Synthesis Thematic Report on Intercultural Education (WP5

Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia

Zelia Gregoriou Department of Education, University of Cyprus

Grant Agreement no. 216065

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Table of Contents
1. Introduction: The limits of culturalism and the quest for the repoliticization of Intercultural Education ........................................ 7 PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF RESEARCH, METHODOLOGY AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS ........................................................................... 12 2. Expanding the theoretical terrains of research on intercultural education: gender, intersectionality, performativity ....................... 12 2.1. Engendering Migration Studies: Insights for research on intercultural education ............................................................................................ 13 2.2. Racializing and engendering research on migrant and ethnic students: intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality. .............................. 15 2.3. Bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools ....................................................................... 20 3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. WP5 Methodology .................................................................... 24 Goal of the research ................................................................. 24 Objectives ............................................................................... 25 Basic premises, hypotheses and concepts .................................... 26

Premises .......................................................................................... 26 Hypotheses ...................................................................................... 26 Concepts .......................................................................................... 27 3.4. 3.5. Basic research questions ........................................................... 29 Research Methodology .............................................................. 30

Data collection.................................................................................. 30 Participatory Ethnography (Level One Data) ......................................... 30 Focus Groups and/or Intervention Activities and Workshops ................... 31 3.6. National Case Studies: Phrasing research questions in national context, Defining Research Field, outlining research steps ......................... 33

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.6.1. 3.6.2. 3.6.3. 3.7. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.4.1. 4.4.2.

Cyprus ................................................................................. 33 Greece ................................................................................. 33 Macedonia ............................................................................ 34 Data analysis and interpretation ................................................. 34

National Contexts .................................................................... 36 Cypriot National Context ........................................................... 36 The Greek National Context ....................................................... 41 The Madedonian Context ........................................................... 48 Defining Research Field and Research Tools ................................. 51 Cyprus: A Multi-sited study on multicultural schools ................... 51 Applying WP5 methodology in the Cypriot Context: Research tools

and research steps ............................................................................ 56 4.4.3. Greece: A case study on 49 t h Primary School of Athens, Kerameikos 60 4.4.4. Applying WP5 methodology in the Greek Context: Research tools

and research steps ............................................................................ 63 4.4.5. 4.4.6. Macedonia: A case study on Cvetan Dimov, Skopje .................... 65 Applying WP5 methodology in the Macedonian Context: Research

tools and research steps .................................................................... 67 PART TWO: ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA ............................................. 70 5. 6. The cultural politics migration (Greece and Cyprus only) .......... 70 Masculinities, Femininities and Gender .................................... 76

6.1. Diligent girls, Aggressive Albanian Boys, Predatory Afghan others: From the Analysis of Geek Data ............................................................. 77 6.2. Ethnicized masculinities and femininities, sexual taboos and the quest for sex talk: From the Analysis of Macedonian Data .................................. 80

............. 12.... 129 References ............................................... 114 11.. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus....... Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6...... 101 Language ................................................................GEMIC.................... 8. Greece.......3.................... 82 7.................... Mapping Classroom Social Dynamics: Analyzing Sociograms of Multicultural Classrooms ..................... 94 Violence .............. 13... 105 10.... 9.................. Developing Research Reflexivity on the ethnographic gaze 126 Conclusions and recommendations ................ 130 4 ..... Ethnicity / Race / Cultural difference ........................................................................ The genderization of intercultural research and the multiculturalism‘s reinforcement of gender regimes: From the Analysis of Cypriot Data ..........................

5 . lies heavily on the analysis of data and discussion developed by the three authors of the Thematic National Reports. and this overshowes the authorial constribution of Alexandra Zavos and Ana Blazheva. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Writers and Researchers Composition of WP5 National Research Teams Cyprus Zelia Gregoriou (Author of National report and Coordinator of Research Team) Researchers: Zelia Gregoriou Paraskevi Michael Costas Stylianou Emily Christodoulou Mantalena Tsouka Kalipso Charalambous Giorgos Stoyias Rena Choplarou Valentina Chlorakioti Georgios Zoitsas Loizos Loukaides Vera Paschali GREECE Alexandra Zavos (Author of National Report) Researcher: Alexandra Zavos MACEDONIA Ana Blazheva (Author of National Report) Researchers: Ana Blazheva Viktorija Borovska WP5 Synthesis Report This is a collective work of writing. The synthesis was composed by Zelia Gregoirou but the content. especially the presentation of findings from national studies. Greece. Frequent references to the National Reports were avoided for the sake of flow and consciseness. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. I thanks both of them. Thanks are also extended to Alexandra Zavos and Nikos Kokosalakis for their insightful feedback on earlier versions of the report and to all the researchers.

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. Greece.

44). linguistic. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. This grounding of intercultural dialogue in teaching about diversity and teaching for tolerance is becoming acclaimed across multiple levels (local. national and EU) and diverse strata of policy (migration and security. the Decision calls for fostering the role of education as ―an important medium for teaching about diversity‖ and ―increasing the understanding of other cultures and developing skills and best social practices‖ (ibid. In this sense. Intercultural education presents a considerably controversial area of socio-cultural development in multicultural societies and migrant integration policy applications insofar as it is understood as one of the main apparatuses and sites through which gendered national (cultural. One of the most representative samples of EU policy documents that reflect this approach is Decision No 1983/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2006 concerning the designation of 2008 as European Year of Intercultural Dialogue: At the heart of the European project. religious.). Greece. Lisbon objectives) at a time when critical 7 .GEMIC. education is a highly political and politicized field. Over the last decades education has been celebrated across traditionally migrant receiving societies in the west as the paradigmatic social sphere for promoting intercultural dialogue. combating xenophobia by foregrounding diversity as a source of cultural capital. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 2009). 2006: p. Indeed. both for natives and migrants. and cultivating the sense that tolerance to difference is an essential condition for the promotion of social cohesion and social harmony in an age of mobility and multicultural becomings. The ―intercultural competence‖ approach of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue has been deployed in guidelines for migrant integration and educational camplaigns attempting to bridge the call for ―cultural awareness‖ with ―global challenges‖: 2008 has been designated as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue…. at a time of increasing societal heterogeneity characterized by globalization. The field of education is seen as crucial for the promotion of cultural awareness and expression as a key competence for successful participation in knowledge society (Faas. In outlining the specific aims of 2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. migration and European integration. Furthermore. it is important to highlight the contribution of different cultures to the Member States' heritage and way of life and to recognise that culture and intercultural dialogue are essential for learning to live together in harmony (Decision No 1983/2006/EC. it is important to provide the means for intercultural dialogue and dialogue between citizens to strengthen respect for cultural diversity and deal with the complex reality in our societies and the coexistence of different cultural identities and beliefs. minoriries and majorities alike. social inclusion. Introduction: The limits of culturalism and the quest for the repoliticization of Intercultural Education WP5 focuses on the intersections between gender and migration in the context of intercultural education. ethnic) identities and histories are constructed and reproduced. one of the most pressing questions facing policy-makers and politicians is how to combine diversity with inclusion and cohesion.

Whereas additive approaches to multicultural education promise inclusion. 158). Invocations to diversity and tolerance are increasing criticized for becoming banners for a depoliticized version of intercultural education.and westo-centric. particularly a conservatized version that does more to sustain inequities than to demolish them (Díaz-Rico. the premises on which current intercultural educational approaches are based are drawn from neo-liberal. subsumes the vision of multicultural education to an economic rationality where educational aims are blurred with profiles of psychological qualities. re/presented as ‗multiculturalism‘ and ‗diversity‘. and social change. 1996. The emphasis on cultural awareness and expression marks the eclipse of a vision for whereas the so called 'competence for participation‘. Greece.managed and regulated so as not to disrupt systemic cohesion—Alexandra Zavos (author of the Greek National Report) points out that multicultural education is preserving existing hierarchies of power. In addition. 1993: p. that the ‗melting pot‘ doesn‘t melt. the absences in popularized understandings of intercultural education. accepted. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. nationalist. Idealized ―competences‖ such as ―cultural awareness‖ and competence for ―participation‖ look sound more like user tools for a multicultural neo-liberal market of skills than education aims. or of the inequalities and oppressions that attend it. ―competence based‖ curricula come to cater for the ‗rest‘. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- voices from within the field of intercultural education are increasingly questioning the content. 2003). individualistic and market-driven priorities. The invoked individual has to fit the model of the enterprising and welladjusted participant. and therefore cannot develop appreciation of difference. 1998).since their differences are compatible with the hegemonic culture -. who through ‗cultural awareness and expression‘ deals with 8 .GEMIC. Their target is not mutlicultural education as such but rather the view that there is no racism in Europe and that racist attitudes can be treated by promoting cultural understanding for immigrant others: Multi-culturalism emerged as a result of the realization. but on human relations and celebrating diversity (Hidalgo et al. and that ethnic and racial division get reproduced from generation to generation … Multi-culturalism constructs society as composed of a hegemonic homogeneous majority. the politics and. this outlook frames the individual and not social processes as the main subject (and object) of both education. Analyzing the ideological cohort between the individualistic ethos of the competence approach and the espoused ―managed diversity‖ of the multicultural ‗new‘ Europe-. YuvalDavis & Cain.. In decoding some of the major formulation of anti-racist policies in Britain in the early 90‘s. and small unmeltable minorities with their own essentially different communities and cultures which have to be understood. Concerns about the depoliticization of intercultural education echo similar concerns that have already been expressed about the overall project of multiculturalism as a hegemonic response to migrant Europe. Some critics argue that the prevalent version of intercultural education focuses not on eliminating educational inequities. originally in the USA. Anthias. and basically left alone order for society to have harmonious relations (Anthias. Yuval-Davis & Cain situate their critique of mutlicultralist thinking against the background of growing racism and fascism in Europe. representation and recognition to the unmeltable minorities. As argued in the Greek Report. drawing on individualistic and market-derived models of social relations. This framework is centered on the West. and then in Britain. Jackson. euro. mostly.

structures the life of the post-imperial polity. lifelong learning. is likely to be diverted to toward two equally unsatisfactory destinations. audiovisual policy and research (Decision No 1983/2006/EC. cultural critic and social theorist Paul Gilroy has recast the concern with Europe‘s reluctance to engage with issues of racism in a postcolonial framework. including the educational declaration of respect for migrant and ethnic students‘ difference. as one among a series of problems to be handled with intercultural dialogue: Intercultural dialogue is an important dimension in many Community policies and instruments in the fields of the structural funds. gender equality. In fact. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- diversity (not difference and inequality) competently. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. perhaps we fail to understand race the very moment we reduce racism to a practical problem of attitudes or ignorance to be tackled through intercultural education. What exactly do we mean when we declare a campaign of intercultural education towards combating racism and xenophobia? If. human rights and sustainable development. uses. as Gilroy argues. The refusal to think about racism. its modernity. youth. 14). The meanings. ―If it survives at all. This is commentable in many ways 9 . refugee and other marginalized populations. combating racism and xenophobia. in the document of the Parliament‘s Decision. This kind of framework does not account for the ways in which different processes of neo-liberal globalization (such as urban regeneration and development) affect local neighborhoods and schools with migrant. or governmentally. that is without disrupting social cohesion. 45).‖ as he calls them) and how these constitute a driving element in the development of Europe‘s selffashioning.‖ Gilroy argues. combating discrimination and social exclusion. without stirring the waters. citizenship and sport. Browsing through EU member states‘ National Campaign statements and National Action Plans on ―2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue‖ we will realize that words such as ‗culture‘ and ‗difference‘ are used in abundance whereas the words race and/or racism are slimly or never used. They sometimes feel anachronistic because they do try to return contemporary discussion to a moral ground that we feel we should have left behind long ago (Gilroy. we may observe charitably that questions about ―race. racism is mentioned once. The idea that intercultural education is a practical necessity in educating citizens for a new global and multicultural world has become by far an orthodoxy for any educational initiative that claims to be progressive. 2005: p. He argues that [i]n seeking an explanation for the widespread reluctance to engage racism analytically. culture. its political theory. its cultural processes. This is not a mere case of a post-traumatic historical silence. modernizing and European. historically. i. and differentiation have a distinctive. More recently. mid twentieth century ring to them. according to Gilroy. cultural raciologies structure Europe‘s modernity. This is the intersecting (racialized and classed) diversity that the educational system does not want to deal with. adding a little ethnic potpourri to good old national flavours. policy on asylum and the integration of immigrants. The first can be identified through its affirmation of practical action.GEMIC. education. critical reflection on racism. effects and implied silences of such formulations will be subjected to critical analysis in our research. 2006: p. employment and social affairs. opting instead for the glossy life-style kind. Europe‘s refusal to think about race structures its inability to see how the imperial system of race thinking has transformed into modernist rationalities (―rational irrationalities of raciology. nuances. Greece.e.‖ identity.

European values etc. How do teachers understand intercultural education? How do teachers deal with the challenges posed by intercultural settings and arenas? Does the talk on intercultural education. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. the other‘s culture.GEMIC. Gorski finds that their responses typically reflect more of a ―compassionate conservative consciousness than an allegiance to equity and justice‖: a majority of well-intentioned equity advocates respond that multicultural education is about ‗learning about other cultures‘ (which brings to mind the question. other than what?) or ‗celebrating the joys of diversity. inclusion. racism and postimperial colonial melancholia replicated. in a postcolonial European context (or heading). The theoretical question we have been posing throughout our fieldwork and the analysis of our data is this: What remains unspoken between formal understandings of the goals of intercultural education and the realities of the intercultural interactions in schools? Or. xenophobia and ethnocentrism finally disrupt reluctance to deal with racism or does the preoccupation with others and others‘ difference constitute another raciology that is used to normalize borders and hierarchies? Pegging the question in a more acute way. to phrase this in a reverse way. the enhancement of racial equality and the battle against racial injustice become technical problems to be managed and administered (Gilroy. ―otherness‖ and ―culture‖ are indebted to what Etienne Balibar calls the reinstantiation of the ―colonial moment‖. The evasive unity of theory and practice is then replaced by the unconditional exaltation of practice. At best. capitalizing on their multicultural agenda. Gorski (2006) asks: How do we conservatize multicultural education? When he asks multicultural education professionals in the US to define multicultural education. Etienne Balibar echoes Gilroy‘s thesis on racialized rationalities of modernity when he engages with Europe‘s ―liquid modernity‖ as a machine of self-projection and border protection that produces otherness and transforms strangers into Europe‘s enemies.‘ And although such lessons and celebrations may be valuable educationally. when unattached from a transformative vision. that irreconcilable maxim that migrants will have to learn to respect and reconcile their value systems with. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- but becomes suspect where enthusiasm for praxis combines with hostility toward reflection. the mere coining of these terms signals one‘s commitment to the combating of racism? No speech act is used with such disciplinary certainty and sense of intercultural civility as the invocation to the signifigance of the ―the others‘ culture‖. unencumbered by thought. what kinds of boundaries are established when we speak about mobility and exchange of cultures in the multicultural classroom? Are regimes of patriarchal thought. is a specific historical construct whose roots can be traced in different phases 10 . In a recent exchange with Zygmunt Bauman. Revitalizing the links between theory and research constitutes in itself a step towards this direction. they do not. integration. 16-17). move a classroom or school toward authentic multicultural education (Gorski. Balibar argues that the concept of ―european civilization‖ which is often projected as the irreducible and unassimillable core of European identity. what happens with the colonial baggage of terms such as ‗culture‘ and ‗civilization‘ when. One of the major challenges for this work package has been to develop theorizations of intercultural education and frameworks for research in intercultural environments which repolitisize the field. 167). 2005: pp. Terms which are have become commonsensical in intercultural education such as culture. contested or negotiated when schools. fashion themselves as arbingers of tolerance to others? Furthermore. Greece. 2006: p. And yet both terms. will be investgated in situ. What was racial politics becomes policy or therapy and then simply ceases to be political. difference.

the methodology and the national contexts. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. p. If intercultural policies. in the rest of the world. 57). there was not really a concept of Europe as a juridical system of international relations among European nations and also not a feeling of common cultural identity before colonization. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- of European imperialism. with and not against the conflictual and dissymmetric relations. completely onesided … As Eric Hobsbawm recently pointed out. In Part One we explain the theoretical underpinnings of our research. arrangements.GEMIC. researchers need to be equipped with theoretical tools that enable them to see how gender. This requires that researchers as cultural others preserve that essential estrangement that will enable them to study from a critical distances the ethos of multircultural schools and investigate the origins. At the same time. interplayed but also displaced in what we could call the intercultural moment. actions and performances are played amidst. In Part Two we present our research findings and conclude with comparative remarks on the three national case studies and recommendations for policy action. activities. in order to apply intersectionality toward the research of intercultural interactions in schools. Analyzing the ―contribution of the colonial moment‖ to the construction of the European identity. 2009). but also as a framework where to incorporate products. 2005. Accordingly. measures. collectively (Balibar. 11 . images and discourses from its ―colonial subjects‖ in a conflictual relationship which remained dissymmetric until the colonization finished and even after but was never. Greece. I believe. race and migration are played out. it developed its civilization which it perceived as Civilization per se as an instrument of power to be exercised over other peoples and cultures in the world. that is. Balibar states: It has become common wisdom that Europe framed its image and the criteria of its membership in as much as it conquered and colonized the world. before the citizens from rival colonial powers collaborated and fought against each other to divide the periphery or what they perceived now to be a centre occupied by themselves. effects and opportunities for the interruption of what Gilroy calls the ―romance of racial and ethnic absolutism‖ (Gilroy. any research committed to repoliticizing the concept and field of intercultural education must remain alert to recording and decoding both the instantiations of the colonial moment that Balibar describes but also its displacement and interruption.

Davies. Youdell. performativity of research on intersectionality. gender and ethnicity as well as GEMIC‘s theoretical indebtedness to critical race theory. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 2003. Second. 12 . in order to avoid the trap of cultural essentialism and the idealization of difference we have taken into consideration both the interpretive turn to culture (Geertz. migration studies. Greece. First. By bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools. 1999. concepts and questions from theoretical terrains outside the disciplinary borders of education which deal with issues of immigration. global inequality. This section attempts to renegotiate the conceptual and political borders of intercultural education by importing ways of thinking. 2008). This attempt to chart new terrains of research on intercultural education along GEMIC‘s axes of interdisciplinarity and intersectionality is outlined under four headings: (a) Engendering migration studies (with comments and recommendations on how some of these theories and methodologies could be re-iterated in WP5 towards the engendering of school ethnographies of intercultural interactions). moments were students and teachers are hailed by dominant discources but. 1973) as well as the recent quests in the academic field to politicize intercultural educational by contextualizing the discussion of cultural difference in the context of conflict. Jones. Expanding the theoretical terrains intercultural education: gender. migration and national politics (Gorski. at the same time. research in anthropology). 2005. 1990. Pessar and Mahler. 2006). 2006). (b) Racializing and Genderizing Immigrant Students Interactions and (c) Racialized and Gendered School Practices: Bringing performativity in. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF RESEARCH. Piper. Third. in order to avoid the trap of conflating the engendering of intercultural education with a focus on differences between migrant boys and migrant girls (which might also limit our understanding of the kinds of resistance to hegemony and agency we might be encounter in schools during the field work phase) we have focused on theorizations of gender as performance rather than identity (Butler. we have reviewed how the engendering of migration studies has decelopped over the last years (Hondagneu-Sotelo. performative opportunities that such moments implicate for subjects to break from context and position themselves in defiant positionings. postcolonial theory and transnational studies invite new theorizations of intercultural education. Our attempt to engender the study of intercultural education has built on three areas of research. 2006. that is. METHODOLOGY AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS 2. Introducing a gender perspective to the research on multicultural schools and intercultural educational interfaces means overcoming the usual understanding of gender as inclusion of the variable sex or intensifying the comparison of what boys and girls do across the axis of ethnicity. The intersectional framing of GEMIC‘s methodological approach to migration. both at the level of educational goals and at the level of research methodology. we want to analyze moments of ambiguous positionings. gender and intercultural interactions (gender studies.GEMIC.

Hondagneu-Sotelo notes the proliferation of works on women migrants as a category but makes the cautionary remark that a dynamic and fluid conceptualization of gender as relational and situational is still missing. did not amount to the engendering of migration studies itself. iterating Ferree et al. beginning in the 1970s. Hirsch.GEMIC. 2006: p. The task.. at the same time. Yeates. A similar kind of that shows the ambivalent deployment of power and agency in transnational trajectories as is found in Karen Richman‘s work (Richman. 566). Mahler and Pessar note that. 13 . 2005. by creating and manipulating the categories of gender. But. The application of intersectionality in migration studies brings up the need to rearticulate and re-emphasize intersectionality‘s meaning 1 The authors cite from Fouron and Glick (2001) examples of how patriarchy is both challenged and buttressed by transnational migrants' actions across geographic space and scales of agency. then. they add a crucial caveat to this appraisal of poststructuralism‘s contribution: gender should also be understood "simultaneously as a structure. multi-sited and interlayered realities and social inequalities of migration as a gendered experience (Lutz. is not simply to document or highlight the presence of undocumented women who have settled in the United States. In a 2003 article they advocate "gendered geographies of power" as a framework for analyzing people's gendered social agency given their their positioning within multiple hierarchies of power which are operative within and across multiple terrains. Greece. however. that is. This kind of interest in women migrants. 2005. As they point out. 1994: p. By examining the ways in which gender. Mahler and Pessar acknowledge the contribution of poststructuralist approaches to the shift from the comparison of gender roles to a more dynamic and fluid conceptualization of gender. the dearth of research on women was replaced by a ―a flurry of historical and contemporary studies that took women migrants as the primary subject of inquiry‖ (Mahler and Pessar. In a literature appraisal. 2000. 2002. relations and ideologies are fluid. but to begin with an examination of how gender relations [which are exercised in relational and dynamic ways] facilitate or constrain both women's and men's immigration and settlement (Hondagneu-Sotelo. She outlines such a conceptualization of gender back in 1994: Gender is not simply a variable to be measured. race and nation intersect in migration contexts. (1999). This framework. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. a number of studies map new forms of marginality as well as new forms of agency. allows the study of gender as envisioned and practiced within and across different scales and transnational spaces while. Hondagneu-Sotelo points out that ―the vast majority of immigration studies are still conducted as though gender relations are largely irrelevant to the way the world is organized‖ (Hondagneu-Sotelo. 2005). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2.1. xix). they suggest. a latticework of institutionalized social relationships that.1 Intersectionality is another approach that addresses the multiple. Engendering intercultural education: insights from migration studies In a critical genealogy of gender in migration studies. 28) and many other studies that incorporated ―gender‖ by inserting the variable of sex into their quantitative data collection. 1999. 1999: p. or to ask the same questions of immigrant women that are asked of immigrant men. 1997. Parreñas 2001. conceptualizing gender as a process yields a more ―praxis-oriented perspective‖ wherein gender identities. Anderson. organize and signify power at levels above the individual" (Ferree et al. not fixed. The call to theorize gender as situational and procedural in tandem with the cautionary remark not to dismiss structures is traced in their own work. it acknowledges and accommodates the inconsistencies and contradictions across these spaces. 3). conducted in the late 1990s. 1999: p. but a set of social relations that organize immigration patterns. 2008).

2 In other words. One of the research tasks for WP5 is to look into schools. Korteweg (2005. 2005). In conclusion.‖ (Collins. school discourses and school pedagogies for these ―customary‖. ―triple oppression‖. ―multiple jeopardy‖. The social gender imaginary of migrant children and adolescents is almost always examined within national geographies. with the focus being on transgenerational value conflicts between children and their parents (this might be a side effect of the focus on second generation migrant children). etc.GEMIC. Building on the 1990‘s scholarship from Black Women‘s Studies.). These rhetorical formulations. Yuval-Davis‘ (2006) ―ways multiple identities converge to create and exacerbate women‘s subordination‘. ―normal‖ and ―neutral‖ focal points that re-produce patterns of exclusion (excellence. processes and dominant discourses in intercultural schools as privileged sites of intersectionality and explore in regards to them how and with which effects ―gender is racialized and race is gendered‖ (Glenn. stident diligence. 1998. forgetting that intersectionality lies within ―sites‖ of practice and not within identities themselves. As Collins (1998) observes. counselling).g. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- beyond an additive understanding of marginalities and identities (as in ―double-disadvantage‖. especially when they are separated from their original context. One of the dynamic aspects of Mahler and Pessar‘s framework of ―gendered geographies of power‖ is that it understands gender as a multitude 2 For an analysis of family as a ―site of intersectionality‖ see Collins. both of them becoming indistinguishable symptoms of immigrants‘ quest for identity. tend to overemphasize the ―mutually constituting‖ character of social identities while downplaying the locality and location of intersectionality. Anna C. we could say that Pessar amd Mahler‘s framework of gendered transnational geographies of power combined with Hall‘s notion of ―articulate‖ systems could help us delineate settings. Korteweg assesses how gender differences have been managed both in emancipation and immigrant integration policies in the Netherlands. Shields‘s (2008) framework of ―mutually constitutive relations among social identities‖. intersectionality explores how systems of oppression ―articulate‖ with one another.. A dynamic formulation of intersectionality that avoids the trap of reinforcing perceptions of gendered ethnicity is figured by Stuart Hall. and argues that policy makers seem to reinforce those perceptions of gendered practices of minority women and girls that have given rise to calls for strong forms of assimilation. it is easy to conclude that in conditions of migration. 2006) points out how this reading of intersectionality can provide groundings for very problematic integration policies. certain ideas and practices surface repeatedly across multiple systems of oppression and serve as ―focal points or privileged social locations‖ for these intersecting systems of oppression. dating. culturally sensitive disciplinary mechanisms. ethnicity and gender identity seen as essentially intersecting and reinforcing each other. 2002). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 1990). researchers deploying the various definitions of intersectionality often cite Crenshaw‘s (1991) definition of interlocking systems of oppression. This framework of gendered transnational geographies of power would be particularly useful for the study of migrant students. e. however. Collins‘ (1990) conceptualization of interwoven patterns of inequality as a ―matrix of domination. ethic fundamentalism and female subordination reinforce each other. If migration is understood as a catalyst that is augmenting people‘s urgency for ethnic identifications rather than a meta-site for intersectionalities. Greece. 14 . arenas. intersectionality is attributed to identities themselves. In Hall‘s formulation. formal and informal school practices. Korteweg cites as an example how new language and cultural competency requirements for new immigrants in the Netherlands are informed by the belief that gender differences are a major obstacle to immigrants‘ ability to integrate into Dutch society (Korteweg.

The same authors also report in their literature review that immigrant parents place much stricter control over their daughter‘s activities outside the house than their sons‘ (particularly dating). conflict or harmony. the body. spend time with friends after school. the family. and how they are negotiated when the children come into contact with other or other‘s (majority) culture at school. Both migration studies and intercultural education studies that focus on migrant students often examine how gender values are defined by migrant parents/community. Their own research findings show that girls are significantly more likely to report responsibilities for cooking and childcare. immigrant girls tend to have many more responsibilities at home. the operations of gender in school settings should be understood in terms of distance or proximity. In other words.g.2. etc. Racializing and engendering research on migrant and ethnic students: intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality The notion that gendered practices are symbolic markers of ethnicity is a fundamental premise in the research on immigrant children and adolescents. in the home. To put this in Butler‘s terms of performativity. the state)‖. Our literature review. But what if gender is not that stable when it operates across different sites? As Pessar and Mahler (2003) point out. 2006). Transferred to the sites and social scales of schooling. SuárezOrozco and Qin-Hilliard. 2004). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. re-enacted. we often find examples of inconsistencies and contradictions‖. Greece. or participate in after-school programs and other activities that immigrant boys can typically choose to do freely (Olsen. with migrant family values but in terms of inconsistence and discontinuity. Suárez-Orozco and Qin-Hilliard (2004) note that compared with their brothers. Immigrant girls are often not allowed to go to parties. these research questions frame intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality. whether this is a burden of identity or a process of subjectification. Reviewing research findings for immigrants originating from a number of sending countries. suggests that immigrant girls are not always inconspicuous repositories of cultural continuity. 2. who tend to face more pressure to form a racial identity due to perceptions of discrimination and unfair treatment from the mainstream society. we could say that gender is not extended to school but re-played in school. however.GEMIC.3 3 Waters (1997) found that Caribbean girls seemed to have more leeway in identity formation than their male counterparts. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- and multi-sited: ―gender operates simultaneously on multiple spatial and social scales (e. this framing of gender as a multitude could provide unique insight for the theorization of intersectionality in WP5. ―when gender is envisioned and practiced within and across different scales and transnational spaces. 1997. 15 .. in the family. Some researchers suggest that immigrant girls are more likely than immigrant boys to act as transcultural mediators while some others suggest that immigrant girls are socialized by their parents to be bearers of tradition. Whether it is girls or boys who bear the burden of this co-construction of gender and ethnic markers. whether the disciplining of these markers is continuous or ruptured. Research along the first line of analysis stresses that immigrant girls are more likely than boys to develop ―additive‖ or ―hyphenated identities‖ and to support attempts to bridge ―the two cultures‖ (Qin. A number of studies adopt a comparative approach to the gendered experiences of boys and girls and examine how values and conditions in the receiving society influence parental expectations of gender-related roles.

in research along the second line of analysis. 2001) and Billson‘s ―keepers of the culture‖ (Billson. by exploring how Filipino immigrants characterize white families and white women. young women in immigrant families face numerous restrictions on their autonomy. Boys seem to have more difficulty in assuming bicultural competencies and making successful bicultural adjustments. to rearticulate terms from the previous section--the sites of intertextuality. As she explains.14).S. Overemphasizing this finding." while Qin (2006) notes that girls are more likely to attempt to bridge ―the two cultures‖ (Qin. mobility. 2006. e. and per.‖ (Espiritu. A different analysis of the same research‘s data could come up with very different conclusions.14). p. conclusions on ―dating‖ as site of intersectionality that cements the connection of heteronormativity and nation in the US rather than conclusions on the gendered ethnicity of Filipino immigrant. p. terms such as Espiritu‘s ―double standards‖ (Espiritu.‖ 5 4 There is a tendency to conflate ―segmented assimilation‖ (Zhou. she aims ―to contribute to a neglected area of research: how the "margins" imagine and construct the "mainstream" in order to assert superiority over it. Espiritu (2001) suggests that ―the virtuous Filipina daughter‖.4 The same line of research suggests that the boundaries between ethnic identities appear to be less fluid and less permeable for migrant boys than for migrant girls. 417) 16 . partially constructed on the conceptualization of white women as sexually immoral. In contrast. 2001) especially within discourses on ―immigrant children‘s development. Greece. Because gender is not just an organizing axis of cultural values but also a register through which researchers make sense of cross-cultural interpretations..‖ This conflation is problematized from this Report‘s approach of radikal interculturality because the vision of social justice ideal is completely overshadowed by the ideal of school success. there is a tendency to organize findings on immigrant children across the gender axis while downplaying the context--or. literature reviews tend to sidestep the focus of Espiritu‘s research on Filipina girls in US as well as the particularity of the focus on parental surveillance of children‘s dating practices. 2001: p. For example.sonal decision making. is a key to immigrant identity and a vehicle for racialized immigrants to assert cultural superiority over the dominant group. Espiritu‘s findings on the parental treatment of immigrant girls as bearers of tradition are heavily cited in literature on immigrant children and adolescents. Rumbaut (1996) and Olsen (1997) found that immigrant girls were more likely than boys to choose "additive" or "hyphenated identities. is the elimination of the postcolonial politics of resistance which is paramount to the author‘s textual politics. Because the control of women is one of the principal means of asserting moral superiority. Much more crucial than the reification of gendered ethnicity in reviews of Espiritu. With an increasing number of researchers agreeing that cultural assimilation has negative effect on the psychological health and educational achievement of ethnic students. this divergence of findings can be attributed to the impact of literature review itself as a de-contextualizing and reifying kind of academic writing. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Similarly.. Focusing on the relationship between Filipino immigrant parents and their daughters in the U. the combination of parental control (ethnic component) and adjustment to school climate (assimilation) comes to be perceived as a successful instance of segmented assimilation since it leads to academic achievement. 1995) are used as metonymies for immigrant parental control of immigrant daughters‘ sexuality.GEMIC.g. There seems to be more alignment between schooling and femininity while masculinity and schooling are perceived as oppositional (Qin 2006. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The elevation of Filipina chastity (particularly that of young women) has the effect of reinforcing masculinist and patriarchal power in the name of a greater ideal of national/ethnic self-respect. 5 Espiritu: ―But this strategy is not without costs. 1997) with ―transcultural identity‖ (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco. In part.

parental views of children‘s dating. like Espiritu‘s study. then we need to see this gendering of ethnicity operating in intercultural settings." and "not caring about the family. Context matters and. 426). 416). Immigrant and ethnic minority families exercise a ―double disciplining‖ of daughters: daughters are disciplined as racial/national subjects as well as gendered subjects. 2001: p. to condemn sex laborers. If gender operates. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is also very important from the perspective of theories of citationality and performativity. Asian) women as morally licentious and uncivilized: ―Historically. Greece. colonialism. The double disciplining of daughters by immigrant and ethnic minority families (daughters disciplined as racial/national subjects as well as gendered subjects) and immigrant imaginings of ―female chastity‖ must be explored not only in relation to the immigrant and non-immigrant politics of holding onto traditional values6 but also against the background of historical relations of oppression and neo-colonial economies of sex desire. my respondents. especially women who grew up near military bases. 2001: p. But. 2001: p. Furthermore. What we do not find in current literature is how these imaginings of gendered ethnicities are staged and restaged in school contexts. why in the case of boys ―ethnic separation‖ and development of a repugnant masculinity seem to overlap are some of the major questions addressed by the relevant literature. Why immigrant girls outperform boys in education settings and have higher educational and future aspirations. To control sexually assertive girls nonimmigrant parents rely on the gender-based good girl/bad girl dichotomy in which (Espiritu. We also need to see how children and adolescents construct their subjectivities by negotiating the possibilities and limits of gendered and racialized practices in schools. and to declare (unasked) that they themselves did not frequent "that part of town" (Espiritu. patriarchy and national longings. The theoretical and methodological insights to draw from this analysis for WP5 reserach methodologies are multilevel." "selfish. She notes that the symbolic disowning of the Filipina "bad girl" is staged not only against colonial imaginings of the female exotic body but also against the contemporary trafficking of sex-desire in zones of neo-colonial control such as military bases: ―Cognizant of the pervasive hypersexualization of Filipina women. were quick to denounce prostitution. p. threatened sexual objects while "bad girls" are active. Two theories usually used to explain the development of ethnic identity by immigrant and minority students are Ogbu‘s theory of ―oppositional identity‖ (Fordham & 6 It is daughters who have the primary burden of protecting and preserving values both among immigrant families and non-immigrant families." "radical. the difference is in the ways immigrant and nonimmigrant families sanction girls' sexuality. 433). is that immigrant gender imaginings in the metropolis are staged against colonial coconstructions of sexualized racialized other (in this case. most studies on gendered ethnicities focus on family life. why girls manage to negotiate the conflicting demands of different cultures and split expectations though ―segmented accommodation‖ despite the close parental ethnic monitoring of their behaviour. In other words. Espiritu‘s analysis suggests that the idealization of female chastity as repository of Filipino tradition in the US is also connected to the contemporary neo-colonial order of the world and the trafficking of sex desire in that context." "untraditional. as Espiritu‘s research suggests.GEMIC. 432) "good girls" are passive. as Espiritu puts it. young women who disobeyed parental strictures were often branded as bad girls but also as "non-ethnic. and/or racism‖ (Espiritu. the sexuality of racialized women has been systematically demonized and disparaged by dominant or oppressor groups to justify and bolster nationalist movements. those who can unravel the historical webs and understand the politics of gendered ethnicities are usually the ones positioned as subordinate objects of intercultural study than subjects of insubordinate historical discourse. desiring sexual agents (Tolman and Higgins: 1996." 17 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.

. Lopez (2002) finds that seemingly gender neutral practices such authoritative teaching and guard patrolling are actually informally directed toward young men. If parents and teachers have the same academic expectations from boys and girls. Qin-Hilliard‘s study indicates that immigrant minority girls do better in school and are more academically oriented than immigrant minority boys. 2004). even though they were exposed to and assimilate into the ―prevalent culture‖ (which ―is often that of the inner city‖) they were deficient in supportive networks and had low school expectations and low academic achievement. either officially (in the case of non-uniform dress) or informally (in the case of speech or the style of walking noted above)‖ (Gillborn. which they perceive as connected to mainstream culture). Teasing the limits of these theories. a particular way of walking common amongst African-Caribbean boys in the school) is produced in as much as it is also productive of institutional disciplinarity: ―In the day-to-day life of the school almost any display of Afro-Caribbean ethnicity was deemed inappropriate and was controlled. 18 . Ogbu‘s theory of oppositional identity turns out to be limited not only because it cannot explain this gender variation but also because it is based on a modernist notion of subjectivity which localizes the origins of racialization (including processes of oppositional identity formation) in the individual psyche (e. further racializing those from racially stigmatized groups and increasing their alienation from school. and miss homework. 7 Very similar to Lopez‘s are also the research questions and findings of Qin-Hilliard (2003). because they may be protected from risk factors like harsh school environment by a supportive network of teachers. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Boys. the immigrant youth dismissing schooling.GEMIC. In her fieldwork she finds that ―the same so-called ‗oppositional‘ behaviour‖ from young women is not sanctioned ―as harshly‖ as that of young men and that both men and women teachers are generally more lenient towards young women who transgress school rules. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Ogbu. Suarez-Orozco‘s theory of social mirroring also turns out to have a limited applicability in explaining the interaction of processes of racialization and genderization. 75). 1991) and Suarez-Orozco‘s theory of social mirroring (Suarez-Orozco. Ogbu. 1990. 2003: p. (Lopez. Lopez‘s research centers on how institutional practices and classroom pedagogy ―contribute to or interrupt oppressive racializ(ing) and gender(ing) processes in the high school setting.g. in this study. In a similar study. are late to class. In this case. Their focus is on gendered negotiations and racialized practices rather than individuals‘ psychological responses to structural inequalities. 2003) examines the race–gender gap in education among the children of the Caribbean immigrants (the largest new immigrant group in New York City). the authors reviewed below examine how constructions of gender identity intersect with (rupture or enhance) processes of racialization. Lopez (2002. especially towards the later years of school. Qin-Hilliard notes. How do we reconcile Qin-Hilliard‘s findings with the view that ―segmented assimilation‖ is a condition for successful school performance? If boys preserve their ethnic ties by constructing their gender identities on the basis of ethic identity and. 1986. how come girls do well and boys do not? Interestingly. at the same 7 Gillborn (1990) argues that the ‗myth of an Afro-Caribbean challenge to authority‘ (for example. than they are towards young men. women discredited as sexually promiscuous ‗mamasitas‘ and welfare queens—the latter reported fewer problems with teachers at school. p. the strict parental control of girls is framed as part of the ―protective network of supportive relations‖ as well as part of ―a form of social capital‖ which can be instrumental in promoting educational outcomes of immigrant girls. Although both young men and young women had concrete experiences of gendered racialization— men stigmatized as hoodlums. placing the intersection of race and gender in high school settings at the center of her analysis. peers and parents while boys are more likely to be negatively influenced by their friends. Greece. 29).

