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BOLLENBECK, 2000, German Kultur, the Bildungsbürgertum, and Its Susceptibility to National Socialism

BOLLENBECK, 2000, German Kultur, the Bildungsbürgertum, and Its Susceptibility to National Socialism

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German Kultur, the Bildungsbürgertum, and Its Susceptibility to National Socialism Author(s): Georg Bollenbeck Reviewed work(s): Source

: The German Quarterly, Vol. 73, No. 1, Millennial Issue (Winter, 2000), pp. 67-83 Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Association of Teachers of German Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/408163 . Accessed: 04/02/2013 21:05
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would often cite evidence beyond institutional developments. reaching to intellectual history and the history of states of mind. as the reader is no doubt aware.] Was aber nicht geht ist." political incapacitation. to the delayed formation of the nation-state. National Socialism. Generally. More cautious language of a specific path to modernity. this does not mean at all that the issue has been settled as to whether any specifically German conditions. sich Goethes zu rthmen und Hitler zu leugnen. it lies at a point of intersection between the historical development of a nation and its simultaneous self-interpretation. said these critics. Such arguments present a path of specifically German authoritarian mentalities. a path laid with "the destruction of reason. The concept of bourgeois revolution is a myth: other countries have had their own traditions of authoritarianism and their deficits The German Quarterly 73. upon his return to Germany from exile in the United States. eases the evidence's burden. orienting German history to "bad times" was supposed to hinder the development of a "normal" sense of national identity. authoritarian institutions. The expression itself has become somewhat unfashionable. rather. But while the debates have subsided. beside immediate political and This content downloaded on Mon. and pre-modern ways of thinking. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and to certain specifically German strengths in bureaucratic. on the other hand. [. by the Western European states. the intensity of the dispute itself indicates a common point of reference. so particularly brutal? These and similar questions have been raised and answered in myriad ways time and again." How did Auschwitz come about? Are Buchenwald and Weimar really so near to each other? Why was the German variation of fascism. beyond reality. as then no philosophy of history will dictate that exemplary normal development be exhibited. In addition. oder als ob irgend etwas damit ungeschehen gemacht werden kinne"I Dismayed and annoyed. as diverse as the debate has been over the exceptionalism of Germany's road to modernity. Supporters of the Sonderweg thesis. called attention to the failures of German revolutions. als ob dies ffir einen Deutschen die natuirlichste Sache von der Welt waire. or Eigenweg. England and France. abstract intellectuality. supporters of the Sonderweg thesis would take the historical course of Western Europe to be normal and exemplary. Critics of the Sonderweg thesis warned famously of the dangers of a teleological and polarizing orientation. or of the consciousness of a Sonderweg. Yet. and. and its Susceptibility to National Socialism In 1949. the literary critic Richard Alewyn was alarmed to find a carefree Goethe cult. to National Socialism. Alewyn warned his compatriots: "Zwischen uns und Weimar liegt Buchenwald. together with notable parliamentary weaknesses. als ob gar nichts geschehen wdire. The Sonderweg thesis is not a matter of the mere details of academic research.GEORGBOLLENBECK Siegen Universitdtit German Kultur. "allerorten schon wieder anschickt. must not provide standards for normal development.. more or less.1 (Winter 2000) 67 regarding democracy. the Bildungsbiurgertum. Goethe zu feiern. the intense dispute over the Sonderweg has long since abated. Admittedly.. from Luther to Hitler via Nietzsche.

or Brahms. As Thomas Nipperdey maintains. presented itself at -the same time as antimodernand dynamic. with their antimodernistprejudices.cannot account for this patchworkcharacter of Nazi ideology.and political destructiveness. 1933 cannot simply be written off as a sort of catastrophic anomaly within the course of German political history. threatened where the "Entwicklungsgeschichteder modernen Kunst" became the "Entartungsgeschichte der Epoche..as anticapitalist and antisocialist.an influence more powerfulthere "wienirgendwosonst auf der Welt"4 would certainly miss the It mark to dismiss the German Bildungsas bMrger Goethians at a standstill who.Mytopic includes first. There are. one should add. continuities that extend to 1933-continuities. playeda part. in the long run."3 note the influence of the "worship of the arts" in Germany. that can be found in the collective consciousness of the Bildungsbirger. "Die moderne Kunst hat sich nicht trotz der Biirger. except for in the popular arts. for Nazism gained its programmatic attractiveness from a semantics which. Not only did the artists behave in non-bourgeois or even antibourgeoisways. Storm. but the art they produced also ignored the defining authority of the Bildungsbkirgertum. while universal.sondern mit ihnen durchgesetzt. and a general public deliberation over cultural issues were all part of the conditions for culturalmodernism. National Socialism.Forthis precise locality symbolizes a specifically Germansequence. to a triumphantculturalmodernism. the reactions of the Germanlearned and academic elites. uninhibited development.. modern art underminedthe Bildungsbiirgertum'scultural hegemony. As a result."5 At the same time. as detectedin linguistictraces."6 In the words of Eric Hobsbawm.68 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter2000 historical events. as a sustainer of tradition and yet revolutionary. and thereby could gain influence overextremelydiversesocialgroups. a successionthat developedamong the dynamic interplay of semantic elements in the arts discourse among the Bildungsbiirger. Withthese remarksI hope to make it easier to understand why Weimar and Buchenwaldare not very far apart.Thus. It was Hannah Arendt who first raised the objectionthat to make historical constructions along the lines of the history of ideas was to grant National Socialism "unnatigerweise nationale Respektabilitat"and to ignore its disruptions of tradition. closelyrelatedto this.and whichmayonlybe understoodas part of a new kind of transdisciplinaryexploration.and second.the attainment of a normative peak followedby a plunge into the depths.which did indeed present itself as the rescuerof Germanculture. On the other hand. of course.even until the provocations of the avant-garde movements. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . artistic productivity. a certainsusceptibility to National Socialism.] in the process of destroying the bases of its ex- This content downloaded on Mon. much less Luther. contemporaries assumed that "the crisis of the arts reflected the crisis of [. though.Indeed.A widespread foreboding was articulated. Even the critics of the Sonderweg thesis speak of a "politics of cultural deor spair. consisted of extremely heterogeneous elements. the bourgeoisie supportedand sustained cultural modernism. I would like to argue that such longer-term potentialities included an element which has not received much scholarlyattention so far. Cultural modernism was a product of the bourgeoisie'scultural hegemony and was formed in accordancewith corresponding objectives. its supporters varied widely socially and economically. in makingpossiblethe success and acceptance of the Nazi regime.would never go beyond Spitzweg. the Bildungsbiurgertum. A construction of the history of ideas going back continuously to Nietzsche..at any rate ambivalent and from certain perspectiveseven attractive.2This helps explain the arbitrarynature of Nazi propaganda.Autonomy and diversity..] liberal bourgeois society [.

