with an 'articulation of modes of politics' in the past. a popular-democratic (neo-Zapatista) Mexico.-Feb. creatively adjust to these changes. may also offer a few cautionary tales for the twenty-first. p. pp. trash-combing) has probably increased.

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117. 209. 319 Atlamulco group. 155 Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (BUAP). 204. 252-255 Acevedo. 159. Governor.160. 16—17 Bustamente de Gómez. 172-175 see also ejidos agrarianism. no. 154. 92. 71-93. 304 Aguilar. Sebastián. 35. 119 indigenous caciques. 258-259. 113. Richard. n o ni. Rosaura. 7. 161-166. 280-283. 71-93. 243. 156-157. 300-301 Alvarez Mendez. 152. 202. 79. 159. 249252. 215 banditry. 47. President Miguel. Governor Basilio. 55-56 Barrios Cabrera. 152. 142. 215 Allende. 157. Luis. 161.157. 121. no. 325 Baz. 263-266. 164. 119. 167. 25-30 communal cacique. 132. 46. 216 Alvarez Cisneros. 27. 48. 95. José. 119. hi. 81. 152. 125. 138A. 183. 215 Aranda Osorio. 100. David. 113128 Bartlett Díaz. 142 Alianza de Propietarios de Camioneros de Jalisco. 95. 301. 132 hybrid caciques. 88. 299. 263 Benjamin. 94.Index Adams. 23.. 301 classic cacique. 169-200 . 102. no. 273 agrarian cacique. 13. Candido. 113. 152-153. 143 agrarian reform. 103. 43. 41. no. 161. Arturo. 317. 8-43. 151-168. 45. 204-208. 235. 142 anticlericalism. 238-239. 126. 27. 221-222. 124 Anguiano. 144-149 ejidal cacique. in. 85 Asociación Profesional de Académicos de la UAP (ASPAUAP). 302 entrepreneurial cacique. 95. 46. 3. 235 Avila Camacho. 43-44. 270-271. 106. 40. 71-97. Silvano. 269 Avila Camacho. 255. 296 bureaucracy. 174. 297. 138. Governor Gustavo. Victoriano. Gabriel. Manuel. 35. 214. 323. 260. 27. 24. Thomas. 304-326 Berroeta. 213. 323 bureaucratic authoritarianism. A. 106. 208. 217 Barrios. Angel. 151. Governor. Isaac. 95. 65 alcohol trade. 131-141. 302 Badillo. Maximino. 274. 235 Betancourt. 303-308. 289-290. 241. 286. 56 Agency of the Department of Livestock and Agriculture (Morelia). 100. 102. 166 Arriaga Rivera. Francisco. 250 Buendía. 67 cacique. Guadalupe. 145-147 Arriaga. 124 Barba González. Agustín. President Manuel. 132-141 agraristas. 13. Jesús. 91. 176-178 Alemán. 105 Brading.