Qin-Hilliard suggests that for immigrant boys. gender identities and academic identities would not be characterized by culturally conflicting codes and values. immigrant girls appear to benefit from this shield of ethnicity more than their male counterparts (Qin-Hilliard. Chinese Students become ethic Chinese students because they reside in the interstices of migration. 19 .).8 Similar to Qin‘s intersectional approach is Prieur‘s analysis of Muslim or Southeast Asian youth‘s ―gender remix‖ in Norway (Prieur. interpret ethnic minority boys‘ hyper masculinity as reactionary to or compensatory for ethnic boys‘ experiences of racism and their development of a bitter awareness that structural inequalities and discrimination are obstacles that cannot be overcome. parental anxiety over their ―become wild‖ and pressure to become ‗dragons‘ of academic success and. ethic Chinese boys negotiate tensions by responding to peer expectations. 2002). In a more recent study that focuses on Chinese immigrant adolescents (Qin 2009). shielding them from the negative influences of today‘s urban America. 2003: p. A comparative analysis of the research findings reviewed here suggests that ―segmented assimilation‖ is a condition for school success only when it is normalized in accordance with dominant school culture. In a national Chinese context. Qin. on the one hand. establish bridges to the receiving society‘s culture by becoming assimilated to prominent youth culture. which may have led them to punish boys more severely. This had a potentially negative impact on their development (Qin-Hilliard. teachers. the development of gender identity and national identity. 105) --is also likely to be in conflict with the school agenda: For immigrant minority boys. Greece. ethnicity—that is maintaining native culture and language—may play a protective role. 105). For many immigrant students today. as in the case of minority boys. To be respected among their peers. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In regard to their education. immigrant minority boys often had to present and emphasize their masculinity at school by acting cool and tough. boys‘ formation of gender identity faced more ―peer pressure‖ which was channelled into downplaying education and emphasizing nonacademic activities like sports. As Qin-Hilliard argues. on the other hand. 106). For these students. instead. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- time. Along with assimilation to prevalent street culture. The term ―gender remix‖ denotes a much more dynamic kind of intercultural process than Qin‘s notion of ―negotiation‖ (since the latter 8 This cultural conflict does not pre-exist. daily exposure and assimilation into urban school and neighborhood environments may lead to downward social mobility. Similar studies cited by Qin. attributes hyper masculinity to conflicting cultural expectations experienced by Chinese boys over the construction of gender and academic identities.GEMIC. As a result. 2003: p. mostly female. why doesn‘t this count as a form of ―segmented assimilation‖? It seems that not any kind of ethnic culture or any kind of acquired culture (preservation and assimilation being the two poles of segmented assimilation) would count as preferred components of a successful form of ―segmented assimilation‖. Caught between. 2003: p. academic identity and national identity. would be mutually supportive than antagonistic. anxiety not to be perceived as a ―nerd‖ (and experiences of bullying when perceived as such). Qin reports that compared to girls‘. Instead. the construction of a masculine identity --―acting cool and tough‖ (Qin-Hilliard. may have been likely to perceive immigrant minority boys as having more behavioral problems than girls and likely to view them as more threatening and dangerous than immigrant girls. their construction of a gender identity was closely linked to their racial and ethnic identity.

by a commercial derivation of black American culture (Prieur. primarily by the kids themselves. 2002: p. honor. 2002: p. at the moment. the feeling of there being no private space/time/thoughts in the context of the school. even though the majority of the children are Albanians. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ultimately means succumbing to the most powerful pressure). Greece. Of course. I am experiencing a kind of suffocation and disorientation. physical toughness and the idealization of the male body are identified as common traits among these subcultures and the immigrant youth culture of hypermasculinity. Bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools The school as an institution comprises of a network of power structures and microphysics of power exercised on teachers and students. one might argue why migrant male youth acquire these and not other traits. subcultures and peer group cultural innovations: The ideas about honor and respect are probably less influenced by the norms and values of the immigrant boys‘ grandparents‘ villages than by movies. The subcultural values and practices that compose the immigrant youth culture of hypermasculinity. Prieur argues that the major sources for this remix are youth entertainment cultures. it is usually in a derogatory fashion. since subcultural identifications aim to differentiation from dominant culture and other peer groups and not to the development of hypermasculinity as such. are not arbitrary but rather constitute a form of reaction to social and economic marginalization. is under a continuous gaze. as if on a scale running from conformity to parents‘ culture to conformity to Norwegian culture. friendship. There is something really new in the making – new combinations and new creations – reflecting the particular social situation of the young people of immigrant origin (Prieur. as well as expectation to perform. he does not dispose of notions of structural inequality when it comes to explaining this remix‘s accent on bodily practices. Desai‘s (1999) research on ‗bad Bengali boys‘ in London and Bourgois‘ (1996) research on Puerto Rican crack dealers in New York are cited as similar cases. It is a kind of colonization. they speak only Greek and if some reference to something Albanian slips out during class. Prieur argues. Territoriality. 2. Everyone. this is somehow erased in the school context. Of course. answer questions etc. I feel rather depressed. Against the reading of aggressive immigrant masculinities as a form of gendered autoethnicization. Although Prieur adopts a cultural studies approach to explain the production and fluidity of gender remix.3. hip-hop and rap music. So. The fact that they have a non-Greek background is not discussed. to be dedicated to the children's 'success' need 20 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. who I believe. but also researchers. Also. 53). aggressive masculinities of immigrant youth from Muslim or Southeast Asian countries. 71).GEMIC. First of all. Prieur uses the notion of ―gender remix‖ to explain the making of the hyper-masculine. the paradox is that the teachers. It's quite a shock for me. Prieur argues that immigrant youth gender constructions can not be understood solely in the light of cultural influence. I have started research in the school as of this week. deliver. and see. and especially the children.

the function of which is not to transmit. transgression or subversion of these norms by teachers and students. processes of racialization and gendered practices. interviewees are prompted to narrate their personal and others‘ (significant others‘) experiences of ―othering‖ and their narratives are analyzed: do immigrant minority students embrace disown (verbally or symbolically). Fieldnotes: Dianellion Larnaca. but indeed to establish and regulate normative dimensions about social relations. so in a way. Greece. ‗race‘. identity. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- to make them 'good enough' for the Greek system. there is resistance. 1993: p.GEMIC. (Alexandra Zavos. values. in qualitative or quantitative ways. they are fighting with each other. May 20. interviewees are presented with statements and are asked to indicate their agreement or disagreement. personal and collective goals. the authors speak of racialized spaces. the ―welfare queens‖. What we are suggesting here is that there seems to be a discrepancy between the theorization of gender as practice and its codification in terms of attitudes. Fieldwork Diary) As I am leaving from school. Don‘t ask them anything. and starts screaming to me: ―Why do you mess up with their lives and their fights? With this research you are doing you create a lot of problems. gendered geographies. It's somehow like wearing a straightjacket. that which produces that which it names. but also as they affect the organization of time and space. interviewees are presented with possible future scenarios and asked to position themselves. the body. In addition. Let them fight! As you see. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 2009) According to Althusser‘s analysis. Neophytos.‖ (Paraskevi Michael. It is important to pose the question. the Gym teacher who has been assigned the ―check and control‖ on the Arab boys rushes to catch up with me. More specifically. associate themselves with or deassociate themselves from the ―bad Filipina girl‖. Ask only me. beliefs. You keep asking who did this and whose fault is it. don‘t mess up with them. When it comes to ―measuring‖ something. in some kind of disinterested and rational fashion. it is also interesting to consider these normative dimensions not only in relation to social and cultural relations. even while they are aware that the Albanian aspect of their identities is not included in the school culture. This part focuses on some kinds of research which attempt to reckon with the performativity of gender and ethnicity. whether or not. These are different from the Cypriots. and this way you turn them against each other. 13). They do not understand. How do we study gender and race in intercultural school contexts as ―acts‖ (both performative ways of hailing teachers and students to subject positions of both submission but also positionalities of agency)? In most of the research findings discussed in our literature review. knowledge. the school is one of the Ideological Apparatuses of the State. male gangs. never again. Mr. not with Cypriots. gender has been studied at length. thaτ which enacts its 21 . To avoid problems in the future. researchers code values and measure attitudes towards them. considered neutral and objective. this to some extent is also a premise for them to become successful students. we want to examine how gendered and processes of subjectification are reiterated and re-signified in school settings. and personal relations. The theoretical framework of these studies is organized around Butler‘s definition of the performative: ‗that discursive practice that enacts or produces that which it names‘ (Butler. ―nerds‖. The role of the school in reproducing and normalizing social inequalities and discrimination based on class.

22 . According to Butler. the more fully subjection is achieved. The Deputy Principal watches me watching (Youdell. and it is this paradoxical simultaneity that constitutes the ambivalence of subjection. In constituting ‗Arabic‘ as a legitimate axis of minority cultural difference (thus projecting a multicultural politics of tolerance and presumably combating 9 In the school‘s acceptance of the Arabic students‘ donation of an Arabic Food stall. The stall. Here we cite here two examples of research in multicultural schools that point out this shift from identity to subjectivity. albeit subjectivated and subjugated. and to be marked by a loss of control and mastery. the food it sells. and so the students and others who staff it. just as the school cedes the goodArabic-student-subject. The following event constitutes the departure point for Youdell‘s deployment of a whole terrain of interrelated performatives though which subjecthood. A while later. The boy cups an unlit cigarette in his hand. this goodArabic-student-subject takes up this subjecthood. Lebanese and Turkish students (who have contesting performative claims over the national paternity of the stall) organize and are staff together the ‗Arabic Food‘ stall together under the collective ―given and taken‖. 45–46). is the condition of possibility for the subject itself (Butler.GEMIC. it is paradoxically marked by mastery itself… the lived simultaneity of submission as mastery. take place simultaneously—not in separate acts. One of the students from the stall asks: ‗Sir. the cultural conflicts they experience. 2006: p. the Deputy Principal ejects another Arabic boy. The first example is from Deborah Youdell‘s (2006) analysis of events and discourses related to Multicultural Day at Plains High as ―a collective performative interpellation‖ (Youdell. And in donating the stall and participating in Multicultural Day. or even the gendered ―geographies‖ they negotiate allows the researcher to show the ambiguity or aporia of racializing practices and institutional racism. is effected. who has spent the afternoon at the stall. The Deputy Principal does not respond to this offer and directs the boy away. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- own referent. the school constitutes ‗Arabic‘ as a legitimate axis of minority cultural difference and subjectivates the Arabic subject as a good student. 1995: pp. 2006: p. And the students gain the rights of the student (to invite guests) but also subjection to teacher authority (to have their guests ejected). at the heart of becoming a subject is the ambivalence of mastery and submission. are named (by the students?) ‗Arabic‘ (Youdell. The focus on the performative implicates a fundamental shift in the conceptualization of education. The Deputy Principal says to him ‗You were going to light up on the premises—now leave‘. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ethnicity and gender. Submission and mastery take place simultaneously. Where one might expect submission to consist in a yielding to an externally imposed dominant order. name. ‗Arab‘. The focus on ―a collective performative interpellation‖ rather than on identity development of minority students. In doing this. so this subject cedes the authority of the school institution by which she/he is subjectivated. The latter are not seen as axes of identity but rather as acts of subjectivity (not acts performed by an already established subject but acts which re-enact the subjectivity of the one to whom they are attributed). . 522). 522). paradoxically. we do not talk about identities of students and teachers but about subjectivities of students and teachers.9 In what she describes as ―a playful skirmish‖ than a ―battle‖. In other words. also on a BMX. Greece. 2006: p. but together in the same moment: The more a practice is mastered. The shift from narratives to discourses and from attitudes and values to acts implicates a more fundamental shift: from the sociocultural construction of identity to the discursive production of subjectivity. and mastery as submission. 520). what if I personally vouch for him?‘. which.

523). is produced. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- islamophobic exclusion) the school subjectivates the Arabic subject as a good student. and while followed by their own teacher who looks angry because they have just been very disruptive in her gym session. and as independent of the teacher‘s controlling gaze. as Youdell adds. we could say that both excplicate the productive aspects of raced and gendered educational inequality and exclusion. they are not tools of control ‗acting on‘ students but subjectivating processes though which minority students‘ discursive agency. embrace each other and sing to each other (not provocatively. As Youdell puts it. their self-constitution under the aegis of this legitimacy ―threatens to slide back into injury and the constraint of the Savage Arab/Islamist threat‖ (Youdell. Davies focuses on the interaction of teachers with primary school students to illustrate the complex simultaneous processes of recognition on the part of the students. the category of naughty boy. for the moment. who had been involved in a playground fight two days ago. he also cedes the authority of the school and its institutituional force to subjectivate and subjugate the Arabic students. In other words. walking down the corridor past the teacher who had intervened in their fight.165–166).. in doing so. Davies analysis of scenes of subjectification in intercultural school contexts elucidates the relevance of Butler's analysis of performativity for the analysis of disobedient citations of gender and ethnic in school settings. Greece. we watch two boys. senior teacher stands in the quad in front of the stall. as such. Youdell argues that bodily acts performed as citations of subcultural status in order to challenge White school hegemony. noting the subversive performative‘s limited capacity to break from context and historicity. male. asserting themselves as powerful. Davies argues that this disavowal of dependency takes place through the reiteration and repetition of the discourses through which students are subjected to disciplinary control. the male Black sub-cultural ‗walk‘). One difference though is that in bringing out the discursive nature of institutional arrangements and student practices Youdell is also bringing out their contingent nature. the ‗Arabic‘ students gain public recognition as legitimate and the subjectivation opens up the opportunity for self constitution. on the other hand. they move down the corridor. Davies suggests that the two boys ―subvert. this does not mean that the ‗naughty boys‘ are engaged in a powerless form of mimesis.GEMIC. but loud enough for the teacher to hear). Youdell (2003) elicits this performative ambiguity of hegemonic discourses in regards to subcultural bodily practices (e. ―We are the naughty boys …‖ (Davies. In one of those scenes analyzed by Davies. ―the students gain the rights of the student (to invite guests) but also subjection to teacher authority (to have their guests ejected‖ (Youdell 2006: p. how they take-up and subvert power and how they disavowal dependency and freedom from the power of the dominant other to grant particular kinds of recognition. have the potential to recoup the male Black youth as a ‗student-child‘ which is being disciplined as an undesirable learner.g.‖ Davies emphasizes that the boys do not escape the dominating force of the category ―naughty boys‖ and of their positioning within it but. albeit precarious and amenable to processes of subjugation. 10 In another study. Analyzing the performative aspects of this scene. institutional mechanisms are also discursively mediated and. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Youdell attributes the same performative ambivalence to school securitization processes. However. They speak pleasantly to her. The second example is cited from Davies (2006). The moment the Arab/Islamist threatens to burst out of the confines of service and the White. 2006: p. The student. walkie-talkie in hand. she suggests that within a context of performative politics. 23 . takes up this subjecthood but. 522).10 Comparing Youdell‘s analysis of racialization as subjection to Qin‘s analysis of immigrant minority youth targeted by school disciplinary practices. 2006: pp.

intended to rein in their power (Davies. researchers must recognize that they are already implicated themselves in relations of power. The boys. Davies argues. our research methodology has tried to sustain the tension between two different tasks: on the one hand. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Why want to explore how regimes of gender. averting the gaze from the ―other‖ student to the structures. WP5 Methodology How we avoid cultural essentialism without disposing all together the reflexivity of cultural interpretation? How can we avert the critical gaze from the racial object/migrant to the racial subject without uprooting racism from its social and cultural context and presenting the racist subject as a self-determined agent? Rather than choosing between these two ends as if they led to competitive and mutually exclusive research agentas. Greece. apparently. submit to what the teacher regards as the appropriate emotion of shame. 3. The two examples cited from Youdell and Davies show that in order to study how students and teachers are constituted and reconstituded as racialized and gendered subjects in the context of intercultural interactions researchers must be able to go beyond narratives and witness. in order to understand how the process of reiteration creates the possibilities for the constituting forces to be reworked. those critical moments of reiteration. wilfully. and at the same time subvert the relations of power in which the teacher‘s use of the naughty boy category. 2006: pp.we want to explore whether intercultural interactions in schools create possibilities for the performative destabilization of gender norms and ethnic boundaries. she argues that something unintended can take place while the dominant discourse is put ―at play‖. we want to reframe the study of the intercultural condition in ways that takes the burden of identity away 24 . while engaged in the interpretation of cultural interactions. placing culture on stage. analyzing it as a play of semiotics.165–166). More importantly. in situ. or the appropriate desire to reform‖: The definition of naughtiness is prior to them—it is outside of themselves. and from raciological framings of others to a critical analysis of racial thinking. Goal of the research Our main goal is to shift from an essentialist understanding of cultural identities to an analysis of interacultural interactions. codes and subjectification processes of racialization. At the same time. be to identify. 3. beyond preconceived notions of educational structures. the researcher must become familiar first with those dominant discursive processes that interpellate both teachers and students to the reign of subjectification and further.GEMIC. on the other hand. the uniqueness of those intersectional positionalities where from discursive processes are set in motion again and resignification becomes possible. the asymmetrical power relations of the inter-cultural encounter must be acknowledged. it is imposed on them and they both take it up. second. at the same time. Finally. there are two preconditions that such an approach should meet in order not to collapse into a disengaged formalist analysis: first.1. race and nationalism intersect with conditions of exlusion related to migrant and minority stutus but. ―but they do not. submit to the teacher‘s definition of them as naughty. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Instead.

2. to explore (a) national level policies and measures the integration of migrant students and promotion of an inclusive multicultural environment for majorities and ethnic minorities and (b) the relation between multicultural educational agendas. otherness. at the level of cultural semiotics and performativity. cultural deficit. race. at the school level. 25 . Second. 4.GEMIC. This goal will be deployed in regards to three interacting fields: First. To explore how students (all) and teachers‘ use of concepts such as culture. Objectives 1. Greece. (c) how processes of racialization and ethicization interweave with ―ordinary‖ student activities and rituals Third. To explore how the implementation of measures for migrant students implicates ―states of exception‖ which sometimes limit the opportunities for intercultural interaction and the challenge of gender norms but some other times create possibilities for multicultural schools to operate more autonomously and evade forms of governmentality exercised by the state. 3. and render visible the implication of educational institutions and school actors in the mediation of ethnic borders and conflict. to explore (a) educational institutions‘ responses to integration policies and the institutionalization and state regulation of intercultural education. 2. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- from migrant and national/ethnic minority students. To record how (a) ethnicity is ―gendered‖ and (b) gender is ―ethnicised‖ in schools and to explore how the multicultural or monocultural profiles of schools and communities relate to the performative re-enactment of national. migrant/non-migrant and national majority/national minority status (selection of events) 5. ―we/them‖ is troubled when they are encouraged to provide thick descriptions of specific events of conflict and processes of racialization and cultural hybridization. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ethnic performances in ways that destabilize the naturalization of borders and exclusions. To examine how intercultural interaction is organized around axes of gendered ethnicity. To reclaim the fragility of intercultural relations as a condition for agonistic democracy in multicultural schools. 3. We are particilalry interested in understanding the gender dimensions of cultural misrecognition and racialization and in exploring whether intercultural settings and culturally hybrid interfaces are hospitable (or inimical) to students‘ renegotiation of gender norms. gender identities in different school settings and school arenas. at the level of national context. immigration. ethnic. cultural difference. (b) administrators‘ and teachers‘ understandings of intercultural education and how these understandings negotiate national anxiety and racial thinking on otherness. to produce thick descriptions of intercultural interactions in school settings and school arenas and to explore whether there are moments of intercultural agency where agents can reiterate gender.

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6. To explore how the transnational experience of both migrant and non-migrant, national minority and national minority students (a) influences their understanding of culture, cultural difference and gender norms and (b) inspires the performative (in Butler‘s sense) iteration (and destabilization) of gendered ethnic performances of identity (in other words, how students ―play gender‖ in order to challenge ethnic borders and ―play ethnicity‖ to challenge gender norms. 7. To engage teachers and school administrators in a critical discussion of intercultural education in ways that destabilize essentialist understanding of culture. 8. To reframe intercultural dialogue in terms of critical pedagogy. This means, to enable students, in Freire‘s terms, to recognize themselves as ―being with the world and with others‖ rather than ―being in the world‖, to understand that limit situations are socially constructed rather than culturally inevitable and that ethnic conflict, bullying and other forms violence are not inevitable effects of personal psychological deficit and racist attitudes but rather related to global injustice.


3.3. Basic premises, hypotheses and concepts
Premises   EU, National and School level policies of intercultural education are grounded on essentialist understanding of culture The implementation of immigrant student integration measures establishes and normalizes ―states of exception‖ (Agamben). Learning about the culture of others and intercultural interaction is regulated by these ―states of exception‖, and students and teachers are alienated from political thinking and agency. Intercultural interaction is mediated by cultural semiotics Intercultural interaction creates the possibility for the performative re-iteration and negotiation of ethnicity in general and gendered ethnicity in particular. The narrativization and intercultural analysis of critical school events from culturalist approaches to difference and creates possibilities for connecting pedagogy to global politics of justice. Hypotheses  Schools are not culturally homogeneous, politically neutral or socially harmonious places which just receive and accommodate migrant and/or national/ethnic minority students. Schools are already terrains of political debate, social tension and cultural

  


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change but their receptivity to cultural interaction is further radicalized when schools are turned into primary meeting point between non-migrant and migrant, majority and minority populations.  Intercultural interactions in school settings can both crystallize and destabilize ethnic borders and gender norms. The fact that school settings in general and school arenas in particular are in-between public places (they combine conditions of exposure with conditions of intimacy) allows the possibility for unique kind of performativity. In both intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic relationships identities are performed in ways that combine repetition and variation, serious and non-serious citation of norms. Intercultural interactions are not territorialized in typical classroom environments where formal forms of teaching and learning are taking place. Intercultural interactions occur in the school yard, in washrooms, along the borders of the school yard, in parents association meetings, etc. Youth cultures often implicate forms of cultural re-appropriation and hybridization and gender is both the element and target of these cultural processes. Schools are national state ideology apparatuses invested with the mission to reproduce dominant national cultures and contain multicultural education within the ideological limits of national building. At the same time, however, the intercultural interactions which take place in school settings constitute hybrid stages where gender identities are national/ethnic boundaries are both replayed and displaced. Schools as apparatuses operate on students and teachers, regulate identities, control and contain cultural interactions; on the other hand, intercultural interactions and conflicts as new sites of overdetermined cultural practice where students and teachers, in acting-out identities and norms in hybrid contexts they are also inaugurating intercultural public spheres where a new politics of post-nationalist belongingness are enacted. Concepts

 

Transculturation (Pratt)
The term transculturation was coined in the 1940s by sociologist Fernando Oritz to describe the process by which a conquered people choose and select what aspects of the dominant culture they will assume. Anthropologist Mary Louise Pratt uses the term to explore intercultural borrowings of tropisms of self-representation in colonial encounters. She defines as transculturation ―the processes whereby members of subordinated or marginal groups select and invent from materials transmitted by a dominant or metropolitan culture‖ (Pratt 1992: 523). Transculturation is closely linked to ―contact zones‖, another concept developed by Pratt in her book Under Imperial Eyes. Pratt defines contact zones as "social spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination" (Pratt 519). These concepts are crucial for the theoretical framing of the ethnographic study of intercultural interactions in classrooms and other educational zones because they acknowledge the asymmetrical power relations that accompany, condition, compromise or even become disrupted by intercultural interactions.


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Internal exclusion, state of exception (Agamben)
Agamben introduces the concept of ―state of exception‖ in his book Homo Sacer where he argues that we continue to live under the auspices of a classical state and that political life stripped of moral agency and social intercourse and reduced to ―bare life‖, that is, life given a protected, even "sacred" status beyond the immediate grasp of political power, but it life that is also isolated and separated from the wider range of human forms of expression. According to Agamben, the reduction of political life (or, production of bare life) is instrumental for the state‘s performance of sovereignty, since it is in the state‘s capacity to define and occasionally erase the boundary between "normality" and "emergency" transform society into a "camp". Agamben‘s concept of exception is particularly relevant to the study of intercultural education. On the one hand, intercultural education is usually framed in national migrant integration policy documents as the ―exceptional space‖ for promoting intercultural understanding, respect for other cultures etc. On the other hand, life in schools is regulated by directives, rules, restrictions, measures which suspend rights. From this perspective, it would be important to examining whether the special measures and exceptions that characterize the ―inclusion‖ of the migrant other in schools facilitate interaction or entrap migrant students in what Agamben calls a ―zone of irreducible in distinction‖ (Agamben 1998). Thus ―spaces of exception‖ (migrant reception classrooms, language instruction, zones of educational priority, remedial classrooms, and so on) are important ―sites‖ for ethnographic research.

Thick interpretation (Geertz)
The term was used by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his essay, "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture" (Geertz 1973). For Geertz, culture is ―an assemblage of texts‖ which is to be interpreted rather than deciphered. What renders this concept important for the theorizing of culture and the delineation of intercultural interactions to be studied in our project is that it acknowledges that culture does not exist as such but instead it is the outcome of interpretations of symbolic interactions in which people engage.

Performativity, re-iteration (Butler)
Judith Butler describes performativity as ―that reiterative power of discourse to produce the phenomena that it regulates and constrains.‖ (Butler 1993,2). Butler‘s use of this concept in her analysis of gender as ―act‖ is related to the destabilization of homosexuality and heterosexuality as natural and fixed categories. Theorizing gender as performance and as reiteration implicates much more trouble for norms of purity and authenticity when the study of gender focuses on intercultural encounters.

Other important concepts
  critical pedagogy (Freire; Giroux) Hybridity (Stuart Hall)


how multicultural schools negotiate dominant national discourses. modified and negotiated in the particular schools? How do issues of national identity and national politics affect the definition and implementation of intercultural education in specific schools and. Greece. Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------   Precariousness (Judith Butler) Territorialization/deterritorialization/density/minoritization (Deleuze) 3. In which ways are gender identities and norms ―troubled‖ or solidified by processes of racialization and ethnicization in schools with migrants and/or National/ethnic minority students?  29 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. institutionalized and implemented in different national contexts? Are there patterns of similarity in the genealogies of multicultural schools examined in the three different national contexts? How do school politics and urban interactions interact to create exclusions for migrant students? How do poverty and migration intersect in intensifying the precariousness of public schools in downtrodden urban areas? How are politics and policies of multicultural education transferred. Basic research questions       How is intercultural education understood.4.GEMIC. vice versa.

for both researchers and subjects.g. site. will be used to elicit the renarrativization. Based the findings of these surveys we will decide which schools we will select for our fieldwork.5. Research Methodology Critical ethnography constitutes the backbone of Research Methodology. In distantiating itself from naturalistic inquiry. 30 . events of conflict. this latter part of our research will effect a deliberate (rather than incidental) intervention in the research field. cultural mediation/translation. The gaze on the ethic other will be displaced by critical interventions and migrant and ethnic minority students will reflect critically on processes of both racialization and dynamic transformations in intercultural contexts. Observation also aims to locating different settings and arenas of intercultural interaction in order to attend and document student interactions in these multiple settings. racist bullying. Observation aims to the localization of the particular—scene. as well as phrase questions accordingly. Data collection Survey A survey will be prepared in order to record the multicultural compositions of schools. thick description and critical analysis of events of intercultural interaction (e. The researcher‘s access and mobility across a range of school setting and arenas in vital. Greece. arena. in turn. They will also produce thick description of the ways in which National Policies / Measures are implemented in the particular school/classrooms. their genealogies with regards to their shift from homogeneous to diverse. arrangement. and destabilization of naturalization of ethnic and racial borders. setting. transculturation) and institutional frameworks (e. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. picture.g. We will start with participatory observation and non-structured interviews and multi-media data will be used to produce codifications which. Observation Before collecting personal narratives the research must establish rapport with the class/school where the case study will be contacted. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. multicultural policies and measures implemented and critical events and public debates taking place with regards to multicultural schools.GEMIC. It will create opportunities for reflection. for this reason the research steps and the scale of the research (described in attached diagram) can be modified. Participatory Ethnography (Level One Data) In order to collect student narratives.. record and codify critical events. how is the admission and placement of migrant students regulated in the specific school/classroom). performative act—that will work as a catalyst for triggering students‘ and teachers‘ responses.. researchers will engage in intensive interaction in selected schools where they will witness.

This third phase.. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Semi-structured interviews (Level Two Data) In the context of these interviews we will encourage students to describe/narrate critical events that took place in the past. can take up the form of a workshop which will give them the chance to talk about their emotions. Photo eliciting or drawing eliciting can be particularly useful for dealing with problems of language barriers. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with teachers and other school personnel responsible for migrant and ethnic students (translators. a M (migrant) and a NM (non migrant) student. It is meant to serve as a platform for mapping. what we aim to get here are not reliable data/objective descriptions but instead thick descriptions which are layered by meanings which the participants bring to the narration of the event). teachers of second language and remedial classes. migrant student can narrate its first day at that school. in one other focus groups we had with a mixed group of Moslem refugee students and Greek Cypriot students (3rd Grade Lyceum). particularly with children of younger ages. Greece.g. ―culture‖.GEMIC. The interactions between students are vital and must be encouraged. their dreams. Our purpose at this level is to produce and not simply to collect data.IC. This is not meant to serve as a blueprint for research epistemology or a flowchart for research steps. discontinuities and silences from their own discourse. ―what went wrong in this event…‖ or ―if this event (pointing to a specific codification) was narrated by M (male) student and not a F (female) student. Each student comment/response/pause/silence can be framed as a topic for further analysis. some research possibilities while inscribing within research steps the Ge. welfare advisors. Our aim is not just to elicit and record views but to promote critical reflection by presenting to them contradictions. what/whom they frame as ―problem‖.‘s 31 .g. ―cultural difference‖ and ―intercultural education‖. Focus Groups and/or Intervention Activities and Workshops Focus groups will work on various levels: (a) Student focus groups analyze the codifications produced from data collected though participatory ethnography and interviews. a nonmigrant student can narrate a ―fight‖ that took place in the playground. their friends. For example. (b) Student focus groups analyze excerpts from ―Level One Data‖. as well as of their willingness to subscribe to the National army (to which National students reply by reconstructing the concept of National army). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. tentatively and preliminarily. The students will be presented with specific questions: E. etc) in order to record their understandings of intercultural education. events which are part of the collective memory of the class or a group of the class (e. the latter had for first time the opportunity to listen to Moslem students talk of marginalization and experiences of racism. The diagram below outlines various levels of critical ethnography as well various kinds of ethnographic tools. counsellors.M. This activity‘s aims are informed mostly by critical pedagogy and action research.. how would the story be presented? Another way to promote this is to create new contexts for a new pragmatics of speech and exchange of views.

Greece.GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- theoretical commitment to grassroots epistemologies. depending on the opportunities provided in the national context and various degrees of access granted to them by school authorities. The diagram outlines a field of possibilities and combination of tools to be deployed in diverse ways by researchers. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 32 .

As such it represents an example of intercultural communication that permeates but also transcends school. with the majority being Albanian. The student population comprises approximately 100 students. gymnasium 13-15 and technical school 16-18. each district presents different genealogies and ethic profiles of in-coming migration as well as different spatial deployments of migrants. access to public schools for research can be secured only through official permit by the Ministry of Education and Culture. Field work was conducted for two months with particular focus in the Sixth Grade Classroom (the researcher had a very close partnership with the classroom teacher). Cyprus In the case of Cyprus the research team decided to contact multi-sited research.2. Third. Ayia Paraskeyi Gymnasium in Pafos. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. refugee and asylum and urban regeneration politics. so far research on intercultural education has focused mostly on elementary schools so we wanted to explore how intercultural policies and interactions differ across different kinds of schools and different age groups. 33 . migrants and refugees reside.6. 3. where mostly poor Greeks. During this phase (December-March 2009) researchers kept journals with daily entries on their experiences and observations. interviews with 6th grade students and interviews with teachers. Second. First.1. a number of graduate students were interested in joining the research team so this made possible the setting up of an expanded network of researchers. after the official permit was granted by the Ministry. The students were asked to make drawings about their ideal place and were later asked to talk about them. the researcher used drawing eliciting. allowing us to study the issue of multiculturalism from multiple perspectives. The school presents an interesting case study because it has become the nexus of wider processes of social transformation linking educational with migration. Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Larnaka. classroom and curriculum boundaries. National Case Studies: Phrasing research questions in national context. age and gender dynamics. and the rest are Albanians. In order to encourage the students to talk about their lives. 1/5 of the student population is Greek. During phase II (April-May). a school located in a downgraded inner city neighbourhood of Athens.only observation). Nicosia 1st Technical School. Until final permit was issued. The average ages of students in these schools are: elementary school 6-12. Our aim was to record different faces of intercultural interactions which also represented different kinds of ethnic. In the case of Cyprus. linked but not restricted to the formal implementation of intercultural educational policies. Research included observation.6. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. provided that researchers would conduct only naturalist inquiry (no interactions or interviews. systematic participatory observation was conducted in the following schools: Phaneromeni in Nicosia (elementary and gymnasium housed in the same building).GEMIC. Greece Research by the Greek partner focused on a primary school in Athens (the 49th Primary School). the research team secured informal access to some schools. outlining research steps 3.6. class. Interviews with the Afghani students were conducted through the help of a translator whereas interviews with Albanian students were conducted in Greek since all Albanians were fluent in Greek. Defining Research Field. Afghanis and Chinese. There are two reasons for this choice. and Christakeio Elementary School in Limassol.

as well as networks of power with regards to school hierarchies. Based on research questions and preliminary coding of data the partners decided during the second thematic workshop (Athens November 25 2009) on the major axes and codes to be 34 . During the third phase. Albanian students are taught Macedonian language but Macedonian students are not taught Albanian. with ethnic Albanians being the dominant group.7. Teaching takes place in two shifts and in two different languages correspondingly. analysis of visual representations as well. gymnasium and economic courses. Greece. the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews and organized focus groups in order to explore in more depth power relations among students and between students and teachers. The particular school was the first mixed secondary school in Skopje for girls and boys (though now there are more boys in the school than girls) and is located in the ethnically mixed neighbourhood of Skopje.6. During the first phase. in this case Albanian and Macedonian classes operate in separate time slots (in morning and afternoon shifts) but within the premises of the same school. 3. administration.GEMIC. Macedonia The national case study will be on a unique secondary school in Skopje – Cvetan Dimov. Whereas in the case of Greece and Cyprus multicultural schools adopt the same (i. During the second phase. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. the researchers conducted participatory observation in spaces of interethnic interaction and connection as well as spaces demarcated and separated by ethnic difference and conflict. However in both language shifts there are mixed ethnic classes. and it is a school where students from different ethnic groups learn together.3. ethnic and other identities. something which renders this school a unique place for research on intercultural relations and negotiations of gender. As in the case of Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. which are the languages of the two dominant majorities in the locality of Cvetan Dimov. reflexive analysis of fieldwork diary and personal research notes. The original informant was a 3rd grade who functioned as a contact person with other teachers.e. and. This secondary school is located in the multicultural part of the city. students etc. The ―multicultural‖ outset of this school is quite different from the outset encountered in the Greek and Cypriot context. Macedonian and Albanian. national) curriculum and implement that in mixed classrooms (with migrant students offered separate supplementary courses in Greek as a second/foreign language). Data analysis and interpretation Data analysis and interpretation will be developed through critical discourse analysis of interviews and focus group data. researchers had informal interviews with students on the themes of friendship and romance and recorded stories on relationships between young people from different ethnic and religious background as well as stories on conflicts between students (some of these stories were later used as codifications and researchers prompted students to offer ―thick descriptions‖ of these stories). if visual data is recorded. Within the same shift there are also two different tracks. the research team had to obtain official permission from the Ministry of Education and the school principal for conducting site-based research in the school..

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- used for analysis of data. mainstream ideas and dominant discourses. silences (2-3 pages)  Policies (2-3 pages)  Reflexive Methodologies (2-3 pages)  Data Analysis  Conclusions 35 . sociograms). understandings of culture.000 words)  Introduction: National Context. school as an institution. ethnic clustering and ‗mixings‘. social dynamics (data from participatory ethnography and interviews. Two major axes of analysis were decided. controversies. (c) students: narratives.GEMIC. vision of intercultural education (interviews). color blind or not.) Partners also agreed on the following structure of National Reports: National Report on ―Intercultural Education‖ (length: 30. etc. (d) engagement of students in reflective analysis (mixed focus groups. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. interactions. genealogy of multicultural composition (data from field notes: reports on participatory observation and self-reflection entries). Greece. SCITs. a thematic axis (vertical) and an axis of politicization (horizontal). Findings will be organized across the following categories: (a) school: school ethos. The major axes and codes of analysis can be seen in the diagram at the end of the page. use of raciologies or elimination of raciologies. (b) teachers and other school personnel: perceptions of school.

Another reason why the discourse on intercultural education has remained focused on the integration of migrant/alloglossi despite the popularized motto of ―accepting cultural diversity‖ is because culture and cultural difference have been linked to identity (of others) and not to processes of interaction and rerrains of politics.. Cypriot National Context From 2001. to 2008. intercultural education was understood as teaching Greek to foreigners. The term originally used was ―allodapoi‖. The Cypriot society. The objective of the education offered is to provide enhanced and diversified programmes for learning the Greek language to children of repatriated and immigrant families for effective communication and smooth integration in society and to protect them against all forms of racial discrimination and social exclusion tendencies.e. Memorandum. this response was also delineating the present from a presumably mono-cultural (i. The Centres of Further Education cover this need by offering afternoon lessons (Social Inclusion Report. those speaking an other (álli) language (glóssa).GEMIC. 24-25). the year the Ministry of Education of Cyprus acknowledged officially the ―phenomenon‖ of multiculturalism in schools. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In acknowledging multiculturalism as a new social reality. i. Since then. Intercultural education in Cyprus has been understood as a necessary tool to help ―us‖ deal with ―them‖. which until recently was a relatively homogeneous society with Greek Orthodox population. Framed as the goal of integration. Framed as a prognosis for the problem of alloglossi. 2006: pp. the year ―intercultural education‖ was framed as the year-long educational aim. intercultural interaction was understood as a spontaneous process which would take off as soon as the migrant students were mainstreamed.e. The framing of migrants as ―alloglossi‖ and the framing of alloglossi as the major problem faced by mlulticultural schools have come to define demands by teachers and schools and responses by the Ministry of Education. from ―allodapoi‖ to ―alloglossoi‖. has been experiencing during the last decade the consequences of mass influx of alien workers and Greek-Pontioi expatriates from the previous USSR (Ministry of Education. Multicultural education has come to the focus on the 36 .1. At the beginning of the school year 2001-2002 the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Cyprus used for first time the rhetoric of multicultural education in order to acknowledge the ―becoming multicultural‖ of the Cypriot society and to announce a series of measures taken in response to the ensuing educational needs. besides its serious political problem.e. Greece. i. the main focus of ―Multicultural Education‖ has been the teaching of Greek to migrant students: This measure [Multicultural Education] aims at the smooth integration of foreignlanguage speaking children into the educational system of Cyprus and not at their absorption. finds itself today in the whirlwind of socioeconomic developments.. November 3 2001). the discourse on intercultural education has remained focused on the migrant ―object‖. The term ―migrant students‖ has never been used as a frame in educational policy discourse. i. Greek.e. migrant students became re-named. Greek Orthodox) past: Cyprus.. As the problem of ―allodapoi‖ became diagnosed as a problem of students who do not speak the language of instruction. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4. National Contexts 4. aliens..

