Synthesis Thematic Report on Intercultural Education (WP5

Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia

Zelia Gregoriou Department of Education, University of Cyprus

Grant Agreement no. 216065

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Table of Contents
1. Introduction: The limits of culturalism and the quest for the repoliticization of Intercultural Education ........................................ 7 PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF RESEARCH, METHODOLOGY AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS ........................................................................... 12 2. Expanding the theoretical terrains of research on intercultural education: gender, intersectionality, performativity ....................... 12 2.1. Engendering Migration Studies: Insights for research on intercultural education ............................................................................................ 13 2.2. Racializing and engendering research on migrant and ethnic students: intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality. .............................. 15 2.3. Bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools ....................................................................... 20 3. 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. WP5 Methodology .................................................................... 24 Goal of the research ................................................................. 24 Objectives ............................................................................... 25 Basic premises, hypotheses and concepts .................................... 26

Premises .......................................................................................... 26 Hypotheses ...................................................................................... 26 Concepts .......................................................................................... 27 3.4. 3.5. Basic research questions ........................................................... 29 Research Methodology .............................................................. 30

Data collection.................................................................................. 30 Participatory Ethnography (Level One Data) ......................................... 30 Focus Groups and/or Intervention Activities and Workshops ................... 31 3.6. National Case Studies: Phrasing research questions in national context, Defining Research Field, outlining research steps ......................... 33

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

3.6.1. 3.6.2. 3.6.3. 3.7. 4. 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.4.1. 4.4.2.

Cyprus ................................................................................. 33 Greece ................................................................................. 33 Macedonia ............................................................................ 34 Data analysis and interpretation ................................................. 34

National Contexts .................................................................... 36 Cypriot National Context ........................................................... 36 The Greek National Context ....................................................... 41 The Madedonian Context ........................................................... 48 Defining Research Field and Research Tools ................................. 51 Cyprus: A Multi-sited study on multicultural schools ................... 51 Applying WP5 methodology in the Cypriot Context: Research tools

and research steps ............................................................................ 56 4.4.3. Greece: A case study on 49 t h Primary School of Athens, Kerameikos 60 4.4.4. Applying WP5 methodology in the Greek Context: Research tools

and research steps ............................................................................ 63 4.4.5. 4.4.6. Macedonia: A case study on Cvetan Dimov, Skopje .................... 65 Applying WP5 methodology in the Macedonian Context: Research

tools and research steps .................................................................... 67 PART TWO: ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA ............................................. 70 5. 6. The cultural politics migration (Greece and Cyprus only) .......... 70 Masculinities, Femininities and Gender .................................... 76

6.1. Diligent girls, Aggressive Albanian Boys, Predatory Afghan others: From the Analysis of Geek Data ............................................................. 77 6.2. Ethnicized masculinities and femininities, sexual taboos and the quest for sex talk: From the Analysis of Macedonian Data .................................. 80

.................................................... 129 References .............................. Ethnicity / Race / Cultural difference ...... 8.... WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus....... 114 11........................ 82 7........................... 101 Language .......... Greece. 94 Violence ............................ Mapping Classroom Social Dynamics: Analyzing Sociograms of Multicultural Classrooms ................ 130 4 ..................... 9............... The genderization of intercultural research and the multiculturalism‘s reinforcement of gender regimes: From the Analysis of Cypriot Data .. 105 10....... Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6...........................................3................................................. 12.............GEMIC......... Developing Research Reflexivity on the ethnographic gaze 126 Conclusions and recommendations ...................... 13....

I thanks both of them. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Writers and Researchers Composition of WP5 National Research Teams Cyprus Zelia Gregoriou (Author of National report and Coordinator of Research Team) Researchers: Zelia Gregoriou Paraskevi Michael Costas Stylianou Emily Christodoulou Mantalena Tsouka Kalipso Charalambous Giorgos Stoyias Rena Choplarou Valentina Chlorakioti Georgios Zoitsas Loizos Loukaides Vera Paschali GREECE Alexandra Zavos (Author of National Report) Researcher: Alexandra Zavos MACEDONIA Ana Blazheva (Author of National Report) Researchers: Ana Blazheva Viktorija Borovska WP5 Synthesis Report This is a collective work of writing. especially the presentation of findings from national studies. lies heavily on the analysis of data and discussion developed by the three authors of the Thematic National Reports. Greece. Thanks are also extended to Alexandra Zavos and Nikos Kokosalakis for their insightful feedback on earlier versions of the report and to all the researchers. The synthesis was composed by Zelia Gregoirou but the content. 5 .GEMIC. Frequent references to the National Reports were avoided for the sake of flow and consciseness. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and this overshowes the authorial constribution of Alexandra Zavos and Ana Blazheva.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6 . Greece.GEMIC.

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 44). Introduction: The limits of culturalism and the quest for the repoliticization of Intercultural Education WP5 focuses on the intersections between gender and migration in the context of intercultural education. it is important to provide the means for intercultural dialogue and dialogue between citizens to strengthen respect for cultural diversity and deal with the complex reality in our societies and the coexistence of different cultural identities and beliefs. at a time of increasing societal heterogeneity characterized by globalization. This grounding of intercultural dialogue in teaching about diversity and teaching for tolerance is becoming acclaimed across multiple levels (local. 2009). combating xenophobia by foregrounding diversity as a source of cultural capital.). it is important to highlight the contribution of different cultures to the Member States' heritage and way of life and to recognise that culture and intercultural dialogue are essential for learning to live together in harmony (Decision No 1983/2006/EC. national and EU) and diverse strata of policy (migration and security.GEMIC. ethnic) identities and histories are constructed and reproduced. The ―intercultural competence‖ approach of European Year of Intercultural Dialogue has been deployed in guidelines for migrant integration and educational camplaigns attempting to bridge the call for ―cultural awareness‖ with ―global challenges‖: 2008 has been designated as the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue…. The field of education is seen as crucial for the promotion of cultural awareness and expression as a key competence for successful participation in knowledge society (Faas. Indeed. one of the most pressing questions facing policy-makers and politicians is how to combine diversity with inclusion and cohesion. and cultivating the sense that tolerance to difference is an essential condition for the promotion of social cohesion and social harmony in an age of mobility and multicultural becomings. the Decision calls for fostering the role of education as ―an important medium for teaching about diversity‖ and ―increasing the understanding of other cultures and developing skills and best social practices‖ (ibid. Over the last decades education has been celebrated across traditionally migrant receiving societies in the west as the paradigmatic social sphere for promoting intercultural dialogue. Furthermore. religious. social inclusion. 2006: p. minoriries and majorities alike. In this sense. In outlining the specific aims of 2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue. Lisbon objectives) at a time when critical 7 . education is a highly political and politicized field. both for natives and migrants. Greece. linguistic. One of the most representative samples of EU policy documents that reflect this approach is Decision No 1983/2006/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of 18 December 2006 concerning the designation of 2008 as European Year of Intercultural Dialogue: At the heart of the European project. Intercultural education presents a considerably controversial area of socio-cultural development in multicultural societies and migrant integration policy applications insofar as it is understood as one of the main apparatuses and sites through which gendered national (cultural. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1. migration and European integration.