the semantics did outlive the Bildungsbiirgertum's heyday. First. This demonstrates its success as an offer for all to participate. and national identity developed in a uniquely close coalition in Germany. or call attention to the fecklessness of works of art as heralds of possible truths. they appeared as a life-forceto the Bildungsbiirger even after the demise of the exuberant emancipatoryclaims to which they had been attached. it reaffirmedtheir definingauthority. This intertwining of "bourgeois origin" function"developeda and "anti-bourgeois particulardynamismand explosivenessin The analysis of this involves two Germany. questioned its cultural hegemony. and. expressed it--originally to a national or cultural greatness. as well as within the realm of "publicopinion.8Nonetheless. invokedrepeatedly. and intellectual understanding which structuredand orderedit.The sociological insight that social standing and cultural patterns must be considered separatelyalso holds true for the influence of the aesthetic value systems and normative schemata of the Bildungsbiirgertum. The This content downloaded on Mon. together with their family members. the Bildungsbiirger. and at the same time. but also withdrew from it. The arts not only functioned as a demonstration of one's own learnedness. It is probably not surprising that the predominance of the Bildungsbiirgertum in institutions of secondaryand higher education.members of the imperialist Pan-German League. refer to the affirmative nature of a merely glorifying artistic praxis.and that art retains a commitment to beauty.both to compensateforthe enduring lackof a nation-stateand to promoteits realization." represented an influential sort of competenceregardingthe arts.well-educated workersand white-collaremployees. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Another significant fact pertaining to the far-reachinginfluence of the semantics of the arts discourse of the Bildungsbiirgertumshould not be overlooked. cultural.This discoursewas characterized by a constant use of three argumentative tropes:that art originatesin the that art educatesand formsboth indiVolk.members of associations espousing alternative lifestyles such as the Diirerbund. discrete factors. and traditionalists as well as members of the avant-garde. they could be consideredto be "intangibleassets" (in the sense that Gustav Freytag spoke of ideale Habe)."I7 Thus. the systems of value. social. convention. In 1914. as much as language and even more so than the sciences. vidualsand the nation. one of the more significant prompters. although raised to the level of nobility in philosophical reflection. Justification of one's own position by reference to Bildung and Kultur. Second. a populardiscourse on the arts emerged in Germany that. like Nietzsche or Herbert Marcuse. amounted to hardly one per cent of the entire German populationof 65 million.It was comprehensible to them. following the latter part of the 18th century." as Schiller. relating to the national and the social. However. representatives of all political parties. and Susceptibility istence. could be found among middle-classentrepreneurs. and to their nature as mere 69 palliatives for an inspired kind of enjoyment. Bildungsbiirgertum. to deutsche Kunst or deutscher Geist. Even though the forces originally promulgating the semantics of the Bildungsbiirgertum's discourse on the arts eventually dissolved as a social stratum. the value systems and normativemodels articulated in the Bildungsbiirgertum's arts discoursedominatedthe reflectionson cultural issues in the public sphere. they also testified to a "Germangreatness. cultural modernismoriginatedwithin the educated middle class.and thereafter the arts were thought to enhance this identity. For art consolidated their social and national identity.and in a twofold sense. was often trivialized thereafter.BOLLENBECK: Kultur. One is tempted to submit this idealizingfocus on art to ideologicalcritique. while the arts could not take control over one's life.

"14' The first exhibitionof modernart in the U. even if their status should be enhanced to that of a "radical cultural revolution.And thus.9For this reason. when he believed to have noticed a "geistige Verwirrung""ffir das gebildete Europa.and Drieu La Rochelle. giving rise to authoritarian and protofascist longings for "orderand harmony. Vauxcelles. Admittedly."10 rejection the of novelties stemming from conventional taste." as a result of. but "the propagated image of deformed insanity"'5enjoyed greater acceptance among the general public. and. cultural modernismwas interpretedas the writing on the wall foreboding the breakdown of society and cultural expropriation. PaulMorand."' known under the pejorative label applied to them by the art critic L. Davies.at first glance there are no German peculiarities which immediately capture one's attention in the debates on cultural modernism. Yeats. The "historisches Gesetz der Verschleppung. Knut Hamsun. this was true for W. even someone of the standing of Huizingajudged the modern arts to be a syndromeof the "culturalcrisis. Especially in Germany.A. on exhibition. and due to the arts' loss of function."The exhibition did in fact have a stimulating effect on Americanartists. who played a decisive role in the conceptualization of the exhibition. S. it did evoke averse reactions.as they came to be nomenon. caused a scandal at the Fall Exhibition of 1905.12 Whatever was contrary to conven- tional taste could become connected with Cezannehad faulty pathology. was so "immoral [."16 In fact.Arthur B."'9 The European intelligentsia's preference for Nietzsche. This was clearly the case for Paul Valery. Accordingly. was predominant even among proponentsof cultural modernism. reactions to the international phenomenon of cultural modernism were more extreme in Berlin than in Paris. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the "verschiedensten Dogmen. Philosophien und Ideale. Eliot.WyndhamLewis. the stimulating exclusivist fantasies of On the This content downloaded on Mon. it maintained. Incidentally. opened its doors to some 80. or New York.. holds true on an international level. among other things..the saxophone. the Daily Express headlined "New Terror.000 people chose to see a futurist exhibitionin Londonin 1912: the Pall Mall Gazette spoke of a "Nightmare-Exhibitionin the SackvilleGallery"."as "incapable" or "insane. Nonetheless. to illustrate the point with examples from France..B." The Morning Post refused to run a critique of an exhibition which. In the Netherlands.000 people in Februaryof 1913. Ezra Pound.] that one should not even take notice of it. for Paul Claudel.and so on. eyesight Futurism was not only subject to ridicule on the part of the public and the press in Berlin13-the Britishpress reactedwith astonishment when 40. This privileged position helps explain why cultural modernismhad such irritating and ultimately threatening effects. and Picasso painted like a child. London.S. Critiques in the press labeled the artists as "decadent"and "fraudulent. the rejectionof a moreor less anti-bourgeois art which is indifferent to populartaste and traditionalforms of perception is not a specifically German pheThe Fauves. precisely in Germany one finds such agitated debates on matters that now seem quite harmless to us: compositional techniques.It also held true for the futurist avant-garde. the Armory Show in New York. used the 1912 Sonderbund exhibition in Cologne as a model for his work.Louis-Ferdinand Celine.flat roofs."'" To mention only a few of the many possible names. T. one might even maintain that the lament over modernism'sincomprehensibility is a quintessential feature of cultural modernism'sown self-reflexiverepertoire. The Armory Show didnot actuallyput the latest provocative fad. Discontent with the liberal era. theater productions. In this sense.70 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter2000 privilegedposition of the arts in collective consciousness should not be underestimated."'7 It is more complicatedyet. futurism.

4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Bildungsbiirgertum. indeed. By concentrating on singular quotations and ignoring more embracingcontexts in the histories of traditions. radicalization. the high arts of modernism were indeed promotedby a minority. We should not over- This content downloaded on Mon. Strictly speaking."22 It the public sphere that had seen destroyed so much deliberation on cultural matters. In the Wilhelminian authoritarian state. This dialectic developed within what Foucaultwould have called an historically variable field of attendant circumstances. thus practically ennobled by intellectual history. a majoritywhich constituted. museum directors. only at this point did "German art" require recourseto argumentation. the "unleashed modernism"of Weimar. modernism obtained an additional motivational thrust from the 71 Bildungsbiirgertum's zealous preoccupation with the arts. through their influence over the actual protagonists of modernity. For at this point the Bildungsbiirgertumbecame susceptible to National Socialism. In Germany. as John Careyputs it. the entrepreneurial patrons. but by no means in political polarization or.nonetheless. It is hardlywithout reason that cultural modernism was particularlysuccessful in Germany. although the vocabulary remained almost constant: the Goldmark security of the Wilhelminian Kulturstaat produced a more conciliatory atmosphere. polarized and politicized the modes of argumentation. and antibourgeois intellectuals. achieves a qualitativelynew level. and thereby provided impetus towards their own cultural expropriation. there were disputes about individual artistic movements. Nazism defused this explosive mixture of traditional and modern elements. a negative sounding board. characterized by crisis as the republicwas. but at the same time the new works of art proved elusive to the Bildungsbiirgers' obsolete ideas.The modes of argumentation underwent change along with the course of German history. It was precisely in their pseudo-religious zeal over the arts that the Bildungsbirgertum."20 But nowhereelse is there such an explosive dynamic of artistic productivity and political destructiveness as in Germany. to be "firmlyrooted in European intellectual orthodoxy. and the power of the masses. and it accelerated the devaluation of the Bildungsbiirgers' arts discourse by its reactionarymodernism. In addition. but the national and cultural significance of German art was not in doubt. As long as the Bildungsbiirgertum's cultural hegemony was still a matter of course. With the conclusion of the liberal era around 1880 and the beginnings of cultural modernism. their defining authority and self-ascribed position. The latter.it is easy to draw a line from Nietzsche to Hitler. concerning cultural modernism. publishers.21 effectively promoted the very art which evaded the artistic idealism of the learned.g.In the last analysis. between aesthetically oriented rejection and politically guided identification of enemies. hadtheir impacton the thought and speech of leading British intellectuals. new media. near the end of the Weimar Republic. and Susceptibility Genealogyof Morals or The Gay Science.. the diversity mentioned above resulted in fierce debates over art and controversies about artistic movements. The disputes over international modernism became charged here with unique features of a specifically national sort.had little regard for them.works. this consensus of a nationalism centered on art dissolved.BOLLENBECK: Kultur.then appearswith his MeinKampf. and National Socialism was able to extract "alle Parolen" "aus der Tradition der Debatten um die deutsche Kunst. so to speak.e. They also saw cultural modernism as producing their own marginalization and loss of competence. and artists. How can this be explained?It seems to me that this dynamicoriginates from a dialectic-please excuse the somewhat oldfashioned term-in the process of which the conflictbetween successfulmodernism and the criticism of modernism.