Cypriot society experiences an utterly new reality. Three of the schools where GEMIC fieldwork was implemented. During the last few years.GEMIC.pdf). Turkish Cypriots.11 11 This is a translation of the Greek version which is posted on the website of the Ministry of Education and Culture (http://www. many young people studying in universities abroad. the National Strategy cites: The existence of the constitutionally recognized communities and religious groups (Greek Cypriots. by the year 2008 the use of the term became so generous that multiculturalism came to cover every ethnic other. September 14 2007). bordering with Middle East and the repercussions of relevant political events such as the reception and hospitality of refugees from Lebanon. These immigrants work in hotels and restaurants. This measure aims at reducing inequalities for pupils attending schools in disadvantaged areas with an increased proportion of immigrants: ―The EPZ promote the qualitative democratisation of educational opportunities and pedagogical conditions of success for all children‖ (Social Inclusion NAP. mostly in the school environment. Cyprus EU accession. the migration experience of Cypriots themselves. tourism. 37 . and the reception of foreign migrants in our days. Phaneromeni Elementary School and Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Nicosia and Phaneromeni Gymnasiun in Larnaka operate under the scheme of EPZs.doc). Being neighbours with the Arabs and giving shelter to the refugees who left Lebanon during the civil war and the several crises in their country gave the locals the chance to know some aspects of the Arab culture. ―was composed bearing in mind the specific features of the Cypriot Society which bestow to it multicultural characteristics‖ (Action Plan by the National Coordination Body of Cyprus. The National Strategy Plan for the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. Maronites. Among these social features. the cultural difference of the ―other‖ and not ethnicity and ethnic borders. EPZs have been operating in three cities. Along with the emphasis on teaching Greek to ―alloglossoi‖ intercultural education has also become framed as a policy of ―social inclusion‖ for disadvantaged children. the Ministry of Education has adopted the measure of Educational Priority Zones (EPZs). as sanitary employees and domestic assistants and in many other occupations (available online: http://www. every migration which the Republic of Cyprus was willing to accommodate within its national narrative. the contact with the English culture during the period of British Rule and because of the presence of British bases on the island.moec. Towards this WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Armenians. submitted in response to the Restricted Call for Proposals by the Culture Unit of the Directorate General for Education and Culture of the Commission. Whereas in 2001 the Ministry‘s use of the term ―multicultural‖ was very cautious. 2006). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- migrant student and not the multicultural classroom. narrativizing the last hundred year of Cyprus‘s multicultural becoming (without any reference to structural aspects such as marginality and racism) and foregrounding a hospitable national (Cypriot) profile: The Cypriots are familiar with living with people of other cultures not only because of the tourist character of the country but also on account of the immigration of many locals to more economically developed countries in the During the last decade the presence on the island of immigrants from Easter European and Asian countries is greatly noticed. covering a total of seventeen schools. The text of the National Strategy as posted on the official EU website of the ―European Year of Intercultural Dialogue‖ is quite different. almost reticent. Latins). every inter-cultural encounter.

By In contrast to elementary schools. where apartheid is legitimized as social stratification. where the racial distribution of labour often keeps everyone in their place and limits intercultural contact. Without teasing out first student‘s understanding of race and by re-inscribing discriminatory racism with the glorification of the other‘s cultural difference. The marginalization of immigrant students has become normalized through the educational apparatus of ―auditors‖ (―akroatés‖): newcomer immigrant students are placed as auditors at a grade level maximum a year lower than their age level and were granted an one year gratis (i. actively at least. exemption from exams and evaluation) to learn. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 2006.052 students.interculturaldialogue2008. Unlike the workplace.13 Schools have become a privileged terrain of research on multiculturalism because they were the first places to attend both intercultural contacts and processes of racialization. To the extent enrolment of migrant students in secondary education and not quality of intercultural interaction is framed as the indicator of social inclusion.87). In this way they will be able to understand. the language of instruction. and residential areas.2004. local and immigrants should realise the importance of intercultural dialogue in their everyday life and be willing to participate in it positively.. the subject oriented approach and the fragmentation of the teaching time into slots of time devoted to different subject matters with different instructors do not allow opportunities for thematizing and adding-on supplements of ―epochal‖ themes. and 2006 correspondingly (Social Inclusion Report.GEMIC. Greece. a combination of moralizing discourse on tolerance and a child-centered approach to the discovery of cultural otherness. mainstreaming migrant students has become the primary goal of multicultural education at the secondary level. these enrolment figures are also cited as ―indicators‖ of social inclusion for the years 2003. secondary schools have not embrace multiculturalism in such a celebratory manner. increasing the enrolment of migrant students in Greek Cypriot public schools rather than promoting intercultural interaction became the guiding aim of immigrant student integration policy. During the period of 2003-2004. such as intercultural education. 13 The policy of mainstreaming ―different students‖ as ―auditors‖ in the comprehensive classroom was originally developed as an accommodating measure for ―special education students‖. 1. this number increased to 2. Official English Version (available online: http://www. Interestingly. In the case of secondary education. b) The immigrants should get familiar with the basic characteristics of the local culture whereas the natives should get to know the characteristics of the different immigrant groups.e. tolerate and cooperate with each other. separate migrant students from non-migrants 12 National Strategy on intercultural Education. 38 . Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The first two first goals listed by the National Strategy are: a) All the people of Cyprus.12 These two goals embody the dominant understanding of intercultural education as it has been developing across the elementary schools of Cyprus during the last few years. In addition to this. p. schools cannot. through immersion in a native language communicative environment.866 non Cypriot students were enrolled in Gymnasiums and Lyceums. elementary schools have come to frame migrant students as representatives of national cultures.

As Gupta & Ferguson remark. the offer of supporting modified programs for the learning of the greek language and the children‘s smooth integration in the social system (βαζηθόο ζηόρνο είλαη ε πξνζθνξά εληζρπηηθώλ θαη δηαθνξνπνηεκέλσλ πξνγξακκάησλ εθκάζεζεο ηεο ειιεληθήο γιώζζαο θαζώο θαη ε νκαιή έληαμή ηνπο ζην θνηλσληθό ζύλνιν)  protection of the freedoms and rights of all members of the Cypriot society from any racist discrimination and tendencies of social exclusion. multiculturalism is ―both a feeble acknowledgement of the fact that cultures have lost their moorings in definite places and an attempts to subsume this plurality of cultures within the framework of a national identity‖ (Gupta & Ferguson 1992: 7).ελεξγεηηθή κε απνηέιεζκα νη καζεηέο απηνί λα εληαρζνύλ νκαιά θαη ηζόξξνπα ζην ειιεληθό εθπαηδεπηηθό ζύζηεκα» 2002 beginning of school year (Directive dated 29 October 2002) The Ministry of Education and Culture (MOED) sends Directive to Elementary schools informing them about:  the preparation of a program of Intercultural Education. however. has been accompanied by forms of passive exclusion and cultural misrecognition (Taylor 1994) of minority migrant students. Measures taken for implementation of “Intercultural Education” September 7 1999 Ministerial Decision for the promotion of Intercultural Education and the establishment of ―reception classes‖ so that the education of repatriates (term used for Ethnic Greek Pontians) and alien students ―could become more effective and participatory leading to the smooth and balanced integration of these students in the Greek [sic] educational system («λα γίλεη πεξηζζόηεξν απνηειεζκαηηθή θαη ζπκκεηνρηθή.. multiculturalism has inherited anthropology‘s legacy of excluding from cultural critique the familiar (one‘s society) and searching instead for the ‗native‘ other. in regards to the internal migration of Turkish Cypriot workers who commute on a daily basis from the north side to the south side of the divide). Anthropology treatment of both the other and the other‘s culture as ―spatially incarcerated‖ (Appadurai. Guided by ideals such as ―respect for difference‖ and ―recognition‖. on the other hand. but excluded from the scope on intercultural education questions on inter-ethnic conflict (a similar selective approach to the framing of migration and development of intercultural policies has been recorded in the WP3 Report. The integration of migrant students in the comprehensive Greek Cypriot classroom. i.e. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 39 . This selective delineation of the ―intercultural‖ is not a characteristic of Greek Cypriot national educational politics but a structural limitation built within multiculturalism‘s double loyalties: on the one hand. As a project committed to the politics of nation state. its political loyalty to nation state politics.. 1988) has resurrected its legacy in multiculturalism‘s fascination with the cultural otherness of immigrants. its disciplinary loyalty to anthropology and. As a project committed to the recognition of the other.  the preparation of an Action Plan developped around the axis of the smooth integration of the ―alloglossa‖ in the the educational system and not their assimilation  the basic aim remains the same. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- students. multiculturalism recognizes the difference that culture makes in order to modify and enhance the process of nation building. early research on intercultural education in Greek Cypriot focused on the experience of migrant students and Greek Cypriot students‘ xenophobic attitudes.GEMIC.

The Special Committee for Educational Reform puts forth the following proposals: α) expanded teaching of foreign languages. as regular students. which is understood as ―a special educational process which integrates some elements of the other children‘s civilization aiming to the support of these children‘s modivation for learning and the betterment of their self-image. according to the report benefits primarily monority children and ignires majority children. retroactively assigned regular student status for the year and continue their enrollement.. This means that these students attend class but not as regular students: they are exempted from exams and they are not given grade reports. revision of textbooks with keen nationalistic character 2007-2008 The MOEC designates ―Intercultural Education‖ as Special school year Aim. and if they pass the exam there are. The rationale behind the decision for this policy change was ―to prevent the risk of student dropouts because in case the parents of these children would later become legalized. In our fieldwork we found out that secondary school abide with the informal policy of placing ―alloglossoi‖ at their age grade under the status of ―auditor‖. as written in the report. and no attempt was made to phrase it in a way that would sound in tone with any human rights or respect for diversity approach. independently of migrant status (legal or illegal). compared with peer students of the same age. to the next grade. Later. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. would have a serious deficit. it was decided that all children could be registered. the students take the same final exams as regular students.‖ It is obvious that the decision was based on a strictly utilitarian approach and principles of school efficiency. As explained to Gemic researchers by a MOEC administrator. The Report also makes note of problems related with the implementation of Intercultural Education in secondary education:  the teachers express worries and doubts with regard to their capacity to respond to the needs of a multicultural classroom  kids of a different cultural bavkground are at risk of lugging behind and facisn many psychological problems because of ignorance for or even scorn for their cultural specificities  The teachers worry (πξνβιεκαηηζκόο) about the relations between native students and migrants A solution is searched in the face of intercultural education. within this context. some school would not register these children.e. This approach. At the end of the school year. Until the end of the school year secondary schools have not received any directives or official guidelines about the grade/class placement of incoming migrant students. Greece. tackling with the problem of 40 . something which would contribute to the more smooth integration of alloglossoi owning to the recognition of the importance of every language β) teaching migrant students their mother tongue γ) in-service teacher training programmes for the traching of Greek as a Second/Foreign Language δ) the promotion of the European dimension of education and. children of illegal migrants). however. the school would be burdened with cases of absolutely illiterate students or students who. Originally. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2004 Educational Reform Report The Report identifies the existence of a problem with regards to the education whose parents cannot testify to the legality of their stay (i.

coordinators of afterschool. hiring translators).GEMIC. however. whose inclusion in and mobility through regular classes was facilitated through the status of the auditor. In Cyprus. In the case of the first policy. concerning the naturalization of migrant children born and/or educated in Greece. and love them. The Greek National Context Research in Greece was conducted in the conjuncture of an important legislative initiative. The term ―inclusive exclusion‖ is introduced by Giorgio Agamben (1998) and it refers to a kind of belongingness without inclusion. all of which operate under some special (exceptional) status. Whereas for a child with special needs auding class means attaining social skills and acceptance by peers.g. these actions. However. Greece. They are included in order to nourish the sovereignty of the German subject and yet kept out of the purview of general law.. In conclusion. up until now. it had diffrent effects. in the case of measures and policies for migrant students. This option. and fierce social debate. the zones of educational priority ZEP and the ―auditors‖ scheme. 41 . without having mastered the Greek language as a medium of learning and pass the end of the year exams (auditors can repeat a grade for more than once if they do not pass the exams or can move to next grade but still as auditors). schools with high enrolments of migrants are offered more autonomy with administrative and financial issues and more flexivility with curriculum issues. 4. The option of auditing a class with same age peers under an exceptional status was originally developed for children with special needs who were mainstreamed in regular classes according to 1999 Special Education Law 113 (1). promoting ―belongingness‖ (often limited to physical presence in a regular classroom) becomes the educational alibi for colorblindness and for the lack of collective action and school reform.. Yeğenoğlu (2005) cites as a paradigmatic example of inclusive exclusion the case of Turkish guest workers in Germany who are conditionally welcomed. alloglossoi attending as auditors could not move to the next grade (and at the same time make the transition to regular status). Unlike children with special needs. the providers of special services. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- alloglossoi in secondary education by placing them as auditors constitutes a case of a policy expansion rather than a new policy for migrant students. in the case of ZEPs schools are given authority and funding in order to design and implement actions (e. however.2. when it was extended to migrant children. etc). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Whereas the ministry maintains the central control with both provision and financing of educational services. internal inclusion takes form in both of the two ―arrangements‖ of flexible policy.e. who under certain circumstances will gain full citizenship rights. This presents a significant development in the regularization of migrant children‘s. for an alloglossos it could mean learning that his/her presence does not matter. often become sovereign areas of educational authority. we could say that in the national context of Cyprus. even the special spaces set up for special provision (translators. controlled by special people in charge whose only credential is that ―they really care for these children. i. intercultural education accommodates ―others‖ through forms of internal exclusion which promote inclusion of others in educational activities but at the same time enact processes of othering and exceptionality whereby other become inconsequential.‖ In the case of the auditors.

gender plays an important role in school achievement. while others have shown a great investment in education as a social mobility strategy. educational attainment is not evenly distributed among ethic minority children. the role and importance of education for the promotion of integration and social cohesion will be pivotal. they are excluded from the above regulation and have to prove migrant employment in order to be granted temporary residence permit. 42 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Frontex. Research in European countries with long standing migrant and ethnic minority populations. already. has highlighted the issue of citizenship and national identity as a fragile and embattled ground. legislative proposal. Greek migration policy had stipulated that all migrant children. the development of schooling for migrant children in Greece in the next decade will be of critical importance for their social and cultural integration and mobility. Policies and Directives The legal framework introducing intercultural education in the Greek public educational system was developed in 1996 (Law 2413/96). This law specified the goals and objectives of 14 15 Cf. In this context. Rather. it can be argued that school and education do indeed function as conditional selection institutions. One of the arguments presented in favour of migrant children‘s nationalization is the claim that. a situation which will produce and reinforce status and socio-economic differences between migrants. within both categories. In addition. not all migrant children will be nationalized. Obviously. they partake of Greek national identity by virtue of their acculturation through Greek education. the situation of (some) migrant children will be completely transformed. older and more established migrants / migrant communities are in collusion with the Greek state in enforcing a stricter and more prohibitive border control regime15. has shown that migrant children‘s educational attainment is an important challenge for the educational system. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- precarious legal status. certain groups have been systematically excluded and marginalized from educational success. or in relation to gender. carried out on the web. In this sense. ―Metexoun tis imeteras paideias‖. As Greek citizens they will have access to all the rights and obligations conferred on native Greeks. with the new legislation. can obtain Greek public education and reside legally in Greece until their 18th year of age. with girls exhibiting higher scholastic achievement and boys either stopping school at an early stage or being channeled into technical training. the importance of education is doubly reinforced/highlighted. Thus. involving representatives from all positions of the political spectrum. in the media and at public events. Institutional and Policy Framework. In spite of the new policy measures. such as the UK. rendering them internally heterogeneous and potentially divided. Moreover. since education is regarded as one of the main criteria for ascertaining and granting national belonging and citizenship rights. The fierce public debate.14 So far. Thus. even though they are not of Greek origin. thereafter. leading to the illegalization of large numbers of migrants and contributing to the further criminalization and endangering of population movements. In addition. regardless of their legal status. This will have devastating effects on both migrant and local communities.GEMIC.

pertaining to the implementation of measures for the promotion of intercultural education in public schools. while the majority of secondary intercultural schools is in the Athens area. Reception Classes (9-17 students) operate during regular school hours and students can participate in them for one to three years. it was existing schools with at least 45% of their student population belonging to Greek repatriates (παιηλλνζηνύληεο) and/or immigrants that were re-named as ‗intercultural schools‘. The programs included three main areas of activity: research. socio-cultural intervention. the organization of Reception Classes (Τάμεηο Υπνδνρήο) and Tutorial Sections (Φξνληηζηεξηαθά Τκήκαηα) in regular schools. social and cultural needs of the foreign students (e. b. The development of these measures and instruments was further specified by subsequent Presidential Decrees (1996. Intercultural Education Research Programs Three large University-directed research programs on intercultural education were implemented with EU funding: Education of Muslim Minority Children.16 a. extra language instruction). an additional Presidential Decree established a Special Secretariat on Intercultural Education in the Ministry of Education whose role was to supervise and direct all efforts. 1999) and Ministerial Circulars. teaching materials. depending on the number of foreign and non-Greek speaking students.g. Tutorial Sections (3-8 students) operate in after-school hours. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. after which and depending the acquired linguistic competence. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- intercultural education introducing following measures: the institution of special Intercultural Schools. 9 gymnasiums and 4 lyceums in the whole of Greece that have been designated as ‗Intercultural Schools‘. special curriculum. One third of the total number of intercultural schools is located in the Athens metropolitan area (3 primary schools and 4 secondary schools). Department of Philosophy-PegagogyPsychology. These schools implement the national educational programs adapted to the special educational. 43 . smaller classes.GEMIC. Education of Roma Children. informal. they are reinstated in regular classes according to educational level and age. Greece. Also in 1996. University of Thessaly. Both measures represent the development of the previous. University of Athens. system of instruction that aimed to provide teaching support to children of returning Greek migrants (mostly from Germany. 1996-present. as extracurricular activities. and research programs. 1997-2008. 2002-2004. while the majority is based in the Thessaloniki area. teacher training. Department of Primary Education. 1998. 16 It is of some sociological interest to note that the majority of primary intercultural schools is in the area of Thessaloniki. In actuality. University of Athens. Reception Classes and Tutorial Sections Reception Classes and Tutorial Departments are organized at the level of the school unit. and provide special language support in parallel to regular classes and school activities. Department of Pre-School Education. Education of Greek Repatriate and Foreign Children. Intercultural Schools There are 13 primary schools. Australia and other countries of Greek immigration). the foundation of the Institute for the Education of Greeks in Diaspora (Οκνγελείο) and Intercultural Education (IPODE).

and thus defines the minority as inferior to the rest of the population. On the other hand. Immigrants strive for a better social and economic position in a country where they do not possess citizenship. at the level of the social imaginary. bureaucratic conditions for the legalization process. the Greek migration regime presents a central paradox: on the one hand migrants are expected to assimilate to Greek culture and identity. all children of migrants.‖ 44 . Migrant Students According to Greek law. as developed both by official educational policies and by informal social practices. and the Φ/10/20/Γ1/708/1999 Presidential Decree that regulated access of migrant children to Greek public education.17 In fact. the lack of political power renders non-Greek citizens a non-participatory part of the broader society. among others. As argued by other migration scholars. Greek society still considers migrants as a temporary presence and a state of exception. Greece proceeded to ‗modernize‘ its public educational program by introducing. the lack of political rights minimizes their chances for political promotion of their collective claims. immigrants are seen as deficient in human dignity and therefore liable to restrictions on their human rights. tolerance. educational measures institutionalize discrimination and legitimize national supremacy. Furthermore. are entitled to attend Greek public school up until their 18th year of life at which point they become of age and cannot further remain in the country legally. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- c. illegal deportation and de facto shrinking of the rights to seek political asylum are a few examples of the distortion of fundamental human rights that non-Greek citizens have been made to bear. ―Through this process [of temporary regularization]. measures officially aimed at mainstreaming intercultural objectives in the regular school system. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. in practice. educational policies and official discourses are articulated in terms of equality. the establishment of Reception Classes and Tutorial Sessions in regular public schools. unless they establish official employment of student status. custody under inhuman conditions. Xenophobia furthered by sectors of the local majority may aim to achieve two controversial goals: to assimilate and erase any ethnic difference. authoritarian restrictions of freedom of movement. and in harmonization with EU directives. Greece. on the other hand they are deprived of any and every legal right by which to ensure and establish terms of equal participation in the Greek polity. … Demeaning treatment of immigrants by the security forces. In response to internal and external pressures manifesting more acutely in the 1990s. the establishment of special Intercultural Schools and. while at the same time. Greek educational politics are not exempt from this dilemma: on the one hand. or to deny and reject difference. integration and multiculturalism. is towards promoting a certain kind of informal segregation between Greek and migrant students. or of not-belonging to the local national population. whether born or residing in Greece. refusal to recognize family reunification. it could be argued that. They should not remain ‗foreigner‘ but they cannot become ‗Greek‘. This category may be provisional as the state has unlimited jurisdiction over granting rights and determining their legal position. and do not enjoy political rights. secondly.GEMIC. expecting migrant students to assimilate to the dominant national culture. Very broadly speaking the tendency in education. a legitimate process in law-making. In a sense. aliens. The legal framework introducing intercultural education in the Greek public educational system was developed in 1996 (Law 2413/96). The new policy 17 Tsitselikis (2006) points out that. On a policy level we have the institution of two measures: firstly. … So. immigrants acquire a new legal identity as a distinct category of non-Greek citizens.

my translation). 45 . the entrance of growing number of migrant students in public schools has rendered these measures partly inadequate in addressing challenges and needs arising from migration. Slavic. such as the Muslim minority in Thrace. they have eventually been discouraged or sabotaged by the educational authorities. Today. school system. explicit references to social and cultural heterogeneity brought about by the permanent (or semi-permanent) settlement of migrants in Greece. was to produce more successfully assimilated ‗Greek‘ subjects. since it could lead to the (further) ‗Turkishization‘ of the minority. There are no official measures to introduce migrants‘ native languages into the school program. taking into consideration the national priorities and identity of the Greek education system. Intercultural Education as an educational orientation does not have an assimilationist nature but constitutes an ‗opening‘ of the learning process that should permeate all educational levels and objects of study and is based on the appreciation of different experiences and diversities as a source of knowledge and personal development (my emphasis. The initial goals of the framework were directed more towards the needs of Greece‘s minority populations and Greek repatriates rather than migrants. suffering already from racist discrimination and prejudice against them. (The Law provides that native languages can be taught if enough parents request this. In fact. During the course of the next decade. For this reason knowledge of ‗native‘ languages other than Greek were not considered necessary. and where such initiatives have been organized by parents and teachers informally. see statement of purpose of IPODE: Accordingly. do not wish to draw more attention to their difference). The case of the 132nd Primary School of Athens in Grava is a telling example: After nine successful years of implementing different extracurricular language and cultural projects for migrant and Greek students and their parents (Greek language classes for parents. who was at the heart of the initiative.g. possibly because parents. and the children of Greek repatriates and migrants.GEMIC. Migrant students in Greek schools are taught only the Greek language. A solidarity movement was developed. Russian and Bulgarian) for migrant students and various other socio-cultural activities). while taking into consideration cultural and linguistic differences of the above mentioned populations. were taught Greek as a foreign language. however. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. foreign language classes (Albanian. and later Turkish. until they establish a level of competence that will allow them to fully participate in the Greek curriculum. It can therefore be reasonably assumed. was deemed not only unnecessary but also nationally endangering. but such a request has never arisen so far. albeit as a foreign language at first. tolerance and integration of course18. 19 See above for an initial critical analysis of mainstream EU discourses on the goals and premises of intercultural education and the challenges of multiculturalism. Roma or Russian. the underlying objective of this large scale intervention. properly couched in terms of diversity. involving the cooperation of teachers and parents in the organization of these activities. the possibility of introducing the native language. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- framework was developed in response to the need to provide equal learning opportunities to students belonging to parts of the population that were hitherto marginalized or downgraded. in some cases such as the Muslim minority in Thrace. raising publicity on the 18 E. such as German and English at first. and EU harmonized19. that. Turkish. the school principal. was demoted and forcibly removed by the ministry of education and the work of the school was interrupted. the Roma population. Ethnic minority and repatriated children with non-Greek linguistic backgrounds. more poignantly mark the evoked rationales for the need to develop awareness and tolerance of diversity as one of the objectives of the modern. Greece.

They say: ―We don‘t separate them. The cultural context in which the teachers are practicing is monolithically Greek. Today. of course. which are. prefer to enroll Greek children in all-Greek rather than mixed schools. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- unprecedented attack on the school by educational authorities. it is clear that there is a significant drop-out rate among migrant children – much higher than for Greek children – in higher levels of education. been closed down. they are keen not to be seen as distinguishing and discriminating between Greek and migrant students. for socio-economic reasons. even more in Higher Education (about ? %). By pretending social inequalities do not exist in the space of the school or in their classroom they are denying and disqualifying migrant students‘ experience of discrimination. 45% of migrant population). Greece. therefore. teachers‘ practices of nondiscrimination must either challenge the system or obscure its workings. In other words. and. about 10% of students in Nursery Schools.6% of total student population. Already. and additionally. Georgians and Russians. send them to private schools. inaccessible to migrant families. ‗Greekness‘ (as racialized identity and cultural superiority) remains unassailable and unchallenged. which amounts to the same effect. obviously. whether born or residing in Greece. ca 4. and for a number of reasons. The largest migrant group in Greek schools is Albanians (76%). migrant students are systemically discriminated against. Primary Schools and Gymnasiums are foreign (migrants and/or Greek repatriates). are entitled to attend Greek public school up until their 18th year of age at which point they become formally adult and cannot further remain in the country legally. as well as educational authorities. At the level of social practices. implying that they try not to alienate migrant students or treat them with prejudice.GEMIC. There is no data on gender ratio. while at the same time securing the reproduction of Greek socio-cultural supremacy. Greek parents. a term that refers to children born in Greece of migrant 46 . In this version of nationalist ‗multiculturalism‘. Having thus ensured an informally enforced racialized and classed apartheid. we observe the de facto segregation of public schools through the selective placement of Greek and migrant students in different school districts with a smaller or larger migrant population. but we assume it is about half. unless they establish official employment or student status. but the school projects have. and migration is framed as a ‗state of exception‘. Greek society and the Greek state can continue to evoke discourses of multiculturalism. all children of migrants.6%. we treat them the same‖. even though these statistics cannot offer a detailed picture. followed by Bulgarians. On the other hand. One of the many consequences of this informal educational apartheid relates to teachers‘ dilemmas: on the one hand. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. or. nevertheless. This picture becomes a little more complicated when we look at the social trajectories of the so-called ‗2nd generation migrants‘. There is also a tendency to attend vocational school rather than general lyceums after completing the 12 years of obligatory education. The majority of migrant students are located in the Athens metropolitan area (13. migrant students are differently positioned in the Greek educational system and in Greek society more generally. The percentage falls considerably in the Lyceums. Migrant Children and Students: A Generation with No Future? According to Greek migration law passed in 2001.

At the same time the encounter with prejudice in the dominant culture contributes to the internalization of shame and alienation. Research so far has mostly focused on issues of violence and criminality. and on my PhD work on ‗gender. yet in spite of their hard work and sacrifices the future for their children is not secured. followed by theft and drug related offences. it is still interesting to consider two emerging tendencies: a. could be one contributing factor blending marginalization with crime in their personal trajectories. since they suffered the effects of the transition (both in their own countries and in relation to their migration). and of neo-traditional attitudes towards gender and family relations. that these masculinities are not unknown to Greek culture. either in Greece or elsewhere. It is interesting to note however. when there is no other home. certain hypotheses based on other European experiences are formulated. These performances of aggressive and authoritarian masculinity are organized in reaction to both a sense of emasculation they experience through their contact with Greek racism. Their parents often describe themselves as the ‗lost generation‘. since they were commonly associated with working class identities in the past.GEMIC.g. Balibar has called this ‗internal social apartheid‘. the school context is a particularly significant environment in which to observe the gendered re-construction of these national identities. Obviously the school context and the educational system are not innocent of shaping these circumstances: The fact that migrant students are not taught (and often do not know) their native languages. in relation to issues of (racial and gender) violence? The following general points are not based on direct empirical research but rather draw on my familiarity with migration discourses and migration politics in Greece. a statistically significant number of offences are associated to ‗mendicancy‘. While the available data and research is not sufficient to draw any firm conclusions about the development of a ‗criminal career‘ of 2nd generation migrants. According to police and court records. as well as children that have grown up in Greece. where after their 18th year of age they again become illegal (!). They are told to go ‗back home‘. the de facto devaluation of their native culture through the expectation of their assimilation. The lack of viable opportunities for upward social mobility and for successful integration in the host country. Greece. Here. and in particular young people of Albanian origin. as some researchers point out. migration and the anti-racist movement in Athens‘. b. or ‗internal exclusion‘. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- parents. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. e. and a wish to differentiate themselves from the hegemonic Greek culture. One of the questions that arises is how these social practices and their representations enter into school discourses and the performance of feminine and masculine migrant and Greek identities. The second tendency that is recorded in the research concerns the development of particular macho versions of masculinity. Taking into consideration the ongoing criminalization and penalization of migrants (especially men) both in the media. It appears to be the case that representations of migrant children in public discourse often reinforce and reproduce already existing racialized stereotypes about migrants‘ gendered 47 . in concert with the systemic and symbolic impossibility of belonging makes them foreigners to both their country of origin and Greece: They grow up ‗Greek‘ but they can never belong to Greece. leading to further – self imposed – marginalization. as well as in the practices of the police and public prosecution that have cemented the stereotype of the ‗criminal migrant‘ in public opinion. On the one hand there is a rise in youth criminality among 2nd generation migrants.

i. either by trying to evade and disprove it or by claiming an aggressive ‗Albanian-ness‘. migrant girls‘ visibility in the educational system is either nonexistent. meaning and marks of ‗Greekness‘. The fact that migrant youths are aware of the stereotype and develop various strategies for dealing with it.GEMIC. but in any case. This points to the process of identification. In other words. provides further proof of the dynamic re-construction of national identity as an essentialized and homogeneous minority identity. Thus. These performances of the heroic national self border on the hilarious representing a kind of parody or drag. For example. Thus such exceptional cases register on the one hand the normalized educational failure of migrant students and on the other their assumed identification with the dominant (majority) culture.3. that public awareness was raised regarding violence and discrimination against migrant girls in school. or constructed around the victim/whore stereotype. Alternatively. migrant boys‘ visibility is linked to fears of other kinds of violence. origins. In other words. rather than something atavistically carried from before.hovered in the background of media accounts. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- subjectivities. where migrant students are instructed to sing patriotic Greek liberation songs. The Madedonian Context 20 Another such example can be drawn from school celebrations of national commemorations. through its reification of the ‗other‘ contributes towards cementing such constructions and representations of identity both for migrant and Greek students alike. In other words Intercultural Education is implicated in the essentialization of static identity categories.and are also tainted by extreme racist nationalist reactions. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. students of Albanian families identify themselves as ‗Albanians‘ not so much in relation to their country and culture of origin but in relation to the dominant Greek representation of the Albanian ‗other‘. rather than the problematization and multiplication or fragmentation of categories. the ghost figure of the Bulgarian prostitute working in provincial night-clubs all over the Greek countryside – signaled by the common slogan ―Presently Bulgarian Women‖ appearing on sign-boards along the national highway . it was on the occasion of the rape of a Bulgarian female student by her Greek fellow classmates in a provincial school on the island of Evoia. Intercultural education. the rare success stories of migrant students excelling in Greek schools both provide the exception that justifies the rule – namely that migrant students cannot/ do not do well in school . it is assumed that migrant students carrying the Greek flag become nominally Greek. Intercultural Education is set up on the premise that only migrants are different and in contrast Greeks are all same.e. This is violently protested and contested by many parents and fellow students. The intersection of racial and gender violence articulated in this attack was variously explained or condemned. On the other hand. as research on 2nd generation Albanian migrants has shown. as well as generating extensive public controversy about the purity. such as Independence Day. which reproduces intact the stereotype of the ‗criminal migrant‘.20 4. homogenization and essentialization of ethnic identity in the host country. 48 . Moreover. usually associated with criminal or delinquent behaviour. Greece. with Greek identity. mostly in cases where distinguished migrant students are granted the right/privilege/honour to carry the Greek flag in national celebrations and parades.

The agreement addresses education and the use of languages in manner that in primary and secondary education. as well as reflections of global changes and processes. as determined by law. as set forth herein used in accordance with specific law (OFA – article 6. empower mistrust and fix the gaze only as far as the stereotypes making relation to the other/s intensified with anxiety and ambivalence. changes in subjectivity and different discourses of 49 . Greece. new territorial division and local government structure and organization. and new strength of the attachments within the ethnic communities. which in particular refers mostly to employment in public administration and public enterprises. media. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Macedonia is a complex multi-ethnic society with wide ethnic and cultural diversity. and affirmed non discrimination. cultural identities are in continuous tension being in juxtaposition for centuries. This is also specified in the constitution: Members of the nationalities have the right to instruction in their language in primary and secondary education. in which full equality as citizens and permanent co-existence with the Macedonian people is provided for Albanians. the Macedonian language is also studied‖ (Article 48). Vlachs. instruction will be provided in the students' native languages. Schools face new ambitious and fast introduced national reforms. Education faces many changes and challenges. some emerge from local contexts. the lack of security and need for it. and they all make schools unique stage of continuous struggle and negotiation among public and private lives. And these events. Like the rest of the Balkan countries different ethnic. gave new meaning to the sense of belonging. Turks. and can be as well glorious and triumphal in the narratives and manipulations of the archly political players. The agreement was signed as a base for stability of inter-ethnic relations and beginning of the process of decentralization. one of the biggest challenges was overcoming the inter-ethnic conflict in 2001 which ended with international mediation and ratification of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. experiences and processes. However. Furthermore the agreement brought up the question of education and the use of languages. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. political influences.5). Diversity can be and in many cases is strong integrative strength which can enrich and enable significant interactions. changes and tensions. As a result the new preamble of the constitution defines that Macedonia is established as a national state of the Macedonian people. or even more destabilizing than integrating factor in the society. The language of war ended with the promise of democracy although bind in with fear and disbelief.GEMIC. On the other side self-identification needs to be stable and confirmed. Romanies and other nationalities living in the Republic of Macedonia. laws. Along these lines the attachments to the specific community (may) go ahead and widen the distance of/from the other. (OFA – article 6. experiences and emotions. although recent history and present day show that ethnic and religious plurality can be as well. new phase of democratization of the country. Since the independence in 1991 the country has faced a lot of social. Some are reflection of broader processes. Therefore. In schools where education is carried out in the language of a nationality. politically and explicitly confirmed the multi-ethnic character of the Macedonian‘s society and the need for its preservation and representation in the public life. political and economic challenges related to process of transition. religious.1) and that Macedonian language and any other language spoken by at least 20 percent of the population is also an official language. The agreement initiated contracted changes of the constitution.

100. students and parents often confuse democracy with collision of values and/or anarchy. The latest reform in primary education. The reform in the secondary education is directed towards redefining curriculum. Democracy did not bring security. there is still a long way to go for building a solid structure of democratic values. This includes the extention of obligatory primary education until grade nine and the comprehemsive change of the curricula of all subjects from first to ninth grade. promoted by the Bureau for Development of Education in 2007. is the Ninth Grade Education. Large educational reforms were made in both primary and secondary education towards modernization of education. Instead. also school documentation and the name of the school to be written in the language of instruction beside Macedonian language. it brought regimes of visual surveillance and physical securitization for the ―protection‖ of students. and the author of the textbook commits to translate and publish to other languages of instruction other than Macedonian. 84) Further documents and procedures which take care for the multicultural context and interethnic relations can be found in the documents of the Bureau for development of education. For example. Policies A national policy for using languages of ethnic minorities in schools is inscribed in the law for primary and secondary education according to which both primary and secondary education students of ethnic minorities which follow instruction on the language other than Macedonian have the right to write in the adequate alphabet. In ―The National Program for Development of Education 2005-2015‖ there is a statement where the Ministry of education declares responsibility to create education with focus on the individual. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. freedom and emancipation. Although there have been efforts for the reform of the educational system from a traditional to a modern and democratic one. in the methodology for evaluation of textbooks for primary and secondary school textbooks is appointed that textbooks should contain words and phrases expressing humiliation towards communities or personalities and attention should be paid to illustrations which should be respectful and in the direction of understanding and trust towards others. Media often report about education. power and funding. 32. according to which content. 119 & Law for secondary education articles: 4. The textbooks are published in the language of instruction. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- childhood and youth. 14. his development and development of his individual and cultural identity. (Law for primary education articles: 9. methods and activities should promote the values of tolerance and respect of differences and enable the acquisition of knowledge and skills for the understanding and respect for others. According to this 50 . portraying it as an arena of scandals and politization and a source of continuous marginalization. lower expectations and avoidance of responsibilities. religion and symbols. reshaping vocational education and introduction of new form of national graduate examination. Primary education is going trough reform from 8 to 9 year education and oriented more towards developmental goals and democratization of education. One of the principles of the reform is ―Principle of understanding and multiculturalism‖. giving more choices and alternatives. The new law and the process of decentralization brought a lot of tension between local governments and the Ministry of education with regards to the reform of duties. responsibilities. Other credentials consider giving respect to values of other cultures by inciting interest for understanding each others‘ traditions. Teachers. Greece.GEMIC. along with more brutal violence. defined in the ambience of multicultural environment situated in the global national and international context. 104.