GEMIC. and that ethnic and racial division get reproduced from generation to generation … Multi-culturalism constructs society as composed of a hegemonic homogeneous majority. 158). mostly.managed and regulated so as not to disrupt systemic cohesion—Alexandra Zavos (author of the Greek National Report) points out that multicultural education is preserving existing hierarchies of power. In addition. ―competence based‖ curricula come to cater for the ‗rest‘. The emphasis on cultural awareness and expression marks the eclipse of a vision for whereas the so called 'competence for participation‘. The invoked individual has to fit the model of the enterprising and welladjusted participant. the politics and. 2003).since their differences are compatible with the hegemonic culture -.and westo-centric. 1993: p. or of the inequalities and oppressions that attend it. that the ‗melting pot‘ doesn‘t melt. Idealized ―competences‖ such as ―cultural awareness‖ and competence for ―participation‖ look sound more like user tools for a multicultural neo-liberal market of skills than education aims. Invocations to diversity and tolerance are increasing criticized for becoming banners for a depoliticized version of intercultural education. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- voices from within the field of intercultural education are increasingly questioning the content. As argued in the Greek Report. representation and recognition to the unmeltable minorities. YuvalDavis & Cain. euro. Jackson. Their target is not mutlicultural education as such but rather the view that there is no racism in Europe and that racist attitudes can be treated by promoting cultural understanding for immigrant others: Multi-culturalism emerged as a result of the realization. re/presented as ‗multiculturalism‘ and ‗diversity‘. Concerns about the depoliticization of intercultural education echo similar concerns that have already been expressed about the overall project of multiculturalism as a hegemonic response to migrant Europe. but on human relations and celebrating diversity (Hidalgo et al. and basically left alone -.. 1996. Some critics argue that the prevalent version of intercultural education focuses not on eliminating educational inequities. and social change. and then in Britain. This framework is centered on the West. subsumes the vision of multicultural education to an economic rationality where educational aims are blurred with profiles of psychological qualities. the premises on which current intercultural educational approaches are based are drawn from neo-liberal. Yuval-Davis & Cain situate their critique of mutlicultralist thinking against the background of growing racism and fascism in Europe. particularly a conservatized version that does more to sustain inequities than to demolish them (Díaz-Rico. Greece. Analyzing the ideological cohort between the individualistic ethos of the competence approach and the espoused ―managed diversity‖ of the multicultural ‗new‘ Europe-. who through ‗cultural awareness and expression‘ deals with 8 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. originally in the USA. the absences in popularized understandings of intercultural education. individualistic and market-driven priorities. 1998). this outlook frames the individual and not social processes as the main subject (and object) of both education. and small unmeltable minorities with their own essentially different communities and cultures which have to be understood. drawing on individualistic and market-derived models of social relations. Whereas additive approaches to multicultural education promise inclusion. In decoding some of the major formulation of anti-racist policies in Britain in the early 90‘s. and therefore cannot develop appreciation of difference. accepted. Anthias. order for society to have harmonious relations (Anthias.

uses. is likely to be diverted to toward two equally unsatisfactory destinations. as Gilroy argues. They sometimes feel anachronistic because they do try to return contemporary discussion to a moral ground that we feel we should have left behind long ago (Gilroy. This is the intersecting (racialized and classed) diversity that the educational system does not want to deal with. youth. The refusal to think about racism. education. including the educational declaration of respect for migrant and ethnic students‘ difference. refugee and other marginalized populations. 45). audiovisual policy and research (Decision No 1983/2006/EC. and differentiation have a distinctive. 2006: p.‖ Gilroy argues. The meanings. historically. He argues that [i]n seeking an explanation for the widespread reluctance to engage racism analytically. human rights and sustainable development.‖ identity. This is not a mere case of a post-traumatic historical silence. or governmentally.‖ as he calls them) and how these constitute a driving element in the development of Europe‘s selffashioning. This kind of framework does not account for the ways in which different processes of neo-liberal globalization (such as urban regeneration and development) affect local neighborhoods and schools with migrant. structures the life of the post-imperial polity. according to Gilroy. without stirring the waters.e. citizenship and sport. 14). This is commentable in many ways 9 . cultural critic and social theorist Paul Gilroy has recast the concern with Europe‘s reluctance to engage with issues of racism in a postcolonial framework. Browsing through EU member states‘ National Campaign statements and National Action Plans on ―2008 European Year of Intercultural Dialogue‖ we will realize that words such as ‗culture‘ and ‗difference‘ are used in abundance whereas the words race and/or racism are slimly or never used. combating discrimination and social exclusion. its cultural processes. The first can be identified through its affirmation of practical action. opting instead for the glossy life-style kind. we may observe charitably that questions about ―race. More recently. The idea that intercultural education is a practical necessity in educating citizens for a new global and multicultural world has become by far an orthodoxy for any educational initiative that claims to be progressive. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. cultural raciologies structure Europe‘s modernity. culture. employment and social affairs. in the document of the Parliament‘s Decision. critical reflection on racism. adding a little ethnic potpourri to good old national flavours. its modernity. Europe‘s refusal to think about race structures its inability to see how the imperial system of race thinking has transformed into modernist rationalities (―rational irrationalities of raciology. its political theory. 2005: p. racism is mentioned once. as one among a series of problems to be handled with intercultural dialogue: Intercultural dialogue is an important dimension in many Community policies and instruments in the fields of the structural funds. perhaps we fail to understand race the very moment we reduce racism to a practical problem of attitudes or ignorance to be tackled through intercultural education. nuances. effects and implied silences of such formulations will be subjected to critical analysis in our research. ―If it survives at all. Greece. What exactly do we mean when we declare a campaign of intercultural education towards combating racism and xenophobia? If. gender equality. i. combating racism and xenophobia. that is without disrupting social cohesion. mid twentieth century ring to them. lifelong learning. policy on asylum and the integration of immigrants. In fact. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- diversity (not difference and inequality) competently. modernizing and European.GEMIC.

they do not. move a classroom or school toward authentic multicultural education (Gorski. One of the major challenges for this work package has been to develop theorizations of intercultural education and frameworks for research in intercultural environments which repolitisize the field. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- but becomes suspect where enthusiasm for praxis combines with hostility toward reflection. Etienne Balibar echoes Gilroy‘s thesis on racialized rationalities of modernity when he engages with Europe‘s ―liquid modernity‖ as a machine of self-projection and border protection that produces otherness and transforms strangers into Europe‘s enemies. difference.‘ And although such lessons and celebrations may be valuable educationally. What was racial politics becomes policy or therapy and then simply ceases to be political. 2006: p. Gorski finds that their responses typically reflect more of a ―compassionate conservative consciousness than an allegiance to equity and justice‖: a majority of well-intentioned equity advocates respond that multicultural education is about ‗learning about other cultures‘ (which brings to mind the question. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Gorski (2006) asks: How do we conservatize multicultural education? When he asks multicultural education professionals in the US to define multicultural education. fashion themselves as arbingers of tolerance to others? Furthermore. to phrase this in a reverse way. 16-17). The evasive unity of theory and practice is then replaced by the unconditional exaltation of practice. racism and postimperial colonial melancholia replicated. when unattached from a transformative vision. Greece. Terms which are have become commonsensical in intercultural education such as culture. the other‘s culture. other than what?) or ‗celebrating the joys of diversity. ―otherness‖ and ―culture‖ are indebted to what Etienne Balibar calls the reinstantiation of the ―colonial moment‖. At best. European values etc. what happens with the colonial baggage of terms such as ‗culture‘ and ‗civilization‘ when. inclusion. In a recent exchange with Zygmunt Bauman. unencumbered by thought. contested or negotiated when schools. And yet both terms.GEMIC. integration. that irreconcilable maxim that migrants will have to learn to respect and reconcile their value systems with. xenophobia and ethnocentrism finally disrupt reluctance to deal with racism or does the preoccupation with others and others‘ difference constitute another raciology that is used to normalize borders and hierarchies? Pegging the question in a more acute way. 2005: pp. in a postcolonial European context (or heading). The theoretical question we have been posing throughout our fieldwork and the analysis of our data is this: What remains unspoken between formal understandings of the goals of intercultural education and the realities of the intercultural interactions in schools? Or. Balibar argues that the concept of ―european civilization‖ which is often projected as the irreducible and unassimillable core of European identity. is a specific historical construct whose roots can be traced in different phases 10 . capitalizing on their multicultural agenda. 167). will be investgated in situ. Revitalizing the links between theory and research constitutes in itself a step towards this direction. the mere coining of these terms signals one‘s commitment to the combating of racism? No speech act is used with such disciplinary certainty and sense of intercultural civility as the invocation to the signifigance of the ―the others‘ culture‖. what kinds of boundaries are established when we speak about mobility and exchange of cultures in the multicultural classroom? Are regimes of patriarchal thought. How do teachers understand intercultural education? How do teachers deal with the challenges posed by intercultural settings and arenas? Does the talk on intercultural education. the enhancement of racial equality and the battle against racial injustice become technical problems to be managed and administered (Gilroy.