26-27. 29—30 modern cacique. 95. 113. 105. 246. 86. Lourdes. 52. 133 traditional cacique. 325-326 Cárdenas del Rio. 306. 41 Catholic Church. 324 urban cacique. 151. Ciro. 284-285. 216.151. 182. 68. 153. 67 Castillo. Angel. 18. 169.18.176. 131-150. 109 Cartas. 188 Confederación de Agrupaciones Obreras Libertarias de Jalisco (CAOLJ). 69. 46. 51-54. 159. 169-200. 300 class. 96. 164-165. 209. 12. Plutarco Elias. 276. 143 Cárdenas del Rio. 299 Cárdenas Solorzano. Saturnino. 114. 204 traditional caudillo. 113. 94-112. 9597. 117. 43. 22. 296. 289. 42.402 INDEX local cacique. 12. 205. 113. 61-68 Chiapas. 178-180. 18. 186. 67. 72 see also kinship Conchello. 68. 35. 301-326 Calles. 79. 304 Castro. 300. 54-55. 318. 113. 67 Carranza. 208. 113. 212. 228230. 136. 37. 3. 161 Chávez.152-154. 154. 27-28 state-level cacique. 116. 182-184. 86 chegomistas. 13. 127 see also peasants Cano. 173-175. 32. 297 clientelism. 151 Casa del Obrero Mundial (COM). 215 Castillejos. 201-224. 94. 256. 133 modern caudillo. 291-292. 296 cacical evolution. 273 agrarian caudillo. 152. 46. 299. 80-82. 27-28.188197. 109-111. 156. 178-180 communists. Pedro. 273. 312 Chamula. 15. 247. 102. 141. Dámaso. 137. 113. 213. 13. 190-191 civil society. 28. 85. 86-87. 99. 215. 256 see also violence commercial development. 28. 213. 215 . 155. 252. 297. 38-43. 133. 173. 9-12. 151-168. 20-25 regional cacique. 47. 215. 149 cardenistas. 250. 83. 155. 25. 217 ' i carrancismoy 67. 42. 61-62. 152.18. 88. 322 Chihuahua. 67-69 Charisma. 278. 250. 96. 297. the. 294. 23. 166 Cedillo. 22. 303 centralization. 27. 15. Venustiano. 294-295. 276277. 46—48. 24. 210-214 Citizenship. Miguel.151-168. 35. Cuáuhtemoc.109. 113. 140. 69. 307-308 Communist Party of Michoacán. 185. 51-53. 156. 252-255.125-126. 217. 117.167 union cacique. Severo. 234-235. 71—93. 58 Caso. 46.. 71. 274 regional caudillo. 227-248. 96. 279. 26-27. Jesús. 18-19. 126. 250. 28-29 national cacique. President Lázaro. Benigno. 96. General Jesús Agustín. 105. 131-150. 166 national caudillo. 83. 150 Carranza. 205. 222 campesinos. 113. 325 municipal cacique. 320-326 Coalcomán. José Angel. 208 Círculo Feminista de Occidente (CFO). 98-99. 156-161. 33-38. 68. 75. 250 popular caudillo. 58 caudillo. 153. Heliodoro. 85. 94-112 Coello. 94. 216. 118. 211.168.109. 152. 155. 227-248. 299. 86 compadrazgo. 208.142. Juan. 25. 72. 161-162 coercion. Jaime H. 160 Coello. 152. 283. 294-295 civil-religious hierarchy. 36. 24-25. 213 Communist Party. 169-200 Charis Castro. 35. 72. 210 Callistas. 167. 171—176. 152 Castro. 274-275.