4. 4. Greece. students who study in Macedonian language do not have the option to learn the languages of other minorities in the community. continuous acts of discrimination and stigmatization put down the self-expectations of students from marginalized groups. Phaneromeni (Nicosia) and Sixth Elementary School (Paphos) were among the first schools to be associated with Pontian enrolment since the largest groups of migrant Pontial ethnic Greeks in the mid 90‘s had settled in the old city of Nicosia and the margins of the touristic area of Pafos. tarents and researchers) with particular schools: Phaneromeni in Nicosia. language and traditions of all communities. teachers. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- principle. with some cases of classes in Turkish language and some special programs in other foreign languages such as French. as well as students‘ consciousness about their own cultural background and knowledge of their cultural heritage and cultures of others. in Larnaka had been associated (in an ethicised-and-gendered way) with 51 . Defining Research Field and Research Tools 4. Young people become manipulated through fear and by teachers and parents. With the 2008 law for secondary education rendering secondary education mantantory and defining sanctions for parents if their children do not attend school. Most schools where both Albanian and Macedonian are designated languages of instruction have separate language shifts and some are physically separated in different schools. Ayios Antinios school had been ethnicised as a ―turkish‖ attraction because of Roma and Turkish Cypriots had started to settle in the nearby Turkish quarter since 2001 and finally Dianelleio. One of these examples is the long time project of bilingual (Macedonian/Albanian) kindergartens. an innercity school.4.GEMIC. mostly Macedonian or Albanian. with reference to the language of instruction. each one associated with a specific nationality of incoming students. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Until now. There are a few examples of developing intercultural educational practices. ―Problematic schools‖ have also become ethicised. Macedonian and Albanian students live parallel lives. Albanian political parties. Roma youth continues to face problems in finding jobs. Secondary education reform does not include an intercultural perspective in school policies or in the curriculum. The latest development was provoked by a government decision to render mandantory the study of the Macedonian language for those students who study in other languages from grade one instead of grade four as it was until now. the issue of Roma enrolment in secondary education becomes a hot one. Schools are expected to promote both of these two goals. nongovernmental organizations and parents boycotted the decision and public debate was triggered again on issues of interethnic tensions. Based on the same model. Continuous ethnic tensions and incidents in these schools become regularly politicized in daily political battles between the government and the oppositional parties. State secondary schools are. Ayios Antonios in Limassol. Sixth Elementary School in Paphos and Dianelleio in Larnaca. an experimental program for bilingual education was implemented in one rural primary school during the school year 2009-2010. the schools have been associated with ―educational problems‖ ensuing from the enrolment of foreign students. Although more and more Roma children enroll and finish secondary education. At the same time. It is left out to the schools to manage intercultural issues. ‗living together‘ requires respect towards culture. To the general pubic.1. Cyprus: A Multi-sited study on multicultural schools The term ―multicultural schools‖ is associated in the minds of ―policy stakeholders‖ (ministry.

something which he stated would turn the school upside down and bring herds of angry parents to his doorstep the next day. A specific principal thought that bringing gender in our framework implicated talking to students about issues of sex education. the crucial question raised by principals. you are just going to be visiting the Greek language session for the non-Greek speakers?‖ The reluctance of principals to accommodate researchers in the school premises and give them permission to observe classroom sessions. its goal and some of the research questions. see Codification B) constitutes them targets for research on intercultural education. ―we feel like we have become a zoo. ―But we do not have problems of racism in our schools‖. being watched. The schools The schools where we decided to carry out field work meet the following criteria: (a) they have a considerable percentage of migrant students (with the exception of Techical school). Participatory ethnography and interviews were conducted in the following schools: 52 . was the usual answer. (c) some of them have been receiving migrants since the early 90s but some of them only recelty attracted numbers of migrant and refugee students and thus had not been put yet on the map of multicultural (desirable for researchers. (d) the school‘s principal and the personnel were positive to the idea of hosting GEMIC researchers and (e) we combined schools of different student age/ levels. However. Gaining Access As stated to us by the principal of Ayios Antonios. who found objectionable the idea of having a researcher in his school (though not explicitly denying access to us). was intensified rather than relieved when we mentioned that we were interested in interactions among students. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In the case of the high schools we approached as possible site of research. the attractiveness of these schools to ―hankers of multiculturalism‖ has created an opposite effect. the resistance of school principals to the idea of accommodating more researchers ―messing with their daily businesses‖ as well as the discomfort of teachers with the idea of accommodating on a daily basis researchers in their classrooms. this one phased in a tone of relief: ―So. the usual reply was a prompt: ―So. never at ease‖. was. The euphemistic reference to these schools as multicultural and their demarcation as ―problematic‖ and undesirable schools (some teachers even used the term ‖non clean‖ to refer to these schools as undesirable posts for appointment.GEMIC. that is. This ‗mis-understanding‘ was further intensified in some cases when we discussed the issue of gender and stated that we were interested in which ways intercultural relations and ethic borders were gendered. ―what exactly are you searching for?‖ When describing the nature of our research. in an investigative tone. including interactions between migrants and native students. undesirable for teachers) schools. The last criterion was added after the pilot stage h because we realized that gender became a more dynamic factor in intercultural interaction in upper grades (teenagers). (b) each one of them has a different ‗ethnic profiling‘ of its multicultural outset. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ―scarves‖ because of the increased enrolment of Arab students. you are interested in alloglossoi‖ (alloglossoi as explined in the section on national context is the official term used for all others [alloi] who do not speak the Greek language [glossa]? This reply was also accompanied by a clarifying question.

teachers and administration consider the number of migrants obsolete compared to another group of ―others‖. elementary school (first floor) and kindergarden (a little annex at the back of the school. most teachers were under the impression that there were only two to three migrant students attending their school (where as their number is between 30 and 40) and all teachers stated that these students are well received. Faneromeni is one of the most historical schools of Cyprus. when they are in Technical School. learning.g. In her address. Russians and Eastern Europeans. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. houses three schools within the same building: Highschool (second floor). It was founded in 1895 by the Archbishop of Cyprus Makarios the First and for in period operared as a girls highschool. During phase 53 . The percentage of migrants varies: 100% in kindergarden. as well the development of critical thinking and social skills ―in a multicultural school that promotes understanding. we found out that the worst experiences of racism and discrimination take place during the Gymnasium years but are narrativized by students later on. the ―special unit‖ for children with disabilities (the school takes great pride in achieving the inclusion of these students). LARNAKA Participatory ethnography in Larnaca during the first phase was conducted in two high schools. creativity and success. that is. The Gymnasiun does not foreground in any way a multicultural identity in its website (rather. The number of migrants does not exceed 20. Dianelleion (inner city school) and Phaneromeni (located between the fringe of the urban center and the old Turkish quarter). very close to the Green Line (Buffer Zone). the Gymnasium Principal emphasizes the school‘s mission as a ―zone of educational priority‖ and the aim of cultivating among the students the sense of joy. Technical School: Located at the outskirts of Nicosia. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NICOSIA Phaneromeni (Elementary and High School) Phaneromeni. one of the two technical schools of Nicosia. 90%migrants in elementary and 80% in highshool.. though. Most students are ethnic Greek Pontians (from Georgia and Russia). located in the old city on Nicosia (within venetian walls). Greek national and Greek Orthodox markers are more prominent). During the second and third phase we focused on Phaneromeni because this school presents the highest percentage of arab refugee students (most of them from Iraq but they are self-identified as Palestinian. In our interviews with migrant students. almost like a niche). When asked about migrant students. friendship and acceptance of otherness‖.GEMIC. in a suburban area. e. all moslem girls wear the scarf and their parents have the legal status of refugee and asylum seeker). Greece. cooperation. Its list of valedictorians (know also as the flal holders – simaioforoi kai school national parades) and central school council comprises mainly of migrant students.

The Gymnasium operated since 1980. we realized that it would add another dimension to our research to examine how older moslem student (16-18) would comment on the scenarios of racial acts codified in the vignettes. Dianelleion High The school was built in 1961 and originally operated as an orphanage (1961) and lated as a professional school (1962). which come to tackle issues related to migrants students whereas aims related to democracy. It is important to note that foregrounding of the new aims displaced the aim of ―Intercultural Education‖ which was designated by the Ministry as the Special Aim for the year 2008-2009. Greece. mutual respect and cooperation between Greekcypriots and Turkish Cypriots. The availability of an Arab speaking translator and the enthusiastic assistance by the principle were two other factors for extending Phase III to this school. aiming to the termination of the occupation and the reunification of our country and our people‖. In the year 1977-78 it was upgraded to a Technical School. Nothing in the official website of the school speaks of a the presence of migrant students or a multicultural agenda even though the ―compating of social exclusion‖ is framed as the school‘s yearly special (the two Educational Aims emphasised on the webpage of the school are the special school year aims designated by the Ministry of education for the school years 2009-2010: ―Compating social excuision through education in the context of a democratic and humanistic school‖ (απνηξνπή ηνπ θνηλσληθνύ απνθιεηζκνύ κέζσ ηεο εθπαίδεπζεο. This school was not originally included in our research but after contacting interviews with moslem students in Phaneromeni and realizing that many of these students were not considering to continue school after their graduation from gymnasium. a new academic track of Gymnasium was added. Intercultural education is considered to be something exceptional. peace and sharing of political power are considered to be universal (and implicitly. many of them attending school under the status of ―auditors‖ (it offers courses of Greek as a Foreign Language as well as special language 54 . Phaneromeni High Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Larnaka. The school has a high enrolment of Arab students. therapeutic rather than political. It seems that markers of identity and exclusion which in the life of a multicultural school often intersect in ways that intensify exclusion. are demarcated by ―Educational Aims‖ as separate and autonomous. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- three. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. is housed in an old Neoclassic Building. irrelevant to issues of migrants and other others). This lack of intersectionality discloses the nature (particulalry. we contacted critical analysis of codification at another school in Larnaka. Its location on Okullar Street (which in Turkish means the road of school) is the only reminiscent marker of its previous identity as Turkish Cypriot Elementary school (until 1974). ζην πιαίζην ηνπ δεκνθξαηηθνύ θαη αλζξώπηλνπ ζρνιείνπ ) and ―Cultivation of a culture of peaceful co-livinf.GEMIC. taking up the name its name from the Church of Panayia Phaneromeni (Mary Virgin) located 500 meters from the school. with high enrolments of Greek Cypriot refugees from the city of Larnaka and from villages south west of the city. and the two tracks operated parallely in the same premises until 2006 when the technical school moved to a separte new building. the racial aspects) of social exclusion but also exempts issues of migrant student itnergration from issues of national politics. the Vergina Lykeio.

Multiculturalism was the featured theme of the year 2007-2008 final celebration but seems to eclipse from recent celebrations and special learning activities and school projects. the school grew to a modern urban school. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. foregrounds on its webpage the special school year aims as well as strong Greek Orthodox identity.GEMIC. significant numbers of British also ethnic Pontians (Russia and Georgia) and recently Greek Roma. LIMASSOL 1st Elementary School of Germasogia (Christakeio) The school was built in 1970 originally as a small 4-teacher school and. Romania. Between 50% and 60% of students are migrants. Both schools seem to have responded positively to the special year‘s aim of ―Intercutural Reconciliation‖ (the announcement of the aim stimulated fierce reaction by the teacher unions and was debated for compromising national identity and sidestepping goals of national resistance against the ongoing Turkish invasion). Christamas. Greece. 55 . Gymnasium of Ayia Paraskeyi. About 40% of migrant students are also from ethnically mixed families. In his address the Principal makes a references to the ―particular emphasis put on the interculturality of the school unit‖. During phases II and III research focused only the first school. Both of these schools are new schools located in residential middle class areas at the outer fringes of the city of Paphos. as the area of Germasogia turned into a suburb bordering the outer bringes of the city of Limassol. They have considerable percentages migrant students but none of them has a specific ethnic profile of its multicultural outset (they are known as schools with ―alloglossoi‖). Bulgaria. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- sessions with an Arab-Greek translator. School celevrations and rituals. revilve around Greek National Holidays. PAPHOS During the first phase Research in Paphos was conducted at two schools. and Gymnasium of Ayios Theodoros. This multicultural outset of the school is not featured in any way on the official profile of the school. as featured on the webside of the school. as Dianelleion. Cypriot Folklore and Arts. Yeroskipou. The school. Research during phases II and III focused only on the second school. most of them from Poland.

The school implements. Besides this.2. you kilincir‖?The teacher played the cd and all the Arabic speaking kids were excited. The students play music of their preference. The focus grpup with Leceum students (both Moslem and Greek Cypriot) in Larnaka. It was recorded by a researcher. Ahmet had also brought a cd with Arabic music and at some moment he gave it to the teacher to play. Researchers continued to write kournal entries for days when special events tooks place. This phase was conducted during the months March to June of 2010. as if they did not expect that the teacher would play the particular cd. Phase III was implemented during March and April of 2010 (focus groups on analysis of Codifications in secondary schools) and sociograms with elementary schools kids. Vergina. their own schools‘ policies. dance and enjoy themselves. check field notes}. Phase II focused on interviews with students and teachers and took place during the months October-December 2009 and February 2010. Activities included cooking of ethic food (with the participation of ethnic students). It is a custom for graduating students to have a party the last day of class. Some other student (male. three translators (Russian and Arabic). 56 . 2 EPZ school coordinators. Accepting. the teachers interviewed mention of no other programs or activities related to migrant education. a program on Teaching Greek as a Foreign/Second language. The interviews were semi structured and focused on the following themes: (a) migration and migration policy (prompt: reference to a recent ―Broom Operation‖. Teachers identify four groups of ―others‖: Pontians. was condaucted during this period. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ―ε δαζθάια‖) played the cds and kids danced. (b) impact of migration on school. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- During the school year 2009-2010 the school of Ayios Theodoros held a special day on ―Learning. Codification A: The CD Story The following event took place at the end of the school year 2008-2009 (in June) in a 6th Grade Class of an Elementary School. British. (d) gender variation in intercultural interactions and school policies and (e) comments on Codifications A and B (cited below). Interviews with teachers A total of 42 interviews were conducted with school staff: 3 principals 3 vice principals. ―Roxana‖ is profiled as the name of a girl from an Eastern European country). All students had brought cds of their favourite music and the teacher (female. 4. Applying WP5 methodology in the Cypriot Context: Research tools and research steps Phase I included participatory observation and infornal interviews. Greece. Living together‖ (under the aegis of the special aim of ―Combating Social Exclusion‖. Ayia Paraskeyi: The percentage of migrant students is between between 20 and 30%. Polish and Bulgarians. Researchers prepared daily journal entries on theor school experiences. since September of 2009 {to be confirmed.GEMIC.4. essay writing (―Roxana‘s first day at her new school‖. carried out by the Immigration Department and the Police in old city of Nicosia which let to arrest and deportations of many migrants). καζεηήο) jumps in and says: ―What did you bring. Teachers also mention dropouts of migrant students but no official data on dropout rates wer available. (c) Intercultural Education (definition and aims). two teachers of GFSL.

homogeneous group (all Greek Cypriots and all Moslems together) and mixed focus group.GEMIC. The discussion focused on deep description of codifications. Phaneromeni Nicosia: all Migrant boys. Which three classmates would you prefer to work with in class for a group math assignment? 3. experiences with regards to the learning of the Greek language and gendered experiences (see Apendix C) Sociograms Detailed sociograms were developed for five classrooms of Christakeio Elementary School (UCINET software was used). described the event to her mother. Researcher: Are all school like this?? Are there so many kids from other countries in all Cypriot schools? Teacher: No. Three classmates are often reprimanded by the teacher and are most likely to be expelled. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prompts:  Any comments…  What‘s going on here?  What do you think Ahmet think of what happened?  What do you think the teacher think when Ahmet handed the cd to her?  What do you think the other Arab kids think of what happened?  Eurydice (Greek name for girl). Which three classmates would you prefer to spend time with during the break? 2. Which three classmates would you prefer to go to the movies together? 4. Which are these three? 6. Who are these three? Student Focus Groups In three schools groups group discussions were carried out as follows: Phaneromeni Larnaka: all refugee Moslem girls. there are also clean school which do not have foreign [xenoi] students. Christakeio Limassol: mixed (gender and ethnicity). such as the Saint Sophia School. In the case of Vergina Leceum the same students were asked to analyzed codifications in different group setting: inividual. passages from one level of education to another. Which three classmates would you be excited if they came to you birthday party? Negative Dynamics: 5. All children were asked to indicate three classmates (positive or negative preference) in the following scenaria: Positive Dynamics: 1. Some of the Codifications used are cited below: 57 . Interviews with students Interviews with students focused on itineraries of migrations. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. What do you think was the response of her mother?  What do you think about the way the teacher handled the whole thing? Codification B: Clean Schools A researcher in a Cypriot school has in informal interview with the teachers. Greece. There classmates are absent abd their absence does not make a difference for the rest of the class.

when Mantalena is leaving from school. In fact. their tradition does not allow them to take photos with men. The girls did not go to class because the class has ancient Greek (―νη μέλνη δελ θάλνπλ αξραία‖). Ξέξσ ζαο θαιά εγώ!». WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Ask only me. The only adult who is watching this scene is a researcher. sits next to Christina and starts teasing her. This Gymnasium is also attended by many Arab refugee students. Mr. Greece. the Gym teacher. she is meeting in the Parking with a Teacher. while shaking her head in a derogatory way: ― You little scarfed girls!!! I know all about you‖. To avoid problems in the future. You keep asking who did this and whose fault is it. is holding a mobile telephone and is talking to someone. Mantalena arrives at school after the bell rung. Ιβαλ is approaching them. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Codification C: The story of Halil. don‘t mess up with them. Tarek. ―Why do you mess up with their lives and their fights? he yells at her. the last week of February 2010. who is also responsible for the Arab boys. not with Cypriots. The fight started in the classroom of Halil and Ahmet but they took it outside. She is very worried and rushes to the Office of the Principal to inform him. Christina. Ahmet and Tarek At noon. Mantalena Tsouka. Codification E: The scarfed girls The following story takes place in a Gymnasium in Cyprus during the end of the school year 2008-2009. Christina seems to like it. Halil. never again. Mantalena sees the father of Halil arriving. wan nose is bleeding. Female students of Palestinian origin who wear the scarf in school refuse to participate in the typical ―all class phot‖ at the end of the year becausem as they claim. Tarek explains to Mantalena that Ahmet. These are different from the Cypriots. Ioannis. to tell her what is going on.10 am (the bell rung 10 minutes ago and classes have already started). Codification F: Romance or War? Kalipso with Vinka θαη Igora are sitting in the hallway (δηάδξνκνο). Let them fight! As you see. She gets closer to see what‘s going on. She does not understand what they saying but it is obvious that there is a lot of tension. Tarek also expains to Mantalena that now Halil is calling his father and asking him to com to school to beat up Ahmet.She comments. They do not understand. 58 . another boy. and this way you turn them against each other. Don‘t ask them anything. The time is 7. also comes out from the Ancient Greek class (says she is sick and she is excused) and comes and sits with them. they are fighting with each other. Late on the same day. «Αα…ηνύηεο νη «καληηινύδεο». Mantalena asks another child. she is parking her car ans as oon as she gets out she sees a group of about 12 Palestinian boys arguing in the Parking. a Cypriot girl. Ahmet and Tarek (Part I) The following story takes place at the parking of a Gymnasium in Limassol. Codification D: The story of Halil. a teacher (female) notices that the girls are together. bit up Tarek with his fists and with a stone because Halil was having fun of him.GEMIC. The other Palestinian boys from other classes were notified about this event and came right away. With this research you are doing you create a lot of problems. who speaks Greek and has been her translator. giggling and having a nice time while taking photos with their mobiles.

make the gesture of the cross. A group of these. GCs start debating whether they should get inside or not. the best football player in the whole school! At some point. Ιβάλ gets up and walks toward Kyriakos! He grasps him by the neck and shakes him up really hard! Καιπςώ get really worried and screams to Ιβάλ: ―Let him down!‖ Hassan walks away. A GC girl. Kuriakos. trying to impress Iβάλ. telling them: ―you must respect our religious sites in the same way we eill respect your sites later. Stephanos. First they visit Saint Lazarus Church and later Hala Sultan Tekke. Most of them stay out and only about 15 decide to go inside. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. At Hala Sultan Tekke Moslem students separate themselves from the rest. starts complaining: ―I am not going to get in there! What they think I will give two euro to get in there?‖ On the entrance. the holy water spring (ayiasma). etc. All boys bring balls to play soccer. Girls come all dressed up. be quiet!‖ The guide for the Palestinian kids gives them a tour and explains about the tomb. like a little ant. a GC boy. catholic Polish. Inside the Tekke another GC boy comments. the ball gets off its way and bounces on Φξηζηίλα. says to her friend Maria. Some kids are giggling and the guide reprimands them. if he wanted!!‖ Codification G: Excursion to Saint Lazarus and Hala Sultan Tekke Grade one class of a gymnasium visits these two monuments during their end fo the year excursion.GEMIC. They speak in Arabic. necklaces and earrings. One girl. yells to them: ―Hey you. The kids use their mobiles to take photos of everything. who decides to stay out: ―Going in these doesn‘t mean that you will change your faith‖. In this particular school there is a high enrolment of Moslem refugee students form Iraq. including the Palestinian girls who put on nice scarves. Greece. is showing off his football skills. GC. Margarita. Later they start dancing traditional dances (the dances they are supposed to present at the end of the year school festival). as a joke. when we will take off our shoes befire we enter the Tekke. and Christina tells Kyriakos: ―He could have melt you. On the way to the Tekke. who is admittedly. At St Lazarus Church At the the Palestinaians (with the exception of Jemal who hangs out with a Russian boy) gather along the side wall of the yard and Ammal takes photos of them.») 59 . Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- There is another group of Cypriot Boys who are playing football. quite intensily. One of them. they listen to English music and take photos with their mobiles again. Liana. in a very derogatory way: ―It stinks of Arabs in here‖ («Βξσκεί αξαπηέο δακέζα.

just before Xmas. located in the inner city area of Kerameikos on Ag.GEMIC. where nowadays mostly migrants. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Alexandra Zavos‘. as well as the development of new uses mostly in 60 . has been chosen as the main site of the fieldwork. refugees and homeless people reside. Of the total number of students. 1/5 are Afghanis. The main reason for this is the main researcher‘s. The school is located in a downgraded area of the city. although the exact numbers fluctuate since part of the student population is not permanently resident in the area. and the rest are Albanians and Chinese. The percentage of boys and girls is approximately half. 1/5 are Greeks. Kerameikos The school: 49th Primary School of Athens The 49th Primary School of Athens. The school numbers approximately 100 students. Greece: A case study on 49th Primary School of Athens. and therefore. involving the refurbishment of old apartments and warehouses into lofts.. while at the same time it is also part of a larger – informal – urban regeneration scheme. relationship to one of the teachers working in the school. There are 13 teachers and one principal.3. has changed the gender dynamics of the school. with whom she have had a longstanding acquaintance through their common political involvement in anti-racist and migrant activism. often relocates. Asomaton Str.4. although the arrival of 17 Afghan boys from the Hostel of the Medecins du Monde. all of whom hold permanent positions at the school. with Albanians actually outnumbering all other national groups. Vasso Nikolaou. Greece.

as Vasso reported. An empty lot on the opposite side of the street had been acquired by the School Buildings Organization in order to construct a new school. In the vicinity of the school we find Koumoundourou Square.GEMIC. Morreover. However. an old but recently (for the 2004 Olympics) redecorated 61 . The building. the school community. In fact. the specific street on which the school is found. are rather skeptical about the success of their efforts. Greece. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In addition. turned into a school by adding iron bars everywhere. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- relation to the spreading in the area entertainment industry. have begun very active mobilizations (picture on the right) to demand a commitment on the part of the Ministry of Education that the new school will indeed be built. sparse social ties that are kept up in part through the presence of the school itself. since it is assumed that the Ministry would much rather close down the school altogether. all of who find themselves drawn together in the cause of demanding better schooling for their children. A new urban middle class of mostly middle-age professionals. represents in recent years a rather uncommon arrangement since it has attracted a large number of cultural institutions and foundations that sit side by side with dilapidated and collapsed houses and empty lots. Currently. The school itself is housed in an old building that was originally used as a storehouse of the Ministry of Culture and later. who do not hold ties with the neighborhood. thus performing a kind of emergency social aid role. but plans have remained on paper for a number of years. in absence of other state provisions. is making its appearance. it is further assumed that the trend towards urban regeneration is affecting the school negatively: rather than contributing to the growth and liveliness of the neighborhood. the new uses will actually destroy even the existing. including teachers. The current mobilizations on behalf of the school community represent a significant occasion for the invigoration or initiation of social relations between quite different and disparate residents of the neighborhood. the school also accommodates refugee and other children from the surrounding hostels/shelters. already 20 years ago. rather than take on the expense of a new school in a neighbourhood where mostly migrant children will become its students. the teachers. is in very bad condition and cannot fulfill the needs of the students. anyway unsuitable for public educational use by all standards. students and parents.

the researcher soon found out that she still had to obtain the permission of the school principal. it would take many months. and social status. Alexandra Zavos. since the researcher was quite anxious about finding an available school. even up to a whole year. Greece. The researcher acknowledges that her position in the school as researcher would need to take into account the campaign as well as the ways in which she might be implicated or called upon to participate. want to carry out a research project in schools. Gaining access Access to the school could only be obtained informally. The school has launched a campaign to demand that educational authorities construct a new school building. and contacted a teacher friend of hers. The Greek Researcher. to explore the possibility of carrying out my research project in her school. b. because the Pedagogical Institute creates too may problems for them. or. head of the Cultural Division for Primary Education. where two contradictory tendencies intersect: urban regeneration and institutional abandonment. the re-construction of identities of migrants and Greeks and of representations of migration. Far from romantically idealizing the campaign as an example of intercultural cooperation. belonging. This square today is mostly used by migrants. the researcher was advised by other researchers as well as teachers to forgo official procedure since her application would most likely be rejected. In this sense. with whom they had previously engaged in anti-racist activism together. this campaign organized by teachers. where she taught 6th grade. they agreed that Zavos would be doing participant observation in her class and they set up the timeframe for the fieldwork. friends of ours. ―when fellow teachers. mostly Albanians. A formal letter of application. parents and students together represents a site of more intensified intercultural interactions. we try to accommodate them informally.‖ The researcher decided to follow this advice. selected the particular school for her fieldwork for a number of reasons: a. living or working in the surrounding area. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- public square. Even though the relevant research proposal was prepared. before it was processed. The student population comprises a majority of migrant students. Vasso Nikolaou. Closing down the school will also affect the uses and image of the square as well. indicated. She was willing to accommodate the researcher‘s request. through the researcher‘s personal connections. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. c. Nevertheless. even though the road seemed open. Formal access was officially obtained through application to the Pedagogical Institute of the Ministry of Education. For the purposes of research for the Greek case study this campaign is a significant site of negotiation of gendered and racialized power relations. Vasso worked at the 49th Primary School of Athens. as well as by parts of the urban drug trade-scene. a man with whom Vasso was not on the best of terms.GEMIC. where about ten years ago a large number of Kurdish refugee families had sought shelter setting up a temporary outdoor camp. The school is located in a downgraded inner city area of Athens. Her agreement came as a relief. As one teacher. Zavos was interested in recording the interactions between social actors. as well as considering these interactions in terms of citizenship practices. student culture in the school is not predominantly ‗Greek‘ but mixed. signed by the scientific coordinator of the research project 62 .

given the overall low achievement rate in this class. depending on the principal‘s tolerance / clearance for access to the school put the researcher in a position where she was expected to ‗perform submission and deference‘ and continuously reiterate gratitude for his accommodation. Fieldwork lasted from March 2009 to June 2009. as well as have a private chat with him in his office to submit her credentials. One of the arguments put forth in this analysis is that educational politics in Greece are governed by a longstanding preoccupation with issues of national identity: the safegurading and fortification of ‗Greekness‘ against perceived internal and external enemies. once she began visiting the school. was impressive as an excessive exercise of rank on his part.21 4. a position which made it more difficult for her to enact her ‗objective researcher‘ role. accountability and safety. as well as the whole school community during break-time. meant to compel the researcher‘s compliance (submissiveness) as well as ascertain her correct approach to school politics.. (http://www. and he had been nformed him of the researcher‘s coming. Given the above constraints. wassubmitted requesting his permission to access the school and explaining the purpose and scope of the research.php).gr/anakoinoseis/ank26_5_9_0302. Greece. the researcher felt on the one hand personally indebted to Vasso. The particularities of the specific school setting notwithstanding. and that her research would not frame him or his school in a compromising way. Even though he received the letter one month in advance of the planned start of the fieldwork. on high school students‘ attitudes towards the lesson of Ancient Greek. or not taking her side in her disputes with other teachers.A detailed fieldwork diary was kept by the researcher recording: mundane and exceptional incidents during school 21 For example. a small-scale pilot study on high school teachers‘ attitudes showed even teachers‘ lack of motivation regarding the study of Ancient Greek to contradict rationales provided by educational authorities on the necessity of this class. one indeed where Vasso commanded authority among teachers and principal. In other words. 63 . particularly with regard to criticizing her teaching practices. the researcher‘s previous relationship to Vasso. Feeling interpellated as a ‗friend‘ rather than a ‗researcher‘ put a strain on my research priorities. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (GEMIC) and the university. including students in the yard and teachers in the teachers‘ office. as well as her informally tolerated presence in the school presented particular challenges for carrying out the research. Applying WP5 methodology in the Greek Context: Research tools and research steps Fieldwork Fieldwork included participant observation in the 6th grade classroom. Indeed. Ideological wars over the identity of the Greek nation and people have been fought on the battleground of education.alfavita. This undue formality in an otherwise very informally run school. On the other hand.GEMIC. The politics of education have been historically and systematically defined by hegemonic struggles to determine the content and meaning of Greekness.4. Specifically. he required that she should resubmit the letter of application. School of Philosophy. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. he wanted to make sure that she knew he was running things. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.4. the Pedagogical Institute blocked a study proposed by a group of students at the Institute of Education. it is important to consider questions of access and the regulation of research in education in relation to the ideological premises guiding educational politics and assumptions about childhood.

how their mother imagines them. In one case of an Afghan refugee boy an Afghan interpreter was invited to translate between the interviewer and the interviewee. teaching. that happened to be empty at the appointed date. Interviews with students included all students of the 6th grade (a total of twenty student interviews). during which students were asked to draw how they imagine themselves in 20 years time. The purpose of this last task was to elicit students‘. and how their father imagines them. Interviews Interviews were conducted with all school trachers (a total of eleven interviews). Each interview was followed by a future projection drawing exercise. they were conducted in various classrooms. physical education teacher. Interviews with the students followed a semi-structured format (see Appendix TBA) and lasted approximately 1. They were all conducted in one corner of the basement. or the principal‘s office. French teacher. The second question was meant to explore group dynamics between students based on leisure and friendship priorities. in arrangement with the special education teacher. general observations about the school. responsible for the group of Afghan refugee families whose children joined the school after mid-term. associated with the drawing. and their parents‘. Afterwards. the researcher‘s own feelings and experiences at school. relations with foreigners. class and school conflicts. Group Interviews Several informal discussions with students in class took place addressing the topics of: gender and sexuality. A formal focus group session was organized with the help of the SCIT (Synallactic Collective Image Technique) methodology. Greece. informal discussions with teachers and students. images and expectations about the future in a non-verbal medium that would allow affective elements of their personal / family context to emerge less mediated by rationalizations of ‗proper‘ responses. special education teacher. Interviews with teachers followed a semi-structured format and lasted approximately two hours each. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed in Greek. other events relevant to the research. All other interviews were conducted in Greek. and. 1st to 6th grade teachers. the researcher interviewed the social worker at Medecins du Mone.GEMIC. to access 64 . give it a title and note down their feelings about the recorded event. Subsequently they were asked to vote one among all the drawings. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and the Afghan interpreter who assisted during the interview with the Afghan student. For lack of space. The chosen drawing was posted on the blackboard and the students were encouraged to recall an incident or event of the school year. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- participant observation. as a group. including interviews with the school principal. The purpose of this task was to allow students. English teacher. The students were instructed to produce a drawing of their feelings from school and give them a title. Sociogram A sociogram of the 6th grade was elicited based on two questions: Which one of your classmates would you choose to prepare for a difficult exam with? Which one of your classmates would you choose to go on holiday with? The first question was meant to explore group dynamics between students based on scholastic priorities. Besides the teachers.5 hours each. the neighborhood. each student read aloud his/her remembered event and a discussion ensued based on the elicited memories and feelings.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. something which renders this school a unique place for research on intercultural relations and negotiations of gender. Greece.e. The ―multicultural‖ outset of this school is quite different from the outset encountered in the Greek and Cypriot context. ethnic and other identities. The foundation of the first Trading academy in Skopje was an important event. national) curriculum and implement that in mixed classrooms (with migrant students offered separate supplementary courses in Greek as a second/foreign language). Whereas in the case of Greece and Cyprus multicultural schools adopt the same (i. which are the languages of the two dominant majorities in the locality of Cvetan Dimov. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- underlying thoughts and feelings linked to their school experience. and it is a school where students from different ethnic groups learn together. This secondary school is located in the multicultural part of the city. with ethnic Albanians being the dominant group. the format of the discussion facilitated the participation and input from all students and not just the more vocal ones.GEMIC.5. 4. historically. These are lines that show importance of this transformation for the identity of the school: 65 . Teaching takes place in two shifts and in two different languages correspondingly. After the occupation of Macedonia from Bulgaria in 1941 The Trade Academy became a 5 year Trade Gymnasium. Macedonian and Albanian. Macedonia: A case study on Cvetan Dimov. gymnasium and economic courses. the first of this kind in Skopje. Within the same shift there are also two different tracks. There is an interesting story and interpretation of this beginning stated in the history section on the school‘s web page: The need for a school of business . in this case Albanian and Macedonian classes operate in separate time slots (in morning and afternoon shifts) but within the premises of the same school.. However in both language shifts there are mixed ethnic classes. The school Cvetan Dimov was opened in 1925/26year as the first Trade Academy in Macedonia. more so over the anti peoples politics and regime of ex Yugoslavia which were against every line of enlightment and education of the nationally and socially oppressed Macedonian people…The foundation of the Business Academy was reflection of the need for exploitation and research of national resources of Macedonia from the government.4. Important year in the history of this school is the school year 1952/53 when the school transformed from male gymnasia to a mixed gender school. The particular school was the first mixed secondary school in Skopje for girls and boys (though now there are more boys in the school than girls) and is located in the ethnically mixed neighbourhood of Skopje. Importantly. and to initiate a collective discussion about this experience grounded in their personal experience. Skopje The school: Cvetan Dimov High The national case study will be on a unique secondary school in Skopje – Cvetan Dimov. is intertwined with the history and politics of Macedonia in the framework of Yugoslavia before the 2nd world war. In 1945 the Gymnasium was named Cvetan Dimov. Albanian students are taught Macedonian language but Macedonian students are not taught Albanian.

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This educational institution becomes symbol of equality among sexes with the renaming to boy-girl gymnasium. The young enthusiastic spirit which was felt from all present during the opening celebration , confirm the avant-garde and visionary educational and above all nurturing of young people, as a result of a cosmopolitan ―spiritus mundi‖ well-kept in our institution. From then on the school passed through different changes and had its peaks as the best trade school in the country. Today Cvetan Dimov is an economic - legal and business school, as well as a gymnasium. The school is famous for its ethnic and cultural diversity. This is an important image that people from the school want to encourage: ―we have to modestly acknowledge that this school is on the right track of democracy and equality, vision of all men of reason and dedicated workers in the educational process, of all grown man responsible for the proper development of young individual‖ (Cvetan Dimov, 2004). But the public image of the school is not that bright in the media coverage. For example, one title from a national TV station from 2007 says: ―Fights, quarrel and knives are part of school life in the secondary school Cvetan Dimov‖. (A1, 2007). The public image of the school is mostly related to violent incidents, stories of students carrying guns at school and as a school with ethnically mixed population, mostly Albanian, which is percieved as unsafe environment for development. The school‘s location also supports this image. It is situated on Bul. Dzon Kenedi (John Kennedy), street publicly known as a street of armed incidents of Albanian drug dealers. This is how the assistant director describes his attitude towards the school when he started to work:

Four years ago I got a job for the first time, as a teacher for economic subjects, and on the first day my thought was: ―O my God, where am I going?‖ To a school that has reputation for bad things and so on and even if I had a chance to work at another place, I luckily started here. First time you see it as a school, if you listen to the stereotypes and prejudices, it sheds bad light on the school. First its location, people say that there is crime, and is this true or not is other thing. It is located on a very busy street (Fieldnotes
from Fieldwork in Cvetan Dimov).

The school pedagogue informed that in recent years mostly low grade students enroll in the school so the rating of the school is dropping, and lot of students from near by rural communities enroll which for urban citizens is treated as not attractive. Researchers chose the school as a unique school, one of few where students from different ethnic backgrounds study together, especially Albanian and Macedonian students, since they mostly study in separate languages and live parallel lives. One of the researchers already had experience with this particular school as part of one action project and one research. Her knowledge of some of the school issues and context enabled more insight in some aspects of the school life and relations. Cvetan Dimov is a big school with 1800 students and 128 employees which study and work in two shifts according to the language of instruction. The structure of the school that shows the number of students in the gymnasium, the legal and the economic education by ethnicity and gender are presented in the Table 1 and Table 2 in the appendix. After few visits and established communication with one class teacher, researchers decided to focus on her class, because the structure of the class offered ethnic diversity and reflected more or less the image of the school in a nutshell. The class was Third year in the school year 2008/009 and had 26 students and Fourth year during 2009/10 with 21 students, while 5 students didn‘t pass the year. 8 Albanian, 5 Macedonian, 2 Roma and 7 Bosnian students made this small


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community interesting site for research. Researchers observed only the Macedonian language shift because of their language barrier, but as well because students from different ethnicities are more present in the Macedonian language shift and the Albanian language shifts are basically all Albanian students. Gaining access The national policy for realization of research in education is under the authority of the Ministry of education. First institutions or researches apply for permission based on a list of documents that are needed for application. The procedure in our case was not very long and lasted about two weeks. Then, the director of the school is another authority who needs to give his consent for the realization of the research. There are other authorities who can be brought as steppingstones in the process beside the director of the school - the local government and the School Board which also have regulative power in the school. In this case the director accepted the permission from the Ministry and didn‘t ask for other administrative procedures or documents. 4.4.6. Applying WP5 methodology in the Macedonian Context: Research tools and research steps As in the case of Cyprus, the research team had to obtain official permission from the Ministry of Education and the school principal for conducting site-based research in the school. The original informant was a 3rd grade who functioned as a contact person with other teachers, administration, students etc. During the first phase, the researchers conducted participatory observation in spaces of interethnic interaction and connection as well as spaces demarcated and separated by ethnic difference and conflict. During the second phase, researchers had informal interviews with students on the themes of friendship and romance and recorded stories on relationships between young people from different ethnic and religious background as well as stories on conflicts between students (some of these stories were later used as codifications and researchers prompted students to offer ―thick descriptions‖ of these stories). During the third phase, the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews and organized focus groups in order to explore in more depth power relations among students and between students and teachers, as well as networks of power with regards to school hierarchies. The research consisted of three phases: (a) participatory observation on classroom events and interactions and informal interviews on experiences, (b) production of codifications based on data collected in phase a and semi-structured interviews and (c) critical discussion of stories elicited in phases a and b, with focus on gender, power, identity, relations between students and teachers and negotiations of borders and identities. In order to map the researchers‘ insights on the setting and draw connections between these and major research questions and concepts, a list of indicators was prepared. This was an open list of indicators which mapped relations in regards to points of gathering, as well as modifications of relations with regards to ethnically separated as wells as dynamic and ethnically diverse settings (Appendix 2 TBA). Researchers were particularly interested in processes of identity formation and power relations, thus thay focused on stories about violence and conflict, experiences of closeness/intimacy, friendship, love and solidarity.