GEMIC. In Part Two we present our research findings and conclude with comparative remarks on the three national case studies and recommendations for policy action. but also as a framework where to incorporate products. before the citizens from rival colonial powers collaborated and fought against each other to divide the periphery or what they perceived now to be a centre occupied by themselves. 11 . any research committed to repoliticizing the concept and field of intercultural education must remain alert to recording and decoding both the instantiations of the colonial moment that Balibar describes but also its displacement and interruption. it developed its civilization which it perceived as Civilization per se as an instrument of power to be exercised over other peoples and cultures in the world. Analyzing the ―contribution of the colonial moment‖ to the construction of the European identity. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- of European imperialism. At the same time. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. that is. the methodology and the national contexts. actions and performances are played amidst. effects and opportunities for the interruption of what Gilroy calls the ―romance of racial and ethnic absolutism‖ (Gilroy. there was not really a concept of Europe as a juridical system of international relations among European nations and also not a feeling of common cultural identity before colonization. with and not against the conflictual and dissymmetric relations. Greece. In Part One we explain the theoretical underpinnings of our research. interplayed but also displaced in what we could call the intercultural moment. 57). 2009). race and migration are played out. researchers need to be equipped with theoretical tools that enable them to see how gender. p. This requires that researchers as cultural others preserve that essential estrangement that will enable them to study from a critical distances the ethos of multircultural schools and investigate the origins. arrangements. in the rest of the world. If intercultural policies. images and discourses from its ―colonial subjects‖ in a conflictual relationship which remained dissymmetric until the colonization finished and even after but was never. in order to apply intersectionality toward the research of intercultural interactions in schools. collectively (Balibar. Balibar states: It has become common wisdom that Europe framed its image and the criteria of its membership in as much as it conquered and colonized the world. activities. 2005. completely onesided … As Eric Hobsbawm recently pointed out. measures. Accordingly. I believe.

migration studies. in order to avoid the trap of conflating the engendering of intercultural education with a focus on differences between migrant boys and migrant girls (which might also limit our understanding of the kinds of resistance to hegemony and agency we might be encounter in schools during the field work phase) we have focused on theorizations of gender as performance rather than identity (Butler. performative opportunities that such moments implicate for subjects to break from context and position themselves in defiant positionings. Jones. global inequality.GEMIC. Second. This attempt to chart new terrains of research on intercultural education along GEMIC‘s axes of interdisciplinarity and intersectionality is outlined under four headings: (a) Engendering migration studies (with comments and recommendations on how some of these theories and methodologies could be re-iterated in WP5 towards the engendering of school ethnographies of intercultural interactions). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 12 . postcolonial theory and transnational studies invite new theorizations of intercultural education. gender and ethnicity as well as GEMIC‘s theoretical indebtedness to critical race theory. Youdell. 2003. in order to avoid the trap of cultural essentialism and the idealization of difference we have taken into consideration both the interpretive turn to culture (Geertz. that is. This section attempts to renegotiate the conceptual and political borders of intercultural education by importing ways of thinking. 2008). migration and national politics (Gorski. we have reviewed how the engendering of migration studies has decelopped over the last years (Hondagneu-Sotelo. 2006. at the same time. (b) Racializing and Genderizing Immigrant Students Interactions and (c) Racialized and Gendered School Practices: Bringing performativity in. Davies. Greece. First. By bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools. performativity of research on intersectionality. 1973) as well as the recent quests in the academic field to politicize intercultural educational by contextualizing the discussion of cultural difference in the context of conflict. 1990. 2006). concepts and questions from theoretical terrains outside the disciplinary borders of education which deal with issues of immigration. The intersectional framing of GEMIC‘s methodological approach to migration. Introducing a gender perspective to the research on multicultural schools and intercultural educational interfaces means overcoming the usual understanding of gender as inclusion of the variable sex or intensifying the comparison of what boys and girls do across the axis of ethnicity. research in anthropology). 1999. Pessar and Mahler. gender and intercultural interactions (gender studies. we want to analyze moments of ambiguous positionings. moments were students and teachers are hailed by dominant discources but. both at the level of educational goals and at the level of research methodology. Our attempt to engender the study of intercultural education has built on three areas of research. Piper. Third. Expanding the theoretical terrains intercultural education: gender. METHODOLOGY AND NATIONAL CONTEXTS 2. 2006). 2005. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PART I: THEORETICAL FRAMEWORKS OF RESEARCH.

In a 2003 article they advocate "gendered geographies of power" as a framework for analyzing people's gendered social agency given their their positioning within multiple hierarchies of power which are operative within and across multiple terrains. a number of studies map new forms of marginality as well as new forms of agency.1. Engendering intercultural education: insights from migration studies In a critical genealogy of gender in migration studies. conceptualizing gender as a process yields a more ―praxis-oriented perspective‖ wherein gender identities. Hondagneu-Sotelo notes the proliferation of works on women migrants as a category but makes the cautionary remark that a dynamic and fluid conceptualization of gender as relational and situational is still missing. not fixed. by creating and manipulating the categories of gender. 2005). organize and signify power at levels above the individual" (Ferree et al. however. Hirsch. In a literature appraisal. Mahler and Pessar note that. iterating Ferree et al. This framework. or to ask the same questions of immigrant women that are asked of immigrant men. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2. 2005. allows the study of gender as envisioned and practiced within and across different scales and transnational spaces while. Yeates. 2008). 2000. xix). Parreñas 2001. it acknowledges and accommodates the inconsistencies and contradictions across these spaces. Hondagneu-Sotelo points out that ―the vast majority of immigration studies are still conducted as though gender relations are largely irrelevant to the way the world is organized‖ (Hondagneu-Sotelo. 1999: p. Mahler and Pessar acknowledge the contribution of poststructuralist approaches to the shift from the comparison of gender roles to a more dynamic and fluid conceptualization of gender. The call to theorize gender as situational and procedural in tandem with the cautionary remark not to dismiss structures is traced in their own work. 28) and many other studies that incorporated ―gender‖ by inserting the variable of sex into their quantitative data collection. A similar kind of that shows the ambivalent deployment of power and agency in transnational trajectories as is found in Karen Richman‘s work (Richman. race and nation intersect in migration contexts. they add a crucial caveat to this appraisal of poststructuralism‘s contribution: gender should also be understood "simultaneously as a structure. 1999. 13 . 566). but to begin with an examination of how gender relations [which are exercised in relational and dynamic ways] facilitate or constrain both women's and men's immigration and settlement (Hondagneu-Sotelo. then. This kind of interest in women migrants. is not simply to document or highlight the presence of undocumented women who have settled in the United States. at the same time. (1999). Greece. the dearth of research on women was replaced by a ―a flurry of historical and contemporary studies that took women migrants as the primary subject of inquiry‖ (Mahler and Pessar. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 1994: p. She outlines such a conceptualization of gender back in 1994: Gender is not simply a variable to be measured. but a set of social relations that organize immigration patterns. By examining the ways in which gender. beginning in the 1970s.. 1999: p. 1997. The application of intersectionality in migration studies brings up the need to rearticulate and re-emphasize intersectionality‘s meaning 1 The authors cite from Fouron and Glick (2001) examples of how patriarchy is both challenged and buttressed by transnational migrants' actions across geographic space and scales of agency. But. multi-sited and interlayered realities and social inequalities of migration as a gendered experience (Lutz. conducted in the late 1990s. As they point out. Anderson. they suggest. 2002.GEMIC. 3). The task. 2005. a latticework of institutionalized social relationships that. did not amount to the engendering of migration studies itself. relations and ideologies are fluid. that is. 2006: p.1 Intersectionality is another approach that addresses the multiple.

g. certain ideas and practices surface repeatedly across multiple systems of oppression and serve as ―focal points or privileged social locations‖ for these intersecting systems of oppression. however. ―triple oppression‖. processes and dominant discourses in intercultural schools as privileged sites of intersectionality and explore in regards to them how and with which effects ―gender is racialized and race is gendered‖ (Glenn.GEMIC. As Collins (1998) observes. In Hall‘s formulation. formal and informal school practices. In conclusion. Anna C. forgetting that intersectionality lies within ―sites‖ of practice and not within identities themselves. 1990). 2005). ―multiple jeopardy‖.. This framework of gendered transnational geographies of power would be particularly useful for the study of migrant students. both of them becoming indistinguishable symptoms of immigrants‘ quest for identity. stident diligence. school discourses and school pedagogies for these ―customary‖. Korteweg (2005. especially when they are separated from their original context. Korteweg cites as an example how new language and cultural competency requirements for new immigrants in the Netherlands are informed by the belief that gender differences are a major obstacle to immigrants‘ ability to integrate into Dutch society (Korteweg. A dynamic formulation of intersectionality that avoids the trap of reinforcing perceptions of gendered ethnicity is figured by Stuart Hall. researchers deploying the various definitions of intersectionality often cite Crenshaw‘s (1991) definition of interlocking systems of oppression. If migration is understood as a catalyst that is augmenting people‘s urgency for ethnic identifications rather than a meta-site for intersectionalities. 1998. Greece. we could say that Pessar amd Mahler‘s framework of gendered transnational geographies of power combined with Hall‘s notion of ―articulate‖ systems could help us delineate settings. 2006) points out how this reading of intersectionality can provide groundings for very problematic integration policies. e.). Yuval-Davis‘ (2006) ―ways multiple identities converge to create and exacerbate women‘s subordination‘. Building on the 1990‘s scholarship from Black Women‘s Studies. arenas. Collins‘ (1990) conceptualization of interwoven patterns of inequality as a ―matrix of domination. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- beyond an additive understanding of marginalities and identities (as in ―double-disadvantage‖. Korteweg assesses how gender differences have been managed both in emancipation and immigrant integration policies in the Netherlands. ethnicity and gender identity seen as essentially intersecting and reinforcing each other. it is easy to conclude that in conditions of migration. The social gender imaginary of migrant children and adolescents is almost always examined within national geographies. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. dating. One of the research tasks for WP5 is to look into schools. and argues that policy makers seem to reinforce those perceptions of gendered practices of minority women and girls that have given rise to calls for strong forms of assimilation.‖ (Collins.2 In other words. ―normal‖ and ―neutral‖ focal points that re-produce patterns of exclusion (excellence. 14 . Shields‘s (2008) framework of ―mutually constitutive relations among social identities‖. etc. These rhetorical formulations. counselling). intersectionality is attributed to identities themselves. tend to overemphasize the ―mutually constituting‖ character of social identities while downplaying the locality and location of intersectionality. 2002). with the focus being on transgenerational value conflicts between children and their parents (this might be a side effect of the focus on second generation migrant children). ethic fundamentalism and female subordination reinforce each other. culturally sensitive disciplinary mechanisms. intersectionality explores how systems of oppression ―articulate‖ with one another. One of the dynamic aspects of Mahler and Pessar‘s framework of ―gendered geographies of power‖ is that it understands gender as a multitude 2 For an analysis of family as a ―site of intersectionality‖ see Collins.