276. 220. 148. President Porfirio. 265 del Rio. 235-236. Wayne. 281-284. 258-264 factionalism. 305. 215. 237 conservatism. 277. 60-63. 228. 156. 26.126127. 60-61. 137. 71-93. 170. 139. 93. 274. Alfredo. 17-18. 37. Wallace. 289. 243 Craske. 275. Culture and Indigenous Protection (Chiapas). Felix. 230-231. 244-246 Confederación de Trabajadores Mexicanos (CTM). General Juan. Ezequiel.184-187. 215 de la Huerta rebellion. 203. 302. 187. 94-112. 292-293 Echeverria. 298 . 203. 244-245 Dore. 30-33. 305. 261. 272-295. 291. 300-301 Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN). 54. 235-237. 263. 238 Coss. 88 cultural intermediaries. 323 electoral fraud. 235-237. 141. 299 corruption. 55 de la Madrid. 324 Confederación Revolucionaria Obrera y Campesina (CROC). Francisco. 45. 236 de la Peña. 72. 124. 210 Cruz de la Cruz. 269 ejidos y il. 276. 205. 95. 237. 6-7. 47. 71. 212-216 Confederación Regional Obrera Mexicana (CROM).114-115. 228. 109 démocratisation. 89. 80-82. 67.153. 207 cristeros.179-180. 296. 237. 284. 115. 273. 53. 297 Fabela. 181. 211-212 Díaz. 68. 152. 72. Arnulfo. 207 Duarte.INDEX 403 Confederación de Obreros y Campesinos del Estado de México (COCEM). 78 enganche. 230-231. 24. 195. 268 de la Mancha. 171. 288. Severo.121. 324 coronel. 323 Domínguez. 141 de la Torre. 54-56.142. 153. 81. 243 Confederación de Trabajadores y Campesinos (CTC). 72. 239.138. 207. 172 de Gynes. 210. 161-166. 319.172-173 Enriquez.100. 133 Constitutionalists. 83 Díaz Ordaz. 243 Congreso del Trabajo (CT). 229. 33-38. 35. Elizabeth.135-137. 217-218. 56. 159. 236.182. 91. Heliodoro. 230. 299 Department of Action. 258-259. 95-96. José. 112. 76.112. 107.157 Espinoza. Maria A. Fernando. Vincente. 89-91. 93 Estrada. 172. 325 Federación de Estudiantes de Guadalajara (FEG). 256. 267. 154. 54-58.198-200. 51. 287-289 Cornelius.135. 43-44. 178-180. 154 del Mazo Velez. 303-304 elections. 262 Díaz Quintas.154. 208. 286. 227. 210-214 debt peonage. 103 Domínguez Rivero. 146 ethnicity. 266. 63 Díaz.132. 289-294. 282 Embriz Osorio. Isidro. 99.106. 279. Nikki. 282. Enrique. Felipe.176. 217.181. Abel. Guillermo. 73. 24. 233-248. Ciro. 18. 105. 281-283.184-185 Díaz. 269. 252-254. 213. 188-190. 36. 233. 203.102. Miguel.142. 261.146. 186. 82 Coordinadora Nacional de Comercio Popular (CONACOP). 13 corporatism. 293. 307-308. 22. President Luis. 292-294.37. President Gustavo. 175-180. Claro. 155. 223. 243 Confederación Obrera de Jalisco (COJ). 220. 66 Doger Corte. 294-296.. 308-326 Doger Guerrero. 189. 298. 202. 78. Raymundo.


Federación de Trabajadores de Jalisco (FTJ), 20I, 203-204, 217-224 Federación Unica de Uruapan (FUU), 139 Federation of Indigenous Communities of the State of Michoacán (FCIEM), 142 federal army , 16, 71,154, 157,187-188, 304 federal government, 117-120,125-126,141, 151, 307, 309, 321 Federal Labour Law, 230, 235, 314 Fernández Ruiz, Tiburcio, 151-155, 166 Fonseca, Jesus, 104 Foweraker, Joe, 301, 325 Fox, Vincente, 47-48, 291 French intervention, 57-58, 60, 68, 77 Frente de Liberación Nacional, 190 Frente Unico ProDerechos de la Mujer (FUPDM), 213 Frente Único de Trabajadores de Jalisco (FUTJ), 216 Friedrich, Paul, 71,133, 249-255, 302 Fuentes, Teofilo, 57 gamonal, 13 García de León, Antonio, 167 García, Cuca, 85 García Barragán, Marcelino, 217* 279-281 Garibi Rivera, Archbishop José, 222 Garrido Canabal, Tomás, 250 Gavira, Gabriel, 55, 62, 65 gender, 205—209, 224 Gledhill, John, 141,150, 254, 300, 322, 323 Gochi, Juan, 79, 86 Gómez, Chechito, 67, 69 Gómez, Gregorio, 59-60 Gómez, José F (Che), 51-70 González, Julio F., 63 Gómez, Plutarco, 147 González, Martín, 54, 64 González Gallo, Jesus, 216-217 Grajales, Francisco, 162 Grajales, Victórico, 156-157 Guadalajara, 215, 220-223, 282 Guanajuato, 290—294