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Phase I Researchers started with participatory observation on school life and social interactions in the school yard, entrance hall and other hallways. The observation enabled researchers to locate different settings and arenas of intercultural interaction in the multiple settings in/around the school. Researchers wrote substantial descriptive field notes about visits and observations, notes about interactions and informal interviews, and their own self-reflections about certain feelings, events, moments. During this phase a workshop was carried out on friendship –the class teacher introduced the reserachers to the class and gave them the stage for about 30 minutess. The researchers taked to the students about the research and the topics of their interest. They focused on the friendship, had a whole class discussion on friendship and asked students to write what friendship means to them, keeping in minding questions such as ―is friendship possible among girls and boys‖ and ―what should the best friend be like‖. At this phase focus groups held non-structured discussions about relations in the school and the classroom concerning ethnicity and gender, relationships of friendship and love as well as experiences of conflict and violence. Researchers also had informal interviews with particular students and teachers, asking them to describe what they thought were memorable events of violence and closeness, friendship, love and solidarity. Phase II This involved reflection on all the data collected during Phase I and production of codifications that encapsulated in the narrative format of little vignettes the most interesting events and insights researchers had during Phase I. Eleven codification were developed and the most representative ones were used at Phase III to elicit thick descriptions from students and engage them in reflective discussion. Phase III Participatory observation was continued with specific focus on one classroom and in-depth interviews were carried out with students in order to elicit critical reflections on the stories developed in Phase II. Critical Ethnography in Cvetan Dimov included self-ethnography by the researchers. One of the strengths of the research was that the two researchers had the opportunity to go to the school together most of the times. They had the chance to talk to each other, write separate field notes and compare them, something which enriched the ―thickness‖ of the descriptions and introduced multiperspectivity to the production of data and their interpretation. The language barrier presented a major difficulty. Both researchers were Macedonian speaking, with no or very little knowledge of Albanian which is one of the two major languages in the school (especially among students). Researchers felt this barrier mostly in attempting to establish rapport with Albanian students. This was further complicated due to the researchers gender and ethnic identity. Researchers made interviews with Albanian boys but did not have any opportunities to talk to Albanian girls. Researchers‘ insight The research in not objective, in a positivist sense, but is rather marked by the researchers‘ subjective position. The Researchers‘ own experiences, expectations, ethnic and cultural background shape both the data and the interpretation. Team ethnography, however, can mediate the impact of one-sidedness since it provided the researchers with opportunities for


Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- comparing their findings and realizing how the researchers‘ positionalities. on both sides. To some extent.GEMIC. Thus the researchers were also caught a the research experience which elicited on their behalf reflections on intercultural dynamics and challenged them with the experiencial reality of borders. their selections of prompts. othering and being other-ed. the ways theu elicited narratives and their interpretations were also part of the thick descriptions to be produced. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 69 . the researched were also participating in intercultural interaction and not just witnessing the others‘ interactions. Greece.

and attribute racist attitudes to Cyprus‘ being until recently. on the other hand. Thus. and. the Cypriot teachers state uninhibitedly. however. ‗Closeness‘ is modeled on the basis of geographical and territorial proximity. Greeks and Albanians. but. are at a more advanced stage of social development). make sense of and negotiate ethno-cultural difference. variously. are also prevalent in interviews with Cypriot teachers. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and they come in here. Greece. Integration means that the migrant can become a quasi-insider and thus be smoothly assimilated. they have their religion. but we. or ‗grateful subject‘ is linked to the production of the idealized self-image of the nation and the projection of its fullfilment in the future. Statements of the kind ‗all kids are the same to me‘. we forget where these kids come from. that is Cypriots have not get used yet to living with foreigners‖ (Interview with MC. are alike. too suddenly in a way. in particular. so we can understand the experiences of current poor migrants). What is identified by the Greek Report as a discourse of ‗political correctness‘. it is also evident that teachers engage in a continuous effort to come to terms with. in the Cypriot Report is identified as a ‗European correctness‘. as same. either in geographical terms (Asia. treat children the same. modeled on the basis of national stereotype (Greeks were once poor migrants. ‗we do not discriminate‘. ‗quasi-insider‘. and a change of mindset required by global mobilities and reconstruction of local societies. Unbridgable difference. a multicultural ethos ensuing from Cyprus‘s EU accession. rather. ‗we are racists‘. They alsohave their culture. Cypriots will learn to accept others: ―This thing is still at its beginning stages. as ‗other‘. 70 . or. the integratable migrant is construed as the migrant who can be treated as same. They have their civilization. forge connections. or relegating differences to a developmental narrative of culture and history (we. will change. also state that Cypriots‘ ‗closed mindedness‘ now has to and. simultaneously also perform a cultural politics of separation. they have their customs. and is established at the cost of erasing differences. At the same time. often drawing on notions of a common cultural-historical heritage (‗we were all part of the Ottoman Empire‘).GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PART TWO: ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA 5. Greeks. The kids are all the same to me. to those who come from afar. This is represented in the repeated evocation that they do not ‗separate‘ or discriminate between children from different backgrounds. Technical School. or in terms of social position/identity (war refugees). The cultural politics migration (Greece and Cyprus only) Zavos reports that analysis for teachers of kerameikos. traditional. Such attempts to establish similarity through identification with class or cultural background. Nicosia). with a small population. However. to integate. a small and culturally homogeneous place. or on notions of a common class identity (‗we too were once poor‘). is projected further afield. the concept of cultural difference is abstract and linked to the discourse of political correctness. Teachers. ‗Cypriots are racisits‘. etc. Zavos notes that the construction of different kinds of migrants. China). eventually. This is not that easy (Interview with Pluto). or common experiences of migration (‗Greeks were also poor migrants once‘). however.

replying to a question on impact of migration on her school. ms. but it bothers me to see them not respecting some things. I want you to respect some things…a Cypriot could have done this…but they [foreigners] are in groups. In my own class I see that the migrant [f] student22 is treated by the rest as a member of the class. but later on. Nicosia) 22 Because the gendering of referents such as student. this bothers me. liberal. most people walking around are foreigners. during the break. normally. there in no discrimination on grounds of someone being a foreigner. there is no problem. migrant is not preserved in the English translation. not taking him into consideration in the sense that tudents would say. which is not bad. in Eleftheria square. The discourses of multicultural ethos and economic rationality. comfortable. many times I catch myself to be bothered that I do not see any Cypriots walking there and wherever I go I see that foreign element. they may be eating something and--notice this!—the they may be eating seeds and throughing down the shells When they eat pumkin seeds they spit the shells out . the gestures they make. I do not know if I become racist in regards to thts matter but I cannot…it bothers me to see this thing. do not tame or absorbe raciological discoures: I think in general there is racism even tough we pretend to be. at the benches. some rules we have in our country. the gender of the referent is indicated in brackers by f. e. and. normally. says: I think there has not been any. all these foreigners sitting there… If they don’t take care of their appearance. ―He‘ s an alien (allodapos) M‘m and we are not listening to his opinion‖. 71 .. judging from the students in my class. Technical School. eating pamkin seeds and spitting the shells. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Now. let’s say. to get more specific and not to use these generalities ‘it bothers’ and so on. it is their right to dress the way they want … pathetic…It just bothers me when I see that dirt around them.. They do the jobs the Cypriots would never do. sometimes it is even nice to go somewhere and see something from various cultures. that we accept to have some kind of communication and equality with everyone. (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher. Greece. fs. I do not know if in some other schools there is much more fanaticism and there is that kind of conflicts. and I think that it bothers that. still. from its start to the very far end. the way they sit. there is no … but even if we bracket the way they sit. but it bothers me there. teacher.g. it depends on the persons. does not know the meaning of some things. and I think it is from these little things we start and move on. it just bothers me. and so on …I think many people have a racist attitude. it is not the presence of foreigners that bothers me.GEMIC. as far as you can see. in Eleftheria square. Nicosia) The same teacher. As long as you are in this place. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- All teachers agree that migrants provide cheap labour. Technical School. they are together and you see them. however. (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher. for example. m. She herself cannot participate in the lesson and the students know that she is foreigner and does not understand some things. when I see her together with her female fellow students and her male fellow students. at the center of the capital. they are the ―blood donors of the Cypriot economy‖. e. It may sound silly or very insignificant what I am going to say.

conditional hospitality is projected as a balance of percentages (maximum ceiling on migrants). The teachers state upfrontly at the beginning of the interview. understanding. Greece.‖ This ―contact‖ is supposed to have a spontaneous effect on native students: … the mere fact that they find themselves next to these people might help them later on. i. states that that migrants are well integrated in his school. Still. In the same school. an exclusion of some kinds (some ethnicities are accepted and some are framed as malignant for school balance. ―we are racist‖ or ―Cypriots are racist‖ or ―there is racism‖. staff contrasts the successful integration of migrants with the problematic new-comers. school order). how to live with others. a disbanding of ethnic clicks (who often speak their language amongst themselves).‖ In Gymnasia with Arab enrolments (about 10%). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The positive impact of intercultural education is understood as ―contact‖ with ―a foreing presence [that] has entered the classroom. unavoidably. the statement is paradigmatic of some patterns of speech in the interviews with teachers in Cypriot schools. I believe that this first contact and this first communication … (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher. the ―Turkishcypriots‖ and those ―who gather together and speak in there language. at the same time. is framed both as an achievement and as a condition of fragility. The principal of a school where migrants exceed 50%. The upfront-ness of speech. In the case of Cyprus. to whom they refer othetimes as ―kilintziroi‖ (decadent. Technical School. Racism is stated only to be placed at the beginning of an evolutionary process: racism will be overcomed as Cypriots come to learn. Staff members describe the school as a―mosaic‖ and a ―paradise‖ for migrants: ―Here they find love. Design Teacher. exhonerates the speaker and allows her/him to proceed with any kind of stereotyping discourse. this statement of being recist and its performative emptying of seriousness by locating racism at the beginning of an evolutionary process of self-change.. the time they leave school and will go to the center where it is eaier to see the aliens [allodaoi]. abject. and other times. The discourse used by the philologist above is paradigmantic of a certain philosophy on the principles of migration policy. Teachers in these schools make critical comments about the ―clicks‖ that Pontians used to form in the past and state that now they are pleased to see that migrants and natives ―interact together‖. her upfront admission of being racist. in our way we push other children to embrace them‖ (Interview with ). Balance. Not just by teachers. that something has already been violated: 72 . Comparisons between ‗old‘ and ‗new‘ migrants are also made in Gymnasia with lower rates of migrant anrolment (between 20 and 30 %). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Only one teacher dismantles. acceptance. for the school will not be able to operate ―if they exceed 60%‖. there is a sense among both teachers and Cypriot students that the conditionality of hospitality has already been breached. Technical School). in a quite sarcastic way. when they come out and much more easily will meet in their leisure time. the lowest of the low). This is usuall accompanied by two other gestures. He states: ―We are racists without a knowledge of what racism is‖ (Interview with Socrates. however.e. Despite its exceptionality.GEMIC. rather euphemistically. as ―seasonal‖ or ―wonderers‖. Roma migrants from Greece. fashioned like parhesia. Nicosia) The speaker is exceptional in her uninhbited tainting of migrant others as uncivilized and. one that echoes the kantian hypothetical imperative on hospitality: I receive you are long as you respect the rules of the ‗house‘ and me as its master. they make negative remarks about the ―new ones‖.

GEMIC. teachers speak with nostalgia about the previous state (and status) of the school. The school is framed as a hospitable place that accepts others but not as a place for learning. Researcher: How many non-Greek speakers do you have? 35? Biology T: . mostly with regards to Albanians. without a solid family backbrounf (many single parent families and cases of kids who live with granparents as parents might be already elsewhere trying to make the way to a new start). also the ones whose difference must be delineated on new grounds). This unfulfilled expectation and subsequent complaint by Greek 73 . with the creation of the refugee camps. they do not understand anything and their mentality is backward. Is this ‗a few‘? We are only 370.‖ an ―opportunistic‖ one. Larnaka) The responses of teachers are very different in the Phaneromeni Gymnasium and the Phaneromeni Elementary school in Nicosia. Teachers from these schools do not adopt any positions on the conditionality of hospitality. a place outside the polis and outside the terrain of educational politics. they have started to have a negative influence on us. Phaneromeni Gymnasium. just an exeption. These are kilintziri. and it is negatively valued. Any comparisons made are rather sociological. Only one teacher in Phaneromeni Gymnasium compares the old migrants (with traditional values. That culture will be something new. in a dynamic way: ―for example. These schools came to be framed early on as the paradigmatic ―multicultural schools‖ in Cyprus (the percentage of migrants is almost 85%). the marriage that will take place this decade in this school will definity not exist in 50-60 years from now. the kind of marriage that takes place among migrants will also keep changing. one in every ten. Philology T: If they had our level. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Biology T: In order to have multiculturalism you first need to have culture. talk of the exodus of the Greekcypriots and the overall decline of the number of students. however. Unfortubately. they do not make an effort for something more‘. nor a dystopia. They eat us. but their level is very low. The criticism that ‗they only learn what they need for getting on with their work. something that has to stop. no contestations over the difference (on no difference) between Turks and Turkish Cypriots. speak about a decline of academic standards. We have faced the same phenomena. All teachers. as a Cypriot society. She talks about ―a moving world. strong family ties and solid belief in the value of education) to the new migrants.‖ The conditional framing of hospitality and acceptance is also prevalent in Zavos‘ interviews with Greek teachers. He argues that as migrant groups will be changing. Greece. is the principal of the Elementary school. Thery make no critical comments about unassimilable ones.Ee. It is as if the school were a heterotopia: neither a utopia. no derogatory comments on cultures and mentalities. It will be a kind of melting pot that will create a new culture. The only teacher who expresses a different. They are more than us. Biology T: You know what we have become? Araboeuropeans. Teachers talk of intercultural policies in their school as of a long ago established institutional rationality. unconditional and non-deterministic view on the cultural politics of migration with regards to his school. now. Especially in schools. they are assimilating us. no ethnic comparisons between eastern Europeans and Arab others. Many teachers speak of the acceptance and love offered to migrants and only a very few complain about disciplinary problems. It is us who pretty soon will need integration. implies that they are expected to be interested in Greece not only for economic but for socio-cultural reasons as well. Especially in the Gymnasium. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Zavos reports that lack of language acquistion by parents is seen by teachers as a sign of unwillingness to integrate and become part of Greek society. since they are the ones considered to have higher cultural affinity with Greeks and also to have integrated most (and perhaps. we would not have problems. (PM Fieldnotes. Instead of us assimilating them.

yesterday. and they should also help. we offer them whatever we can but their parents must also say. especially when Greeks themselves cannot secure this: ―They cannot complain. as 74 . As Zavos comments. and to the fundamental ambivalence that structures the relationship between Greeks and migrants. Seen as inferior or quasi-Greek subjects. Even though they are now considered more or less integrated. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- teachers of Albanian parents‘ lack of interest in Greek culture. This Albanian tells me. to be willing to take in Greek social and cultural norms.‖ It drives me crazy (Interview with Machdi). as they are both foreigners and poor migrants. rather than demand a better quality of life. they are not recognized as having the right to be intolerant of others. A significant difference that cuts across the cultural politics of migration in Greece and Cyprus is the construction of migrants and alien others with regards to the future of the nation. there are laws. or tolerated. we are offered hospitality. we were like this. (Albanian) migrants are also expected. ―The regugee M‘s. they are expected to perform a submissive rather than assertive subjectivity. there are rights. since they themselves were also once in the position of the outsider or abject foreigner. who have been granted entrance into the national realm. to stay in Greece? Are we coming here. the Albanian defies this little boy from Iran. at the same time. Greece.GEMIC. the refugee‖. but also expected to become ‗like Greeks‘. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Albanians are bound by the cnditionality of hospitality to behave towards other migrants in ways Greek nationals are not expected to do. Even us. here. a friend teacher of mine told me. points to the underlying affective terms of a relationship. «Now you know. In Greek territory. there are responsibilities. Intolerance is an aspect of being Greek. ―You came to our country to act like a ? I will kick you out. whereas Greeks are considered justified to abandon the neighbourhood of Kerameikos. Zavos notes that the construction of different kinds of migrants in Greece. which is mainly conceived in terms of economic rationalization and/or exploitation. I say. many years ago. Albanian parents are not considered entitled to complain about the presence of other migrants in their neighborhood. In fact. that‘s too much. there are duties‖. they can‘t lay claim to national cultural belonging as proper Greeks can. or at least familiar with Greek identity. on the one hand. ―I do not understand you well. Their relationship to Greece is expected to be an affective one and not just opportunistic calculation of survival and profit We opened up the doors. thereby performing subjection to the higher Greek culture. mistake. they are expected to identify with others‘ plight and position. on the other. Even though they are mainly perceived as cheap labour by Greek society. the exodus of Albanians is seen as a less ordinary practice that attests to the extreme degradation of the area. they should be thankful for what they have. rightfully belonging and ruling the national territory. aren‘t you a regugee? How can you say this all the time?‖ It drives me crazy It happened to me before. to become quasi-insiders. what are you. getting integrated (Interview with Pluto). but also love and gratitude. Afganistan. Albanian children‘s intolerance or racism is not justified. and tells him. We came here. Seen as ‗others‘.‖ The same also holds true for Albanian childrens‘ negative reactions to other migrants or refugees from Asia. variously. It is even seen as a sign of impudence.

Migrant children are considered to have a place in the idealized self-image of the nation to the extent the nation is projected as a hierachical socioeconomic system and education as its sychnonizer. Knowledge is distinguished from scientific or professional qualification. but these you know have been integrated in some way. you can become a hairstylist…‖ […] it is not necessary to get a university degree … I believe they will make it (Interview with Erato). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ‗other‘. a national state and yet not a nation state. it is them who learn thigs from us […] Grand mistake that we did not put a limit (PM Fieldnotes. in order to allow for migrant children. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Here. or ‗grateful subject‘ is linked to the production of the idealized selfimage of the nation and the projection of its fullfilment in the future: We had and stll had many students from Albania. It was a a grand mistake of Vasileiou who did not sya. We all have to try and we ll have right to improve our life. essentially. Our problems are with the other aliens. in positions of lower status. and in working class occupations. The perception that Albanian parents live frugally in Greece in order to build a dream home in Albania is likened by Kerameikos teachers to earlier practices of Greek-American migrants who returned to Greece with lots of money to show off their success. A common theme in interviews with Greek and Cypriot teachers is the reference to common experiences of migration. Date). that we will receive migrants because we are not racists. and prompted by the desire to overcome the 75 . cultured and discerning hairdressers or plumbers. It is logical that interaction will occur from the contact of civilizations. who are assumed more than likely to fail such qualifications. but up to a point. Dianelleio Gymnasium Larnaka. We have to receipt that number which we will be able to fully accept so that problems don‘t take place and we do not lose our Greekness. ‗quasi-insider‘. to still partake of the benefits of education. all children are entlitled to knowledge. to provide a rationale for the value of education even if it does not return the investment in terms of achieving higher socio-economic status. in this identification. change your mind. to open up what I call light. Implicitly. teachers refer to ―greekness‖ as a benchmark rather than as the dialectic of the nation. speak the Greek language […] have Greek friends. as second tier citizens.GEMIC. most of them from Asia […] kids who came from Afvanistan (Interview with Pluto). as Malt did. as Zavos comments. National idendification is projected in the quest for a ―balance‖. I am in favour of Intercultural Education but I consider very important the presence of a measure in what we do. however. Based on the abtract universal ideal of equality and rights. Drawing this parallel is assumed to establish a sense of commonality and acceptance between the Greek teachers and their migrant students. such practices are also criticized by the teachers as lacking in taste and being somehow excessive or unreasonable. Greece. but. In the case of Cyprus. Beliefs in the inevitability of migration and Cypriots‘ mind change are cut across by fears of some inevitable destruction of balance: ‗We already have more than what this place can take‘: I am not a racist. not reach. also fixes migrant students. they can become enlightened. the perhaps protective disposition of the teacher. Implicit. A Zavos notes. is also an understanding of migration as only negative. little windowpanes on our head … we don‘t have to become all of us scientists … You may be a plumber and still know how to love poetry. however. Several of these kids have been born here here. Ioanna. literature … We talk about it many times and I tell them … «you might not become.

which are assumed to offer a higher quality of life and a more advanced socio-cultural milieu. Whereas teachers in the Greek case study makereferences to a collective memory of Greek migration and allude to commonalities and identifications with migrants.‖ As he explains. Techniki School Nicosia) 6. culturally sensitive school practices. like in my mother‘s belly. teachers also make comparisons between English and American univesities‘ admission and academic policies for international students and measures for migrants in Cypriot schools. teachers. gossip between teachers in staff rooms. he comments: ―We did not learn anything. The cultural interest in migrant/ethnic minority students is problematic from a gender perspective not only because its normative framing reproduces patriarchal thinking but also because its elucidation in school settings—informal classroom conversations. culturalist interpretations of school violence—reproduces preconceived notions about gender and heteronormativity. in London … and basically we did not meet them well. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hardships experienced in the country of origin. With reference to Cypriots‘ studies abroad. we came back and we are so willing to strike others on the head. mostly as students in UK and the USA. acquire. however. if they had to learn English first. Masculinities. we met all these people … in New York. in order to establish that they know of multicultural societies and how to live with others. this is black.GEMIC. we said. national majorities and ethnic minorities) and sometimes even researchers. Thus migration is framed as a one-way process that affects only migrants and not the receiving societies. migrant groups‘ gender norms and practices are treated as an organizing axis around which intercultural inquiry will navigate itself. I will stay here in Astoria where they also speak Greek and they have Greek street labels and feel safe. exhibit and utilize knowledge about ―others‖ in ways that preserve gender regimes. knowledge about the other will be built and intercultural bridges of respect/sensitivity/tolerance will be deployed. Greece. 76 . teachers in the Cypriot study make references to personal experiences of migration. we were logs when we came back. As shown in the analysis of data from the three WP5 partners. who dismantles the logic of such comparisons. students (native and migrant. (Interview with Socrates. Femininities and Gender One of the reasons it is hard to separate normative gender thinking from culturalist approaches to the other is because gender norms are considered to be an exemplary chrystallization of the other‘s cultural codes and values. While alluding to a common experience of ―being foreigner‖. migrant students should alsohave to enrolled in ―reception classes‖ first and become intefrated in the regural classroom only after they learn Greek. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. We were uneducated when we went there. There is one teacher. organize. teachers‘ tips on how to handle disruptive or unmotivated migrant/minority students. Assumed to be concise and stable within and authentic and pure from without inferences. that is red. Migration as a force of positive social change in receiving countries is not even a possibility. The parallel they draw is that. before they could take a regular academic classes. secure. prompting questions posed by researchers.

are more mature. gils. such as Gypsies or Afghan refugees. in spite of the fact that sociality among same sex children is quite developed and zealously guarded. girls and boys are assumed to connect better to teachers of the opposite sex. are more quiet. to some extent. ―Don‘t do it? What?‖ Machdi: E. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. reproducing heteronormative stereotypes and expectations about gender relations and sexuality. we told here this thing. order and subsistence. more competent. Fears about older boys.GEMIC. Girls are understood to create fewer problems in the classroom. Aggressive Albanian Boys. 77 . Moreover. girls are more in charge of cleaning up. invoke naturally determined qualities for boys and girls. more assiduous. there are some girls who are being looked at. at the excursion …The boys got up and went to play waiting for others to clean up … the girls did not do that (Interview with Nano). we called the social worker here. they pull up our skirt‖ and did things like that. Gender roles. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6. for example. however. in my own class there is a deficit with regards to boys… Whereas girls are more smart and more mature […] Let‘s say. that this ―Cannot go on‖… Look. teachers or girls. according to which. especially darker skinned and socially more marginalized foreign boys. are. Stella: When the majority of kids in my class are girls. There are a variety of reasons why this is seen to be the case. less aggressive. I don‘t know. are seen as a manifestation of innate and essential biological attributes: Nefeli: E. you know that. most of which. the class is falling apart. As Zavos remarks. whereas boys are indifferent to such requirements and expect others. Eleni: Look. it is generally believed that are more mature than booys. more tidy. to take care of chores. always. Such discourses surrounding feminized school performance distract attention from more meaningful structural analyses situated within economic and cultural contexts. Greece. Girls are more competent. and the performance of femininity and masculinity. the majority 12 boys. Diligent girls. in terms of the social roles they perform. by nature like this. at every level … The boys. Predatory Afghan others: From the Analysis of Geek Data Zavos reports that general opinion among the teachers holds that girls. the minority 4 girls. appear to conform to culturally dominant in Greece gender stereotypes. we explained to them. both girls and boys. such as the sentimentalized diligent (girl) child has come to represent a new neo-liberal subject (Burman 2005). or outside during fieldtrips. whether of Greek or foreign origin. In fact. what about them? Did you tell them.1. more well behaved and better students. making sexual advances to girls are another common theme in teacher‘s representations of sexualized gender relations in school. and the boys that have learning difficultires are usually boys. more assiduous. the class is perfect …When it‘s the opposite. AZ: And them (boys). Machdi: … at some point they complained: ―M‘m. they seem to handle better their everydayness as pupils. homosociality and homosexuality are completely submerged in teachers‘ understandings of children‘s sexual behaviour in school.

from this respect … Even before. gender relations and the social position of women and girls are also seen as culturally. However. like a model even with regars to how I dress. They look at them intensly because they are boys. again we had the same problem. Greece. becoming for them a blueprint of feministity. are seen by teachers as important issues for children of Elementary school age: AZ: Do you ever hear boys talking to girls dismissively. where masculine roles are considered to be more traditional and less refined. these are not accidental. ‘50. Machdi: Girls have a better level. maybe. their way of thinking. With regards to the boys. what kind of perception do they have of women? … Eleni: I cannot know of that but in general. but as soon as the girls make some mistake. Boys are a little bit further back. Machdi: And so things are a bit dangferous. AZ: What about the boys. For example. they start having fun of them. they just tease them that they are not that good in playing… ―Why do you have the girls play [soccer] with us. kids of fourteen and fiftenn years old… Clearcut demarcations of gender roles between girls and boys. In their manners. boys in the age of falling in love and doing … Did you understand? AZ: Yes. they are more advanced. and not only biologically. in the context of games. They should be in Elementary schools. AZ: Do you mean there‘s a more sexual dimension to how they see girls? Eleni: Yes. This is attributed on the one hand to the backwardness of Albanian families. but not dimissively …They want to play their game and they want to play the way they [boys] want to play Eleni: … I just see that girls are looking at me with admiration. of course. the older ones. remind me of Greece of ‘40. yes. This is culturally referenced back to the way of 78 . at the beginning they do it. touching each other during break. they notice these kind of things more. and you will help them learn‖ E. let‘s say? Podosfairistis: Not dismissively. I do not know. who were older. Albanian girls are considered more sophisticated than Albanian boys. Gender differences are also attributed to the predominance of women‘s role and power in the family. you see that boys are starting to … the way they look is kind of sneaky (ην καηάθη ηνπο είλαη ιίγν πην πνλεξό). since they do not know? ‖ I try to convince them that ―They have to play so that they can learn. what seems to affect them might be the whole appearance. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- intensely. old times when it was in the villages. determined social roles that carry particular ideological and moral implications. they imitate their father … I do not consider these people to be ‗behind‘. our own Greece. which is seen to be more ‗matriarchal‘. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. that I have a nice body. The girls of both 5th and 6 th grade are pusjing each other.GEMIC. They are beginning to explore. separation of spaces and activities along gender lines and the performance of appropriate and clearly legible femininity and masculinity. when we had Roma kids (Τζηγγαλάθηα) like this.

Machdi: Boys. where I come from. They talk about the mother and the mother‘s problems. often physically abusive towards their wives. this beating The coincidence that girls of certain foreign populations do not attend the school. AZ: Yes Machdi: And if he finds a girl when he goes downstairs. not as hard facts but rather as general impressions. the social worker who was responsible for introducing the Afghan refugee children to the school. Arvanites are ethnic populations of Albanian origin. such as an assumed aggressive and predatory masculinity. accounts of this cultural backwardness are often articulated in vague terms. historical link between present day Albanian migrants and older ethnic Albanian populations. but also. who had settled in what is now Greek territory during the Ottoman empire. 79 . Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- life of Arvanites‘ families in Greece. They are men… «Where do you place these. Interestingly. Nevertheless. Zavos also reports that gender relations between Greek and Albanian girls and Afghan boys are seen by teachers as bearing particular sexual threats. what do we do then? 23 In fact. families were strictly matriarchal. this image carries echoes of traditional rural Greek family relations. they do not talk about the father and his job […] my own experience from Methana. like are own Arvanitikes […] the girls hardly talk about their father [pause]. are invested with sexual implications that codify specific cultural identities and practices as not only inferior but also dangerous.23 This is contrasted to the higher cultural value attached to liberal western egalitarian gender norms. this is a people who have learnt to marry early. this was happening. and make Afghan boys a liability for the school. at the same time. culturally attributed gender roles. yes. such as for example Afghan refugee girls. and whom I interviewed separately. who were expected to work in order to support their older mothers. clarified that there were no young girls amont the children of this particular group of refugees. it was the grandmother. the older in particular. Here. Nano: I have the impression that the Albanian families are a bit matriarchal. which is open to criticism by parents on account of not offering enough moral and physical protection for girls.GEMIC. Again. she too referred to the position of Afghan women in the family as being oppressed and dominated by male relatives. is attributed to this group‘s cultural backwardness and possibly also moral inferiority. speaking an older idiom of the Albanian language. two of 14 and 15years old. all little girls talk about the job of their mother. Greece. that they are very traditional and that the men lock in the wives and beat them? Nano: This is just for just for looks [«Θεαζήλαη»]. to the toilets. Such a comparison establishes a ‗natural‘. AZ: Doesn‘t this subvert a bit the image about the Albanians. in spite of the fact that sexism and gender discrimination in the Greek educational system has been exposed to be rampant. the mother…. thus naturalizing and appropriating Albanian migrants into the Greek cultural establishment.‖ And then. which Greece is also assumed to aspire to. with the woman being suppressed. They talk. in a school with first and second graders? They have other needs. dominating in relation to children. and imbues them with a sense of mystery. let‘s say. which both reflects such notions as part of culturally available western discursive repertoires. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and the older ones were distributed to the neighbourhood highschools.

along with Greeks. They seemed freer in moving in school space but also free to look at girls and free to use bandying words and phrases towards girls or other boys. there are other girls (mostly Albanian) who look very modest and girls who wear scarves. jeans and t-shirts. sexual taboos and the quest for sex talk: From the Analysis of Macedonian Data Ana Blazheve reports that esearchers in Cvetan Dimov noted from their first participatory observations masculine performaces of hardness. wore black nail polish and put only strong black make up. Albanian migrant. They all look dressed up in fashionable clothes. or unfamiliar Asian migrant (people from ‗those countries‘). who don‘t wear make up or tight clothes. and walk in pairs or three. wearing also mostly black clothes. There was a group of boys on the right side lawn. Girls ―meet each other. and hierarchical power relationships which were also racialized and/or ethnicized (Connell. but the Afghan refugee or the Asian migrant. one laying on the grass. they shouted out aloud‖ (Fieldnotes_AB_1). largely considered to have been ‗Hellenized‘. hit her 80 . as imposing on Greek socio-economic resources. proprietory and superior subjectivity. aggressiveness. two or three together. whom they consider. confrontation. 2004). In contrast to them. one time she entered the classroom during the break. Boys often played sports and other physical games and appeared more aggressive and loud. walking arm under arm. say hello and kiss. Albanian families themselves assume a ‗Hellenized‘. with the sexually threatening and innately violent Afghan refugee. as insiders now. mostly tight jeans and blouses.GEMIC. arm under arm‖ (Field notes_AB_2). more recent. On the other hand. She was using more masculine performatives. here we also see a displacement of the older stereotype of the dangerous. made her way fast and furiously to her girlfriend‘s table. 2000. one spitting. in relation to other. For example. on the other hand. Ethnicized masculinities and femininities. In fact. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. researchers also recorded examples that show attempts to transcend gender behaviour norms. Although basic feminine and masculine stereotypes were obvious (and dominant). migrant groups. researchers noted that girls were mostly together. The ‗other‘ of migration is no longer the Albanian migrant. do not stand out any longer and are seen as ‗our‘ more backward and traditional Greek relatives. Hanging out with same sex peers (most dominant pattern) is enacted differently in girly and boyish way. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Apart from the reproduction of dominant discourses of western cultural superiority. Most of the girls wear make up and often spend time looking in the small mirrors and correcting the make up. possibly criminal. One of the boys ―rides‖ other one. quieter. Performative transgressions of gender norms are often combined with crossing ethnic borders and socializing with peers from other ethnicities. Boys do not hold hands: In front of the enterance from both sides there is a lawn. Greece.2. openly acting/active up in an aggressive and tough manner. Albanian migrants. She dyed her hair black. taking care and managing looks. as established and successfully integrated families. Researchers note the case of a ―rebel girl‖ whose performance transgressed from the dominant feminine appearance. 6. according to Phoenix.

suffering high rates of school exclusion and low rates of post-16 progression (Archer. only one teacher felt free to talk about sexuality and the way students talk or. though left out from the jokes and other boyish activities. listening and participating in class. how students feel ashamed to talk about sex and sexuality. She doesn‘t care for learning and misses a lot of classes which has brought her to a situation where she had to face multiple threats for expulsion. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The second case is a Bosnian boy was also treated as a good student and participated in lessons. sex and sexuality continue to be construed as taboos. as well as girls who wish to become wives and mothers. he was not bullied for ―being smart‖ and trying to ―have the right answers‖. Transcending gender stereotypes is also enacted as transgressing good female student rules. Muslim boys have been identified as under-achievers and problematic pupils. it is difficult for boys to negotiate the imperatives of these masculinities and position themselves in ways they would seem to respond to the demands of masculinities while still getting some schoolwork done and without being cussed too much by other boys. with heteronormativity being reinstated as a dominant discourse since it is the only discourse available to talk about sex. This girl is Macedonian but does not deem threatened by other ethnicities. Being already a popular guy. Boys and girls stay at distance. In a school where knowledge is rarely expected. this boy‘s good academic performance was construed as compatible with imperatives of masculinity because it was attributed to natural smartness and luck rather than to effort. There are also stories of girls quitting school to get married. actually. and asked her to go with her. Many students. His strategic negotiation of masculinity and academic achievement was more playful than in the first case. The first case is an Albanian boy who quietly gets on with his schoolwork and makes clear that academic achievement is a high priority for him. Blazheva reports that in the school context ethnicized masculinity is framed as problematic particularly with reference to the Moslem minority. Missing class. This economy of shame/talk can be also noticed in the ways students interact. and also perceived as being ‗lucky‘ to know the language of instruction well (better than Albanian boys). more accurately. He was not one of the popular boys. as well as typical ethnic stereotype. In interviews with teachers. This Albanian boy stood out from the typical masculine. she has friends from different national groups. 81 . The search for someone to marry is the dominant theme in students‘ stories on relationships. Along the school‘s conservative tradition.GEMIC. Greece. running away from school. In fact. According to Phoenix (2004). and his quietness and dedication were acknowledged as something worthy. Boys talk about love relationships that lead to marriage. or touch aggressively or more in a shy manner rather than in brave and open communication. both because of representations of global terrorism and fundamentalism. and because of recent Balkan wars and conflicts. even being expelled is construed as opening up that space wherein she ―makes friends‖. Muslim masculinity is mostly associated with aggressiveness. 2003). find their partner from the school and marry quickly afterwards. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hard on it. Research in Cvetan Dimov has also confirms that school as institution and social environment is involved in the preservation of heteronormativity as the standard for legitimate and prescriptive social and sexual relations. this particular boy seemed well accepted by other boys. Whereas research points out that such boys are likely to face trouble and to be considered effeminate by other boys. but he was accepted and looked at as somehow privileged to be involved in learning. Researchers in Cvetan Dimov record two cases of boys who negotiated in different ways imperatives of aggressive masculinity with academic performance. He was usually sitting quiet.

Well. not for sex. But researchers noticed that there are large numbers of the students who don‘t have these gadgets. Researcher: Do they have sex education in school? AT: They may have some lecture. -Τα θνξίηζηα νη Πόληηεο? -Τα θνξίηζηα ελ έηζη ηδηαη πνπ ηελ θύζε ηνπο πην επηκειή. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. (Interview with Art teacher) Researchers in Cvetan Dimov also report on the importance of new technologies and their emerging role as tools for the transformations of traditional gender roles and relations. It is obvious that there are class differences among students both in the way they dress and possession of various technology gadgets. they want to know what is sperm. from a scientific point of view. interview with Kalipso) 82 .3. Ίζσο ελ πην δσεξά. not just basic stuff like colors. Most of these young people didn‘t talk about internet use or other virtual worlds and identities. Girls feel ashamed. they want stories. The genderization of intercultural research and the multiculturalism’s reinforcement of gender regimes: From the Analysis of Cypriot Data Gender analysis from the Cypriot team focuses only on data from three Gymnasia. with the exception of Moslems (uncivilized) and Pontians (patriarchal). μέξνπκε όηη ηα αγόξηα ελ πην άηαθηα ζηνπο Πόληηνπο. Sexual education is very interesting to them. they don‘t know how to express themselves in any other way. Γελ ηνπο αξέζεη απηό ην ζρνιείν (Tasoula. They take biology classes but maybe this is not enough for them. I say girls give birth don't they? And you what? Isn‘t it all this conversation about women? Their vocabulary is vulgar. with emphasis on gender normativity in culturalist school discourse and intersections of gender and ethnic orders. ελ ιιην βίαηνο. Ίζσο ελ ν ηξόπνο πνπ έρνπλ ζηελ θνπιηνύξα ηνπο πην παηξηαξρηθέο. Teachers believe: (a) that gender does not matter with regards to intercultural relations. Greece. We usually discuss issues related to AIDS and then we start to talk how. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Discourses of sexuality were only indirectly traced in discussions with teachers: AT: They cannot talk about these things at home. θάπνηε πίλεη ηδηαη ιιην. κεο ην ζπίηη ν παηέξαο ηδηακε δηά ηδηαη μύιν θάπνηε. how you can mix them.24 (b) that migrant girls are better students than 24 Έηζη όπσο ην έζεζεο ηώξα. blue…. Έρνπκε δύν θνπέιεο κνπζνπικάλεο πνπ απηά ηα κσξά ππνθέξνπλ ζε απηό ην ζρνιείν. in front of girls.GEMIC. A number of girls and boys are hooked on mobile phones and listen to music with earphones. yellow red. Three common threats cut across findings from interviews with teachers in Cypriot schools and findings from interviews with teachers in Greek schools. 6. Γελ μέξσ. what. And they want us to tell them stories. They want you to tell them stories. and so on. Researcher: They speak openly about this? AT: Boys say: don‘t talk about it now. but we are always with the sex issues here.

a Pontian. playing billiards. nesting affectionately or gossiping in couches. etc. He is the one to adjudicate amongst them in cases of disputes and reserves the right to punish or reward. from the teachers‘ perspective between them and the migrant/refugee kids. In one Gymnasium. He replies that they do not have such problems in their school even though kids are sexually active. creates around her a spaces of cultural safety for Arab kids but often constitutes a source of fear for them since she is the one to often ‗transfer‘ to parents complaints about their kids‘ misbehaviour. fashioned by teachers as a commitment to the principle of gender equality. The translator mediates between families and school. ―responsibilities‖ for Moslem boys and girls have been demarcated and assigned to separate leaders. and traditional taboo constraints interlaying with an outspoken demand for ‗sex talk‘. sexing the kids. another foreign girl and a cypriot). student counselors. in Keramikos. researchers were directed to talk to the school councelor who is responsible for student relations and. In another school. a female translator (employed by the school on an hourly basis under the EPZs scheme) for the girls and a Greek Cypriot staff member (physical education teacher) for the boys. the gender order is redeployed as the organizing pattern of the afterschool activity center. used by teachers. the teacher separates the group into two gender separate wings and often addresses herself only to only the girls‘ wing. He insists that nowadays violence in schools is feminized and has to do with family environment and not with being migrant or not migrant. the reaesrcers ask whether there have cases of teen pregnancies. by default. for example. abortions. This gender blindness. In another school. unlike the submerged discourses of sexuality in Kerameikos and Cvetan Dimov—talk of predatory masculine sexuality and at-risk girl innocence. Greece. has been assigned the task of handling issues of migrant/refugee students. boys on the left. and (c) that gender differences should not matter and do not matter with regards to how teachers treat students. The paradox is that such a voracious sexualizing discourse is often coupled with a selective commitment of cultural care to the protection of the scarf-ed Moslem girls and the disciplining of the Moslem boys. 83 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. On the first visit to a Gymnaium that hosts many Arab refugees and Cypriots mostly from rural and/or low socioeconomic backgrounds.GEMIC. The male teacher is also deemed to create cultural safety for boys (making arrangements for them to play football). boys and girls (migrant and non-migrant). he states in an ostentatious fashion: ―Are you under the impression that the only sex our students do is orthodox sex‖? Knowing about kids‘ sex life. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- migrant boys because girls are ―by nature‖ more diligent. The two orders are divided by an invisible line where two unisex service points operate on the basis of one-to-one interactions between educators and kids: a homework help station and a chess table. stimulating talk about kids‘ and their family members‘ personal lives are kinds of discourse that come to establish a sense of cultural intimacy.25 and to back his theory he cites the example of a school fight that involved physical violence between a Pontian girl and a BritishCypriot girl. Trying to expand the understanding of ―councelling issues‖. This intimacy is misconstrued as a kind of interculturally motivated attempt for proximity and an indicator of acceptance of others. doing homework. in order to deal with disciplinary problems with a group of alloglossi. Asked to clarify. girl dropouts. Furthermore. inspiring paternal love 25 He cites the example of a girl from another high school who came there and bit up one of their students because the latter stole her boyfriend (four girls involved were a an EnglishCypriot. is contradicted by findings on a sharp genderization of intercultural school discourses and school policies. in Cvetan Dimov—field work in Cypriot Gymnasia records an explicit and aggressive presence of sexualized and sexualizing discourses. Girls on the right. The leading figure. playing guitar and singing. keeping themselves busy with crafts.