To put this in Butler‘s terms of performativity. Racializing and engendering research on migrant and ethnic students: intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality The notion that gendered practices are symbolic markers of ethnicity is a fundamental premise in the research on immigrant children and adolescents. Greece. Both migration studies and intercultural education studies that focus on migrant students often examine how gender values are defined by migrant parents/community. But what if gender is not that stable when it operates across different sites? As Pessar and Mahler (2003) point out. the state)‖. in the family. or participate in after-school programs and other activities that immigrant boys can typically choose to do freely (Olsen. 15 . however. re-enacted. Reviewing research findings for immigrants originating from a number of sending countries. with migrant family values but in terms of inconsistence and discontinuity. and how they are negotiated when the children come into contact with other or other‘s (majority) culture at school. 2. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.g. 1997. whether this is a burden of identity or a process of subjectification. Research along the first line of analysis stresses that immigrant girls are more likely than boys to develop ―additive‖ or ―hyphenated identities‖ and to support attempts to bridge ―the two cultures‖ (Qin. Immigrant girls are often not allowed to go to parties. this framing of gender as a multitude could provide unique insight for the theorization of intersectionality in WP5. suggests that immigrant girls are not always inconspicuous repositories of cultural continuity. immigrant girls tend to have many more responsibilities at home. Transferred to the sites and social scales of schooling. In other words. spend time with friends after school. the family. the body. Some researchers suggest that immigrant girls are more likely than immigrant boys to act as transcultural mediators while some others suggest that immigrant girls are socialized by their parents to be bearers of tradition. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- and multi-sited: ―gender operates simultaneously on multiple spatial and social scales (e. 2004). whether the disciplining of these markers is continuous or ruptured. 2006). conflict or harmony. who tend to face more pressure to form a racial identity due to perceptions of discrimination and unfair treatment from the mainstream society. in the home. we often find examples of inconsistencies and contradictions‖.GEMIC. A number of studies adopt a comparative approach to the gendered experiences of boys and girls and examine how values and conditions in the receiving society influence parental expectations of gender-related roles.. we could say that gender is not extended to school but re-played in school. etc.2.3 3 Waters (1997) found that Caribbean girls seemed to have more leeway in identity formation than their male counterparts. Whether it is girls or boys who bear the burden of this co-construction of gender and ethnic markers. The same authors also report in their literature review that immigrant parents place much stricter control over their daughter‘s activities outside the house than their sons‘ (particularly dating). the operations of gender in school settings should be understood in terms of distance or proximity. these research questions frame intercultural interactions as a site of intersectionality. ―when gender is envisioned and practiced within and across different scales and transnational spaces. Their own research findings show that girls are significantly more likely to report responsibilities for cooking and childcare. SuárezOrozco and Qin-Hilliard. Suárez-Orozco and Qin-Hilliard (2004) note that compared with their brothers. Our literature review.

to rearticulate terms from the previous section--the sites of intertextuality.g. In contrast.14). and per.sonal decision making. e.‖ 5 4 There is a tendency to conflate ―segmented assimilation‖ (Zhou. With an increasing number of researchers agreeing that cultural assimilation has negative effect on the psychological health and educational achievement of ethnic students. is the elimination of the postcolonial politics of resistance which is paramount to the author‘s textual politics. 417) 16 .‖ (Espiritu. Boys seem to have more difficulty in assuming bicultural competencies and making successful bicultural adjustments. For example.. 2001: p. 2006. Overemphasizing this finding.S. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Similarly. this divergence of findings can be attributed to the impact of literature review itself as a de-contextualizing and reifying kind of academic writing. p. Much more crucial than the reification of gendered ethnicity in reviews of Espiritu. mobility. 1995) are used as metonymies for immigrant parental control of immigrant daughters‘ sexuality. conclusions on ―dating‖ as site of intersectionality that cements the connection of heteronormativity and nation in the US rather than conclusions on the gendered ethnicity of Filipino immigrant. Because gender is not just an organizing axis of cultural values but also a register through which researchers make sense of cross-cultural interpretations. 2001) and Billson‘s ―keepers of the culture‖ (Billson. partially constructed on the conceptualization of white women as sexually immoral. Greece. terms such as Espiritu‘s ―double standards‖ (Espiritu. Espiritu (2001) suggests that ―the virtuous Filipina daughter‖.14). the combination of parental control (ethnic component) and adjustment to school climate (assimilation) comes to be perceived as a successful instance of segmented assimilation since it leads to academic achievement. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. There seems to be more alignment between schooling and femininity while masculinity and schooling are perceived as oppositional (Qin 2006. literature reviews tend to sidestep the focus of Espiritu‘s research on Filipina girls in US as well as the particularity of the focus on parental surveillance of children‘s dating practices. In part. she aims ―to contribute to a neglected area of research: how the "margins" imagine and construct the "mainstream" in order to assert superiority over it. 2001) especially within discourses on ―immigrant children‘s development." while Qin (2006) notes that girls are more likely to attempt to bridge ―the two cultures‖ (Qin. in research along the second line of analysis. As she explains.4 The same line of research suggests that the boundaries between ethnic identities appear to be less fluid and less permeable for migrant boys than for migrant girls. A different analysis of the same research‘s data could come up with very different conclusions. Focusing on the relationship between Filipino immigrant parents and their daughters in the U. by exploring how Filipino immigrants characterize white families and white women. Because the control of women is one of the principal means of asserting moral superiority. is a key to immigrant identity and a vehicle for racialized immigrants to assert cultural superiority over the dominant group.. Rumbaut (1996) and Olsen (1997) found that immigrant girls were more likely than boys to choose "additive" or "hyphenated identities. young women in immigrant families face numerous restrictions on their autonomy. there is a tendency to organize findings on immigrant children across the gender axis while downplaying the context--or.GEMIC. The elevation of Filipina chastity (particularly that of young women) has the effect of reinforcing masculinist and patriarchal power in the name of a greater ideal of national/ethnic self-respect.‖ This conflation is problematized from this Report‘s approach of radikal interculturality because the vision of social justice ideal is completely overshadowed by the ideal of school success. Espiritu‘s findings on the parental treatment of immigrant girls as bearers of tradition are heavily cited in literature on immigrant children and adolescents. 1997) with ―transcultural identity‖ (Suárez-Orozco and Suárez-Orozco. p. 5 Espiritu: ―But this strategy is not without costs.