Guel de la Cruz, Joel, 314 Guerrero, 19, 116, 151, 322 Guifar Morfín, Luis, 107-108 Guillén, Francisco, 105, 107-108 Guillén, Gregorio, 112 Gurrión, Adolfo, 54-55, 61, 64, 67 Gurrión, Evaristo, 55, 61 Gurrión, Pedro Vincente, 57 Gutierrez, Efraín, 156-161 Gutierrez Moreno, Rafael, 240 Hank González, Carlos, 239, 244, 249-271 hegemony, 17, 25, 30, 97,122 Hernández, Domingo, 141 Hernández, Father Leopoldo, 182-186, 188-189, 192, 195 Hernández, Fidencio, 56 Hernández, Moisés, 292-293 Hernández, Salvador, 292 Hernández, Samuel, 137, 141-142 Hernández Loza, Heliodoro, 18, 201-224 Hernández Lucas, Anita, 212, 218, 220-222 Hernández Toledo, Jesús, 144-147 Hidalgo, 15, 27-28, 33, 38,149, 296 Higher Education Modernization Fund (FOMES), 309-310 Hobbes, 37-38 Huasteca, 15,19, 26-27, 38, 42,149, 296 Huerta, General Victoriano, 17 huertistas, 67 identity, 35-36, 71-93 276 ideology, 46, 68, 73-74» 92~93> 257, 274, 298 Indians, 114, 118, 140, 153 indigenismo, 156-161 indigenous communities, 71, 75-85, 91,116117,120-125,132, 134, 138,141-142, 149, 169-200, 289-294 institutionalization, 12, 24, 47, 95, 131,149, 152, 156, 160-161, 167, 173-175, 201, 229, 273-274, 289-290, 299, 304326


Instituto Nacional Indigenista (INI), 146, 152,163-167, 175, 181, 184, 186,190, 289, 291, 293 Ireta Viveros, Felix, 89, 134, 138-139, 141 Isaac, Caterino, 217-218 Jalisco, 18, 28, 201-224, 278-283 Jara, Heriberto, 65 Jimenez, Albino, 57-58, 68 Jimenez Cantu, Jorge, 263, 267 Jongitud Barrios, Carlos, 296 Joseph, Gil, 250 Juárez, Alberto, 136-138 Juárez, President Benito, 58 Juárez Maza, Governor Benito, 51, 54-56, 61, 63-68 Juchitán, 15, 18, 27, 47, 51-70 Kashlan, Miguel, 194-197 kinship, 34, 53, 68-69, 72, 104, 116, 161, 204-205, 218-221, 232, 236, 238, 241, 245, 276, 292 Knight, Alan, 52, 53, 117, 127, 228, 302, 324 labour unions, see trade unions ladinos, 154, 156, 171-172, 175,181, 190 land privatization, 76-79, 98, 100, 134 land reform, see agrarian reform Lane Wilson, Henry, 66 Lara y Torres, Bishop Leopoldo, 101, 109,

León, Ricardo, 57, 61-63 León de la Barra, Francisco, 63 Leyva Solano, Xóchitl, 300 local autonomy, 51-52, 61, 68-70, 76, 92, 96, 103, 115, 119, 126-127, 158, 167168, 186, 283, 323 local democracy, 120-123, I 2 7 local government, 27-30, 120-123, 141, 144, 146, 149, 154, 156-157^ I7i-i75> 243» 279,281-290,304 Lombardo Toledano, Vincente, 138, 217 Lomnitz, Claudio, 124 López, Césario, 58-59 López, Felipe J., 51, 66-67 López, Pedro, 80 López, Rosalía, 59 López Mateos, President Adolfo, 223, 260 López Portillo, President José, 267 Lucas, Juan Francisco, 118-119 machismo, 39-40, 151, 161 Macías, Benjamín, 281-282 maderistas, 54-63 Madero, President Francisco, 51, 57, 63-68 Madrigal, Epifanio, 105, 110 Magaña Cerda, Gildardo, 133, 134 Mallon, Florencia, 114, 116 map ach es, 153-155 Márquez, Enrique, 125 Martínez, Guadalupe , 201-224 Martínez, José María, 105, 107-109 Martínez, Miguel, 110-111 Martínez Orta, Manuel, 235-236 Marxist theory, 74, 86, 127 Matus, Evaristo, 61 Matus, Vincente, 61-62 Maya, 156, 163, 169-200 Maya, Sixto, 83-84, 88 Meixueiro, Francisco, 59 Meléndez, José Gregorio, 68 Méndez, Juan, 287-289 Mendoza, Ezequiel, 104-105, m Mendoza, General Tranquilino, 103