" "breakdown. i. In such contexts. present."25 The concept of cultural Bolshevism26 emerged at the outset of the WeimarRepublic."'24 This reform-oriented adaptation to modernismandthe affirmationof modernism were nowhere more obvious than in the Deutscher Werkbund.Against the powerfultraditions of aesthetics centered on high art.e. championed by its true advocate. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . at the center of this "semantic arsenal" lay two conceptual ensembles.. even though the head of state. The concepts became successful linguistic representations of aesthetic.72 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter2000 look the fact that the imperialiststate was widely accepted as the guarantorof material security and national identity.journalists.deutscheBildung (deutscheKultur)."23 Widespread neolo- gisms such as "aesthetic culture. which presented an early indication of what would later be the Bauhaus.as an enhancement of the symbolicalself-socializationof a national culture. factory owners.This is one of the reasons why Helmuth Plessner can call the prewar period "einen langen ungest6rten Konsolidierungsprozef3 einer zukunftsgewifen geistigen Schicht")." the deep programmaticsaturation of "German" into these nouns transformed a simple category of classification into a category of meaning and orientation. that influential organization composed of politicians." "harmonic culture." "Germanculture" and "German nature. where German art was to have a status equivalent to the arts of other nations. and future developments in the arts were evaluated on their behalf. for instance. and political relevance structures. there was talk of "decay. when. and possessed of a particular socio-historical relevance. They spanned various forms of praxis. Nation und biirgerBezugsgr6Blen liche Werthaltung. social. yet still remained committed to those "drei Staat. Whatever was This content downloaded on Mon. Normally. as metapoliticalconcepts. his behaviorreminiscent of operetta. Past. with a society characterizedby "synthesis and harmony.""German spirit. the Werkbund enhanced the aesthetic value of industrial design and everyday practical items. use of the attribute "German"effected a conceptual modification. where German art was to be defended against some Other. Finally.they also passed into a socialist or even communist context. around the near completion of a "semantic arsenal" that would provide much material for controversies surrounding cultural modernism."and "new style. the French. its conceptof designwas revolutionary. These con- troversial debates made frequent use of phrases such as deutscheKunst. from use as catchwords to the academy. and deutscheArt. However. it developed reform-oriented concepts of social integration. one positive and one negative. They passed into a radically nationalist or even racist context."The semantics of these interrelated expressionscreated an ensemble of evaluative and identificational concepts which were controversial in meaning. deutscher Geist. the German labor movement." or indeed. They were receptive to temporalizations. While the was Werkbund politically much more conformist than the avant-gardemovements of the '20s." testify to attempts to incorporatethe highly-regarded traditionalconceptsinto moderndevelopments and to reformulatethe projectassociated with "German art. occasionally aroused displeasure. To idealize somewhat plainly." "rescue. Consideringthe apparentlythreatening increase in the popularityof the Social Democrats. and artists. or as evidence of "German greatness. "Deutsche Kunst" did not simply mean arts fromthe geographicalGermany. they were capableof being incorporated into ideologies in many differentways." or the "cleansing"of the arts. or the Bolsheviks. Where Germanart was seen as an expression of the Volksgeist. readily available in a quantitative sense. these concepts had an unambiguously positive content. "Germanart. the Jews.

"un-German. Exactly this happened in cepts such as "degeneracy. this was the case when art was called "GerGermanyobtained a new center of culman." ile. it was possible to make rise to an ensemble of concepts expressing judgments and propagate exclusivity on Angst." or "degenerate. The question of who was to assign or sciousness of a threat to the cultural hegedeny these concepts to what remained mony of the Bildungsbiirgertumhad given open. tire. the the WeimarRepublic. now became the cita- This content downloaded on Mon. as the loss of learned this way. In heights in the 1920s. Dresden. Bildungsbiirgertum. the success of which ences in the field of attendant circumnonetheless evoked insecurity. anything to these concepts could be denigrated. Berlin. The separation of meaning following truism of historical semantics: fromdesignationcouldfunctionas a sort of no mere materialcontinuity for a wordjussemantic preservative for dated ideas."28criticisms of Pfitzner." Alreasons why practically everyone could though there were definitely polemical atand appeal to German art: Thomas Mann and tacks on "modernity.variousadjectivalattributescame competence with regard to high art accelto render expressionsmore concretelyand erated." "appropriate to German nature (arteigen). and Susceptibility 73 ascribedto them seemed to be valuable in the latter part of the 19th century. they providemodes of argu."and "culturaldecay. on the contrary. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." or "Aryan.at a later date "artistic Bolshevism" and ing the true representativeof the "intangi. These concepts are apt to what culturalmodernismwere more often articJean Starobinski calls "immanentiza. This is one of the from modernity to "German art. with its international glamour.cepts expressing Angst. disparagement. mentation for the possibilitiesof "German and exclusion. but those who ostensibly sustained German they indicate the consolidations of pejoraculturewhile remainingin Nazi Germany. simply "trash" and man Kultur. and the loss of defining authority to establish a polarization. political options. Capitals of local dynasties such as Munich. there is Ger. and.when the discursive general public swayed "zwischenMinder. for tifies the assumption that meanings have unshakable reservations with regard to remained unchanged regardless of differcultural modernism." And he would deny any "filth"(Schmutzund Schund)."or." or 1933. tive opinions about cultural modernism The conceptsare analyticallyvague and that arose in reaction to a perceivedthreat nominally ambiguous. To mention with respectto the populararts becameenonly the most common characterizations. contheir behalf." "alien." an explicitrejecWill Vesper.) to be played off against actual At this point we must call to mind the conditions. in re.tic representationand historicalconstellations for Germanart. art" (etc. invokedthe "rescue" tion underwent a notable fundamental or "cleansing"by the new state which was change under the crisis-likeinstabilities of expected in 1933. he wouldcometo a self-awarenessofbe. For such reasons. The disorienting potenthat did not correspond tial of cultural expropriationattained new Thus. and Darmstadt. that is.ulated implicitly through the use of contion".to the popular arts. In any case. These conlegitimate claimto representativestatus to cepts were not restricted to the arts.Arnold Sch6nberg and Hans tion of the term "modern.BOLLENBECK: Kultur. disparagement. The relationshipbetween linguisgard to the practicallychimericalexpecta.stances.In ex." "decadence."cultural Bolshevism." or.rejection of modernity tended more and moreto forma coalitionwith authoritarian wertigkeitsgefiihlen und GrPMenwahn"27 when the Nazis came to power.and exclusion." But discontent over cultural modernism could also be expressed in other ways: since tural modernism with the republic. no longer had a significant role to play. with reference ble assets": "WhereverI am.the conitself."culturaldecline. and not only to ThomasMann.