The first student to enter the class. which is more expensive).. ―Mm.‖ ―Are you are fond of her. i.‖ she replies in a low tone.‖ says Igor.1‖. is not allowed to go around without that. what are you talking about? Don‘t you know? Me marrying a Moslem (F) [mousoulmana]? Oh my …. Marriage and afterword a hair parlour. She is looking at that as if it is shows something she had never seen before. The teacher comments. I see Igor and Hercules. There. as soon as she arrived in Cyprus. ―Yes …your brother everyday‖. He is a man. tall girl. [Α mana mou]. says the teacher. I am so happy to have Igor as my guide. Greece. ―If there is not a male figure to fear. After that. is a smiling. comments one of the assistants. I have never met a Turkish Cypriot (F) before.. souvlaki … ok. Our parents don‘t let us. Her sister is writing a book on the history of Turkey. she took it off. As if she was ashamed … she did not want to speak about her visit. She shows me a photo of her mother. re. how are you going to inspire respect in these boys‖. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- to girls and fear to boys (the latter is re-enacted occasionally through events of verbal defiance-and-discipline). ―In that case. I‘m not eating that every day‖. The photo shows her mother holding a baby.» «Me either a Christian‖ [νύηε εγώ Φξηζηηαλό]. it is not right for girls to go‖. you will lose any good idea about me («ζα ράζεηο πάζα ηδέα γηα εκέλα»). we do not go to school. We only go to elementary school. that he is very strict.. He is the ‗school contact‘. She is at ease now. not with this class. in Nicosia …‖ ―Why are you here with these kids in a Grade 1 class if you are a third grader? How come you have class together? ―I have religious education with Father (πάηεξ) now in Γ1. is considered essential by all personnel (most of them women). Only when we become 16 we remove hair on upper lip. we can have a discussion‖. I explain to her that I am interested in observing the relations between the students. And we do not remove the hair on upper lip.GEMIC. ―We only wear long clothes.‖ She tells me about her father. ―Where did you go?‖ ―Around here. He himself believes that without control and pre-emptive strictness. ―This is Ayşe. We do not go to the hair parlour. M‘m.‖ she says. ―It is very difficult there in Turkey. ―We also used to wear. ―the sister of Ayşe is very pretty. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. come. ―But she is not wearing that thing on her head. Ayşe is the one who cooks home. Igor and Hercules keep getting out and coming back. ―I came to watch the religious education class there the 26 In Cyprus souvlaki (kebab) is made with pork (unless one has a special request. She is not wearing scarf.. ―Only twice. (a) (Inter) cultural interest and gender normativity I got in a math class. A?‖ Ayşe explains that her mother was wearing it in Turkey.‖ Igor explains to me.‖ ―Have you been to the occupied areas?‖ I ask her. Here it is nice. and for this reason she did not come to stay with us‖. ―My mother. chicken. ―It‘s different for him. good thing you remembered to bring me a photo of your mother to see‖ (I wondered whether there were other times the teacher asked children to bring photos of their mother to show her). as if it was a super-real photo.e. ―M‘m. ―those boys‖ will one day evolve into criminals. He knows everything that happens … Ayşe starts talking. I wonder which kids she has in this class … The kids one by one enter the classroom. ―Please no. 84 . I asked the teacher (F) before if she allows me to observe the lesson but she responded. says Ayşe. separated from my father. if he gets a bit off track maybe Allah will forgive him more easily. She tells me she is from Turkey and that her mother just yesterday came from Turkey. bravo.‖ When she grows up she wants to open her own hair parlour. M‘m. these say they do not eat pork and her brother everyday eats souvlaki26 and gyros‖. my Igor?‖ ―No Mm. ―A. ―Ee. but yesterday.

thresholds and prohibitions. and policing. as actors or as acted upon. It is assumed that the cultural equivalent of going to church is going to the cami.GEMIC. The ‗thick description‘ of Ayşe remains ethnocentric in its syllogistic assumption of analogies.‖ ―Yes M‘m. they fly in and out Ercan Airport).) Probably because in succeeding the racial interest. ―We sit in the house and pray‖. I did not know that women do not go to cami!!!!!! Many times. the various kinds of intersectionality involved in power dynamics. As voyeuristic. my sister and I .. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. as objects of study or as subjects of knowing. between researchers and teachers/students). 9.2009) The excerpt above is cited in length because its ethnographic thickness and empirical denseness allow us to observe the multi-layered gendered nature of the intercultural interactions that take place in a multicultural school (among students. 85 . Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia. and the ways participants are positioned by structures and through discourse either as ―other‖ or as ―familiar‖. The cultural interest in Ayşe is both voyeuristic. when in fact Ayşe and her family have more mobility in the ‗north‘ and ‗via‘ the north (for example. in its quest for pleasure. Fieldnotes. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- other day… that‘s why I did not see you. she would say that in Turkish and Igor would translate to me. almost bordering pornography. performative). I asked her whether there is cami (mosque) close to their place and whether they go there often. Why are they so interested in the scarf? Probably because the interest in cultural difference (mobilized at the ‗center‘ of Europe and directed to Europe‘s others) cannot be weaned from its desire for the exotic. the way participants use various gender discourses. for a Greek Cypriot. Why did the teacher ask Ayşe to bring a photo of her mother and not a photo of her father? Probably because she thought that female otherness embodies better the cultural otherness that Ayşe‘s Turkishness encloses. cultural fascination continues to combine that peculiar mixture of desire and derision for the other that Robert Young (1995) describes. Of particular interest to the analysis below will be the gendered description of Ayşe by the Greek Cypriot ethnographer rather than the Moslem or Turkish order of gender exemplified in Ayşe‘s talk. this interest remains gendered in a way that serves the patriarchal normative system: it is Mehmet‘s (Ayşe‘s brother) and not Ayşe‘s eating habits which are often scrutinized by Greekcypriot kids. from the viewpoint of patriotic ethnos. between teachers and students. Why did the teacher and the researcher long to see a picture of Ayşe‘s mother wearing the scarf? (Several teachers from the same school consider lamentable Meyve‘s — Ayşe‘s sister — school dropout but rationalize it by attributing it to the family‘s cultural background. (KC. She tells me there are two cami close by in the neighbourhood but they do not go. both of us leave [when the rest have religious educ]. mobility across the Green line [going to the ―occupied areas‖] is assumed to be embarrassing for Ayşe and her family in the same way it is embarrassing.. this interest wants to know about others‘ bodies: about norms and rules regulating the care of bodies. interpersonal. As a policing practice.5. the multiple levels and kinds of reality that construe and are being construed are re-construed through these interactions (structural. it is her father‘s strictness and not her mother‘s power to separate him that Ayşe evokes in an attempt to reclaim their (culture‘s or family‘s) seriousness. Greece. if she did not explain something to me in Greek.‖. in its quest for power (knowledge about the other‘s norms is often manifested as a right to evaluate the sincerity of the other‘s commitment to cultural norms). rituals of passage.

86 . like koulláes [«θνπιάεο»]. no harm meant): Researcher: I ‗ve been told you have many foreign students in your school. keeps surfacing in our fieldwork. however. as if you liked Blacks!!! Researcher: Yes I do. the ―veil‖ (cover) is treated not as part of the Arab girls‘ attire (cover of the head) but as a synecdoche for Arab girls‘ overall appearance (covered persons and persons in cover). or make them come inside when it starts to get dark. Those who wear scarf also wear the regular school uniform or jeans (always long sleeves). they are not Black. 6. A group of Greek Cypriot girls are debating whether the foreigners are all of Turkish or Arab origin and whether there is a difference between Turks and Turkish Cypriots. though rendered inoperative in the opening scene of this session. Same thing… Just look at them (F) («Μα δε ηεο…») They wear those scarves. ―They are 27 In Cypriot dialect koullás means scary black person with the head covered. Pontianfags. almost always claiming that ambiguous in-beetween status between denotative statement (serious. a cultural sign and not a power tool) becomes questionable. about girls wearing the scarf and derogatory comments questioning the authenticity of the scarf as a statement of adherence to cultural/religious identity resistance and self-ethnicization are constantly emerging. There are some girls who at some point during the period of our fieldwork stopped wearing it. it connotes a besieging danger. Student (boy): Yes. in Greek Cypriot schools has never been questioned officially by school authorities. such a strong embodiment of cultural meaning that its ‗wink‘ quality (sign) collapses into a ‗twitch‘ (physicality). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The cultural interest in the scarf. The wearing of the scarf by Moslem girls. mostly daughters of refugees and asylum seekers. Greece. I have not seen Blacks in your school. Researcher: How so? S: Fine… M‘m. make tem eat their food. the scarf is treated not just as a sign but as a sign so capriciously used by its bearers that its structural arbitrariness (and structural authenticity. for Arabs as a race (black and racially inferior) and for Arabs‘ cultural essence (menacing and ridiculous at the same time). so strong that cultural interpretation becomes a pleonasm: ―see them and you will know‖. Russianfags. The scarf is constructed as an overarching presence of otherness.GEMIC. Racist slurs. however.4. S: They‘re Arabians [αξάπεεο]. The phrase ―the koullás is coming‖ [έξρεηαη ν θνπιιάο] was used to scare off little kids.27 Researcher: What is ―koulláes‖…? S: Look at them (F) and you will understand [«Γε ηεο … ελλά θαηαιάβεηο …»]… Informal conversation with a group of Greek Cypriot boys during break (PM Fieldnotes from Dianelleion Highschool.2009) In this instance. Many Moslem girls (but not all of them) wear the scarf. In many other instances. Blackfags … Researcher: Why do you refer to them like this? S: Because they are so. S: Yeah !!! (ironic tone) Researcher: First of all. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. as assault against secularism or as violation of human rights. Koullas has male gender in the Cypriot dialect and this is the first time I see it used as a female referent (author‘s note). the polity or the public as a sign of Moslem insurgency. bearing racist meaning) and performative speech act (just a joke. as in the scene below. a devouring Lacanian ‗real‘.

This interest is patriarchal in its structural optics (interested in how other women are treated in those other men‘s culture rather than interested in how women empower themselves in or across cultures) and atavistic in its cultural theory. she suggests that the girl in question is Turkish Cypriot and not Turk). meaning un-original). explaining how it is possible to have Turks in Cyprus and thus in their school despite the fact that ―Turks are not allowed to come from Turkey. Σ: She does not wear a scarf. yesterday. It is also interesting how Ayşe feeds their desire for the ‗other‘. what does ‗Turkish Cypriot‘ (F) [Τνπξθνθύπξηα] mean?? She is a Turk (F). The one in our class. when teachers open up ‗little talk‘ on migrant students‘ lives they are always interested in how are things ‗home‘ and almost never ask questions about the family‘s migration itineraries or how it is to live between cultures. because most of them speak Arabic: ―No girl. Race.GEMIC. For example. This is not the first time Ayşe speaks as a professional insider about ‗life behind the veil‘. Her account sounds proof read. neither the teacher nor the researchers ask Ayşe how her mother came to take off the scarf. The Turkish girl («Η Τνπξθάια») is the only one. she is also a copyssa!!!‖ (spelled like this in the original. giving them detailed prescriptive accounts about their life in Turkey. the two male school peers (a Pontian and a Russian). Greece. Finished! [«Δλ Τνπξθάια ζηόξ!! Δηέγησζελ!!!»] And as if being a Turk were not enough. The researcher‘s quest for clarifications elicits from the girls‘ several citations of copyssa‘s acts: Α: Look … what ever we do. At this point the first girl recuperates her position by pointing to clear cut national borders and ambiguous cultural hybridizations: ―M‘m.‖ The researcher mentions that there is a Turkishcypriot (F) in their school and perhaps this is her (in other words. Dianelleio) In the interaction cited in the opening of the chapter. cunning questioning. she pulled hers like that today. 13. sculpting into her account all those crevices and climaxes she has diagnosed in their battering. culture and place are treated as mutually confining and defining.2009. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.‖ argues one girl. she also does … I had my hair cut ―πεπέ‖… She went and had the same cut. Against the hypothesis that knowledge about the other‘s culture will promote intercultural understanding and combat racism—a hypothesis which has come to ground most programs and actions in intercultural education—the exchange above illustrates how the interest in the other‘s culture not only remains blind to forms of gender transformation and agency implicated in migration but it also reproduces the gender regime of the dominant (―receiving‖) society. argot/cypriotized English. (b) Discourses of sexualization and heteronormativity 87 . polished to be fit and fitting for the specific audience.5. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- settlers from the occupied areas. Ayşe herself—are competing in exhibiting cultural knowledge. Β: I tied my hair up into a ponytail. most of them it is Arabic they are speaking. I don‘t get it. telling them everything they want to hear. Α: No! Since she is a copyssa!!! Researcher: Any other negative point to add? Β: Yes!!! She hangs out with the Moldavian (F) of the class … (PM Fieldnotes. In the specific interaction. all participants—the teacher.‖ Another girl argues that this is false. you are wrong.

F: Here we are me. Igor re-establishes his authority by fashioning himself as a gate keeper of ethnic orders. do you want to do the house chores or your wife? F: My wife. Researcher: Where are you from? Gulzar: From Iraq M‘m. 28 Cultural scenarios on intimate/family life used to elicit views on gender roles are even more prescriptively heteronormative and nuclear family when doing research with children. The latter is particularly important for him. Everybody. An interview with a Roma boy from Greece (he stays with his mother.. The following scene takes place in the ‗smokers‘ nest‘. Moslem. R: So. 88 . In their effort to elicit data on the limits of ethnic and religious identities researchers often pegged to migrant/ethnic students questions which aimed to trace their desires and test the openness of their romances to the idea of a cross-racial or cross-ethnic marriage (see excerpt from Fieldnotes cited above. The smokers (group of migrant students. Pontians do not have a brain. that‘s a Pontian. usually playing the one against the other. taking into consideration that he is fifteen years old and he is stranded in grade one as an auditor whose sense of agency is often enacted in skipping both regular class and remedial class. my grandmother. ―Are you fond of her my Igor?‖). migrant ethnic students can also pull in the net and utilize it as a performative context for enacting ethnic pride and cultural resistance.28 If the fantasy of the cross-ethic boy-girl romance is cast by researchers and teachers of the dominant group as a net for gathering data on the other‘s culture. Except my father. at the same time. he tells her that was sorry he missed the religious instruction class when she visited their class and goes on to talk about issues of ―relations‖: Gulzar: Can I tell you a secret Mm? You see that girl over there? She has burnt my heart! Researcher:That one? Gulzar: Not that one M‘m. R: Has he stayed in Greece for business? F: They are divorced. As the researcher approaches him. Researcher: Why not the other one? Gulzar: Mm. R: When you grow up and have family. my mother from my father. and the researcher) are having a little talk while Guzlar. a third grader from Bagdad. my sister. By rejecting the idea of marrying a Moslem girl as an ontological impossibility. my uncle. father returned back to Greece) takes the following turn. The other one. While this approach is supposed to ‗test‘ the openness of ethic others‘ to new possibilities. the tall one.GEMIC. as the researcher tries to elicit the boy‘s views on gender roles: F: My daddy in not here. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. carries out duties of guard. their sexual fantasies and their fidelity to ethic tradition to a gymnastics of heteronormativity and auto-ethnicization. he is in Greece. my brother. mostly girls. In their field research. it subjects. you are here alone. Greece. my mother. Cypriot reserachers witnessed several times a performative intertwining of masculine ethnic pride with a racist rejection of (ugly or stupid) girls from ―other‖ groups and a celebratory claim of ownership over some other (nice) girl. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Lessons of cultural literacy are also heteronormative.

addressed to the researcher as an insider‘s view but also meant like an exclamation.5. I beat up a Cypriot because he was teasing my girl? Researcher: Exactly. they are driving us crazy … she should be looking for a tall. she does not talk to me. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. it‘s her who told me M‘m. summing up the real truth] Vanya is a very good girl. Towards the end. Phaneromeni Fieldnotes. which boys are fighting each other over that girl. never bothers anybody and if he teased her he probably meant it in a friendly way. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- As bell rings another girl who overheard the conversation. this kind of character. it is you that she wants. Guzlar. M‘m. how did she get involved with this crazy guy. The material out of which she weaves this intimacy is a confirmation of his masculinity. why does he flirt with her? Teacher: What‘s important is that she does not want him. is also in love with that girl. played with her hair. but he teases her … Teacher: What did your girl do during the fight? Igor: She was crying M‘m. good and handsome person… 89 . this ethos. The following exchange takes place in a small group remedial session with two boys (the teacher comments that ―she never really has class/lesson with these boys‖). your looking after her … masculinity emitting this wild thing … smelling like a man … [The following is spoken as an aside comment. Teacher: And now. nobody knows. she will burn your heart even more‖. with parents also becoming involved): Igor: What happened M‘m. you know. Researcher [addressing Guzlar]: Oh mine. she‘s not some silly one.2009) Later on. asked her to have a relationship with him and every time she says no because she‘s with me and he keeps insisting … And he knows she in mine. Her comment irritates Igor: Igor: Would you like it M‘m if someone teased your husband in this way? (KC. Greece. The teachers seem to find these conversations enjoyable and sometimes even feed into them with comments and questions. this gesture escalates into a hymn to testosterone vitality and an elicidation of its appeal on women: Igor: … if she is mine. Igor: Yes. who is whose girl. This kind of interaction does not take place in a cultural void. Teacher: Look. whispears in the researcher‘s ear that another boy. A teacher (Diana) interjects to explain that the Cypriot is a very quite kid. Teacher: And why did she cry? Igor: Because I bit him up and she did not talk to me …we broke up. The Researcher asks the boys ―what really happened the other day‖ (a fight between two boys had escalated into a school emergency. 18. constitute dominant themes of conversation between teachers and students. Anton. oh my dear. the teacher attempts to bridge the gap and establish intimacy with Igor. have the two of you made up? Igor: Oh M‘m. he would embrace her. Who loves whom. my sweet one. how did he tease her. my Igor? Igor: E.GEMIC. I think that she may have liked it … Girls like. They are the major catalyst for triggering interese in the ‗other‘ and feeding gossip among the teachers.

wearing the scarf makes many teacher eye brows raise when it is enacted as a cultural politics.»] While building up cultural intimacy with the male student through a celebratory description of masculinity. married to a Greek ―Roman Christian‖. a courful Guess watch and gloss gelled nails are her necessary accessoroes. 5/2008. This is reality. she shakes her head dismissively while commenting aside: ―You little scarved girls!!! I know all about you‖. comments on the characteristics of migration to Cyprus: ―Cyprus does not bear the weight anymore … it does not even suffice for us. are considered to be under the disciplinary control and protective aegis of a male GC teacher. who is considered to be particularly strict). in a semi-structured individual interview. end of the school year. getting up from his chair): Why. Below we cite three such examples from three schools with Arab refugee enrolments. (PM Fieldnotes. The teacher has the closing line: ―Pontians. She states that she is a Catholic. shifts to a mapping of Igor‘s violent Pontian temperament and his record of fights with Cypriots. what‘s wrong with me? (The conversation. They claim that in their tradition it is not allowed for women to take photos with men. her father a Moslem. a teacher (female) notices a group of the same girls in a yard corner. Engendering and sexualizing little talk in order to build cultural intimacy with students sometimes looks like a strategy of adoptive coloration used to permeate the ―other‘s‖ lines.09) (c) The politics of the scarf: suppressed opportunities for subversion and agency Whereas in the interviews all teachers state that Arab girls‘ wearing the scarf is unalienable cultural right and a cultural gender difference than must be respected. for this place cannot accommodate so much migration‖ [«δελ ρσξεί ηνύηνο ν ηόπνο ηόζελ πνιιή κεηαλάζηεπζε»] (Interview with Diana). very abruptly. On Fridays she read the Koran and on Sundays she went to Orthodox Christian Church. 90 . who has the sovereign power to regulate each partner‘s positionality in the intercultural encounter. Her mother was Christian. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The second event is narrated to the researcher by Mrs Evdokia. in an exhibitionist act of ―othering‖. (Arab boys. (KC Fieldnotes. Greece. Mrs Ermina functions as mediator and ambassador between Arab parents and school and Arab children and teachers and her sessions with students focus on communicative uses of Arab language and culture.GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Igor: (really irritated.― [«Έρνπλ ην ζην αίκα ηνπο κάλα κνπ νη Πόληηνη. to taste the self‘s susceptibility to other‘s charm and to confirm. have this thing in their blood. 18. a gymnast. Later on the same day. As a translator she has been assigned the care of the Arab students but it is girls who are particularly considered to be under her aegis. Female Arab students refuse to participate in the typical ―class photo‖ at the end of the year. The same teacher. It is late may. We‘ll reach a point of tensions and conflicts. She is from Libanon. to emasculate him through the use of racial discourse. a Calvin Klein bag. the translator (F)29. Large Dior shades.5. Pagkyprio Lykeio Larnaka) 29 Mrs Ermina is a woman of style. my dear. On passing by them. the teacher does not hesitate. on the other hand. led by the teacher. Phaneromeni High Nicosia. giggling. listening to music from i-pods and mobiles and using their mobiles to take photos. Herself states that she is Catholic.

that she is not good etc.. And the girlfriend of ‗our girl‘ wrote to him bad words about the Cypriot girl. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Stella‘s class (Greek as a Foreign/O Language. this time arguing that the boys would be making fun at them for behaving ―differently‖. And because she regrets that she asks Mrs Ermina to tell him that he is sorry. Greece. she starts her session: She gathers them all around her for their session. On finishing her narrative. At the end of the session a girl approaches Mrs Ermina and confides something to her.‖ asks the researcher. (PM Fieldnotes. sickness this religion! [Καηαπίεζε.and they even invited her to pose with them). Janine hesitates and tells her that she cannot take it off because she‘s wearing a short sleeve t-shirt underneath. That‘s why they told them not to have photos.‖ When she finishes the narration. The last few days she has been trying on different hair styles and is happy when she receives compliments by the Researcher. Very often Assumption coincides with the last week/s of class. Boys and girls are very attentive. 91 . Mrs Ermina explains that the girl is in love with Karim but Karim is in love with a Cypriot girl. Mrs Stella makes the following comment then: -Come on Janine. in compliance with her guidelines. Sophia tells her that she‘s very pretty. (The school vice principal (F) said they did have a photo taken – Moslem girls only. Denotes oldfashion. Mina. it is also time for you to take off the ―kouroukla‖ [«θνπξνύθια»] and change [your self]. some with scarf and some without. Mrs Ermina bursts out: ―It is their families‘ fault for all these. Κνηλό όξακα»] is finished and ready to hoist). hereafter cited as GFOL). 7. the girls did not put on scarves of bright colours but refused to take a photo. Big head scarf which was rubbed by village women around the face and neck.GEMIC. filling up ballons with water and throughing them at each other). ―What was that about. just black or white. Lessons are minimal and the day is spent on rehearsals for Monday.g. old woman. At first they said their parents would not let them take photos with boys for religious reasons but when given the option to take an ‗only girls‘ photo they refused again. is also there. especially when working in the fields. 31 ―kouroukla‖ [«θνπξνύθια»]: Cypriot dialect.31 -Repression. and eventually brought to school as water war. They do not let them. αξξώζηηα ηνύηε ε ζξεζθεία!) 30 Throwing each other water and wetting up themselves is a Cypriot custom for Assumption (also known as Cataclusm [«Καηαθιπζκόο»]. are gathered since morning outside Mrs.2009. Next day. It‘s Friday and both teachers and students are loosening up as on Monday they will have the end of year school celebration. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- She had told ―her girls‖ that next day would be a school photos day and they should not wear colourful scarves so that they would not stand out. Dianelleion High Larnaka) The third event also takes place at the end of the school year (the banner ―Different Languages. Same Vision‖ [«Γηαθνξεηηθέο γιώζζεο. They do not want them to attend Religious education or develop relations with people of other religions. Mrs. She has brought a book on adolescence and reads to them a chapter on ‗How to make a sunscreen mask‘. Another teacher standing close by says to Janine (a girl with scarf): A few minutes later she encourages Janine again to take off her long sleeve light jacket because ―it‘s too hot‖. In the school yard the waterwar has been on the whole day.30 Moslem girls. reading and conversing in Arabic. The custom has been picked up.4. a girl who recently stopped wearing the scarf. mdified and intensified by kids (e.

Greece. It is a sad paradox that the very school policies which have been adobted/imposed in order to promote ‗tolerance for otherness‘ are producing totalizing discourses and limiting students‘. the ―kalicantzaroi‖. that is their marginality. The only previous meanings available (―koullaes‖ and ―kouroukles‖) are only those for other scarves and other racialized others. bringing scewers to schools and lighting up fires for barbecue on Tsiknopempti. The girls‘ re-enacting of the scarf‘s importance challenges both gender order (the quiet scarfed girls are disobeying) and school order (the school ritual of posing ―all‖ together for a photo). At the same time. 29.GEMIC. the scarf has no past in the Cypriot context. At the end of the school year. 1985). resists the multicultural respect for otherness which has been imposed on teachers and students as another kind of ―sly civility‖ (Bhabha. The cultural milleux of the Cypriot school. quiet.2009. the mutlicultural school comes to wipe out the signs of their marginality by hailing all studnets to pose in front of the photographic lens for the school‘s self-images of inclusion. Throughout the year they have also been the absent other in the academic arena of learning: invisible. also involving performative doublings: photo scenes. Throughout the year they have been the abject other: the ―koullaes‖. Cypriots‘ and non-Cypriots. etc). inconsequenstial. even groups of Cypriot students. They have been Mrs. their act is readable only as female cunningness. however. however. the ―mantiloudes‖. In the school context. as passive conformity with tradition and as obedience to parents (either as bad girls. the ―Araboúes‘‖. Instead of psychologizing the actors it is important to redirect our attention from the individuals to the structural and discursive aspects of such interaction. which until some years ago constituted individual acts of misconduct punishable by expelsion. opportunities to question 92 . neither a dissident meaning to be reclaimed nor an oppressive use to be defied. racializes the new Moslems and inscribes them within a hierarchical order. mostly.5. cannot enable similar re-enactments and re-significations for refugee Moslem girls‘ scarf. regardless of their motives. other to the school‘s official Greek). Whe is this ―all‖? These girls. the scarfed girls. have never felt part of this ―all‖. The recitation of these ―namings‖ by Cypriot kids in an underprivileged school remains an overdetermined act of resignification: it reclaims the use of the Cypriot dialect (which is considered culturally inferior and vulgar. playing scenes (waterwar). are becoming reappropriated by the institution. or as good daughters/‗good‘ fundamentalist Moslems). If there is something which is authentically their own. performances. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. By not wanting to take part in the ―all of us together‖ photo. Eudokia‘s girls. are engaging in an act of subversion that threatens reifying school rituals. low-socioeconomic and/or rural background. like many other groups of students. known by Greek Cypriots of. stage scenes. And the only available culture/gender discourse that can bestow to their acts of defiance meaning and legitimacy is the multicultural discourse of identity and difference. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (MT Fieldnotes. reified (student councils with the support of parent organizations negotiate with staff councils and manage to gain ‗tolerance‘ for such activities) and re-culturated from acts of deviant conduct to youth actions which are important for reviving traditional Cypriot customs and preserving Cypriot identity (waterwar on the Assumption‘s week. Phaneromeni High Larnaka) There are too many motivations and intentions which could be attributed to all actors involved. From the perspective of the young ‗new‘ Moslems (new in the sense that they neither the same to Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus or Palestinians in Irag but rather dislocated Moslems in a Cypriot context). on the other hand. The petit scenes described above are taking place in the interstices of other grand school scenes. Through these doublings/mirrorings the school is renewing its institutional power on students by producing their consensus rather than imposing submission.

that girls were exposed to dangerous content (a photo of a naked man and a naked women next to each other) and that the parents of the girls would create a big problem if they found out about it. nakedness and gender segregation are mediated through conventions of representation in cinema. that is. We were particularly interested to see how students would respond to the political aspects of the works and mocking commentary on representations of Moslems and political rhetoric on the ‗war on terrorism‘. It presented two figures from the shoulders up.GEMIC. The debate soon shifts from this ―how is it possible …‖ to ―how I know it‘s a man. facing the camera and alternating one another in blinking. that the figure on the left was a man and not a women. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- traditions and cultures and to feel empowered in negotiating with intercultural arenas. when the translator stopped translating and terminated the exchange. In this occasion.‖ with the girls engaging in a polemic semiotics of the male body in order to proof to us the obvious. In May of 2009 the GEMIC team organized a school visit by a group of about Moslem students to the Art Exhibition ―Art is the B-East‖. Greece. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. however. Below we describe such an occation. reminiscent of a clock (or a clock bomb). Egypt. While we focused on scarves. with the girls explaining how rules regarding bodies. Palestine and other Arab countries (artworks included Khaled Hafez‘s Video Projects ―Concept of ―on presidents & Superheroes‖ and ―Revolution‖). We had expected that students would find uncanny the combination of nakedness and covered faces.32 32 The same translator in a previous occasion had critiqued the parents for imposing traditional rules on girls and blocking their interaction with Cypriot kids in school. One particular video installation monopolized the interest of the girls. She argued that the conversation was becoming too controversial. uncanny tik-tak‘s and conspiratorial blinking eyes (a scenario of militant female Islam). wearing only scarves around the head. The only video sound was a rhythmic tik-tak. having mistaken the most controversial ‗wink‘ of the work for a ‗twitch‘. Not only is she citing the parents‘ view but she is acting as 93 . standing still next to each other against the wall of a bathroom stall. the girls had focused on the gendered nakedness of the bodies and asked ―how was it possible to put a naked man and a naked woman next to each other‖. was another dimension of the work which was invisible to us. Despite the fact that a great deal of school resources and intercultural labour by teachers and students are spent for boutique multiculturalism. featuring political art by contemporary artists from Libanon. What the students found impossible. she does the opposite. The discussion had taken up a very interesting turn. the most fecund educational opportunities for intercultural interaction and growth are those that occur in learning context and involve translation than celebration of culture/s. photography etc.

is put into question. Often they feel they are protecting the children when in fact they are protecting borders and effecting segragations of various sorts. 7. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is particularly interesting in this event. is fecund in that. Furthermore.e. other masculinity. The girls were hailed as gendered and ethnic subjects into normative Islam but at the same time they were speaking up. when in fact students are more motivated to participate in liminal experiences which push the limits of coventions and empower them as epistemic and political subjects (c) Migration. new audiences. the more they were explaining the infringement of the ban by pointing to the two figures and elucidating the delicate anatomical differences between male and female shoulders. drawing on Bhabha (1990. from the Butlerian theory of power. the induction of prohibitions was enacted simultaneously with the infringement of these prohibitions since the girls were already presented with a prohibited sight. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Multicultural interaction has invested in the former.GEMIC. at the same time it enervates the nation‘s sense of security it also rejuvenates the nation‘s imaginary quality. 33 As Zavos explain.33 Research the responsible authority for protecting the girls‘ identity from cultural interactions and delimiting the limits‘ of the girls experiences and critical thinking. i. we need them to love us so that we know we are lovable. may not exist. Actually. then the Greece we idealize as the object of our love may not exist. Greece. which is based on that love. but we cannot love them in return because it would make us like them. The performative analysis of this event brings to the foreground some of the contradictions of school practices: (a) School translators are very often sealing the children from such transformative experiences. with the new young Greek Albanians (born and growing up in Greece) acknowledged as having birth rights and yet feared of mimicry and. (b) Offering hospitality for the other‘s culture is a more safe task than offering hospitality for the other‘s politics. Schools must take advantage of these new contexts and new interactions in order to promote discussions on power. dislocation and re-location create new cultural experiences. The fear of mimicry. as we are using them? Because if they don‘t love Greece and are here only for opportunistic reasons..‖ 94 . i. because the investment itself. the more they were implicating themselves. So. other psyche (with the experience of war been attributed the qualities of a cultural trait). Greek/non-Greek‘ identities. new interpretations and new subject positionalities for cultural and gender politics. other nation. 1994) and Ahmed (2004). and not just use it. unlovable. is that inscription into systems of power is never complete. in the re-inauguration of the violation. the love of nation has a paradoxical grammar: ―Why do we want them to love Greece. aligning themselves with the duties of protecting the normative bind of religions and traditions rather than the pedagogical duty to facilitate experiences of growth. as beholders. Ethnicity / Race / Cultural difference Research findings from the Macedonian Report suggest that intersectionality of religion and ethnicity renders identidies even more rigid. as Zavos notes. other religion. with the Afghan male dispensed to a possision of intersecting multiple otherness-s: other culture. the love. Research findings from the Greece Report show that the construction of ‗migrant/non-migrant‘ identity‘ intersects with national. and if that does not exist then our whole being. with religious and ethnic boundaries overlapping and reinforcing each other.e. finally. elucidating norms and rules from a position of cultural authority.

the blood pulls her and that‘s it‖ (Focus Group 1). blood ties to the group is based on a strong emotional aspect that implies. that the Greek society. identification with some migrant students is sought through reference to a common historical and cultural background. Birth appears to constitute. in contrast to the societies of origin. identity is always changing and multi-faceted. a right of belonging. Greece. Ethnicity is also socially constructed and produced through interactions and across public and private discourses – it is not ‗natural‘. for them. ethnic difference and race are not seen as biological. but four years later went to a church for Easter. The boundaries of ethnic groups which define who ‗belongs to‘ and who is an outsider are also constructed and negotiable/negotiated (Archer. Asked to consider the possibility or viability of mixed love relationships. also. managed though education to transcend their low status social position. more violent and more reactionary. and don‘t distinguish between their country of origin and their country of birth. negotiation. But Albanian children too feel they belong in Greece. Blazheve notes in her Report that in Cvetan Dimov primordial concepts of ethnic and religious identities are dominant in the overall discourse among students and teachers. Just as the teachers themselves. 2003). ethnic identity is closely related to religious identity and sometimes confused with it. pre-given or pre-existing. Research findings from all three national studies show a gap between contemporary theories of ethnicity and teachers and students perceptions about identity and performative reenactments of ethnic boundaries. on the one hand a mystification of intraethnic relations and belongingness and. with the rigidity and flexibility of ethnic borders being renegotiated in various school settings and arenas. There is no difference between them and the Albanian children who have been born in Greece. A teacher cites the example of a Turkish who married a Macedonian girl who converted to Islam. Thus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- findings from the Cypriot Report show that migrant kids‘ claims of cypriotness are pariculalry strong in Elementary school. has managed to surpass thus securing a place among the 95 . constantly evolving and ‗in process‘ of ‗becoming‘. with migrant students feeling that their Cypriotness is under question and their belongingness something to be earned. saying that ―it pulls her in. ―They think that if you are Albanian you must be Muslim.GEMIC. Alternatively. teachers responded that it is religion and not nationality that constitutes the biggest problem. For students. on the other hand. Zavos observes that Greek teachers‘ identification with migrant students is attempted through reference to a common class background and the experience of social mobility. as never ‗achieved‘ (completed or finished). migrant students are encouraged to struggle for a better life through educational achievement. exclusion of others. however. so. From a poststructuralist postcolonial perspective. or if you are Macedonian you must be Christian‖ (Macedonian Report). According to the Kerameikos teachers‘ accounts. In secondary education. and formed through their continual construction. Greek students are by now accustomed to living with migrants and don‘t show any signs of racism or prejudice against their foreign schoolmates. ever-shifting collectivities whose membership is subject to continual re/construction and contest. The belief in the strong biological. who grew up in poor rural families. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. cultural or natural phenomena but as loosely bounded. contestation and assertion (Hall 1996). one however. processes of auto-ethnicization and hetero-ethnicization become more racialized.