Larios, Antonio, 104 Lathrop, Máximo, 145 law and order, 119, 120, 125, 274 League of Agrarian Communities (Michoacán), 134 legitimacy, 114, 121, 151, 205, 230, 257, 301306 Lerdo de Tejada, Sebastián, 57 León, Enrique, 51, 64-66 León, Francisco, 54, 57-59, 61-62, 64—66, 69 León, Guillermo, 88

40 6


Mendoza Vázquez, Anacleto, 143 Merino, Nicolás, 280-283 Merodio, General Telésforo, 64-66 mestizos, 78, 80-81, 96, 99, 290-291 Mexico City, 28, 39, 228, 232-247, 267, 296 Mexico, state of, 19, 258-271 Meyer, Jean, 94, 103 Meyer, Lorenzo, 299 Michoacán, 15, 22, 27-29, 35, 41, 71-93, 94-112, 117, 131-150, 283-289, 300 Middlebrook, Kevin, 231 military power, 96-97, 116, 118-119, 126 modernity, 7, 47, 73, 229, 254, 256-257, 300, 320 modernization, 6, 94, 112, 117-118, 132, 137, 149, 228, 272, 274, 279, 283, 294, 297, 301, 306, 311-313, 318 Molina, Ladislao, 106 Molyneux, Maxine, 207 Monopoly, 152, 161-167, 175, 180, 253-254, 270 Montano, Jorge, 229 Montes, Manuel, 117 Morán, Cosme, 280, 283 Morelos, 15, 37 Moreno, Jesus, 235 Morones, Luis M., 12, 215 Moya Palencia, Mario, 188-189 Miijica, Francisco, 35, 79, 85, 117, 134, 250 Muñoz Gómez, Manuel, 60 Nahua, 116, 121,125, 128 Naranja, 71-93, 302, 304, 321 National Agrarian Registry (RAN), 90 National Guard, the, 58-59 National League for the Defence of Religious Liberty (LNDLR), 103, 105-108 National Peasant's Confederation (CNC), 87' I34> 173 Navarro Origel, Luis, 103, 104, 106, 107 neo-liberalism, 296—326 Nicolás, Ignacio, 58-59, 68

Nochebuena, Juvencio, 15,18, 27-28, 46 Noriega, Eduardo, 77, 80, 83 Oaxaca, 22, 26, 33, 38, 42, 45, 51-70 Obregón, Alvaro, 11, 12, 22, 67, 79,153-155, 167, 250 OPORTUNIDADES Programme, 289 Organización Libre de Ambulantes, 287 Osornio, Saturnino, 18-19 Otomí, 121, 290-294 Palacios, Guillermo, 76 Palacios, Mario, 63-64, 67 Paniagua, Ricardo, 155 Pansters, Wil, 167, 274, 276 Panteleón Domínguez, José, 58 Parochialism, 95, 109, 274 Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), 113,155-157, 159, 160,173, 202, 211, 213, 216, 224, 230 Partido Popular (PP), 138,142 Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI), 6, 9, 23, 30-33, 43, 46—47, 69, 142, 146, 148-149,160-161, 168, 170171, 176,183-184, 186-188, 195, 199203, 219-221, 224, 227, 233, 236, 238-246, 255, 262, 268-270, 278, 280-286, 290, 292-294, 299, 301, 305, 317, 323 Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), 188,191, 194-195, 282-283, 286-287, 293-294, 323 Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), 149, 282-286, 292-293, 319 Partido de la Revolución Mexicana (PRM), 134,160, 202, 219, 224 Partido Socialista Chiapaneco (PSC), 154i55> 167 Partido Socialista del Trabajo, 236 Pastián, Juan, 35 patrimonialism, 7, 14 patriotism, 69 patronage, 13, 33, 43~45> 53> 68-69, 74, 91,