and had established respect und Verrohung." art. in an account of the literature of merly establishedone's own identity. was intensi. Time and again.along the time.the growacter of modernism. as Egon this inclination. but exnationalist prejudice. creating a semantic front united being threatenedby alien influenceswhich against the republic. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." a "cultural crisis. appears as a time of crisis for moder. as was the correspondinganti-urban art" did not stem from success."cultural Bolshevism. politicizing and polarization-all of these tended to increase the perceived threat to the trustyears of the republic.the triumphof modernism." This was the cenish-Bolshevist forces. and this vival.32 culturalexpropriationdue to The derstanding of art. magazines." the disorienting effect in combination with end of the "German spirit.known. "Selbstmordeder Kunst.considers the period around 1910 ence from the international character of to be "heroische Zeiten der modernen modernism. Auto. and functionalism." but above all. and paving the way for "Americanism. and books of the time: "German ing and stirring fears of impending disasart. and "nigger dances.ees of the "intangibleassets.74 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter2000 del of a programmaticallymodern metro. Sport. new biMrger confuse social problems with inmedia."alreadyfamiliarfrom identificationalconcepts such as "German the time of the Kaiserreich. but also as opposedto lamented "die Verflachung.29 So-called "niggerjazz. and pamphlets dealt with the issue of what "cultural Bolshevism" meant and how to combat it." the "Uniformierungund Typisierung des From a perspective of a history of disGeistigen" and "Ausartungendes Ameri. art. newspapers.ideas promotedan identity crisis." or. Dated ideas." and "German fied. In 1930 German Radio broadcast a discus- This content downloaded on Mon. the conflictbetween unKunst. I am referring to yes. the loss of points of referAdorno.and the material expropriation nity unleashed. documentary in a way that shall merely be mentioned style.by "Francophilia" and Harzburg Front. die Kino."30"that seemed to rob one of what had forIn 1927. by others as one of the learned: "German Rundfunk und Revue iPberuns bringen. naming the National Socialists. The polemic against ing appeal to traditional evaluative and the "spiritof Berlin.a found in many newspaper articles. like pressed failure." The greater politan art. should not overlook the fact that interactedwith the experiencesof national from a perspectivenot focused on expropriation arising from the Treaty of Weimar.for it was an expropriation Friedellput it." tral theme of public controversies related the intellectual atmo.culture. Zerstreuung certain others.Volk.to cultural policy in the last crisis-ridden Apparently.Thus."or "Germanculture. here. Even one who. Contraryto appearances.Versailles. modern art. the total revision of representa.the greaterwas ously between the capital and the the yearning for "genuine" German art provinces. between claims to a national that could inspire and lead the German "Germanart" and the international char."and unmasks the later myth of the leashed modernity and outdated aesthetic "Golden Twenties" as a fashionable re. The propensity of the Bildungsto film and radio.catchwordcaused a sensation by expressphlets. wider than the were to be repelled." Dada." from inflation and the Great Depression."was supposedly ter. This widened the gap danger.course it is particularlyinteresting to note kanismus"31 This sort of sentiment can be that nearthe end of the WeimarRepublic. sphere of the Weimar Republic displayed starker conflicts than that of the prewar period. the two principal enemies: "alien Jew. the critic Friedrichvon der Leyen with certain others. commercialization. all of this appears as modernity must have had an even more "cultural decay.tellectual problems is sufficiently well tional techniques-to the traditional un. the Tiller Girls. pam." "German spirit.

" Thus. an extension by metaphorof a politicallystigmatizingwordto encompass"aesthetic" irritations stemming from cultural modernism. the expression was used as a conceptof disparagementand exclusion. should not be underestimated. As one intelligent contemporary observernoted. Mittelparteienhinein. and Asiatic backwardness. and Volk. With reference to the basic component. as a superior form of reality."The supposed threat of Bolshevism gave a greater affective potential to attempts to ascribe cultural modernism to left-wing movements. and Susceptibility sion on the topicbetween the authorAlfred Dbblin and the Jesuit priest Friedrich Muckermann. such as had been commonbut unsuccessful in the prewar era. the powerful influence of ideas associated with intellectual history.35 The modifier "culture. "Bolshevism.Within this tradition we also find the author of Mein Kampf. Bolschewismus articulated collective fears of threats from Russia. Russian domination. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions ." "musical Bolshevism. who was also a politician of the Zentrumparty. daBes sich hier nicht um neue. in 1925. of "destruction. extensive range. Bildungsbiirgertum. recurringin trivializedform. die ihre geistige Tradition nicht verleugnen und deshalb selbst der Verdammnis teilhaftig werden." writing: "es ist zum Gemeinplatz fast der gesamten buirgerlichenPresse geworden. Cossack hordes." indicating an interconnection between cultural modernism and the danger of Bolshevism. phrases emerged such as "artistic Bolshevism. sondern um einen Prozel3der Zerst6rungder Grundlagen unserer Kultur iiberhaupt.A few weeks later."34 Even a preliminary linguistic inspection of the compoundnoun Kulturbolschewismus reveals a novel linkage between the aesthetic and the political." "anarchy. wenn auch falsche kulturelle Auffassungen handelt. in the arts: hitte man erkennensollen." to use Kenneth Burke's term." as a highly esteemed evaluative and identificational concept. from right-wing positions "bis weit in die even Incidentally.Thus." The success story of this catchwordillustrated and promoted the Bildungsbiirgertum'ssusceptibility to National Socialism. the compound combines a programmatical 75 guiding concept with a political term expressingAngst. such ideas."33 the critics of the catchwordacknowledged its communicative success."we are dealingwith a sort of"casuistic stretching. the new Reich Chancellor Franz von Papen.36During the course of the revolution itself. maintaining that." and "orchestral Bolshevism. mit AusnahmegroB3er liberalerZeitungen. and power to mobilize. um eine dadurch mbglich werdende Ver- This content downloaded on Mon. Carl von Ossietzky called the expression "das herrschendeSchlagwortvon heute.37 Here. For in the widespreadinclination to perceivein the condition of art a symbol for the condition of the world. While Kultur remained in high esteem. for the worst threat to culture. this usage was widespread. Both concepts were of considerablesignificance for the intellectual experiential capital of the learned. too. reinforced over generations. used the catchwordfor one of the programmatic items in a governmentaddresswhen he stated: "Atthe final hour a halt must now be put to the German people's moral deterioration. converged into the stigmatizing term "Bolshevism. was taken to be an historical document. remnants of Hegel's content-oriented aesthetics had an effect that was all the wider for its triviality. After the October revolution."Such fears were nurtured by elements of older traditions.BOLLENBECK: Kultur. a workof art. is incongruous with the basic component "Bolshevism. nation. which has been intensified by the disastrous class struggle adverse to community (gemeinschaftsfeindlich)and expandedby cultural Bolshevism."and "suppression.In designatingthe supposedthreat to German culture. particularly notions typical of liberalism and Social Democracyin rejection of Czarist autocracy.