Furthermore. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Immigrant and ethnic minority families exercise a ―double disciplining‖ of daughters: daughters are disciplined as racial/national subjects as well as gendered subjects. 432) "good girls" are passive. threatened sexual objects while "bad girls" are active. She notes that the symbolic disowning of the Filipina "bad girl" is staged not only against colonial imaginings of the female exotic body but also against the contemporary trafficking of sex-desire in zones of neo-colonial control such as military bases: ―Cognizant of the pervasive hypersexualization of Filipina women." 17 . the sexuality of racialized women has been systematically demonized and disparaged by dominant or oppressor groups to justify and bolster nationalist movements. What we do not find in current literature is how these imaginings of gendered ethnicities are staged and restaged in school contexts." "untraditional. like Espiritu‘s study. then we need to see this gendering of ethnicity operating in intercultural settings. and to declare (unasked) that they themselves did not frequent "that part of town" (Espiritu." "selfish. 2001: p. as Espiritu‘s research suggests. my respondents. In other words. If gender operates. as Espiritu puts it. were quick to denounce prostitution. most studies on gendered ethnicities focus on family life. to condemn sex laborers. especially women who grew up near military bases. Espiritu‘s analysis suggests that the idealization of female chastity as repository of Filipino tradition in the US is also connected to the contemporary neo-colonial order of the world and the trafficking of sex desire in that context.GEMIC. Greece. The double disciplining of daughters by immigrant and ethnic minority families (daughters disciplined as racial/national subjects as well as gendered subjects) and immigrant imaginings of ―female chastity‖ must be explored not only in relation to the immigrant and non-immigrant politics of holding onto traditional values6 but also against the background of historical relations of oppression and neo-colonial economies of sex desire. young women who disobeyed parental strictures were often branded as bad girls but also as "non-ethnic. is that immigrant gender imaginings in the metropolis are staged against colonial coconstructions of sexualized racialized other (in this case. those who can unravel the historical webs and understand the politics of gendered ethnicities are usually the ones positioned as subordinate objects of intercultural study than subjects of insubordinate historical discourse. colonialism. The theoretical and methodological insights to draw from this analysis for WP5 reserach methodologies are multilevel. 2001: p." "radical. why in the case of boys ―ethnic separation‖ and development of a repugnant masculinity seem to overlap are some of the major questions addressed by the relevant literature. patriarchy and national longings. Two theories usually used to explain the development of ethnic identity by immigrant and minority students are Ogbu‘s theory of ―oppositional identity‖ (Fordham & 6 It is daughters who have the primary burden of protecting and preserving values both among immigrant families and non-immigrant families. why girls manage to negotiate the conflicting demands of different cultures and split expectations though ―segmented accommodation‖ despite the close parental ethnic monitoring of their behaviour." and "not caring about the family. p. Why immigrant girls outperform boys in education settings and have higher educational and future aspirations. We also need to see how children and adolescents construct their subjectivities by negotiating the possibilities and limits of gendered and racialized practices in schools. 433). 416). 2001: p. the difference is in the ways immigrant and nonimmigrant families sanction girls' sexuality. 426). desiring sexual agents (Tolman and Higgins: 1996. and/or racism‖ (Espiritu. Context matters and. To control sexually assertive girls nonimmigrant parents rely on the gender-based good girl/bad girl dichotomy in which (Espiritu. parental views of children‘s dating. But. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is also very important from the perspective of theories of citationality and performativity. Asian) women as morally licentious and uncivilized: ―Historically.

Their focus is on gendered negotiations and racialized practices rather than individuals‘ psychological responses to structural inequalities.g. a particular way of walking common amongst African-Caribbean boys in the school) is produced in as much as it is also productive of institutional disciplinarity: ―In the day-to-day life of the school almost any display of Afro-Caribbean ethnicity was deemed inappropriate and was controlled. (Lopez. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Ogbu. Ogbu‘s theory of oppositional identity turns out to be limited not only because it cannot explain this gender variation but also because it is based on a modernist notion of subjectivity which localizes the origins of racialization (including processes of oppositional identity formation) in the individual psyche (e. Greece. Lopez (2002) finds that seemingly gender neutral practices such authoritative teaching and guard patrolling are actually informally directed toward young men. Qin-Hilliard notes. If parents and teachers have the same academic expectations from boys and girls. because they may be protected from risk factors like harsh school environment by a supportive network of teachers. how come girls do well and boys do not? Interestingly. 1991) and Suarez-Orozco‘s theory of social mirroring (Suarez-Orozco. Teasing the limits of these theories. the authors reviewed below examine how constructions of gender identity intersect with (rupture or enhance) processes of racialization. even though they were exposed to and assimilate into the ―prevalent culture‖ (which ―is often that of the inner city‖) they were deficient in supportive networks and had low school expectations and low academic achievement.. Suarez-Orozco‘s theory of social mirroring also turns out to have a limited applicability in explaining the interaction of processes of racialization and genderization. Boys. Although both young men and young women had concrete experiences of gendered racialization— men stigmatized as hoodlums. peers and parents while boys are more likely to be negatively influenced by their friends. In her fieldwork she finds that ―the same so-called ‗oppositional‘ behaviour‖ from young women is not sanctioned ―as harshly‖ as that of young men and that both men and women teachers are generally more lenient towards young women who transgress school rules. Lopez (2002. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. especially towards the later years of school. Ogbu. In a similar study. placing the intersection of race and gender in high school settings at the center of her analysis. women discredited as sexually promiscuous ‗mamasitas‘ and welfare queens—the latter reported fewer problems with teachers at school. 75). 1986. 1990. in this study. 18 . are late to class. the strict parental control of girls is framed as part of the ―protective network of supportive relations‖ as well as part of ―a form of social capital‖ which can be instrumental in promoting educational outcomes of immigrant girls. further racializing those from racially stigmatized groups and increasing their alienation from school. either officially (in the case of non-uniform dress) or informally (in the case of speech or the style of walking noted above)‖ (Gillborn. 2003) examines the race–gender gap in education among the children of the Caribbean immigrants (the largest new immigrant group in New York City).GEMIC. 29). at the same 7 Gillborn (1990) argues that the ‗myth of an Afro-Caribbean challenge to authority‘ (for example. the immigrant youth dismissing schooling. and miss homework. than they are towards young men. Lopez‘s research centers on how institutional practices and classroom pedagogy ―contribute to or interrupt oppressive racializ(ing) and gender(ing) processes in the high school setting. 2004). which they perceive as connected to mainstream culture). 7 Very similar to Lopez‘s are also the research questions and findings of Qin-Hilliard (2003). How do we reconcile Qin-Hilliard‘s findings with the view that ―segmented assimilation‖ is a condition for successful school performance? If boys preserve their ethnic ties by constructing their gender identities on the basis of ethic identity and. 2003: p. Qin-Hilliard‘s study indicates that immigrant minority girls do better in school and are more academically oriented than immigrant minority boys. In this case. p.

For these students. Qin reports that compared to girls‘. as in the case of minority boys.). Greece. 2003: p. may have been likely to perceive immigrant minority boys as having more behavioral problems than girls and likely to view them as more threatening and dangerous than immigrant girls. A comparative analysis of the research findings reviewed here suggests that ―segmented assimilation‖ is a condition for school success only when it is normalized in accordance with dominant school culture. academic identity and national identity.8 Similar to Qin‘s intersectional approach is Prieur‘s analysis of Muslim or Southeast Asian youth‘s ―gender remix‖ in Norway (Prieur. interpret ethnic minority boys‘ hyper masculinity as reactionary to or compensatory for ethnic boys‘ experiences of racism and their development of a bitter awareness that structural inequalities and discrimination are obstacles that cannot be overcome. Instead. Along with assimilation to prevalent street culture. parental anxiety over their ―become wild‖ and pressure to become ‗dragons‘ of academic success and. the construction of a masculine identity --―acting cool and tough‖ (Qin-Hilliard. on the one hand. which may have led them to punish boys more severely. instead. To be respected among their peers. 2002). Qin. For many immigrant students today. As a result. shielding them from the negative influences of today‘s urban America. boys‘ formation of gender identity faced more ―peer pressure‖ which was channelled into downplaying education and emphasizing nonacademic activities like sports. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. anxiety not to be perceived as a ―nerd‖ (and experiences of bullying when perceived as such). In a national Chinese context. 105). Chinese Students become ethic Chinese students because they reside in the interstices of migration. gender identities and academic identities would not be characterized by culturally conflicting codes and values. 2003: p. In a more recent study that focuses on Chinese immigrant adolescents (Qin 2009). daily exposure and assimilation into urban school and neighborhood environments may lead to downward social mobility. 2003: p. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- time. establish bridges to the receiving society‘s culture by becoming assimilated to prominent youth culture. attributes hyper masculinity to conflicting cultural expectations experienced by Chinese boys over the construction of gender and academic identities. ethnicity—that is maintaining native culture and language—may play a protective role.GEMIC. why doesn‘t this count as a form of ―segmented assimilation‖? It seems that not any kind of ethnic culture or any kind of acquired culture (preservation and assimilation being the two poles of segmented assimilation) would count as preferred components of a successful form of ―segmented assimilation‖. the development of gender identity and national identity. This had a potentially negative impact on their development (Qin-Hilliard. on the other hand. immigrant girls appear to benefit from this shield of ethnicity more than their male counterparts (Qin-Hilliard. As Qin-Hilliard argues. teachers. mostly female. 105) --is also likely to be in conflict with the school agenda: For immigrant minority boys. ethic Chinese boys negotiate tensions by responding to peer expectations. Qin-Hilliard suggests that for immigrant boys. 106). 19 . Caught between. immigrant minority boys often had to present and emphasize their masculinity at school by acting cool and tough. their construction of a gender identity was closely linked to their racial and ethnic identity. In regard to their education. Similar studies cited by Qin. would be mutually supportive than antagonistic. The term ―gender remix‖ denotes a much more dynamic kind of intercultural process than Qin‘s notion of ―negotiation‖ (since the latter 8 This cultural conflict does not pre-exist.