94, 96, II3, 121, 125, I43-I44, 149, 178, 205, 218, 233, 24I, 246, 250, 277, 280-281, 302 peasants, 3, 42-43, 51, 71-93, 106-107, 133, I 39> 155» 159» 163, 301 see also campesinos Pedrero, Hernán and Moctezuma, 152, 161-166, 167 Pérez, José Luis, 287 PEMEX, 261, 326 Pichardo Pigaza, Ignacio, 265, 268-269 Pimental, Governor Emilio, 54-56, 60 Pineda, Laureano, 67 Pineda, Pablo, 66, 67 Pineda, Rosendo, 60-61 Pineda Ogarrio, Alberto, 151,153,155-161,166 political intermediaries, 30-33, 73, 114-115, 125, 202, 205, 208, 210-214, 220, 229, 234 250-255, 270, 272-273, 275, 280, 299, 300,320-326 popular liberalism, 83-85 popular movements, 73, 155, 160, 301-303 populist state, 131-132 Porfìriato, the, 51-70, 76-79, 84, 92, 96, 98-99, 134 Portes Gil, Emilio, 15, 18-19, 26, 43, 109, 117, 124, 230 Pozas, Ricardo, 276 Prado, Ernesto, 27-29, 35, 43, 134, 136-137, 139-140,142 Prado, Isaac, 139 priests, 101, 104-105, 107, 109-110, 137, 141, 45> 157 PROCAMPO, 246 Programa de Desarrollo Socioeconómico de los Altos de Chiapas (PRODESCH), 185-188, 190-192,194,195-197 PROGRESA, 44, 289 PRONASOL, 44, 45, 47, 268, 289-294 property rights, 83-84, 142, 153 Protestantism, 169-171, 177, 188-189, 191,
192-200 Puebla, 27-28, 37, 41, 95, 113-128, 302, 305I

326 Purépecha, 71-93, 131-150 Querétaro, 18-26 Rabasa, Emilio, 153, 155, 159 Rabasa, Isidro, 157-158 Ramírez, Aristeo, 290, 293 Ramírez, Flavio, 18 Ramírez, Governor Margarito, 210-211 Ramírez, Juan, 221 Ramírez, Pablo, 185, 187-188 Ramírez Corzo, Luis, 154-155 Ramírez Ladewig, Carlos, 298 ranchero society, 97-102, 104, 153, 214, 224, 232 rational choice theory, 7-8, 14 rebellion of Agua Prieta, 67 rebellion of Ayuda, 68 rebellion ofTuxtepec, 53, 57-58, 68, 119 Redfield, Robert, 121 Regalado, Miguel, 79 Regional Agrarian Federation of Chilchota (FRACH), 139 Regionalism, 151 repression, 16, 32, 192, 200 see also coercion, violence Reséndez, Fidencio, 86 revisionist historiography, 3-4, 113 Revolutionary Labour Confederation of Michoacán (CRMDT), 86-87, 95> 133, 136, 139-140 roads, 117,123, 143-145, 177, 180 Robles, Ángel, 185, 187-188, 190-192, 195 Rodríguez, Carlos, 57, 61, 63 Rodríguez, Everardo Angel, 281-283 Rodríguez, Marcial, 286-287 Roniger, Luis, 124 Rosas, Domingo, 139 Rubin, Jeffrey, 47 Ruiz, Bishop Samuel, 182, 184-185,192 Ruiz Cortines, President Adolfo, 223 rural development, 117-118, 123, 175-180, 321