Magnus Hirschfeld's Wissenschaft. First of all.40Demonstrating its affinity to cultural criticism. revues with women undressing. Tucholsky's juice in his columns written for the Weltbiihne. while still indicating the "Gesamtheit der negativen Erscheinungen. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . the history of the catchword's usage will be analyzed in what follows on the basis of three characterizing categories. Obviously. Only by its use as a catchword did the term become imbued with a threatening quality. as an all-encompassing construction. or artistic nature. could take a stand against cultural Bolshevism while looking down on interparty quarrels with contempt.39 How can the powerful influence of this catchword be assessed more precisely? In this case. for the "degenerate" condition of culture that was helping establish Bolshevism. Since culture and Bolshevism are mutually exclusive. dann die boldurch eine kuschewistische Gegenwart bistische Fratze. to use "cultural Bolshevism" as a catchword inclined one towards a construction which was meta-political. Denn wenn das PerikleischeZeitalterdurchden Parthenon verkdrperterscheint. "cultural Bolshevism" served as a denigration schema of extremely wide scope.76 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter 2000 narrung des gesunden Kunstempfindens . critics of the campaign against cultural Bolshevism were quick to notice and expose the absurd consequences of the arbitrariness and elasticity of the concept's range. The "cultural Bolshevism" phenomenon is not exactly linguistic in itself. For this reason. i. the assignment of linguistic characteristics proves to be too abstract to illuminate effectively the concrete historical horizon of cross-references involved. was hugely successful in establishing an immediate connection between the standards of a radically nationalistic mode of argumentation and a political identification of adversaries. the style of the Bauhaus. In this way. at a medium level of synthesis beneath the level of linguistic-systemic abstraction but above particular concrete speech acts. the common denominator in this kaleidoscopeis the negation and critical undermining of all traditional values."42 Again and again we read of the assumption that cultural Bolshevism was pursuing the "destruction of all culture." Incidentally. This made it This content downloaded on Mon. specified without relation to party politics but serving to establish an antirepublic standpoint nonetheless. and morality. Anything that might involve unpleasantness in some particular case might be taken to prove the subversive effects of cultural Bolshevism. as disputes arose over what constituted cultural Bolshevism. but rather a phenomenon that.das ist bekanntlich alles. often elitist and presumed to be apolitical.. too.e. As Tucholsky put it. making the designation evident. always "from the outside" and on behalf of German culture. it could refer to quite disparate individual phenomena. conversely. and. German art. As posed in the newspaper Der Tag: What does cultural Bolshevism mean if it includes Bruckner's Verbrecher. political. as the George circle did. moral. the composite attained a "hostile ambiguity" that spurred on a hostile conflict. The composite noun Kulturbolschewismus came to stand for a Bolshevism that was causing the breakdown of culture.und um die geistige Vorbereitungdes politischen Bolschewismus. Piscator's stage productions. it articulated unprecedented fears and yearnings for rescue. yet generalizing nonetheless. With a highly charged connotative incongruence. "'Kulturbolschewismus' . was einem nicht pa_3t"43 But it was precisely the vague "all-encompassing construction" that guaranteed the catchword its necessary discursive turbulence. Proponents of intellectualism. regardless of whether these are of a religious. and histories as authored by Emil Ludwigand Remarque?Apparently. "cultural Bolshevism" stood for rejecting many widely diverse phenomena of modernity. while dependent on language.

those considering themselves responsible for German art could perceive Sch6nberg or Piscator as agents of Moscow.one didnot haveto mean the same things by the same words. In addition.presented an illustration that identified a "communist headquarters" in Moscow which was supposedly in the process of infiltrating the "cultural centers"of Germanyby "cells. Bildungsbiirgertum.socialists."either in secret or openly."46 The political effects of this variable but unambigu- This content downloaded on Mon. Foertschwas convinced that the situation was drastic: "If the general offensive leads to victory. that it was an all-encompassingconstruction of social affairs that divided the broad expanse of these phenomena into a merely binary or.BOLLENBECK: Kultur."even a genuinely bourgeois ideology could be accused of setting the pace for Bolshevism.he or she deniedthe possibilityof establishing a consensus by freedom to express one's In opinions. Anyone interested in combatingcultural Bolshevism bade farewell to liberaltraditionsand calledfor censorship. sondern wir haben ihn mitten im eigenen This image of the enemy was not restricted to communism or Bolshevism in a strict sense. The enemy was someone 77 Land.trash and filth on the radio. Pamphlets. eliding politicaldifferencesand expanding the group of possible accomplices.Sometimes it seemed to providethe evident designation.44 this sense. In this way.thus abolishingthe separationbetween the state and the arts. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .Karl Foertsch." This brings us to the second characteristic of the history of Kulturbolschewismus. speeches. magazine and newspaper articles. and caricatures all presented a schema of good and evil with an image of the enemy that was variable and yet unambiguous. polarized pattern of valuation. and certain institutions. against Unkultur.In a similarvein.then Germanculture will collapse. in the theater and in film. It provedto be highly variable. Der Kulturbolschewismus und die deutsche Jugend ("Cultural Bolshevism and the GermanYouth"). the director of the national parents' association. As one author observed. it was necessary "nicht erst zimperlich in Kommunisten und Sozialistenzu unterscheiden. the nominal ambiguity of the catchwordprovidedfor its enormoussocial extent." Foertsch maintained that the same course of developments that took place in the Soviet Union was "also being striven for in Germany"by the German communist party. more appropriately. "The Jew" was also supposedly behind cultural Bolshevism. and it remainedunambiguousin a programmatic sense.since it was pursuingits "subversivework. another author asserted. the partyprogram of the liberal DVP for 1931 includeda candid rejection of the traditions of liberalist thought. Thus. and was suspected of furthering "die Entgeistigungund Entsittlichung der arischen Rasse. Then.annihilation will be the result."the media. demanded "state protection against the contemporaryfrantic activity destroying the moral force of the people. and Susceptibility possible to amass widely diverse interests: those wanting to uphold public morality could attribute short skirts or revues involving nakedness to the destructivework of cultural Bolshevism. "44 who came "fromwithout" and proceeded accordingto a detailed plan. liberals. through reliable quasi-religiousor quasi-mythological explanations. As always. and Jews could all be slandered as cultural Bolshevists. "Der Bolschewismus ist nicht nur ein russisches Schreckgespenst. In a text published in 1931. This was also important to the catchword's communicative success. Soviet-Germany will arise from the ruins of the German Reich and a perfect form of cultural Bolshevismwill emerge above the grave of Germannature. For it did indeed identify in Bolshevism an internal and external enemy with whom no reconciliation or understandingcouldbe reached."45 Where Marxism was taken to be a "proletarische[r] Bruder des Liberalismus."This enemy was supposedly right in the middle of the "fatherland.