at the moment. Everyone. 71). as well as expectation to perform. they speak only Greek and if some reference to something Albanian slips out during class. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ultimately means succumbing to the most powerful pressure). by a commercial derivation of black American culture (Prieur. Prieur argues that immigrant youth gender constructions can not be understood solely in the light of cultural influence. this is somehow erased in the school context. even though the majority of the children are Albanians. friendship. the feeling of there being no private space/time/thoughts in the context of the school. There is something really new in the making – new combinations and new creations – reflecting the particular social situation of the young people of immigrant origin (Prieur. who I believe. So. 53).GEMIC. it is usually in a derogatory fashion. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Territoriality. Desai‘s (1999) research on ‗bad Bengali boys‘ in London and Bourgois‘ (1996) research on Puerto Rican crack dealers in New York are cited as similar cases. I have started research in the school as of this week. honor. The fact that they have a non-Greek background is not discussed. Prieur uses the notion of ―gender remix‖ to explain the making of the hyper-masculine. Against the reading of aggressive immigrant masculinities as a form of gendered autoethnicization. answer questions etc. Of course.3. and especially the children. The subcultural values and practices that compose the immigrant youth culture of hypermasculinity. the paradox is that the teachers. are not arbitrary but rather constitute a form of reaction to social and economic marginalization. It is a kind of colonization. he does not dispose of notions of structural inequality when it comes to explaining this remix‘s accent on bodily practices. is under a continuous gaze. Bringing performativity in the study of power relations and subject positionalities in schools The school as an institution comprises of a network of power structures and microphysics of power exercised on teachers and students. since subcultural identifications aim to differentiation from dominant culture and other peer groups and not to the development of hypermasculinity as such. physical toughness and the idealization of the male body are identified as common traits among these subcultures and the immigrant youth culture of hypermasculinity. subcultures and peer group cultural innovations: The ideas about honor and respect are probably less influenced by the norms and values of the immigrant boys‘ grandparents‘ villages than by movies. 2. Prieur argues. Greece. I am experiencing a kind of suffocation and disorientation. First of all. hip-hop and rap music. 2002: p. Although Prieur adopts a cultural studies approach to explain the production and fluidity of gender remix. but also researchers. aggressive masculinities of immigrant youth from Muslim or Southeast Asian countries. 2002: p. primarily by the kids themselves. as if on a scale running from conformity to parents‘ culture to conformity to Norwegian culture. Prieur argues that the major sources for this remix are youth entertainment cultures. and see. Of course. I feel rather depressed. Also. one might argue why migrant male youth acquire these and not other traits. It's quite a shock for me. deliver. to be dedicated to the children's 'success' need 20 .

More specifically. the authors speak of racialized spaces. thaτ which enacts its 21 . identity. gendered geographies. Greece. This part focuses on some kinds of research which attempt to reckon with the performativity of gender and ethnicity. we want to examine how gendered and processes of subjectification are reiterated and re-signified in school settings. they are fighting with each other. beliefs. ―nerds‖. Fieldnotes: Dianellion Larnaca. You keep asking who did this and whose fault is it. don‘t mess up with them. this to some extent is also a premise for them to become successful students. interviewees are presented with possible future scenarios and asked to position themselves. male gangs. 1993: p. personal and collective goals. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. even while they are aware that the Albanian aspect of their identities is not included in the school culture. associate themselves with or deassociate themselves from the ―bad Filipina girl‖. and personal relations. never again. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- to make them 'good enough' for the Greek system. (Alexandra Zavos. It's somehow like wearing a straightjacket. gender has been studied at length. researchers code values and measure attitudes towards them. considered neutral and objective. processes of racialization and gendered practices. so in a way. 13). May 20. but also as they affect the organization of time and space. the ―welfare queens‖. it is also interesting to consider these normative dimensions not only in relation to social and cultural relations. Mr. not with Cypriots.GEMIC. Ask only me. In addition. 2009) According to Althusser‘s analysis. What we are suggesting here is that there seems to be a discrepancy between the theorization of gender as practice and its codification in terms of attitudes. How do we study gender and race in intercultural school contexts as ―acts‖ (both performative ways of hailing teachers and students to subject positions of both submission but also positionalities of agency)? In most of the research findings discussed in our literature review. whether or not. These are different from the Cypriots. When it comes to ―measuring‖ something. It is important to pose the question. that which produces that which it names. and this way you turn them against each other.‖ (Paraskevi Michael. but indeed to establish and regulate normative dimensions about social relations. The theoretical framework of these studies is organized around Butler‘s definition of the performative: ‗that discursive practice that enacts or produces that which it names‘ (Butler. the Gym teacher who has been assigned the ―check and control‖ on the Arab boys rushes to catch up with me. in some kind of disinterested and rational fashion. Don‘t ask them anything. The role of the school in reproducing and normalizing social inequalities and discrimination based on class. Neophytos. values. the body. transgression or subversion of these norms by teachers and students. To avoid problems in the future. interviewees are prompted to narrate their personal and others‘ (significant others‘) experiences of ―othering‖ and their narratives are analyzed: do immigrant minority students embrace disown (verbally or symbolically). in qualitative or quantitative ways. and starts screaming to me: ―Why do you mess up with their lives and their fights? With this research you are doing you create a lot of problems. the school is one of the Ideological Apparatuses of the State. interviewees are presented with statements and are asked to indicate their agreement or disagreement. They do not understand. there is resistance. ‗race‘. knowledge. the function of which is not to transmit. Fieldwork Diary) As I am leaving from school. Let them fight! As you see.

The Deputy Principal does not respond to this offer and directs the boy away. The focus on the performative implicates a fundamental shift in the conceptualization of education. is the condition of possibility for the subject itself (Butler. the food it sells. The shift from narratives to discourses and from attitudes and values to acts implicates a more fundamental shift: from the sociocultural construction of identity to the discursive production of subjectivity. ‗Arab‘. A while later. And the students gain the rights of the student (to invite guests) but also subjection to teacher authority (to have their guests ejected). at the heart of becoming a subject is the ambivalence of mastery and submission. which. 522). In other words. and so the students and others who staff it. the cultural conflicts they experience. 2006: p.GEMIC. 520). this goodArabic-student-subject takes up this subjecthood. 522). The Deputy Principal says to him ‗You were going to light up on the premises—now leave‘. According to Butler. so this subject cedes the authority of the school institution by which she/he is subjectivated. Submission and mastery take place simultaneously. is effected. 2006: p. we do not talk about identities of students and teachers but about subjectivities of students and teachers. what if I personally vouch for him?‘. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- own referent. The Deputy Principal watches me watching (Youdell. albeit subjectivated and subjugated. Where one might expect submission to consist in a yielding to an externally imposed dominant order. Lebanese and Turkish students (who have contesting performative claims over the national paternity of the stall) organize and are staff together the ‗Arabic Food‘ stall together under the collective ―given and taken‖. Greece. One of the students from the stall asks: ‗Sir. name. the more fully subjection is achieved. and it is this paradoxical simultaneity that constitutes the ambivalence of subjection. or even the gendered ―geographies‖ they negotiate allows the researcher to show the ambiguity or aporia of racializing practices and institutional racism. just as the school cedes the goodArabic-student-subject. the Deputy Principal ejects another Arabic boy. The following event constitutes the departure point for Youdell‘s deployment of a whole terrain of interrelated performatives though which subjecthood. The latter are not seen as axes of identity but rather as acts of subjectivity (not acts performed by an already established subject but acts which re-enact the subjectivity of the one to whom they are attributed). In doing this. and mastery as submission. The stall. 45–46). the school constitutes ‗Arabic‘ as a legitimate axis of minority cultural difference and subjectivates the Arabic subject as a good student. The first example is from Deborah Youdell‘s (2006) analysis of events and discourses related to Multicultural Day at Plains High as ―a collective performative interpellation‖ (Youdell. who has spent the afternoon at the stall. The focus on ―a collective performative interpellation‖ rather than on identity development of minority students.9 In what she describes as ―a playful skirmish‖ than a ―battle‖. are named (by the students?) ‗Arabic‘ (Youdell. In constituting ‗Arabic‘ as a legitimate axis of minority cultural difference (thus projecting a multicultural politics of tolerance and presumably combating 9 In the school‘s acceptance of the Arabic students‘ donation of an Arabic Food stall. paradoxically. and to be marked by a loss of control and mastery. The boy cups an unlit cigarette in his hand. . also on a BMX. it is paradoxically marked by mastery itself… the lived simultaneity of submission as mastery. 22 . take place simultaneously—not in separate acts. but together in the same moment: The more a practice is mastered. ethnicity and gender. 1995: pp. And in donating the stall and participating in Multicultural Day. Here we cite here two examples of research in multicultural schools that point out this shift from identity to subjectivity. 2006: p. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.