179-180 Tzotziles. 263. 90. 321 schoolteachers. Salvador. 22. 260.143-145.181. 302 Sánchez. Arturo. 97. 68. 213 Sociedad de Amigos del Pueblo Purhépecha.106. 96-97. 163. 104 Sánchez Colín. 218 Sindicato Independiente de Trabajadores no-Académicos de la UAP (SITUAP). 24-25. 201-224. 112-128 Silva Romero. 79 Sonora. 23. 184-185. Benigno.19-20 Tabasco. 137 Schryer. 46. 158-161.180. . 167 Serrato. 223 f security. 35. 292-293. 260. 58 Topete. 203. Alfonso. 156.178. 169-200 Unión de Ambulantes Primer de Octubre. 229-230. 26 state.142. 51.. 299. 228 subalterns. 73-74. 282 Salinas. 294. 96. 190. 22. 26. 155. 223224.128 trade unions. 117. 14. Mariano and Romano. 15. 94-96.18. 114-115. 220 Sinaloa. Máximo. 222. 53. 143-144 Society for the Unification of the Indigenous Race. 326 Santibáñez. 117. 138. Salvador. 155. no. 173 Sindicato de Trabajadores en Molinos para Nixtamal y Similares (STMNS). 83. 117 Sánchez. 276.156. 247. 149. 193. 227248. 42 sinarquismoy 142 Sindicato de Trabajadores Indígenas. 303. 57 schools. 143. 48. President Carlos. 92. 117. 237. Moisés. 178.148. 217. 163. 174-176. Francisco. 163. 37. 302 Thomson. 123 serrano rebellions.19. 259-260. Marcial.117 Tampico. Primo. 151. 120 Salas. 323 San Cristóbal de Las Casas. General Francisco. 227. 302 Saynes. 201. 158. 43. 26 Tapia. 261. 292. 46. 175. 172-175. in. 180. 29. 125. José María. 26. 18-19. 43. 67 Santos. 131. Guy. 102. 127-128 succession. 220. 202.18. 158. 37-38. 118-119 Toledo. 73. 321 resistance to the state. 201. ni. 133. 250 territory.19. Gonzalo N. 216 Totonacs.136. 46.133-134. 156. 313-326 Socialist Party of Michoacán.117 Tejeda. 103 state building. 115. 15.106. 153 Saenz. 26. Oscar. Frans. 268-270. 222-223 Sindicato Unico de Trabajadores de la Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (SUNTAP). 187. 242-247. 322 Tamaulipas. 313-320 Tuxum. 170.186 Tzeltales.18. 51 Serrano. 15. 32. 188.4O8 INDEX Rus. 109. 22. Governor Everardo. 149 Sierra Norte de Puebla. 123. 11-12. Adalberto. 298. 221 Sindicato Único de Trabajadores Automovilistas de Jalisco (SUTAJ). 121. 215. 176. 240. 71-93. 76. 317 Sindicato Textil de la Fabrica Atemajac. 151. 71-93. 159. the. 301-302. 85 socialist education. 290. 253. 196 San Luis Potosí. 51-70. 125. 306. 277. 116. 35. Jan. 125. 258. 314. 208. 265 Sánchez Daza. 37-39. 304 Secretaría de Educación Pública (SEP).

12.191. 51-70 Zedillo. 30. Emiliano. 294 Zinacantán. 22. 86. 222 Velasco Suárez. 138-139. 324-326 Weber.106. 215 Unión de Comerciantes Felipe Carrillo Puerto. 94. 205. 233. 97. 201-224 Women's League of Tajero. 276 women. 63 Vega. President Ernesto.151 Vidal.179.136-138. 117. 210. 165. 11. 21.13-14. 269-270. 323 Wolf. 76.195. 252. Pancho. 88 Vásquez Gómez. Luis. Gabino. 37. 324 Urbina.153. 169. 44. 153-155.132. Jesús. 41. 90 workers. 21. 158. 177. 104 Valencia. 158—161 Vaca. 236-237. 249-251. 201-224. 141-142. 24. 304 Yucatán.126 Vázquez. Governor Jose Guadalupe. 236 Veracruz.163.151.155. 11. 298 urbanization. 7. 249-250. 255. 224. 215.194.155 violence. 18. 285-286 United States. Emilio. Gregorio. 189 Velázquez. 203. 283. Mary Kay. 146 Valladolid. Governor Manuel. 227-248. 223 Velázquez Sánchez. 230. 310-311 universities. 38-43. 72.149.179 Zuño. 144. 217.170. Eric. 94. 99. 154-155 Villa. 215 .INDEX 409 286-289 Unión de Choferes y Mecánicos Jaliscienses (UCMJ). 16-17.161-162. 298. 227-248.164. Genaro. Erasto. 196. Rodolfo.154. 23. 74. 138-140. Fidel.183. 155 Zapotees.151 Zapata. 296-326 University of Guadalajara.167 Vidal. General Carlos. 184-187. Max. 109 Vaughan. 253. 303. Moisés. 18.