"the "peasants. later to be one of the founders of the Frankfurter Hefte. cultural Bolshevism appearedas "destructionrolling this way with the force of an avalanche. was branded as the "patriarchof cultural Bolshevism."the "declineof Germannature. a "mergerbetween the Nazi movement and the fascist spirit of ecclesiastical provenience. in Eckhart John's words. To cite only a few examples.also derivesfromfamiliar interpretatorypossibilities of cultural criticism."Muihrappealed to the "people. "Wherever there is danger. of idyllic past. and a poison." Ossietzkyobservedthat "[a]s far as cultural Bolshevism is concerned."and "decay.The socializingeffects of the catchwordwere symbolic. a threatening scenariowas conceivedthat calledfor a united defense. threatened present.'"47 Althoughit was surely not by necessity. in the open or in secret subversive activities. neither was it merechancethat the first recorded occurrence of Kulturbolschewismus is from a March 24. and future rescue." the "middleclass."a "red flood. da. dal3es als ideologischer Kitt eine wirkliche einheitliche Aktionsfront zusammenbringenhilft. bringing it up to date and dramatizing it." "decline. Those who spoke of the impending danger of cultural Bolshevism joined a front united against cultural modernism and the republic. It "narrated"the story of an enemy. Still. as the young theater critic Alfred Mtihrexpressed his fear: "Ifthis leftist intellectual activity and rightist intellectual passivitycontinue."and the "nobility" to defend themselves against such an onslaught. Carl Heinrich Becker." This formationof a frontwas a subjectof detailed discussion for contemporaries. 1927. The catchword's polarizing valuation pattern had enormous integrative potential. It promoted. those who combated cultural Bolshevism and those who were combated as cultural Bolshevists.acrosssocial strata far beyond the organizations of the German CommunistParty. Deutsche Zeitung critique of Piscator's staging of Ehm Welk's play Gewitteriiber Gottland.then.Even such a luminaryof the GermanBildungsbiirgertumas the liberalPrussian minister for education and cultural affairs. von der wir wissen. The majority of the die ffir das This content downloaded on Mon. its temporalization. The young Walter Dirks.and it overcame both party differencesin politics and separations along diverse socio-moral lines. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . and that thus a new "operational front" arose: "Der Antikulturbolschewismus ist negativ formuliert das. for it proved to be a means to stigmatize supportersof cultural modernism and of the republic. the basic mood of impending catastrophe did not lead to a paralyzing sort of pessimism.madea perceptiveobservationin the Zeitschriftfir Religion und Sozialismus in 1932: "Die eigentliche Gefahr dieses Schlagwortes ist." "degeneration." a disease. attacking on all fronts and engaged in an "annihilating struggle" against German culture. Terms indicating processes of de"disincomposition. but they gained an increasingly threatening temporal dimension underthe polarizedvaluationpattern. Even at this early date.B sie verhangnisvoll ware.78 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter2000 ous designation should not be underestimated.such as "breakdown. was man positiv formuliert Faschismus nennt zum mindesten christliche Bulrgertum und die christliche Arbeiterschaft geeignete ideologische Ausgabe des Faschismus.""decadence. Cultural Bolshevism presented a familiar three-stage model. Salvation is also near at hand"-this quotation from Hd1derlin served Ernst Robert Curtius as the motto of his book Deutscher Geist in Gefahr in 1932."were used to describe the historical development of cultural Bolshevism." Dirks realized that the "front against cultural Bolshevism" united both major denominations."48 The third characteristicelement of the history of the catchword's usage." tegration. within a fewyears cultural Bolshevism will flood the entire country. Wirth and Goebbels are in agreement.

futurism.figuressuch as the Cherusci chief Arminius and Frederick BarbaIn rossa. its Leaderloudly denouncedinternational cultural modernism. Bildungsbiirgertum. orders. With its use. "wrote a young teacher who had earned the rank of professor. and intentions.and integrate.the yearning for a rescuing Leader gained even more appeal. Dadaism. schoolmasters.and associations.BOLLENBECK: Kultur."and.daB3 es gelingt. in their intellectual positions.In the last crisis-riddenyears of the republic.Withregard to German culture. motives. that era of parties and parliaments. voicing an appealto Germanart. During the Weimar Republic. politicizing activists. dem wir entgegengehen.appeal.den ich habe. In any case. Es ist unsere einzige Hoffnungwie die Dinge liegen"52 There were considerable differences among those opposed to cultural Bolshevism. and cubism..53 Thus."of the memory of the heroic past of such figures and the hope for the return of heroes and future saviors.a strict dualism between goodand evil with an idea of an apocalypticfinal struggleand a hopeof a rescuing leader.supporters of the youth movement.It articulated and intensified fears both of the success of cultural modernism and of the threat of Bolshevism.combating it. monumental. polarize.] Es ist ein Experiment. but paved the way for it nonetheless. Thus."gibtes unter den Gebildeten viele. "Nachdem Eindruck. But the enormous integrativepowerof the term becamemanifest when aestheticizing escapists. and Susceptibility disorientedBildungsbiirgeryearnedforan "imminentrescue"or for a "revivalof GerThus the narrative of impending many. due to its power to emotionalize.. he was particularly successful in this sense because here he used the familiar vocabulary of the radically nationalistic mode of argumentation. This was not a phenomenon restricted to right-wingparties. Kulturbolschewismus formed the selfmade semantic bridge which a disoriented Bildungsbikrgertum crossed over on its way into the Third Reich. The yearning for the Leader intensified a basic mood of catastrophe that the catch- 79 word"culturalBolshevism"stimulated. and artists alike invoked the dangers of which it warned.mythologicallytransfigured. With the use of this catchword. Gebildete in irgendeiner nennenswerten Zahl zu sich heriiberzuziehen [. National Socialism laid claim to being a "culturalmovement. and rescuing figure better than Bismarck. National Socialism profited from such a scenario by defining its totalitarian ideologyin referenceto an adversarycreatedvia the catchwordKulturbolschewismus. This content downloaded on Mon. This construction of a great."49 threat is incompletewithout the narrative of future rescue. it owed its success to its ability to make evident fearful threats. sects. die mit seiner Bewegung sympathisieren.50 the collective consciousness no one embodied this type of charismatic. the Bildungsbiirgertum'sworship of the arts became a sort of Manichaeism. Hoffen wir. the Georgecircle.a coalition against the republic arose. rescuinghistoricfigure. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . but without emperors and Leaders. a coalition among whose members we also find those who by no means wanted Nazism. it is part of the national/cultural"inventedtradition. writers. clergymen. and eventually annihilating it.51 Hitler inherited the familiaridea of the great. Many of those who found Hitler and his movement "primitive"or "disagreeable" were apparently in a position to welcome him as the rescuer of German culture. With the creation of this adversary. The way out appearedas a course of first construingthe supposedalien as absolute negativity.the catchword developed an enormous political dimension. waihrenddie Sozialdemokratie es nicht verstanden hat. The Leader idea was to be found in all middle-classparties. rescuing figure with a special charisma is not new.the conflict between successful modernism and the criticism of this modernism consolidated into an attitude of us-versus-them with a rigidinclusion and exclusion.