institutional mechanisms are also discursively mediated and.g. for the moment. is produced. have the potential to recoup the male Black youth as a ‗student-child‘ which is being disciplined as an undesirable learner. walking down the corridor past the teacher who had intervened in their fight. ―We are the naughty boys …‖ (Davies. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- islamophobic exclusion) the school subjectivates the Arabic subject as a good student. albeit precarious and amenable to processes of subjugation. The student. we could say that both excplicate the productive aspects of raced and gendered educational inequality and exclusion. 23 . Davies analysis of scenes of subjectification in intercultural school contexts elucidates the relevance of Butler's analysis of performativity for the analysis of disobedient citations of gender and ethnic in school settings.10 Comparing Youdell‘s analysis of racialization as subjection to Qin‘s analysis of immigrant minority youth targeted by school disciplinary practices. 2006: pp. they move down the corridor.‖ Davies emphasizes that the boys do not escape the dominating force of the category ―naughty boys‖ and of their positioning within it but. as Youdell adds. In one of those scenes analyzed by Davies. walkie-talkie in hand. Davies suggests that the two boys ―subvert. However. ―the students gain the rights of the student (to invite guests) but also subjection to teacher authority (to have their guests ejected‖ (Youdell 2006: p. 522). In other words. The second example is cited from Davies (2006). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The moment the Arab/Islamist threatens to burst out of the confines of service and the White. Youdell (2003) elicits this performative ambiguity of hegemonic discourses in regards to subcultural bodily practices (e. in doing so. asserting themselves as powerful. Youdell attributes the same performative ambivalence to school securitization processes. senior teacher stands in the quad in front of the stall. and while followed by their own teacher who looks angry because they have just been very disruptive in her gym session. as such. embrace each other and sing to each other (not provocatively.165–166). 523). they are not tools of control ‗acting on‘ students but subjectivating processes though which minority students‘ discursive agency. Davies argues that this disavowal of dependency takes place through the reiteration and repetition of the discourses through which students are subjected to disciplinary control. the category of naughty boy. male. 10 In another study. Youdell argues that bodily acts performed as citations of subcultural status in order to challenge White school hegemony. One difference though is that in bringing out the discursive nature of institutional arrangements and student practices Youdell is also bringing out their contingent nature. she suggests that within a context of performative politics. how they take-up and subvert power and how they disavowal dependency and freedom from the power of the dominant other to grant particular kinds of recognition. on the other hand. Davies focuses on the interaction of teachers with primary school students to illustrate the complex simultaneous processes of recognition on the part of the students. who had been involved in a playground fight two days ago. this does not mean that the ‗naughty boys‘ are engaged in a powerless form of mimesis. 2006: p.. the male Black sub-cultural ‗walk‘). As Youdell puts it. he also cedes the authority of the school and its institutituional force to subjectivate and subjugate the Arabic students. takes up this subjecthood but. their self-constitution under the aegis of this legitimacy ―threatens to slide back into injury and the constraint of the Savage Arab/Islamist threat‖ (Youdell. Analyzing the performative aspects of this scene.GEMIC. Greece. we watch two boys. noting the subversive performative‘s limited capacity to break from context and historicity. the ‗Arabic‘ students gain public recognition as legitimate and the subjectivation opens up the opportunity for self constitution. but loud enough for the teacher to hear). and as independent of the teacher‘s controlling gaze. They speak pleasantly to her.

3. or the appropriate desire to reform‖: The definition of naughtiness is prior to them—it is outside of themselves. second. Finally. averting the gaze from the ―other‖ student to the structures.we want to explore whether intercultural interactions in schools create possibilities for the performative destabilization of gender norms and ethnic boundaries.165–166). The boys. The two examples cited from Youdell and Davies show that in order to study how students and teachers are constituted and reconstituded as racialized and gendered subjects in the context of intercultural interactions researchers must be able to go beyond narratives and witness.GEMIC. in order to understand how the process of reiteration creates the possibilities for the constituting forces to be reworked. we want to reframe the study of the intercultural condition in ways that takes the burden of identity away 24 . intended to rein in their power (Davies. in situ. researchers must recognize that they are already implicated themselves in relations of power. More importantly. on the other hand. submit to the teacher‘s definition of them as naughty. our research methodology has tried to sustain the tension between two different tasks: on the one hand. 2006: pp. beyond preconceived notions of educational structures. ―but they do not. At the same time. Why want to explore how regimes of gender. apparently.1. while engaged in the interpretation of cultural interactions. the uniqueness of those intersectional positionalities where from discursive processes are set in motion again and resignification becomes possible. the researcher must become familiar first with those dominant discursive processes that interpellate both teachers and students to the reign of subjectification and further. race and nationalism intersect with conditions of exlusion related to migrant and minority stutus but. placing culture on stage. 3. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. be to identify. the asymmetrical power relations of the inter-cultural encounter must be acknowledged. WP5 Methodology How we avoid cultural essentialism without disposing all together the reflexivity of cultural interpretation? How can we avert the critical gaze from the racial object/migrant to the racial subject without uprooting racism from its social and cultural context and presenting the racist subject as a self-determined agent? Rather than choosing between these two ends as if they led to competitive and mutually exclusive research agentas. it is imposed on them and they both take it up. codes and subjectification processes of racialization. those critical moments of reiteration. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Instead. wilfully. she argues that something unintended can take place while the dominant discourse is put ―at play‖. at the same time. Greece. submit to what the teacher regards as the appropriate emotion of shame. and at the same time subvert the relations of power in which the teacher‘s use of the naughty boy category. Davies argues. analyzing it as a play of semiotics. Goal of the research Our main goal is to shift from an essentialist understanding of cultural identities to an analysis of interacultural interactions. and from raciological framings of others to a critical analysis of racial thinking. there are two preconditions that such an approach should meet in order not to collapse into a disengaged formalist analysis: first.

ethnic performances in ways that destabilize the naturalization of borders and exclusions. ―we/them‖ is troubled when they are encouraged to provide thick descriptions of specific events of conflict and processes of racialization and cultural hybridization. cultural difference. race. (b) administrators‘ and teachers‘ understandings of intercultural education and how these understandings negotiate national anxiety and racial thinking on otherness.GEMIC. to explore (a) educational institutions‘ responses to integration policies and the institutionalization and state regulation of intercultural education. To record how (a) ethnicity is ―gendered‖ and (b) gender is ―ethnicised‖ in schools and to explore how the multicultural or monocultural profiles of schools and communities relate to the performative re-enactment of national. To reclaim the fragility of intercultural relations as a condition for agonistic democracy in multicultural schools. and render visible the implication of educational institutions and school actors in the mediation of ethnic borders and conflict. at the level of cultural semiotics and performativity. at the school level. at the level of national context. gender identities in different school settings and school arenas. 3. 2. Greece.2. to produce thick descriptions of intercultural interactions in school settings and school arenas and to explore whether there are moments of intercultural agency where agents can reiterate gender. immigration. to explore (a) national level policies and measures the integration of migrant students and promotion of an inclusive multicultural environment for majorities and ethnic minorities and (b) the relation between multicultural educational agendas. Objectives 1. To explore how the implementation of measures for migrant students implicates ―states of exception‖ which sometimes limit the opportunities for intercultural interaction and the challenge of gender norms but some other times create possibilities for multicultural schools to operate more autonomously and evade forms of governmentality exercised by the state. cultural deficit. Second. To explore how students (all) and teachers‘ use of concepts such as culture. 25 . (c) how processes of racialization and ethicization interweave with ―ordinary‖ student activities and rituals Third. otherness. We are particilalry interested in understanding the gender dimensions of cultural misrecognition and racialization and in exploring whether intercultural settings and culturally hybrid interfaces are hospitable (or inimical) to students‘ renegotiation of gender norms. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. This goal will be deployed in regards to three interacting fields: First. 3. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- from migrant and national/ethnic minority students. 4. To examine how intercultural interaction is organized around axes of gendered ethnicity. ethnic. migrant/non-migrant and national majority/national minority status (selection of events) 5.