when directly questioned. or refugees. is not only a characteristic of Greek but of Albanian students as well. we are not thatr different‖. the meaning of this tolerance could be interpreted in terms of the ‗elephant in the room‘ or the acceptance of the obvious: in other words. as complete lack of connection or relation to the receiving country. Not only are they contained within separate enclaves in the city but they themselves do not initiate any mixing. asks Zavos. she ergues.e. students indeed do display certain ambivalence. According to interviews with teachers. what they expect is for them to perform what is the politically correct attitude. National cultures are also evaluated and compared. qualities that seem to rub off on the Afghan refugee children at school: ―They came from a wholly different culturem that is. and feeling insulted. Afghanistan. what is it that makes children recalcitrant and resisting students? Regardless of the fact that the teachers themselves reproduce in their own narratives a distinct sense of discrimination against the Afghan children in school. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. tolerated. rather. on the other hand. but. they also know and agree. Chinese migrants are obviously different and apart from the rest of the students in school and from the rest of the neighbourhood. evokes pity but is also implicitly associated with obscurantism and (masculine) violence. Chinese students are not attacked by their Greek-Albanian schoolmates. who felt their masculinity threatened. by performative enactments of femininity by Albanian boys in the context of the Greek carnival. on the other hand. or other migrants. burlesque element of such impersonations could not be appreciated by the Afghan boys. ravaged by war. So. though. where. Greece. pity. Iran is higher in the culture value scale than Afghanistan. compassion. they urge students to put themselves in the other‘s shoes. such as Afghanistan. and Iraq. whose presence in the school has caused so much destabilization for teachers and students alike. is a case of cultural intimacy: they do not expect their students to be more related. while. such as the newly arrived Afghan refugee children. is diagnosed in the cases of migrants or refugees from far-away countries. represented as a war-riddled. is seen as an inescapable identity for Afghan boys. they practice discrimination. to publicly express tolerance. in their daily interactions and when confronted with examples of conflict. In fact. whose positionality in the global hierarchy of value bears particular connotations which are projected onto their populations. 96 . China. Zavos underlines some unspoken contradictions in these accounts: ‗Why would teachers expect their students to be more empathetic than they themselves are?‘ This. no relations at all with us. discrimination against other (non-Greek) nationalities. For example. On the one hand. stands in the middle. and socially. which for some reason is conflated with Pakistan. the wish for segregation and fight. is associated with assertive global commerce and commands respect but also raises apprehension. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- developed and progressive nations of the West. it is common. they refer to Afghan children in terms of pity and compassion (they have been through so much). As teachers point out. countries. to imagine what he has been through. linked to heterosexuality. for the teachers. Aggressive masculinity. Greek and Albanian students team up en bloc against the unwelcome ‗others‘. Ok. with the Alban kids. who are reported as disliking instensely. that they would rather not have them amongst them at all. for men to take on female roles pejoratively. However. which makes them culturally. however. i. but also hard and fundamentalist country. to no avail. Greece. and accepted. as insiders. Zavos notes that teachers attempt to control or restrict students‘ exhibitions of hostility or intolerance by appealing to children‘s pity (the poor children who have lost their homes) or empathy (take the other‘s position). inaccessible. or China. but. Cultural difference. Gender and sexual identities are conflated. but. The apparent.GEMIC. there‘s something.

singing the national anthem. since several Albanian families are themselves Muslim. Greek state nationals) whereas the GreekCypriots become both de-ethnicized and renationalized. from GreekCypriots to Cypriots. Georgian and so on. After some wrestling. at the same time. are treated by teachers as negative phenomena and as indicators of ―ethnic separation‖ and ―ghettocization‖. are belittled. this thing exists. In this context (unimaginable in the Greek school context). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Albanian children‘s reactions to the Afghan refugees sometimes involve derogatory comments on religious practices. Commenting on a fight between boys. This ―letting in‖ is not a capricious or opportunistic tactic. let‘s say in my school. even by the researchers. sometimes.g. also prefer to dissociate themselves from any such practices. and children often recall experiences of faith of their grandparents. bears a particular antagonism to Islam. It is also interesting that this double zone. but. For teachers this presents a paradox. the reason for the dispute was that Nikos (a gypsy) talked badly to the brother of Charidimos (Cypriot). What is strange is that within the ‗Cypriots‘‘ lines. Or the Persians in another corner or the gypsies in another corner‖ (Interview with Iasonas.e. is how united the gypsies are when one of them faces a problem‖ (CS. you might also witnessed this in the yard. Greece. i.‖ Teachers also comment positively on migrants‘ participation in National school celebrations. however. and. Racist speech acts by Cypriots. in particular the issue of Islamic worship and the headscarf. and as ―Helladites‖ (gypsies). Benjamin (Iraqi refigee). to speak to us about our mothers.2010) The gypsy kids‘ use of Standard Modern Greek (―kalamaristika‖) in the Greek Cypriot school yard context (where the Cypriot dialect constitutes the normative vernacular) provides a new intercultural context where ethnicities and ethnic boundaries are redefined and renegotiated. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.e. Hanging out together and/or speaking ―amongst themselves‖ in Polish. one of the researchers concludes: ―What particulalry impressed me. It is interesting that before coming to his concluding remark on gypsies. gypsies become identified as ethnic Greeks (―Elladites‖.GEMIC. to see the Polish playing in one corner. Christakeio Elementary School. letting in the other Other. as it shows. practiced by the mainstream and elevated to the level of political and nationalist ideology. e. for historical and political reasons. implicitly. This may not be so incomprehensible if we take into account that the national religion. And. ―treat them well. the limits of Cyprioteness become expandable.2. From what they told me. Christakeio Elementary Limassol). a war-zone and a contact-zone at the same time.. Arabic. I heard Charidimos telling: ―Here came the gypsies.‖ (CS Fieldnotes. Christakeio Elementary Limassol). is Orthodox Christianity which. though. on the other hand. Its possibility is conditioned both by 97 . there were kids (such as Benjamin) who are not from Cyprus but felt that thay had to back Charidimos. on the one hand.‖ ―at least in the classroom. Research findings from Cyprus show a sharp gap between teachers‘ understandings of ethnicity/race and their involvement in processes of ethnicizationa and racialization which take place in their schools. Τeachers state that Greekcypriot children ―accept difference‖ or ―have come to accept‖ migrants/alloglosoi. Segregation is often attributed to the cultural or ethic character of migrants.. 12. seen as unfortunate comments and individual racist attitutes which are attributed to the indifidual kids‘ family environment: ―I do not like. the researcher develops a quite thick description of a fight which illustrates some very interesting intersections between ethnic and peer group positioninings and repositionings: Today I watched the first fight between kids who are selfdefined as Cypriots. i..

in a TGSOL session. the students are reading a text about a group of students of various nationalities in Gernany. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Polish. An interpersonal conflict can erupt to an ethnic between ‗us‘ and ‗Pontians‘. All TGFOL textbooks are available online at: www.2009). 34 The textbooks used for TGFOL in the specific schools are Μηα θνξά θη έλαλ θαηξό – Διιεληθά σο μέλε γιώζζα (ΥΔΠΘ Παλεπηζηήκην Κξήηεο ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο). For example. They hold their noses and cover their faces when around them. and action plans against H1N1). Christakeio 23-11-09). during the morning school assembly. almost atavistically. The kids in the text introduce themselves by telling their names and the names of their For example. Fieldwork suggests that rigid ethnic boundaries can be renegotiable but can also be recuperable. teachers are very unlikely to touch on such concepts since they consider them incomprehensible for the class). Georgi frowns at the teacher‘s comment (CS Fieldnotes. Interestingly. The diagnosis of a Filipino student returning from a trip to Philippines can erupt into a situation of emergency. 10. etc. elementary kids internalize violence. Georgi says: ―I am Georgi and I am from Cyprus. At the beginning of the school year 2009-2010 (its beginning was marked by precautions. the kids of Grade 6 are teasing Bogdan (a boy from Poland) that has the ‗pig flu‘. Βηβιίν Μαζεηή/ Τεηξάδην/ ΚαξηέιεοΠαηρλίδηα (ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο). that he participates in class and that he is now becoming accepted by his peers.ediamme. Most of these teaxtbooks have been produced for Greek diaspora rather than Migrants learning Greek. In their act (and acting) the performative display of abjection towards a skinking pig is conflated with precautionary gestures when conducting one‘s contact with H1N1 carriers (CS Fieldnotes. in other similar cases. Greece. marginalization or derogatory comment as an individual problem. the kids reject them claiming Cypriotness.edc.‖ The teacher prompts him to rethink his sentence (and way of identifying himself): ―Are you sure that you are from Cyprus?‖ (Georgi‘s parents are from Scotland and Serbia). with the school put into garantine and the claims of mutual acceptance put on hold.11. telling that he is infected.GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- a structure of repeatability and by a learning context that allows flexibilities of identifications.2009). particularly in situations of crisis. without attributing this to their being Roma. on the Polytechneio Day (Anniversary of Students‘ Revolt againt the Greek Junta). to racial abjection. The example below illustrates how precarious ―acceptance‖ can be and how tolerance for other cultures can relapse.php?yliko. Μηιώ θαη γξάθσ ειιεληθά ζηηο γεηηνληέο ηνπ θόζκνπ ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο) and Τεηξάδην δξαζηεξηνηήησλ Μαξγαξίηα. Benjamin talked about his country‘s experience of dictarorship regimes. 17. In fact. this event takes place the same time that Bogdan‘s teacher remarks that he has been doing significant progress in learning Greek. On that occation.11.uoc. hygiene fever.34 The Greek language teacher asks Georgi to speak about himself. and the other kids had adviced him to ―stay in Cyprus which provides security to him‖ (CS Fieldnotes. 98 . Pontian. In this case Irinel did not seemed particularly bothered (seems to take it as somekind of joke). four months before the fight. the class teacher talked to the class about the events and introduced concepts such as dictatorship and fascism (in a multicultural fifth grade Eloementary class with so many alloglossi as the particular class. that the orginal (text) and modifying the text (―My name is … and I am from …‖) will function both as a sort of scaffolding and as as a model of a real speech situation language use. even when such identifications are meant to empower them.

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- At secondary education. Mm. ‗mommy‘. while yours is not like this. He is fifteen years old and he is still at Gymnasium grade one. Whatever happens. ―flat at the lower back part. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. in a different context. Georgian. ―How could I figure this out?‖ Andrei explains using as a visual aid the locker on the classroom door. What this event shows is that multicultural discourse is becoming instituionalized as a disciplinary form of power (survey and taxonomy) as well as a procuctive form of power (subjectivication). Two researchers ask a group of boys whether they live close to the school: Nicholai: Two minutes‘ walk!‖ Researcher: You are so lucky.‖ (KC Fieldnotes. stranded there as ―auditor‖ for three years. ―from Russia‖. Against this condition. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia) Andrei. The two students parody recognition and mis-recognition and disupt the mutlicultural survey which intends to inscribe them tidily into a map of origins and ethnicities. ―No. and they lough. Pontian. In other words. Next day we talk to each other normally‖ (KC Fieldnotes. The researcher asks them where the are from. one that has the power to belittle both their otherness 99 . A shocking. for if anything gets stolen they always blame me because I am a Pontian. ‗mommy‘…Whereas us. a goal already achievied. says the researcher. Igor says. if we fight. staying in this neighborhood. ―You came like tourists today?‖ the teacher asks. and. Yours. a school where ―acceptance of difference‖ is considered to be. both hetero-ethnicization and autoethnicization become sharper. You did not figure this out?‖ ―No‖.‖ and shows to the semicircle part of the locker.‖ says Andrei. Nicholai: No M‘m. now many foreigners have come and things are a little bit bad. more subtle and normalized forms of racialization that take place at school unnoticed. and for this reason he forbids met to go out. raw. ―You see. at large. it‘s square-ish. processes of ethnicization. the students are reverting to the rawness and tastelessness of an inappropriate racial discourse. The same boy. Turkish and Greek.GEMIC. Besides the Old Mill (after-school Center). pointing to ―Andrei‖. speaks Russian. my dad does not allow met go anywhere. continues: ―but this one is from Pakistan‖. The examples below are from Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Nicosia. Auto-ethnotization sometimes implicates the citation and replication of racial discourses: (KC Fieldnotes. including the researchers‘ hailing of studnets into ethnic self-identification. After this both of them burst into laughters.we never call the police. ―me. explains to the researcher in what way Cypriots (―You‖) are different from ―us‖: ―You M‘m. if we bit each other. have no brain. bodily self-racialization is enacted amidst a series of other. The two students are hailed into the disocurse of multiculturalism as objects of ethnic identitfication and subjects of cultural knowledge (they can speap of their experience as ―Pontians‖. looks like the lower part of the locker. our head is like this. the only way for a migrant student to become a subject in its school multicultural disocurse is by becoming an ethnicized subject. ―pakistansis‖ and so on. particulalry among boys (derogatory ethnic comments against male migrant students are often received also as questionary remarks on their masculinity). Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia). you call the police. Greece. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia) Two boys rush into the remedial/support class without brings with them any books or bags.

But exactly this impossibility and the desire for this impossible position is what makes this case so extraordinary. In another school with high school. Larnaca).‖ For highschool kids. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- and the power of those who normalize their institutional power under the disguise of cultural interest. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. some picked up by teachers as signs of the other‘s cultural inauthenticity and some politicized as threats against the school‘s rituals of Greek national identidy. She has no idea that tomorrow is the last day of school. the researcher notes: ―they take the Law in their hands. Under the entry cited abobe. The Macedonian study cites the case of Darko. Darko‘s negotiation about his identity is based on the acceptance of being the crazy one.6. She thinks it‘s a popular Greek song and sings that ―when she feels bored‖. Foreign kids‘ resistance to hetero-ethnicization by Greekcypriots implicates a stereotypical ethnicization of other ‗foreigners‘ as dangerous and a heroizing reclaim of ethnic stereotypes.‖ the boy says. The Cypriot study cites several cases of student border crossings. even as absence. This ―reclaim‖ however. and he answers that you cannot be Albanian if you are not Muslim (Field notes_ VB_11) .GEMIC. The professor asks him whether he would like to be Albanian or Muslim. mostly because of his claims over his identity. Blazheva notes that Darko is an extreme example of identity in process ―of becoming‖ since his desire is to become the Other. racial and religious border is anti-heroic. demented or ‗mental‘. by continuously playing the role and confirming it. Greece. but as well how strong they are within the context revealed by the stigmatizing. unlike auto-ethoticization. 1. the one to be laughed at. some belittled as noise. A professor is reading through the class roster to check for absences: ―Darko?‖ ―Darko is not here. in the music class. is a frustrating and painful endeavour which often is misconstrued by peers and completely overstepped by teachers. does not wear the scarf) is the only Moslem girl to participate in the school event for the commemoration of 100 . as body practice and body change (fasting during the Ramadan and having circumcision this year). Maram (Moslem girl) starts to sing the Greek National Anthem («Σε γλσξίδσ από όςε ζπαζηνύ ηξνκεξή θαη ζαλ πξώηα αληξεησκέλε ραίξε ραίξε Λεπηεξηά»). they make fun of him and his behavior. some of them misfiring. While sitting with a grounp of girlfriends uring the break. is most often received by Greek Cypriot as another symptom of ―their identity‖ than a performative negotiation of ethnic stereotypic. Manar (very competent in Greek. performing his transformation as conversion to Islam. a Macedonian youth. who claims to be Albanian. Lucia taught that to her. Albanians or Muslims were never as other as they are to most of Macedonians but nevertheless for most of the people it is seen as impossible and crazy thing to want or to become Muslim or Albanian. In the eyes of the other students and teachers he is a bit crazy. claiming belongingingness or contesting exclusion. This case shows how rigid and primordial concepts of identity clash over. She adds on that since they came to Cyprus her father says that she‘s crazy because she wants to go out all the time (PM Fieldnotes. The proferror thinks that boy cannot make difference between Albanian and Muslim. Dianelleio High. She says Mrs. as if for him it is more important to have the protection and stability by belonging to something he believes in. ― he is Mohamed now‖. some claiming acceptance as symptoms of madness or expressions of sacrifice and love for Cyprus as a new homeland. marginalizing and exclusion of differences and individualities that don‘t fit the clearly shaped categories taken as natural and normal.2009. some deliberate and some accidental. reckoning with intersecting ethnic. A common finding in Macedonian and Cypriot fieldwork on teenage kids is that.

violence is considered to be all too ordinary. coming from outside. When he participates in a blood donation that takes place in his school. serve voluntarily in the army (a legal impossibility because he‘s not a national citizen). to disturbe the multicultural ethos of the school. I‘m a Turkish Cypriot!‖ (PM Fieldnotes.5. states upfrontly that Cyprus if his country now and he would so much wants to give his own blood for this country..2009. As represented in the Keramikos teachers‘ accounts. by disturbing ‗others‘. insisting on the duality of identities: ―Aren‘t you a Moslem? Are you Christian?‖ ―No. known to be a Turk. Hatice. angry Pontian or 101 . In Cypriot schools. She recites a poem and also sings with the chorus the National anthem. Asked about the meaning of the event.GEMIC. everybody asks him why he did that since he‘s not a Cypriot. Whther violence is construed as ordinary or extraordinary. In interviews with teachers from her school.2009). not from Turkey. with various acts of violence being overstepped as jokes. how could I understand?‖ («Δλ άθνπα. violence is something stirred from out-of-school factors (e. Δκίιαλ ηδαη ε Αξαπνύα. 8.violence is seen as something out of the ordinary that is brought to the school from the outside. speaks of her experience of growing up as Alevi in a cosmopolitan secular Alevi community in Istanbul. part of the schools culture. In Cvetan. a group of Cyprit girls reply dismissively: ―I did not listen. 14. who know only how to distinguish between Turks and Turkish Cypriots (some teachers problematize even this cultural discernment. Larnaca). The little Arab girl also talked. Violence The three case studies record various attributions of violence and perceived localities of violence. She expalins that she‘s a Turkish Cypriot. frustrated with the other‘s inability to make sense of her dis-jointed. Emine.g. dressed in gothic teenage style who plays soccer with boys during the break. putting emphasis on ethnic conflict between GreekCypriots and Turkish Cypriots and downplay Turks‘ invasion). πνύ λα θαηαιάβσ!» (MC Fieldnotes. Mohamed. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Resistance Day (resistance to the military coup of 1974. and how her family tried to force her into a marriage with a ―backword Moslem‖ Turkish Cypriot when they came to Cyprus. does not wear a scarf and this troubles her peers but even the researcher. Phaneromeni High. different within. The Greek study reports on an exceptionalization and exteriorization of violence. e. Greece. complex. this commemoration day was introduced recently by the left government). internal to school culture or extension of violent others. I‘m a Moslem‖. since her participation in the March 25th Parade (Commemoration of Greece‘s National Revolt agaists the Turks) stirred a ―justifiable‖ reaction by her peers.g.. Her Alevi identity is unspeakable and unsignifiable to her peers and teachers. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. political. The researcher confronts her. Dianelleio Gymnasium Larnaca. Lucy is cited as an example of an unfortunate and untasteful implementation of inclusion policies. so what. a girl from Turkey. it is a common finding across the three studies that the talk on violence is relativizing violence and rendering invisible. self-identified as Lucy. 7.12. act of ethnicization : ―I told you M‘m. The researcher insists as she does not get ―it‖: ―Then why you don‘t wear the scarf?‖ Hatice erupts. insignificant of even unsignifiable forms of gender and racial violence. ζηγά. a refugee youth from Irak in Vergina Leceum. perceiving it as a political tactics that misconstrues the nature of the national problem of Cyprus.

In addition. For example. According to teachers‘ accounts. the school was a harmonious place. In interviews with Keraminkos teachets. from which they are now fleeing to the West. Containing violence (which often means overstepping racial acts as unfortunate of ‗jokes‘) is often misconstrued as preserving school‘s ―balance‖ and not marginalizing Greek Cypriot kids. must be creating the problem themselves. however. rather than exhibiting the usual student solidarity against teachers. in the beginning. It cannot be that bad. and hemmed in. Having experienced war and hardship in their native country. things ran smoothly. is a dissociation of violence from the Greek context and a clear moral distinction between assimilated/assimilable migrants and non-assimilable ‗others‘. such as the Afghan refugees. Violence is brought to the school by the Afghan refugee children. ―all this situation that has formed this year. there were no conflicts between students. and became a disturbance for the rest of the school. or in any way producing or inciting violence themselves. and does not belong in the school. if they have managed to integrate and become accepted in Greek society. In this sense. however. Slowly. Prior to the arrival of these children in the school. where teachers‘ interventions against Afghan children‘s participation in school have brought distress to the refugee families. After the arrival of Afgans. Those who cannot integrate. is minimized and downplayed. They don‘t want to see the children punished by their parents. Nevertheless. or among the proper members of the school community.GEMIC. which is invaded by a hoard of angry and violent ‗others‘ and robbed of its peace and unity. they are described as ‗telling on each other‘. as they gained more familiarity with their surroundings and started to learn the language they revealed their aggressive side. The presence of the Afghan refugee children in school has also brought up tensions and conflicts between the teachers themselves. who disagree as to whether they should. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. evidenced by the fact that they often are not only violent and aggressive towards other students. teachers also feel guilt and remorse. the Afghan refugee students were very scared. or teachers and students. even this statement of responsibility is partially disclaimed as it is qualified by references to child abuse. or refuse them shelter. Greece. where everyone has mastered the requirements and challenges of multicultural tolerance and co-existence. 102 . violence is seen to disrupt the status quo and the peaceful co-existence of the (regular) students. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Moslem fathers) or attributed to stereotypes of ethnic temper. In those cases. who are the bearers of violence on account of their violent history and culture. The idealized image of a conflict-free school. In this sense. and do not support each other. What it does accomplish. or the educational system. but are violent amongst themselves. which the teachers have to either prevent or redress. or shouldn‘t accept these children in school. which the Afghan parents are supposed to inflict upon their children. clearly does not describe a real situation given the pervasive racism all migrants have suffered in Greece. Afghan parents‘ disciplinary attempts are once more framed by the teachers in terms of the Afghan violent and inhumane culture. they are also assumed to be the bearers of a culture of violence and antagonism. however. demolished everything incuding kids themselves‖ (Machdi). possibly intimidated by their noncomprehension of the language used in school. all of which are assumed to be not violent. they are expected to reproduce the tensions and conflicts from which they have suffered. even the racist violence that Albanian migrants suffer (as occasionally acknowledged by some teachers).

turning schools into disciplining institutions. On the other hand. moreover a picture that no one actually feels they need to know about because it is so well ―portrayed‖ by the mainstream discourse of young people. such as visual surveillance and physical security. but rather surreptitiously. One of the boysstood up and went to the window. I shouted. Blazheva notes in their report that the deployment of violence entails both disciplinary and productive forms of power (Foucault. some of them also. Students ironically affirmed: yeah right – fire crackers… Then the professor added that it may be a wedding. Citing Foucault. probably a fire cracker. Citing Bourdieu. they indicate that they feel victimized by them. This is not stated directly. however. Blazheva also argue that this double enforcement and production of power is interrelated with the institutional replication of group or class injustice. While they all. dignity and human rights. Girls from the second table got excited and though nervous. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Interestingly. you know there are a lot of weddings in this neighborhood. It is message meant to be read between the lines. young people use violence as a mechanism for gaining and (re)establishing power and discipline in their own hierarchies which constitute a reflection of the wider structural and institutional context. Bringing Arendt into 103 . Stories of youth and/or school violence are perfect media issues for raising moral panic among the concerned moralizing public. I can‘t tell for sure but they were fast like from machine gun. Unlike Keramikos. 1991). When it comes to violence in schools it is mainly these institutions that perpetuate hegemonic masculinity and therefore face the problem they produce. The boy set down and said to the teacher – Do not panic teacher. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. laughingly commented – wow we are going to die here. as well as the stereotypes for Albanians. (Field notes _AB_16) The public image of the school is defined through the stories of violence. 1977. Greece. which then tries to find who is guilty while trying to wash their own hands about responsibility they alone have. and disrespectful of life. and Greek society as being violent. notably Albanian students. or. unanimously. blaming never-ending transition in society and the clash of values. Usually. institutions of legitimacy and normalcy and systems of symbolic violence. gun riffles. surveillance meachnisms used to control violence in schools are actually serving as control and regulation mechanisms of student behaviors. don‘t stand by the window! The professor was calmingly saying that it is nothing. They throw fire crackers – she said. refer to the Afghan refugee children as being aggressive and violent and annoying. the issue of violence in students‘ narratives acquires more meanings and references. if violence is localized in ethnically mixed school. Sit down it is nothing. the measures to be takes against violence are division in shifts or separation into different schools. to what the professor said – it is destiny. On the one hand. The following exceprt from fieldnotes attests to the cultural relativization of violence and the institutional imperative for a newcomer‘s acculturation to this: I heard gunshots coming from outside. Girls commented that before the class there were also gunshots and got scared and went to the toilets.GEMIC. while further stigmatizing young people for their restlessness.e. i. The teacher tried to explain to him that she is trying to soften the situation and repeated that it were probably fire crackers. I got scared. This is a quite usual image for public schools with bad reputation. but then got back to the classroom. in Cvetan Dimov violence is integrated in and integrated by the school. disobedience and disrespect towards authorities. not pistol. refer to Greeks. the debate ends up with new security measures being introduced in schools.

Nicosia). Emotions such as shame. this and that. Blazeva introduces a counter-Foucault approach to power.GEMIC. teachers overlook the institutional dimensions of school violence and locate its sources outside the school‘s multicultural balance. it was only for show off. In their discussions with youth at Cvetan. besides structures of social inequality and institutional mechanisms of surveillance. Arendt (1969) argues that loss of power tempts men to substitute violence for power but also that violence itself results in impotence or at some point loosing power. Images of deranged Moslem and Pontian fathers who ‗invade‘ schools to protect their troublesome sons are frequent in teacher accounts of violence. whose position are guaranteed by looks and social skills. 2006). Only those that are scared. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- the analysis of hegemonic masculinity. when they are asked to analyze the specific school event they revert to a neo-liberal discourse on racist attitutes and victim 104 . When teachers are confronted with descriptions of events of racial violence against migrants (Codification A: Greek Cypriot boy calling Arab classmate ―kilintzir‖. and exclusion and censorship are the most effective methods of symbolic violence (Stoudt. There was one guy who was slapped by an 8th grader. a space that falls beyond the school‘s authority. This delineation of fields of authority is very much linked to the discourse of teacher professionalization: ―Teachers cannot also intervene in the family and the environment where a student grows up‖ (Interview with Artemis. ―the attitude of the child is clearly racist but not his own. Greece. including the acceptable exchange of ‗insulting‘ words). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Although the guy had a gun he didn‘t pull it out. those ‗scared scary‘ boys carry guns as a protection and a sign that they can strike back: K: ―I want to say this. Christakeio Elementary School). so he can say I have one. just to say that he has a gun. humiliation. state that those who carry weapons in the school are actually boys who are scared to become victims of violence. Fieldwork in several highschools also shows that many incidents of violence where migrants boys are involved are treated as ―fights amongst themselves‖ which should stay ―amongst themselves‖ because ―their‖ way or resolving conflicts is ―different‖. the neighbourhood. A significant number of teachers argue that such events are very frequent even between Cypriot students and one should not take them ―too seriously‖ since such name callings are part of the argot used by youth. act overstepped by teacher) either they empty these events of seriousness or they attribute Greek Cypriot students ―mentality‖ to their family environment. Just for show off. Phaneromeni Elementatry School. What is interesting is that even those teachers who speak in the interviews about institutionalized racism. they carry weapons. the affective aspects of power and vulnerability. his surroundings‖ (Interview with Andreas. In their view. Everybody was teasing him later that if only he had had a gun he would have killed the 8th grader. Research findings from the Cypriot schools cofirm findings from the other two national studies. Everybody knew that he had a gun but he could not pull it out. Structural marginality and dissymmetry of power are not considered (not only Ahmet cannot talk but he is the abject other against which Cypriot youth groups establish their cohesiveness. he must have transferred it from his home. the reaserchers trace echoes of Arendt‘s analysis. Like in Keramikos. Even boys whose masculinity didn‘t need to be measured and negotiated through physical strength.‖ (Focus group 1) Such findings suggest the research on school violence needs to examine. and desire for inclusion are fundamental sites for discipline and control of hegemonic masculinity. In front of the whole school. Nothing! He got slapped and that was it.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.g.GEMIC.g. I appreciate your culture. and to get stronger. Greece. Interviews with migrant students of older ages actually record students‘ quest for a politics of justice and their frustration with teachers implication in the normalization of violence. Phaneromeni Elementary Nicosia). our aim as. thus she passes her message in a very nice way. This retrospective evaluation and the fetishistic turn to the recourse of ―respect to other cultures‖ help to normalize violence and to smooth out contradictions in intercultural education (e. The excerpt below shows how ―acceptance of others‖ and ―knowledge and respect of other cultures‖— the cardinal goals of intercultural education in Cyprus—have come to established a zone of educational comfort that faciliatates the containment and tolerance of racial violence. injustice and violence. all teachers turn to a retrospective evaluation of the year‘s intercultural program (the event takes place at the end of the school year) and they deem that the cultivation of a spirit of acceptance and respect for other cultures shound have been more systematic and more comprehensive. I accept it. e. I don‘t know what followed agter this event. and. I‘m sure she would have many other opportunities to incorporate into her lesson other elements from his culture and other cultures and to pass step by step these messages. I wouldn‘t like to have to start to explain and to preach or turn this into an issue of conflict and punishment. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- damage: ―Maybe I would not discuss this any further because I would put Ahmet in an uncomfortable position‖ (Interview with Anne.e.. how can we reconcile the occurance of racial violence with the selfrighteous culturalist narrative of promoting and mastering acceptance). I said before. beyond this. In other words. When asked to evaluate the teacher‘s role. That the teacher took the cd (a cd of arab music) from him (Ahmet) and played that sets an example. Whether its object is the perpetrator or the victim.. because all of us find ourself in that position at some point.. What particularly uncanny is that the person who articulates most adeguately the normalization of this zone of containment and tolerance to racism is one of the leading actors in the organization of the Zones of Educational Priority (one of the Ministry‘s major mechanisms for promoting the implementation of intercultural education): To be honest I would not like to be in that teacher‘s position either. (Interview with a ZEP Coordinator) What the policy maker (and teacher) above does not get though is that the idealization of interacultural education and the preaching of ―acceptance of difference‖ have normalized a multicultural ethos of civility that is blind to processes of racialization. a lesson which cannot be achieved either through teaching or reading around lies or someone else talking to you about anti-racism or all these things… I believe that only through lived experience and this is how many of our students get this. ‗why did you say bad words to him‘ and ‗what did you tell him‘. i. the individualization and psychologization of racism constitutes a sustainable response to racial violence. power dissymetries. to try to teach them [Greek Cypriots] to accept the ‗different‘. 9. Language Research findings from the three different national studies show that the way language difference in the classroom or school is dealt with in the three national contexts is interrelated primarily with the constitutional framing of the republic and secondarily with the officially 105 . what you are etc. to teach them [others like Ahmet] to endure.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Zavos reports that the teachers‘ approaches to the acquisition of Greek language skills by migrant students and refugees ranges between culturalist notions of language as a sign of cultural identity and functionalist notions of language as a communication tool. with recent changes in migration and citizenship law stipulating proof of language competence as a fundamental requirement for granting citizenship rights to adult migrants long-term residents in Greece. In addition. creates similar conditions with Macedonia. either in separate schools or in different tracks or shifts within the same school (as in the case of Cvetan Dimov). both by the students. political and legal priorities or dispositifs converge and intersect with subjective performances. in parallel with the learning of content specific matter. the difficulty and the disatvantage of mastering the language of instruction in an educational environment which was not originally designed to facilitate. where the multiethnic character of the society. Even 106 . In the case of Macedonia. or capacity for. minority students like refugee and migrant students are burdened with the responsibility. whereas Cyprus could have had a multiethnic language school system like that of Macedonia. In other words. with this constitutional provision suspended since 1963. where the monolingual character of the Nation state establishes Greek as the only official language and as the only language of instruction in all public schools. In the case of Greece. the monolingual character of instruction is even more normative and exclusionary for ethnic minorities than for refugees and migrants in Greek of Greek Cypriot schools. Greece. multicultural education means. however. the equality of Macedonian and Albanian as official languages and different nationalities‘ right to education in their native language are constitutionally established. it has a system almost identical to that of Greece. but.‖ In the case of the Republic of Cyprus. ―language emerges as a terrain where cultural. seems to apply to the multi-ethnic multilingual policy of Macedonia. provision of education in multiple ethnic and language forms.GEMIC. The nationalities right to education in their native language is not translated to individual‘s right to education in their native language because ethnic schools or ethnic shifts are diverse within (in Cvetan Dimov. Greek becomes also the only language of language of instruction in public schools in the south side of the divide. for example. with ethnic conflict in the 60‘s and the Turkish invasion in 1974 leading to the de facto ethnic division of Cyprus and with the Republic of Cyprus becoming a de jure Greek Cypriot Republic. primarily. Eventually. Albanian students attend the Macedonian shift or Bosnian students attend the Albanian shift). However. as Zavos notes in the Greek National WP5 Report. the constitutional equality of Greek and Turkish and the allocation of cultural and educational control to the two nationalities. the learning of the language of instruction as a second or other language. The minority students‘ option to enroll in ethnic schools (individual choice) and the nationalities right for ethnic continuity through schools (collective right) provide a national. In this case. which is not a nation-state. integration. by their families. linguistic variety of the multicultural classroom is dealt with the teaching of Greek to non-Greek speaking migrants and refugees and the provisional linking of integration with the learning of Greek. A similat caveat. The comparative analysis of field data on language use in the classroom in the three national contexts shows that the normative monolingualism of instruction constitutes an ideological terrain. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- declared principles and goals of intercultural education. most importantly. a legal and an educational alibi for monolingual schools (and tracts and shifts within the same school) to discourage or even prohibit the use of any other language in the classroom. adopting the national language is interpreted by the teachers as willingness towards. Furthmore.

inclusion in mixed class as ―present absence‖ and exeptions from classes as linguistic incompetence) and the number of allóglossi in a school identifies the school‘s multicultural ―intensity‖ and justifies its need for extra resources. the director of the school is Macedonian. are invested with ideological views on communication as a one-way process: the one who has to do the communicating. seemingly functionalist views on Greek language acquisition carry notions about the conditionality of migrants and refugees‘ fitness for the Greek classroom. Power dynamics are reflected in school administration. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Cvetan Dimov is a rather typical example of the wider tension between languages spoken in the country also struggling for its recognition and identification. both languages are being disputed and both negotiated to be recognized as an indissoluble part from their ethnic identity. however. On the other hand. Children who do not progress in Greek language skills are assumed to not want to communicate. Blazeva reports that the power dynamics. solidarity and discrimination. Macedonian is still the official language in meetings and official communication while assistant directors are Albanian and their position is to make balance to assure the power structure but also balance of language ideologies. or unwillingness to become part of the host culture. to resist establishing mutual interaction between teachers and host society and themselves. even though with the 2001 reform Albanian was recognized as an official language. is the foreigner. identities and power. identity politics but also but possibilities for transgression. the term Alloglossoi is used interchangeably with the term “Aravóphoni” (Arabic speaking). Though teaching TGSOL in ―reception classes‖ for a year (before integration in the regular classroom) is proposed as a solution specifically for the ―language problem‖. the struggle over its recognition and affirmation is an ongoing one. the category ―allóglossos‖ has evolved from a supposedly neutral student descriptor (the term was introduced to replace the term ―alien‖ [allodapós] which was deemed racial) to a racial rationality of student regulation and multicultural school organization. along with it. The underlying assumption is that the implied actor (the one who causes problems) is the migrant/refugee and that troubling interactions can still be located within the other‘s zone of culture and a normatively monolingual classroom reflect the ideological contradictions of a multi-ethnic society where the right to instruction in native language is constitutionally established and yet some languages are ―more equal than others‖. 35 In high schools schools with significant numbers of Moslem students (around 35 acroates in each school).GEMIC. On the one hand. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- functionalist approaches. who has to communicate on the terms of the dominant cultural-linguistic communication formats. this prognosis is invested with the expectation to solve problems of racism. the official state language (Macedonian) is still in a process of negotiating its recognition. The Macedonian language is considered to be more privileged. The attributed lack of interest in communication with the host society carries negative connotations. Gregoriou reports that in Cypriot schools. distinction and legitimacy in the political and historical context and perspective. but contexts like Cvetan Dimov school challenge this notion and show the complexity of the negotiation processes of language ideologies. segregation and violence. Greece.35 ―Alloglossia identifies the otherness of migrants and refugees on the basis of ―lack of competence in Greek‖ (construed. empowerment. As in the case of Greece. The major figure in the school. though policies and practices of placement. who has to exhibit and practice willingness to engage in dialogue. it is considered to indicate either general lack of motivation and aspirations for the future. In school settings. 107 .