1988) 95-121. "Conservatives and radical nationalists in Germany: the production of fascist potentials. consider the reactions to the New York presentation of modernism in the Armory Show of 1913. and the position expressed by the Agrarians in the South such as John Crowe Ransom and Allen Tate. Die Achse AvantgardeFaschismus. and identity based upon social standing. cultural expropriation commences as early as sometime during the Wilhelminian epoch. as do the views expressed by later Victorians. Bd. such as Thomas Hardy in England and the "action francaise" in France." particularly Henri Massis's rejection of modernism with recourse to Western values ("Defense de l'Occident" 1927. 1988) 63. 12See also Roh. Karin Orchard (Hannover: Ars This content downloaded on Mon. Politische Essays (1945. 11This rejection can be related to various domains: national identity. 13Eva Hesse. als 'futuristisch' beschrieben wurden. Teil IV Politischer Einflu/3 und gesellschaftliche Formation." Vortizismus-Die erste Avantgarde in England 1914-1918. 1995) 15. Jahrhundert. Modernism causes the least difficulties for the domain of social standing. 1986). Jtirgen Kocka (Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta. Die Herabwertung der deutschen Kunst durch die Parteigdnger des Impressionismus (Mannheim: Nemnich. Wie das Birgertum die Moderne fand (Berlin: Siedler. "Rebellen und Vortizisten: 'Unsere kleine Bande'. which in most instances was informed by a presumed "foreign domination of national tradition. and the related rejection of international modernism. 6Theodor Alt. "Das 'deutsche Problem." Bildungsbiirgertum im 19. die die zeitgen6ssische Orthodoxie herausforderten oder auch nur als neu wahrgenommen wurden.80 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter 2000 (Translated from German by Thomas La Presti) Notes 1Richard Alewyn. 3: Von der "Deutschen Doppelrevolution" bis zum Beginn des Ersten Weltkriegs 1849-1918 (Muinchen: Beck. 1990) 50-70. Pierre Bourdieu. 1911) 364. pauschal alle Arbeiten. German translation 1930). but also the "revue universelle. Auseinandersetzungen mit Gegnern der neuen Malerei (Miinchen: List. that is. "Goethe als Alibi.im Jahre 1914. 1962) 46. 4Stefan Breuer. Martin Blinkhorn (London: Unwin. 1986) 25. Deutsche Gesellschaftsgeschichte. The Age of Empire. The Radical Right and the Establishment in Twentieth-Century Europe. It did however make a strong impression on some artists and authors such as Gottfried Benn or Franz Marc. Ein Beitrag zur Analyse seiner Rezeptionsgeschichte (Bamberg: Selbstverlag."' Zur Zeit. For the United States. More interesting in this context is the element of national identity. 10Franz Roh. 14Hesse 31. Wyck Brooks's "America's Coming of Age" (1915). Marinetti und Ezra Pound (ZMirich:Arche. 1992) 29. 8Hans-Ulrich Wehler. the provocation caused by futurism was so enormous that "spaiter." The "Georgians" deserve further inquiry. 1989) 235. Buchges." in Bordieu's term. 3With reference to Fritz Stern's "cultural despair" see Geoff Eley." Andrew Wilson. Asthetischer Fundamentalismus. ed. for the "sense of distinction. 9Dieter Langewiesche was the first to introduce the term "kulturelle Enteignung" into historical research. Apparently. ed. 7Eric Hobsbawm. Modernist works could serve as proof of cultural capital in much the same way that antiques could. 1912-1928." Fascists and Conservatives. Reflexionen iiber Filippo T. "Bildungsbtirgertum und Liberalismus im 19. 2Hannah Arendt." HamRundschau 3. Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste (London: Routledge 1984). Der italienische Futurismus in Deutschland 1912-1922. hegemonic socio-cultural identity. 5Thomas Nipperdey. 1875-1914 (London: Weidenfeld. Streit um die moderne Kunst. Berlin: Rotbuch. Johanna Eltz.. For him. But in Germany this no longer had anything to do with the former cultural hegemony or with an emphatic concept of art oriented to autonomy and to the transformation of reality. 1995) 732. ed.8-10 burger Akademische (1948-49). 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Stefan George und der deutsche Antimodernismus (Darmstadt: Wiss. Jahrhundert.

Die Krise des Geistes (1924. Frankfurt a. Frankfurt a.: Suhrkamp. Mosse. Helmut Berding (Frankfurt a. Dokumente zum Selbstverstdndnis der Literatur um die Jahrhundertwende. Avantgarde und Publikum. 15Milton W. 1917) 65. The Intellectuals and the Masses. Kultur und Politik im deutschen Kaiserreich (Frankfurt a. 19Hesse 217. 26A. 1992) 41. Ausgang der Moderne (Dresden: Reissner. 1991) 15. in den Zur Funktion des Stilbegriffs Bemtihungen um eine industrielle Asthetik." Brown 164. New York: Abbeville. Biirgerliche Kultur und kiinstlerische Avantgarde 1870-1918. opponents of modernism have attempted to declare it to be defunct. For concepts such as Kulturbolschewisand Musikbolmus. Kunstbolschewismus schewismus see Eckhard John." Wolfgang J. Die Deutschen und ihre Kunst. 1996) 74. 1991) 37. Saldern and Sid Auffahrt. Freizeit und modernes Leben in den zwanziger Jahren: Beispiel Hannover (Berlin: Elefanten Press." Diesseits der Utopie (1962." Die literarische Moderne. ed. 1980) 141. Pride and Prejudice among the Literary Intelligentsia. Der Niedergang der biirgerlichen Denk. 16Johan Huizinga. M." Stil: Geschichte und Funktion eines kulturwissenschaftlichen Diskurselements. "Nationale und kulturelle Identitdt im Kaiserreich und der umkimpfte Weg in die Moderne." (Translator's note: depending on the context.und Lebensformen. ed. This content downloaded on Mon. Der Deutsche Bewu/3tsein und Werkbund. 1909). H. The earliest use of the word "postmodern" can be found in Rudolf Pannwitz.BOLLENBECK: Kultur. 17Paul Valery. M. (1962. Pfeiffer (Frankfurt a.Brown. 1994) 103. one must acknowledge that in such cases the concept of modernism was primarily used in reference to aesthetics." Nationales Identitdt: Studien zur Entwicklung kollektive des kollektiven Bewuf/tseins in der Neuzeit. 24Panajotis Kondylis. 81 For the concept of Neuer Stil see Georg Bollenbeck. M. and Susceptibility Nicolai. The newspaper Press was content to publicize a view considering modern art to be an expression of European degeneracy: "Some critics see in this general movement nothing but European intellectual degeneracy carried to its lowest depths. "Die Tragerschicht der Kunst der Moderne blieb auf schmale Gruppen der bfirgerlichen und daruiber hinaus der Oberschichten beschrankt. having published a "Sum of Modernism" (Bilanz der Moderne) five years earlier. 1992). This confirms an observation made by Rudolf Borchardt. Neun hritische Modelle. Ein schwieriges Erbe (Mfinchen: Beck. 1968) 59. 1976) 7-8. 280ccasionally. "Stilinflation und Einheitsstil.: Ullstein. 21Henrike Junge. 23Helmuth Plessner. MusikBolschewismus: die Politisierung der Musik in Deutschland 1918-1938 (Stuttgart: Metzler. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions .: Insel.." Faschismus und Avantgarde. the German word Moderne can mean either modernity or-in the more strictly cultural sense-modernism. Im Schatten von morgen (Bern: Gotthelf. "Jene zwanziger Jahre.: Athenaeum. Adorno. Gotthart Wunberg (Frankfurt a. Thus in 1909 Samuel Lublinski. v. 1974) 101. Die liberale Moderne und massendemokratische Postmoderne (Weinheim: VCH-Acta Humanoria. M. ed. 27Belting 41.. 1988) 45. The Story of the Armory Show (1963. "Die Legende von den zwanziger Jahren." Eingriffe.: Suhrkamp. he was disappointed with the "Neo-Romanticism" he had previously favored. who assumed in 1905 that the debasement of the concept of modernism was caused by a shift from the "temporal sphere" to the "realm of aesthetics. Frankfurt a. 1994) 529. Intellektuellen Mommsen. 25Wolfgang Hardtwig.: Suhrkamp. ed. now spoke of "The End of Modernism" (Ausgang der Moderne). "Rede auf Hofmannsthal. M. M. Die Krisis der europdischen Kultur (Nirnberg: Carl.) Rudolf Borchardt. 1986) 215-29. Reinhold Grimm and Jost Hermand (Konigstein: Athenaeum. ed. 1880-1939 (London: Faber. 141. 18George L. Of course. 1935) 157-66. 20John Carey. 1994). 1992) 208. U. M. Bildungsbiirgertum. "Faschismus und Avantgarde. ed. Wochenend und schbner Schein. 22Hans Belting. At this point. Zur Rezeption avantgardistischer Kunst in Deutschland 1905-1933 (K61ln: Bdhlau. Gumbrecht and L. Samuel Lublinski. 29Theodor W. 1971).: Suhrkamp.