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Interviews with teachers in all three national contexts show that teachers find themselves stumbling onto the aporia of teaching majorities and minorities. which material to use. and teachers end up caught in a ―continuous hunting‖. what skill to teach next. however. however. rather than formalized instruction in grammatical forms. the exercises. to promote multiple literacies and familiarity with multiple genres.. In the case of Greece and Cyprus. Gregoriou suggests that this difference can be attributed. in parallel with the learning of content specific matter. so you end up breaking down the text to little parts and focusing on translation/interpretation. kids do not understand them. Another contradiction in Cypriot teachers‘ diagnosis and prognosis framings of ―the language problem‖ is that the idea of ―reception classes‖ is invoked as an insightful educational borrowing from the Greek experience. to the fact that classroom teachers feel that the responsibility for teaching Greek as a Second/Other language is passed on to remedial courses and Greek Language sessions. however. native speakers of Greek. Their firm belief however that only separate ―reception classes‖ would solve the language problem (plus all other problems attributed to the presence of alloglossi in their classroom). The narrow framing of 108 . It does not allow a flexible differentiation of instructional aims and material. when in fact this scheme. turns out to be disempowering for teachers when the same books are also used for the teaching of Greek as a foreign language. Althought the same textbooks are used in Greek Cypriot Elementary schools. Unlike Elementary school teacher. Compromizing academic goals and expectations is constued sometimes by teachers as a cultural adjustment to the difference of a multicultural school. also show that teachers‘ relative contentment with the work done in the classroom is related to their sense that sustainable teaching in a multicultural school requires ―a change of attitude‖. has been heavily criticized for instituting neoracism under the ideological cover of respect for reference (Vergidis. There is nothing left to feel. Even though the new books are designed to facilitate an integrated approach to the learning of language. noting to experience. this aporia is often registered as discomfort with their professional adequacy to teach Greek as a second/other language. i. Greek Cypriot teachers do not make any critical comments on these. who require a different approach to language training based on the use of lay or common language. lose their emotive quality when they are used as the medium for teaching Greek to migrants and refuges: They have a very difficult vocabulary. partly. Greece. So the literary essence is gone. teachers find that the books focus too much on the formal characteristics of language and not its use in communicative contexts.e. used for Roma children. This comprehensive approach. teachers in higher and technical education are very critical of the policy of admitting alloglossoi in the class as ―akroates‖ (auditors) because these kids are condemned to boredom. nothing‖ (Interview with Vassiliki. teachers‘ manuals and assessment tests) is useful with regards to the Books‘ ideal audience. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Greek Report). Teachers also find that the comprehensive approach the learning of language (built into the selection of texts. suggests that teachers are negative to the idea of a multicultural mixed language ability class. Zavos also notes that the new language books for Elementary Schools (same ones used in Greek Cypriot schools as well) which were introduced a couple of years ago are considered inadequate or badly designed to meet the needs of migrant children. 2010 ).GEMIC. Even literary texts. Interviews with Cypriot Elementary schools teachers. natives and migrants in an educational environment which was not originally designed to facilitate. the learning of the language of instruction as a second language.

refugee or ethnic pupils (and their parents. as the mobiling force. they will learn anyway. considering knowledge of the mother tongue an important aspect of children‘s identity. in the case of Greece and Cyprus. because of the home. Most importantly. Interviews with teachers in Cvetan Dimov do not register any distress with the inadequacy of teaching material or the added difficulty of having to teach minority students who do not know the language of instruction. treat that. But poor knowledge and command of Albanian can also present problems for these children when visiting family back 109 . despite structural inequalities. unforltunately. getting a job [. Findings across the three national context diverge with regards to the use of native language in the classroom. that‘s for sure. The school contributes towards legitimizing or discrediting the students‘ mother tongue. Greece. this line of thinking is not different from the reasoning used in neoliberal accounts of schooling which. orally yes[they might preserve it]. Growing up. It is assumed that those who have the will to learn. They will lose it. and the hero (always individual) of an interpreuneurial school success story. Where are they going to use it? They do not learn it in school. for it should be this way (Interview with Nano. ok. as in the case of Greece) accountable for not learning or not making enough efforts to learn the language of instruction and (b) treat the effort put into the learning of the language of instruction by the pupils as indicator of the their will to learn (and. according to teachers‘ views. a Pakistani.. You never know. their will to become integrated in a Greek setting as well). Teachers do not go as far as advocating the teaching of students‘ languages at school even though they consider that Albanian pupils will eventually lose their language: Of course. Zavos reports that in general.‖ The only kind of aporia registered in interviews with teachers is whether they are correct in discouraging students from using their native language. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and an impoverishment of their cultural capital. Kerameikos teachers adopt a more liberal attitude to students‘ capacity to use their mother tongue. In fact. Their mother tongue will be lost. Greek Report). our research shows that there are more commonalities between Macedonia and Cyprus rather than Cyprus and Greece. Learning and speaking Albanian is for children of Albanian background a complex issue. Although it is applied specifically to the mixed language class.GEMIC. the family. Unfortunately. the ―language problem‖ is framed only as a ―learning difficulty‖ and not a ―teaching difficulty. Lack of formal language training in Albanian students‘ mother tongue is considered a problem. they will lose it. in substantiating excellence. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- problems in a multicultural school as a ―language problem‖ is also reflected in institutional blindness to the racialization of ―alloglossi‖ and teachers‘ negative reaction to migrants and refugees‘ use of ―their‖ language. Albanian children refrain from speaking Albanian in public because they do not want to be identified as Albanian and would rather pass as Greek. language barriers and other obstacles. In fact. This liberal approach is expressed especially with regards to Albanian students. which they should retain and develop. Despite variations in teachers‘ framings of the ―language problem‖. but other factors outside the school also play a role. the product. a comparative analysis of findings suggests that teachers (a) do not hesitate to hold migrant. invariously. an Afghani.] How is their family going to be? They might end up together with a Greek.

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- in Albania. it [Arvanitica] comes bacj to me and I feel a kind of pleasure. Afghan refugee children enjoy speaking their language and introducing their own words in class. to know what is going on in the family […] Now. to create and control their own separate culture.GEMIC. in some teachers‘ views. anything that I was trying to teach them they would say that in Afghan. cultural or historical. they taught me too. I was never good at learning languages. and I know it […] when I was a little girl I knew it better that what I know it now […] I heard my mother. for not knowing proper Albanian. yesterday in the zoo I was telling them ―This animal is …like this‖ and they would tell me. ―A. While making this comparison. we must keep in mind that all data from Macedonia and most data from Cyprus on the use of native languages in the classroom are collected from high schools. can now recognize similar words spoken by present day Albanian migrant children. a provision that. and feel moved to identify with them. for as I listen to this. they said it in Arvaitika. While this is not explained. but unfotubaly I did not take the time to write these down. or other studnets. by their peers. I like it [Albanian langauge]. however. For example. whereas in the case of Greece data were collected from an Elementary school (specifically. where they are treated with some disdain. as well as too demanding for them to follow: At the beginning. In some teachers‘ accounts. M‘m. and you know. in Farsi this way‖ (Interview with Machdi. In contrast to Albanians who want to integrate by passing as Greek. In fact. it would have been very nice for me to learn those [words. shows how the use of native languages in the classroom is contructed as an expression of rudeness and a sign of conspiratorial action: 110 . Greece. should be offered by the school itself. when they wanted to say something that children were not supposed to hear. speaking Albanian in school also becomes a resource or means for students to enact their autonomy from teachers. (Interview with XXXXXXXXX Greek Report). and relinquishing the signs of difference.code. Even now. for me. So. Greek teachers. they would still like to have more formal instruction in Albanian. by using an inaccessible language . linguistic. phrases]. thus setting an example of tolerance of ethno-cultural difference. The following example from the Cypriot Report. That was a motive for you to want to understand. otherwise they would have taught me a lot. I taught them something. It is rather perceived as something that must be contained. In a sense. these students and their families represent long lost relatives: You know. such as Albanian. Zavos argues that teachers‘ attidutes to the students‘ use of Albanian reflect views that language functions as a mediator of national difference and a catalyst of cultural intimacy. I am Arvanitissa as well. my grandmother. Greek Report). teachers contend that even though they do not want to be seen as Albanian in Greece. a school where the majority of students speak a native language other than the official language of instruction). it is considered funny by some of the teachers. Migrants/refugees‘ (Cyprus) and minority students‘ (Macedonia) use of native language is not mediated nither as a process of cultural interaction nor as an interesting class interaction. in order to learn. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. who listened to their grandmothers speaking Albanian dialects at home.

GEMIC. from the entrance in the school.: I realized that they didn‘t talk about me. is that of Sabina. And it is so hard for them. is called out by the teacher to solve a math problem on the blackboard. from the Macedonian report. The following example.: How did you accept to study in Macedonian language? You studied in Albanian until 8th grade I suppose? G. you will speak Macedonian. The second example. A male classmate tells something to her in Russian and she replies to him.. an Albanian boy studying in the Macedonian class.: You understand Albanian and Turkish.‖ (Note: Nina‘s native language is Georgian and not Russian) Later. shows a situation where using Albanian (the student‘s native language) in the Macedonian classroom is considered unacceptable: Researcher: ―How do they speak among themselves. conversations. R. and I scold them because I don‘t understand.: Yes. missing the classes. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Nina (the ―reactionary Pontian girl‖ of the class). shows how constructions of gender identities are intersecting with performances of linguistic competence and stamina. DATE ). 111 . yes. another student. And they say – but I speak to him. when guys from the security speak to me in Albanian and most of others too and I say I don‘t understand you. ―Eighteen‖ [dekaochtó]. telling her the answer in your language so as to laugh at/cheat me‖ [―γηα λα κε θνξντδέςεηο‖] (KC Fieldnotes. also in Russian. with silence. anger. variously. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.: If they started to laugh and look at me I thought that they talk about me andI felt uncomfortable. jokes. I give them hard time‖. R. don‘t talk about these things in your language.: You can experience it as personal when you don‘t speak the language? S. The first example. In the interview cited below. in their mother tongue. ―Eighteen‖. but something else. in an angry tone.: Well. Greece. ―Come on. Interviews with students from Macedonia and Cyprus also register how minority and migrant/refugee students negotiate the experience of this difficulty. or just not being there.: Was it the main reason for you to learn it? S. the boy foregrounds his learning of Macedonian and undermines any difficulties. the other students shout from below in Greek. Maria (also Pontian) is asked to come out solve an equation but she does not know the answer. maybe you say to him: look at her how she is. they said it is your problem and you should learn it. please Nina. right? Teacher: Oh yes. and how did you feel when you didn‘t understand? S. I don‘t know that. but I don‘t care. Nina also shouts to Maria in Georgian. was this true? S. But I don‘t speak about you. ignoring the educational process that goes on parallel with their games. Ahaa. The teacher (female) turns to Nina and reprimonds her again in a really strict tone: ―Please.: When you don‘t know the language it is much harder.: What did you find out after you learned the languages. humour and defiance. R. even more. an Albanian girl who never participates in the class: R. stop telling her the answer and. R. Phaneromeni High Nicosia. even though participatory observation findings show that Albanian boys keep being together in their small groups.

) Sahim not only is disrupting the language lesson but he is also enacting a border which will later be turned by both him and the teacher into a warlike front. a context characterized by asymmetry of power and dominated by normative monolingialism. Sahim: (GR) No M‘m …[―Óxi. May 29 2009) The third example. so I transfered to the Macedonian. During a TGSOL lesson. we learned Macedonian in primary school as a subject and I knew something and here we can learn it better. Finally the teacher shifts to tougher measures of control: Teacher: (GR) I will send you to Mr Neophytos if you do not stop [―Tha se steílo ston Kýrio Neophyto an den stamatíseis‖]. Her teacher‘s threat to send Sahim to Mr Neophytos (the Physical Education teacher in charge of the Arab boys) introduces officially the order of power. Whereas the teacher is trying to contain Sahim‘s disruptive behaviour within the borders of the classroom and the school‘s authorized disciplinary mechanisms (both are topoi of exeption. Sahim is trying to politicize their confrontation and question the significance of the boundaries between school order and state control. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. it is not a problem. the school‘s mechanisms for containing disruption (for learning‘s sake. in that both of them operate under exceptional rules which have been specifically developed for the management of the alloglossi Arabs of the school). What Sahim eventually seems to be doing is to say aloud. threat and deportation (for society‘s sake). the reporting of an Arab refugee by a Greek Cypriot to the Immigration Police (implying the threat of arrest and/or deportation). how did you accept to study in Macedonian? G. ―They hate the Arabs‖.: No. (Mini focus group. thet is. shows that classroom experiences of communication gaps and the normalization of language borders are sometimes negotiated by students as a performative terrain where they can reclaim positionalities of power. that is.: And you still don‘t know Macedonian like you know Albanian.GEMIC. ―they hate us‖.: R.. I wanted to study in Albanian but they didn‘t accept my documents. didn‘t you want to go to another school to study in Albanian? G. Kyría‖] … (GR) To the (EN) ―Immigration Police‖ [―Sto Migration‖] Teacher: (GR) What did you say? [―Ti eípes?‖] Sahim: (GR) Nothing M‘m!!! …About the Arábians… Ha ha ha [―Típote kyría!!! … gia toys Arápies. invoking an ever tougher disciplinary measure.‖ (The class bursts into laughters. Sahim both reiterates and expands her gesture. in front of the class and the teacher. for students‘ sake) and the Immigration Police‘s mechanisms of surveillance. ―All Arabs out of Cyprus‖. the class (all Arabs except one Moldavian) make a lot of noise. This scene seems to confirm the hypothesis that in the discursive context of an intercultural interaction. Greece. the same thing that all Arab boys in the specific school have been saying individually and discreetly in their interviews with the researcher. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- R.: Well. I had low grades. The most troublesome of all is Sahim who makes all the time side comments in Arabic. there is still a possibility for subjects to reposition themselves as agents of defiance despite the fact that their subjectivity is originally enacted though their institutional interpreallation as both 112 . from the Cypriot Report.: Wasn‘t a problem for you. The teacher keeps reprimanding him: ―Didn‘t I tell you a thousand times that it is rude to speak Arabic in front of people who do not know Arabic?‖ Sahim keeps ignoring her remarks.

GEMIC. nevertheless. 113 . denounced. or even a deranged other‘s disruptive behiaviour. from the teacher‘s perspective. from someother perspective it could be viewed as the transformation of the apolitical classroom into a politicized field where new solidarities can be enounced. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- educationally deficient and ethnically dangerous outsiders. but. a minority‘s. The same scene that. tried out as legitimate acts of intercultural politics. constitutes an exemplary example of an alloglossos‘. empowered or punished. a migrant‘s. Greece.

Significantly. These two along. 114 . That same burden my parents passed students are systematically chosen by their onto me as a child. data on social relations were elicited by asking all students of a classroom to state their preferred (or non-preferred classmates) in regards to scenarios of social groupings in academic or leisure contexts. Alvina and Esli. cluster of other students gather. choices regarding schoolwork cross the gender divide. 46th Elementary School. Interestingly. the most ―Pyrros. boys choosing other boys. while choices guiding leisure activities seem to be separated according to gender identities. all these kids are ‗popular‘ students in class. Greece. Alvina. this is because behind them. That is. Mapping Classroom Social Dynamics: Analyzing Sociograms of Multicultural Classrooms In this section we analyze some of the sociograms produced during Phase III. Social dynamics as mapped in the sociograms below are compared and contrasted to teachers‘ views about students crosscultural and ethnic group dynamics. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10. choice for both schoolwork and leisure Kerameikos) activities. around which a doing very well.GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and girls choosing other girls. Kerameikos Diagram 1: Sociogram for School Work As the above sociograms show. to go to Albanian and Greek classmates as preferred universit‘y (Teacher Interview with Vasiliki. are two it‘s that big burden they have. and form an island in the midst of the class. they carry Albanians. Katerína. As explained in the methodology section. the two Afghan students are also systematically avoided by other students.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. particularly. Greek students either form alliances with Albanian students. … In the classroom I used to have them together. which are reproduced by Greek and Albanian students in their interviews. But slowly slowly.. they know Greek. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Diagram 2: Sociogram for Holidays Given the composition of the class. ―I do not want Rahman‖. or are marginalized. they got reactionary with each other and with the rest of the Afghanis. they are integrated. Albanian and Greek students together form a group that excludes other nationalities. my village. but even from other classes. we observe that the majority of Albanian students impacts social relations in the classroom. Socially. they say ―I will go to my village. So I split them up and put them amongst the others. however. ‗They (Albanians) are fully incorporated. such as the Afghan students. but then they did not want that. Greece. Albanians appear to be the dominant group. in the common front that develops against other foreigners. I was born. needs to be juxtaposed to the dominance of Greek cultural and educational discourses. students. who are considered culturally less adapted and more violent.. It is Albanian. Kerameikos) 115 . Here. that way they would get help too (fTeacher Interview with Erato. who become the nexus points of social activity. there. they did not express. Those were more reserved. But it was these two kids (Afghani) I have in my class. ―I do not want Said‖. Just imagine that. This.GEMIC. rather than Greek. and. They do see this as a difference between two countries‘ (from Teacher Interview with Machdi) At the beginning they all played together. they started getting gout hostility.

(b) centerperiphery deployments. social dynamics were mapped with reference to both negative and positive preferences (Synthesis Report.GEMIC. where migrants and Greekcypriots indicate intraethnic preference (Diagmam 3). Grade 5 (green indicates both parents migrants. As explained in the chapter on methodology. where all kids indicate preference mostly for Greek Cypriots. 55). Diagram 4 Sociogram mapping preferences for Math group assignment (Grade 6. A) 116 . Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Christakeio Elementary School Sociograms in Christakeio were produced for 5 classrooms. and (c) combinations of these two (most frequent pattern). Greece. In the sociograms we can observe three patterns of separation between Greek Cypriot and migrant students: (a) ethic clustering. Ethnic clustering tends to be more instense in yard play than in classroom projects and the crossing of ethnic ‗lines‘ (mostly by migrant kids who combine hign academic performance with markers of socioeconomic status) tends to be one way (the ‗crossers‘ choose and are chosen by Greek Cypriot but do not choose to associate with other migrant kids). yellow mixed family and blue Greek Cypriot). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Diagram 3 Sociogram mapping preferences for break time. p. This section provides some meta-analysis about the sociograms analyzed in the Cypriot National Report. with Greek Cypriots in the center of the popularity webs and mostly migrant kids marginalized and also isolated at the peripheries (Diagmam 4).

When comparing mappings of marginality in these diagrams (mappings of othering. but do not make a note of the most prevalent pattern of ethnic separation. classmates perceived as inconsequesntial) to mappings of social preference.. A) 117 . the three of the four kids whose absence is perceived as insignificant are the same three migrants kids we were not picked as friends by any classmate (Diagram 4). Greece.GEMIC. in the other Grade 6 classroom. we observe that othering is more consistent in classrooms with center/periphery than cluster patterns of ethic separation. i. we observe that teachers are more sensitive to patterns of ethnic clustering but not to patterns of center/periphery. In G6-a for example.e. Diagrams on classroom marginally and silence were also mapped by asking students to designate classmates whose absence does not matter (Diagram 5). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- When we compare these social mappings with teachers‘ perceptions of ethnic relations as registered in the interviews. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In contrast. the dispersal and isolation of the majority of migrant kids at the peripheries of social networks. In other words. where the four most marginal migrant girls form an ethnic clusters. the girls ‗escape‘ othering as inconsequestional by their peers. that is. teachers consider negative the fact the migrants ‗isolate themselves‘ and ‗speak amongst themselves‘ in ‗their‘ language. Diagram 5 Sociogram mapping negative preferences: ―whose absence doesn‘t matter‖ (Grade 6.

We also notice that in these social scenarios. What we also notice is that the three gypsy children (Alexandra R. as in the case of Vanessa) but not the social networking preferences of their peers. lounges with electronic games are among the most popular places for migrant students whereas there are also activities which though nonterritorialized in places they territorialize bounds of friendship (particulalry for Elementary school boys). Benjamin. probably because these kids would not be able or feel confident to invite other kids to their homes). also Roma. such as going to the movies (Diagram 5) and home birthday parties (Diagram 6). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Greece. a Roma boy who appears to be be left out in almost all mappings of social networkings. migrants with both parents migrants (green) are more dispersed and more marginalized (Alexandra K. For example. Maria and Philippos). Fhilippos. we thought movies and birthday parties would be important social events. Also most migrant students mentioned friends who have the same ethnic origin but are not classmates (in some cases. who names as his best friends his thre neighbours. However.GEMIC. What is also interesting is that some kids look popular but actually are not. do not cross ethnic lines (Greek Cypriots would not prefer to work with a migrant of the opposite sex. even if that peer was among the most popular students. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Comparing Diagrams 3 and 4 we can also notice that the gender clustering in G6-A is slightly destabilized with regards to the math group project scenario (as opposed to yard/play scenario). other gypsies from different classes. These preferences. Michalis and Boyunlup. Girls express preference for boys and boys express preferences for girls as possible group partners in math projects. The three boys negatively marked are the same both for the indifference scenario (whose absence does not matter) as well as for the expulsion scenarion (who is likely to be expelled).. social dynamics seem to be more stable for boys than girls. For example. Negative preference scenarios confirm the social dynamics mapped in positive preference scenarions. They are attracting the adults‘ attention (both the teachers‘ and the researchers) because they they acting out (most likely to be expelled. What we notice in these diagrams in that migrant students are still located at the margins of social preference. in designing questions for eliciting social preferences. One of the advantages of using a variety of research tools in qualitative research is that when coming up with discrepancies in findings researchers can reflect more critically on their tools and be more critical of cultural bias. As it came up in student interviews. places like McDonalds. It is interestic to take a look at cross-cultural and ethnic social preferences with regards to extra-school scenarios. who do not go to school) and. such as roaming in the hood and taking long bicycle rides together. 118 . however. The same with Gorky. with some some patterns of ethnic clustering beginning to emerge. none of whom can be accommodated in the sociogram since none of them are classmates. not even schoolmates). particulry in the case of home birthday parties (where gender clustering is alo stronger). however. Maria and Philippos) are those who break the gender division and express preferences for children of the opposite gender (more in the case of movies than birthday parties. names in his interview as his close friends Raphaelos and Christos (older than him.. as Aysan).

Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- l So. most probably. sociograms would map different distribution of ethnic clusters if the social dynamics were explored at school rather than class lever. 119 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. as well as if social dynamics were explored with regards to McDonalds and other similar sites.

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alexandra K. Lydia Ali Demetris Vaggelis Tomis Stefanos Diagram 6: Sociogram mapping Preferences for birthday party (at home) Maria Philippos Alexandra K. Maria Marianna Philippos Angela Gorki Nikoletta Katerina Lydia Vaggelis Alexandra R. Aysan Demetris Ali Kalypso Stefanos Vanessa Tomis Tasos Diagram 5: Sociogram mapping Preferences for going together to the movies Angela Marianna Vanessa Nikoletta Tasos Katerina Gorki Aysan Kalypso Alexandra R. Greece. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. 120 .

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Marianna Katerina Aysan Angela Kalypso Gorki Maria Nikoletta Philippos Ali Lydia Tomis Alexandra K. Diagram 8: Sociogram mapping Negative Preferences: who is likely to be expelled. Demetris Tasos Lydia Aysan Stefanos Maria Angela Philippos Alexandra R. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alexandra R. Stefanos Vanessa Vaggelis Diagram 7: Sociogram mapping Negative Preferences: whose absence doesn‘t matter. Kalypso Katerina Gorki Vanessa Tomis Tasos Ali Alexandra K. Greece. Nikoletta Demetris Marianna Vaggelis 121 .

something that testifies to her long stay in Cyprus. is considered is seen as a ―Russian girl‖ though she is from a mixed migrant family (mother from Russia and father from UK).e. that ―Ali is the only Moslem student in the class‖ (Aysan is exempted from this category). popularity among peers. She is a good student and also popular (this is what was observed during the fieldwork. Even though during our fieldwork she seemed to be among the most popular girls of the whole school. etc. Girls outsiders Vanessa H. but at the same time they are not indifferent to her). In the absence of exceptional ‗cultural capital‘ (i. Both of his parents are from Iran but so are the parents of Aysan (female classmate).GEMIC. the two girls pick each other. It is reported in several occations in the ethnographic fieldnotes. During the field work.. though it is not so shown in sociogram). is an interesting case. Greece. the researcher in Christakeio notes in his fieldnotes that ―her mammers and her appearance do not remind of a twelve year old girl. Tis friendship seems to work as a social safe belt for Angela. She is very pretty and boys show to be fond of her. what ‗saves‘ her from been pushed to the margins of class networks is her relationship with Marianna (mixed family). Her teachers do not like her and besides considering her a very low performer (δελ πηάλεη ηα γξάκκαηα) they also refer to her as a ―spastic‖. In all four scenarios. she was not picked by any peer for the Break scenario. she was seen two-three times cruing because other girls do not want her to be their friend. She is a brunette. Costas Stylianou. high academic performance. it is only Ali who carries the burden of identity. She does not participate in any events. his ethnic identity combined with class status comes to promote a cultural reading of Ali as Moslem. She has not been chosen by any peer for the four positive preference social scenarions while. she is picked by her peers as the top kid whose absence does not matter to them. is perceived a a typical student from Iran. as seen in Diagram 9. for though unpopular in all positive preference scenarios she is not picked by the class as among those whose absence does not matter (they might not preferer her. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. fluency in Greek. She tried to dance with the other girls one or two times on the occasion of school celebrations but she did not make it and gave up (or was given up?). speaks good Greek and does not belong to the ―clik‖ of the popular sixth grade girls. He is ‗dark colored‘ which is read by others as marker of identity. Vanessa speaks Russian and English and is also fluent in Greek (oral) Alexandra K came to Christakeio in the middle of the school year. but as marked by Costas Stylianou in his fieldnotes. not at all‖. She speaks the Cypriot dialect. It seems that it is difficult for 122 . Although Aysan‘s parents are from Iran. Her parents are from Servia. Alexandra R. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Lets us take a closer look at some of the most marginalized 6th graders. ―I would not guess she is a gypsy‖. as in the case of Aysan). whereas in Digram 8 she is picked by the class among these likely to be expelled. As seen in sociograms for scenarios 1-4. Boys outsiders Ali S. She has Cypriot friends but is also highly liked among the other gypsies (Maria and Filippos) Angela M is a very quiet girl who socialized only with Marianna. She has been in Cyprus for several years and has changed many schools. sociograms for questions 14 show that she is not that popular (actually.

They are the typical Cypriot girls’ group (παρέα). This de-ethnicization of Aysan is both mentioned and re-instated in the fieldnotes: Today the girls of 6th Grade-A did not attend the gym class. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The following excerpt from fieldnotes illustrates exactly the difficualty to avert the gaze of intercultural investigration in school settings from the ―other student‖ and how to start thinking critically on contexts. Philippos: Philippos is a gypsy and this also ―shows‖ (as marked in fieldnotes). As shown in sociograms though. When I asked them why.GEMIC.Sch visits the Municipal Theatre of Ayios Athanasion to watch the play ―The quilt maker‖ [ ‗Η παπινκαηνύ‘]. arenas. He is fluent in Greek (Cypriot dialect) and an excellent football player (in our fieldwork we thought this has been a key factor for helping him having friends). Aysan. ―Why is it that Ali is perceived as Moslem and not Aysan?‖ or ―Why being moslem [Ali] and being modern [Aysan] are treated as mutually exclusionary identities‖.‖ His parents are divorced and he lives with his mother. February 10. In all positive preference scenarions he is picked—one way-. as the gym teacher refers to them. My gaze drops immediately on the face of Ali (from Persia). She takes 123 . Kalipso. girly.2010 Filednotes His moslem while Ali becomes also the object of multiculatural He ―does not cause any problems‖.only by Philippos (who is a gypsy and also amongst the most marginal kids in the whole school) and in the two negative scenarios he is among those most negatively marked. good-looking Aysan‘s parents are from Persia (Iran) but she is not seen as Iranian. Katerina and Vanessa are a very tied to each other. Wednesday. modern. Christakeio 10. Greece. they said that they do not want to ruin their hair since later they would have school photos taken. Theater Day.for example. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- an ethnographer to estrange oneself from these cultural readings. Christakeio El. He comes to school only when he wants to or only when he wakes up early enough. The principal calls a general assembly and they start with prayer. The exception of Aysan: High-achiever. intersectionalities. a Moslem I assume. He is outspoken about his gypsy identidy.2. who is also among the most marginalized kids of the class. The ethnographer is already predisposed to find out how Ali negotiates his Moslem identity rather than to ask. He is among those stidents who are acting out during class and give a hard time to the teacher. He is a low performer and sometimes takes remedial lessons. The kids are excited. he is friends only with other migrant boys and the only Greek Cypriot boy who picks him is Tomis. Gorki H. In the positive preference scenarios (1-4) nobody picks him except Maria (also gypsy) who picks him only for the ―going together to the movies scenario‖. He never participates in the lesson but ―does not cause ay problems in the school. He is picked by peers for both segative preference scenarions. Aysan is from Iran—her parents. His best ―buddies‖ are two gypsies who do not attend school but he also has good relationships wi the other gypsy students in his school. particulalry when researchers in intercultural education are already predisposed to look for cultural differences and the difference these make in a multicultural school. of course—for she does not differ from Cypriot girls. who finally makes the sign of cross and says prayer like the rest of the students. is Pontian (borh parents from Georgia).

dances. preferences for peers of same ethnic background are strong enough to cross gender borders. and participates in almost all school celebration events. Classroom A) to Diagram 9 (Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6. Classroom B) we will see that preferred social relationships are more polarized around ethnic clusters (see Diagram 9). Kinnis (gym teacher) … Katerina has said that she will have Aysan as her bridesmaid. 124 . Greece.GEMIC.11. if we compare Diagram 3 (Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6. For example. She is thirtheen years old (a year olded than her peers) and pays particular attension to her appearance. That is. Alexandros Konstantinos Stavri Stylianos Anna-Maria Leontios Katerina Dimitris Haridemos Denis Nino Elena Vasilissa Tomas Vlatislav Diagram 9: Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6 Finally. very interestic class dynamics seem to develop in a Fourth grade classroom where where Greek Cypriots are. 36 For example. a minority (only 4) all girls are migrants (Diagram 10). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hip.36 Stefani Irinel Maria G. nymerically. ethnicity and social dynamics in the particular 6th grade elementary school class. it would be interesting to compare sociograms of this particular class with those of other classes. This phenomenon seems to be more dynamic than what class sociograms can show because sometimes very close friends of same gender and same ethnicity are in a different classroom or age cohort. 27.2009 Aysan lives in Cyprus since she was two year old and she speaks out of her love for Cyprus.hop lessons ans she is very modern. is that the students who ‗break‘ the same gender wall and express positive social preferences for both boys and girls are migrants. Her and her buddies (Katerina and Kalypso) engage all the time in little ―girl duels‖. One of the things we can trace in sociograms is whether a migrant student who becomes successfully integrated has relations with the other class migrants. What is interesting to notice with regards to these ethnically polarized class clusterings. She is exceptionally popular. a good student. in his interview Gorki (Pontian/Georgian) names Elena (a year older) as his first and one of his closest school friends because the two of them spoke Georgian together. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Friday. As shown in positive scenarios socıograms (1-4). It seems that in this case gender and ethnicity form a situation of ―antagonistic intersectionality‖. Before generalizing any conclusions about gender. Maria M. Such relationshops are structerully impossible to map on class sociograms. Aysan picks only Greek Cypriots and not migrants (but is picked by migrant). as Mr.

to notice that this ethnic cluster operates as an interface between boys and girls and. Alex-John Stefan Gianna Gerasimos Giorgos Tasos Kamil Anna Cortney Styliana Timur Michalis Anthoula Spyridon Karolina Kymia Alexander Stelios Alina Diagram 10: Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 4 125 . In this classroom. though. Anna. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In this multicultural environment. Gerasimos and Spuridon (school faculty speaks of the Gypsies as the newcomer ‗other‘ others: they are also alloglossoi but they are considered to be vary different from the rest and expectations for their integration are very negative. an antagonistic intersectionality seems to develop between gender and ethnicity. as in the case of 6th Grade class B. the most distinct ethnic cluster is the one formed by the thee gypsy children.GEMIC. It is interesting. the Greek Cypriot minority does not form any ethnic clustering. Greece.

photographs by Klavdij Sluban and text by Erri de Luca. Alexandra Zavos discussed the example of ‗balkansim‘ in visual culture. published by Schirmer/Mosel. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 11. with a slight difference: The other of the West is now within Europe. an inhospitable place. seeing culture were we should be seeing race. framed and phrased in different ways. appeared simultaneously in five European countries in October 2009. foggy.GEMIC. Zavos presented slides from the works of two contemporary photographers. seeing codes of comradership where we sould be seeing acts of violence? Are the interpretations we produce continuous with the webs of meaning we decode and our intimacy as researchers complicitous with the structures of power producing the effects which (including the effects of our presence) we are mistaking for expressions of intercultural contacts? Are we recording or inventing otherness? The questions above. looking rather than being looked. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. come up with hypotheses of cultural meaning for their why questions. account for cultural difference. noting how Sluban‘s representations are essentializing the ―bleakness of Balkans‖39 leaving unchallenged ‗ordinary‘ (but problematic) assumptions about 37Transsibériades (2009). 39 In Luca‘s Preface for the book Balkanism is recast as neo-orientalism. with the desiring subject‘s look. In this kind of neoorientalism it is the East rather than the West who is framed as the object of desire. however. Klavdij Sluban‘s Transsibériades (2009)37 and Wim Wenders‘ Journey to Onomichi (2010)38 and introduced questions on representation: How does the ethnographer insulate herself from habits of vision or the ethnographic desire for the extraordinary in reckoning with new places and people? Is a realistic depiction possible or even desirable? The audience watched a slide presentation on Sluban‘s Transsibériades and commented on the sense of emptiness. bleak and overuse that emanate from these photographs. Although these questions seem to question the ‗study of culture‘ they are all too familiar in the field of anthropology. 38 Wim Wenders: Journey to Onomichi (2010) Photographs by Heiner Bastian and Wim Wenders. This is the East. ―these photos fit my idea of East Europe … empty. Athens). cultural difference and cultural coherence. published by Editions Actes Sud. Developing Research Reflexivity on the ethnographic gaze We exactly are we looking for when we do field work in multicultural schools? Can research in intercultural context defy the desire for the exotic? Are our epistemological frameworks for cultural interpretation disengaged from our desire for discovery. a place people want to leave from. they simultaneously help construct culture as a discrete entity. She addresses herself to a point irredeemably separate from her. Greece. emptied of power: One of the recent photographs amounts to a portrait of our time. came up in our second thematic workshop (25 April 2010.‖ As researchers observe structures of meaning. all too meaningful. ecologically destroyed. doesn‘t giving up our otherness and becoming ‗insiders‘ implicate the possibility of seeing everything as all too familiar. As commented by one participant. looking to the West. thus perceiving as natural limits we are supposed to see as borders of exclusion. a desire that is complicitous to some extent with the legacies of colonial travel writing in wild zones? In regards to a different problematic. inverted in a reflection. Addressing this problematic.‖ ―Who would like to remain in these places.‖ commented another participant. It‘s the most silent look of 126 . the face of a woman with lips parted as if to kiss nothingness. The book won the European Publishers Award for Photography 2009. Lila Abu-Lighod (1991) captures the geist of the problematic described above when she describes culture as ―the essential tool for making other.

and there. a voice. ethnography is never a depiction of reality. What if our subjects do not want to be read? Do we record this as a statement.. wrapped up in the fog. on the Trans-Siberian railway. the ―empty‖. Everywhere. 127 .40 The bleak emptiness of Sluban‘s Transsibériades was compared with the ordinary emptiness of Wenders‘ Onomichi. Mongolia. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- the nature of East to West immigration in Europe.e. My eyes are stuck on him as he walks away and his backpack becomes an evanescent point for my desire. are replicated by Erri de Luca in his Preface: Klavdij Sluban crosses abandoned Far Eastern towns on foot — what happened to their inhabitants? A few are still here. i. the photographer travelled outside Europe. penetrating traveller. I am trying the get a good look at him. Possible reversals of the quest for the exotic: from thick descriptions of the extraordinary (in order to understand the other) to thick descriptions of the ordinary Applying insight from lessons ‗on seeing‘ towards a reflective analysis of the ethnographic gaze. I read what he has handwritten: ―I fuck the curious‖ (From Technical School Field Notes). penetrating into Asia. a. ethnographic accounts and interviewing do not have to be driven by a desire to discover the ―extraordinary‖ and ―thick descriptions‖ do not always have to be descriptions of ―thick‖ scenarios (some of the codifications our informants are asked to analyze and other visual probes used for the purpose of eliciting cultural accounts could actually be ordinary).GEMIC. offering and demanding salvation. A student passes by. but he moves fast. and creating a silence in those who look at it (cited from online magazine lensculture). in search of anything that could tell me something of him. reminiscent of 19th century colonial travel narratives. His passage stirs up my attention. 40 The tropisms of the ―empty landascape‖. China. Likewise. perhaps the logo of his soccer team. like fleeing animals or with their backs to the wall. opens up the door and makes his way to the glass room. Greece. which is very unusual since access to teacher‘s ‗quarters‘ is a restricted area. effect as there is nothing ―Japanese‖ to his depictions of ordinary scenes and landscapes of the Japanese village. Searching for people. Zelia Gregoriou shared the following excerpt from filed notes:  I am sitting in the teacher‘s smoking room which is like a pre-hall for the non smoking teacher‘s room which is literally a glass room. a de-essentializing. albeit its commitment to realism b. a sign of resistance or a symptom of teen age subculture? Are we bound by this sign as if it the whole series. The latter‘s depiction of the ―banal‖. yet he never encountered a density of population. What impact do assumptions of difference have on the ways we study multicultural schools? There is always a risk that descriptive accounts of situations can slide into causal accounts of ethnicity and gender. He wears his hood. the extruding pocket of the back of his backpack becomes the ultimate screen for me to see. the ―ordinary‖ has almost the opposite. like most boys in school. There I can focus. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. the physicality of the land has taken over and rendered negligible the human species (ibid). the animalization of the natives and their ( animalizing or background-ing against the foregrounding of a heroic. Two points were made with reference to the ethnographic gaze: Photography doesn‘t have to be a photo of the monumental. Russia.

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

were a ―warning‖ to stay back, since we are positioned with the regime of adult/teacher authority or are we hailed by this, as is it were a confession of his having been already the victim of intrusion, to record this intrusion? Are there ways to record violence in schools without becoming complicitous with the processes of subjection and subjectification that produce these forms of violence? Ana Blazeva, transferring the problematic of ―dealing with the ordinary‖ to her field work in the school in Skopje, shared the following experience: She is in a classroom when she hears gunshots outside … Some kids point out that ―it‘s just fire-crackers!‖ and that ―this‖ is very usual to happen. ―Are you not scared?‖ she asks them, to hear again that ―this‖ is ―ordinary‖ for them. She has found out that students carry guns in schools and that they feel safe in schools. ―If they feel safe,‖ she reflects, ―why they have to carry guns?‖ ―Do they feel safe because they carry guns?‖ ―We are used to it,‖ the students say. ―It should not be usual,‖ Blazeva exclaims. Abu-Lughod provides some suggestions which seem to counter this tendency for producing coherence (inherent in cultural research in general and research like ours which is already biased towards recording interactions between culturally different ‗others‘). Researchers in intercultural contacts zones should look for ―contradictions and misunderstandings, strategies interests, and improvisations, and the play of shifting and competing statements with practical implications‖ (Hannerz, 1996: p. 31). Another way to subvert connotations of homogeneity, coherence and timelessness is to refuse to tell stories about particular individuals in time and in place: ―As real people are portrayed agonizing over decisions, enduring tragedies and losses, trying to make themselves look good, suffering humiliations, or finding moments of happiness, a sense of recognition and familiarity can replace that of distance‖ (ibid., p. 32). Boundaries and Borders The class that researchers observed has students from different ethnic backgrounds – Albanians, Macedonians, Roma and Bosnians. The ethnic identity of the researchers and the language barrier were the challenges of this research and a barrier in making contact with Albanian students. This excerpt from reflexive field notes of the researchers from an interview with two Albanian boys can illustrate how researchers experienced the distance and difficulty in making contact:

…‖We talked about the difference of this conversation in relation to other interviews, the restlessness of the boys, their nonverbal signs and the distance we felt. G almost constantly was looking through the window and C although was more present seemed so distanced, keeping his hands crossed all the time. We talked that maybe it is a reaction to the questions we asked openly about relationships and love, which may be taboo and unpleasant for them, but as well the fact that we are women and Macedonian has to do with the detachment‖. (Field Notes _AB_9)

Researchers also didn‘t make contact or interview with Albanian girls due to the small number of Albanian girls in the class, but also because of the language barrier. The only Albanian girl researchers met in the classroom was very silent and withdrawn and hardly spoke Macedonian language.


GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Ethnic identity for students is closely related to the religious identity and sometimes confused with it. Students think that if you are Albanian you must be Muslim, or if you are Macedonian you must be Christian.

…He found interesting the case of Darko. It started when he read the name of present and absent students, and when he read Darko, the boy said Darko is not here, he is Mohamed now. And then the conversation went on about him. He told them that from the first year of school he wanted to become Albanian –Muslim. And told stories how it is bad to die like Macedonian. The professor asked him if he would like to be Albanian or Muslim, and he answered that you can not be Albanian if you are not Muslim. He thought that boy couldn‘t make difference between Albanian and Muslim. (Field notes_ VB_11)

12. Conclusions and recommendations


GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

13. References
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