35I am indebted to my colleague Clemens Knobloch in Siegen. this aspect is by no means the secret to the expression's success. denn der vollstaindige Zusammenbruch unseres gesamten Wirtschafts. And." Griine Briefe fiir Politik und Wirtschaft 28 (June 1929). Bildung und Kultur.. 42Kurt Tucholsky.." Lexikon zur Die biirgerlichen und Parteiengeschichte. Band 9: 1931 (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt. (Leipzig: Pahl-Rugenstein. An Anatomy of Purpose (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill. und wie werden wir den Kultur- This content downloaded on Mon. Zensur in der Weimarer Republik (Stuttgart/Weimar: Metzler. 33Hilarius Berg." Die Weltbuihne27 (1931): 559-60. and not only for calling my attention to the work of Kenneth Burke--Permanence and Change. In a sermon published as "The Church's Opposition to Bolshevism. "Sigilla Veri. ed. Ringer. Mein Kampf Zwei Bdnde in einem Band (1925/1927). Asthetischer Fundamentalismus (see note 4). 1992). 41Iwan Iljin. 1977). Volksbund. "Was ist 'Kulturbolschewismus'?" Zeitschrift fiir Religion und Sozialismus 3 (1931): 225. wie diese Frage! Die beiden gr6l3ten unter den grol3en Fragen der deutschen Gegenwart sind: wie werden wir dem Geburtenriickgang des Volkes Einhalt tun. ihr Parteien im Lande." 40Breuer. Literatur und Drittes Reich (Schernfeld: SH-Verlag. zihlen selber zum Kulturbolschewismus. et al. 1983) 72. A Grammar of Motives (Berkeley: U of California P. "Kulturbolschewismus." Uwe Jens Wandel. rather.." 7. verlag der NSDAP. The philosopher Max Wundt from Tiibingen held "Jewish influence" responsible for "Zersetzung deutscher Geistesbildung" and for "cultural Bolshevism. die nicht so wichtig sind. helfen zu graben den Brunnen des Lebens. ffir Massen ausgedacht und in Sprechch6ren." Gesammelte Werke in 10 Bdnden. "Kultur-Bolschewismus. See also Georg Bollenbeck. wie er es leider verdient.. 46Hans Hauptmann. For Haas. Glanz und Elend eines deutschen Deutungsmusters (Frankfurt a. Dieter Fricke et al. 48Walter Dirks. ed. mit Lautsprechern und fetten Drucklettern an die Massen herangetragen. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . Kulturgeschichte der Neuzeit (1927-1931) (Mtinchen: Beck. Bund ffir Volk und Heimat (Zuirich: Mitten-durch-Verlag. 1. Bildung 34Carl Ossietzky. die mit wirlklichkeitsfremden Schlagworten zu gewaltsamen Umsturz und gewagten Experimenten verleiten m6chten. The Decline of the German Mandarins. Kulturbolschewismus. "Kulturbolschewismus oder Sozialistische Kulturfaschismus. 44Kurt Hutten. Ketelsen. The German Academic Community.und Kulturlebens wire die Folge solcher Versuche. Kulturbolschewismus. Ein Zeitspiegel." Der Weltkampf 8 (1931): 441. kleinbiirgerlichen Verbdnde in Deutschland (1789-1945).82 THE GERMAN QUARTERLY Winter 2000 30Egon Friedell. I would also like to acknowledge a number of significant suggestions and references I gained from a master's thesis completed in connection with my research project in Siegen: Bj6rn Laser. 1890-1933 (Cambridge." Manfred Weilbecker.8 (August 1932) 162. ed. of course. 31Cited in Uwe K. 1975) 299. Eine deutsche Schicksalsfrage (Stuttgart: Ev." Historische Jubildumsausstellung des Universitdtsarchivs Tiibingen (Tiibingen 1977) 325-26. Ein politisches Schlagwort in den 20er und 30er Jahren (Siegen 1997). vol. 1933) 4. streitet euch nicht um Dinge. ihr V61lkerkonferenzen. 47"Der Siegeszug des Kulturbolschewismus. (Mfinchen: Zentral1938) 287. John's standard work on the subject should be mentioned here once more: Musik-Bolschewismus (see note 26). ". 36The former "Anti-Bolshevist League" (subsequent to 1919 the "League for Preservation of German Culture") issued the following statement in 1921: "Wir wollen vor Hetzreden und doktrinaren Utopien warnen. 1995). "Antibolschewistische Liga. 1932) 1. "Was ist Kulturbolschewismus?" Der Tag 26 June 1931. 37Numerous examples are cited in John 41-46. 39This was recognized early on by Samuel Haas in his pamphlet Kulturbolschewismus. he suspects the term "k6nnte deshalb leicht als ein konstruiertes Schlagwort abgetan oder nicht so ernst genommen werden. 1989) 1507.: Insel 1994). 1969). Schlagw6rter.M. 45Haas 13. 32Fritz K. 43 Klaus Petersen.: Harvard UP 1969)." Cardinal Faulhaber preached: Ihr religi6sen Bekenntnisse. 38Adolf Hitler.

JahrBiirgertums seit dem spiten und Birgerlichkeit im 19. 1932." Der Ring 3. 1960) 221. remarked: Es sei daher zu hoffen und zu wiinschen. 1920. 51Hans Mommsen.1 (1998): 121.: Insel. This content downloaded on Mon. and enthusiasm of university students in the years preceding 1923. Erinnerungen Verlag Der Loewe. M. Notker Hammerstein. In retrospect. (K61ln: 53With reference to the circle surrounding George.BOLLENBECK: Kultur. zu denen ich gleichfalls die nunmehr starkste Partei des Reichstages. I witnessed Adolf Hitler's beginnings. purer future. die Nationalsozialistische Partei zihle. in der Person Stauffenbergs dagegen aufgestanden zu sein. Stefan Breuer writes in Asthetischer Fundamentalismus: Der asthetische Fundamentalismus kann ffir sich in Anspruch nehmen. wie sie das NS-Regime verk6rperte. Frankfurt a. and the phenomenon of "cultural Bolshevism" numbered among the longer-term conditions of possibility for National Socialism. 1984] 28. Und die Bestimmung der Deutschen (Jena: Diederich. At that time. dedication. hundert. With all due respect. 83 52Letter written March 26. "Die Aufldsung des 19. Cardinal Pacelli. I [Frankfurt a. 1932) 188.) 49Richard Benz. den hinter der kommunistischen Partei marschierenden Kultur-Bolschewismus von Deutschland fernzuhalten. one could hope for a new." Saeculum. 1987) 303-04." Biirger Jahrhundert. 50Klaus Schreiner. und es bleibt ihm die Ehre. one should not forget Stauffenberg's enthusiasm when the National Socialists came to power. Bildungsbtirgertum. ed. Bd. alles daransetzen werden. "'Wann kommt der Retter Deutschlands?'.7 [16 February 1930])." Friedrich von der Leyen. Deputy Minister of the Vatican.. Deutsche Bildung-Briefwechsel zweier Schulmdnner. or the fact that the rejections of the republic. Otto Schumann -Martin Havenstein 1930-1944. Friedrich von der Leyen remarked in a similar vein: "While still in Munich. 1988). Leben und Freiheit der Hochschule. Die politischen Ideen des deutschen Nationalismus zwischen 1918 und 1933 (Mfinchen: dtv. ed. Antidemokratischer Denken in der Weimarer Republik. She reported that the entire audience had been captivated by his temperament and his bitter mockery of our pitiful conditions. Formen und Funktionen von politischem Messianismus in der Weimarer Republik. and Susceptibility bolschewismus fernhalten? Stecken wir schon zu tief im Kulturbolschewismus? Die abendlindische Kultur darf nicht untergehen in der bolschewistischen Unkultur!" ("Die Kirche gegen den Bolschewismus. daB wie das Zentrum und die Bayrische Volkspartei so auch die anderen auf christlicher Grundlage stehenden Parteien. Whenever one saw the zeal. Jahrbuch far Universalgeschichte 49. niemals gewollt zu haben. Jtirgen Kocka (G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck. Geist und Reich. the parliament. M. (Georg Denzler and Volker Fabricius. 4 Feb 2013 21:05:10 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions . eine derart miBglilckte Kreuzung von Charisma und Btirokratie. als die meisten schon resigniert hatten. 1978) 214-22.: Fischer. Die Kirchen im Dritten Reich. Kurt Sontheimer. my wife returned full of enthusiasm from an evening speech Hitler had given.

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