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6. To explore how the transnational experience of both migrant and non-migrant, national minority and national minority students (a) influences their understanding of culture, cultural difference and gender norms and (b) inspires the performative (in Butler‘s sense) iteration (and destabilization) of gendered ethnic performances of identity (in other words, how students ―play gender‖ in order to challenge ethnic borders and ―play ethnicity‖ to challenge gender norms. 7. To engage teachers and school administrators in a critical discussion of intercultural education in ways that destabilize essentialist understanding of culture. 8. To reframe intercultural dialogue in terms of critical pedagogy. This means, to enable students, in Freire‘s terms, to recognize themselves as ―being with the world and with others‖ rather than ―being in the world‖, to understand that limit situations are socially constructed rather than culturally inevitable and that ethnic conflict, bullying and other forms violence are not inevitable effects of personal psychological deficit and racist attitudes but rather related to global injustice.


3.3. Basic premises, hypotheses and concepts
Premises   EU, National and School level policies of intercultural education are grounded on essentialist understanding of culture The implementation of immigrant student integration measures establishes and normalizes ―states of exception‖ (Agamben). Learning about the culture of others and intercultural interaction is regulated by these ―states of exception‖, and students and teachers are alienated from political thinking and agency. Intercultural interaction is mediated by cultural semiotics Intercultural interaction creates the possibility for the performative re-iteration and negotiation of ethnicity in general and gendered ethnicity in particular. The narrativization and intercultural analysis of critical school events from culturalist approaches to difference and creates possibilities for connecting pedagogy to global politics of justice. Hypotheses  Schools are not culturally homogeneous, politically neutral or socially harmonious places which just receive and accommodate migrant and/or national/ethnic minority students. Schools are already terrains of political debate, social tension and cultural

  


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change but their receptivity to cultural interaction is further radicalized when schools are turned into primary meeting point between non-migrant and migrant, majority and minority populations.  Intercultural interactions in school settings can both crystallize and destabilize ethnic borders and gender norms. The fact that school settings in general and school arenas in particular are in-between public places (they combine conditions of exposure with conditions of intimacy) allows the possibility for unique kind of performativity. In both intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic relationships identities are performed in ways that combine repetition and variation, serious and non-serious citation of norms. Intercultural interactions are not territorialized in typical classroom environments where formal forms of teaching and learning are taking place. Intercultural interactions occur in the school yard, in washrooms, along the borders of the school yard, in parents association meetings, etc. Youth cultures often implicate forms of cultural re-appropriation and hybridization and gender is both the element and target of these cultural processes. Schools are national state ideology apparatuses invested with the mission to reproduce dominant national cultures and contain multicultural education within the ideological limits of national building. At the same time, however, the intercultural interactions which take place in school settings constitute hybrid stages where gender identities are national/ethnic boundaries are both replayed and displaced. Schools as apparatuses operate on students and teachers, regulate identities, control and contain cultural interactions; on the other hand, intercultural interactions and conflicts as new sites of overdetermined cultural practice where students and teachers, in acting-out identities and norms in hybrid contexts they are also inaugurating intercultural public spheres where a new politics of post-nationalist belongingness are enacted. Concepts

 

Transculturation (Pratt)
The term transculturation was coined in the 1940s by sociologist Fernando Oritz to describe the process by which a conquered people choose and select what aspects of the dominant culture they will assume. Anthropologist Mary Louise Pratt uses the term to explore intercultural borrowings of tropisms of self-representation in colonial encounters. She defines as transculturation ―the processes whereby members of subordinated or marginal groups select and invent from materials transmitted by a dominant or metropolitan culture‖ (Pratt 1992: 523). Transculturation is closely linked to ―contact zones‖, another concept developed by Pratt in her book Under Imperial Eyes. Pratt defines contact zones as "social spaces where disparate cultures meet, clash, and grapple with each other, often in highly asymmetrical relations of domination and subordination" (Pratt 519). These concepts are crucial for the theoretical framing of the ethnographic study of intercultural interactions in classrooms and other educational zones because they acknowledge the asymmetrical power relations that accompany, condition, compromise or even become disrupted by intercultural interactions.


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Internal exclusion, state of exception (Agamben)
Agamben introduces the concept of ―state of exception‖ in his book Homo Sacer where he argues that we continue to live under the auspices of a classical state and that political life stripped of moral agency and social intercourse and reduced to ―bare life‖, that is, life given a protected, even "sacred" status beyond the immediate grasp of political power, but it life that is also isolated and separated from the wider range of human forms of expression. According to Agamben, the reduction of political life (or, production of bare life) is instrumental for the state‘s performance of sovereignty, since it is in the state‘s capacity to define and occasionally erase the boundary between "normality" and "emergency" transform society into a "camp". Agamben‘s concept of exception is particularly relevant to the study of intercultural education. On the one hand, intercultural education is usually framed in national migrant integration policy documents as the ―exceptional space‖ for promoting intercultural understanding, respect for other cultures etc. On the other hand, life in schools is regulated by directives, rules, restrictions, measures which suspend rights. From this perspective, it would be important to examining whether the special measures and exceptions that characterize the ―inclusion‖ of the migrant other in schools facilitate interaction or entrap migrant students in what Agamben calls a ―zone of irreducible in distinction‖ (Agamben 1998). Thus ―spaces of exception‖ (migrant reception classrooms, language instruction, zones of educational priority, remedial classrooms, and so on) are important ―sites‖ for ethnographic research.

Thick interpretation (Geertz)
The term was used by anthropologist Clifford Geertz in his essay, "Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture" (Geertz 1973). For Geertz, culture is ―an assemblage of texts‖ which is to be interpreted rather than deciphered. What renders this concept important for the theorizing of culture and the delineation of intercultural interactions to be studied in our project is that it acknowledges that culture does not exist as such but instead it is the outcome of interpretations of symbolic interactions in which people engage.

Performativity, re-iteration (Butler)
Judith Butler describes performativity as ―that reiterative power of discourse to produce the phenomena that it regulates and constrains.‖ (Butler 1993,2). Butler‘s use of this concept in her analysis of gender as ―act‖ is related to the destabilization of homosexuality and heterosexuality as natural and fixed categories. Theorizing gender as performance and as reiteration implicates much more trouble for norms of purity and authenticity when the study of gender focuses on intercultural encounters.

Other important concepts
  critical pedagogy (Freire; Giroux) Hybridity (Stuart Hall)


WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In which ways are gender identities and norms ―troubled‖ or solidified by processes of racialization and ethnicization in schools with migrants and/or National/ethnic minority students?  29 . vice versa.GEMIC. Basic research questions       How is intercultural education understood. Greece. modified and negotiated in the particular schools? How do issues of national identity and national politics affect the definition and implementation of intercultural education in specific schools and. Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------   Precariousness (Judith Butler) Territorialization/deterritorialization/density/minoritization (Deleuze) 3.4. institutionalized and implemented in different national contexts? Are there patterns of similarity in the genealogies of multicultural schools examined in the three different national contexts? How do school politics and urban interactions interact to create exclusions for migrant students? How do poverty and migration intersect in intensifying the precariousness of public schools in downtrodden urban areas? How are politics and policies of multicultural education transferred. how multicultural schools negotiate dominant national discourses.

Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3.GEMIC. and destabilization of naturalization of ethnic and racial borders. events of conflict. for both researchers and subjects. It will create opportunities for reflection.5. Observation aims to the localization of the particular—scene. how is the admission and placement of migrant students regulated in the specific school/classroom). record and codify critical events. Data collection Survey A survey will be prepared in order to record the multicultural compositions of schools. Greece. arena. In distantiating itself from naturalistic inquiry. for this reason the research steps and the scale of the research (described in attached diagram) can be modified. arrangement.. this latter part of our research will effect a deliberate (rather than incidental) intervention in the research field. will be used to elicit the renarrativization. Observation Before collecting personal narratives the research must establish rapport with the class/school where the case study will be contacted.. Observation also aims to locating different settings and arenas of intercultural interaction in order to attend and document student interactions in these multiple settings.g. Participatory Ethnography (Level One Data) In order to collect student narratives. transculturation) and institutional frameworks (e. cultural mediation/translation. The gaze on the ethic other will be displaced by critical interventions and migrant and ethnic minority students will reflect critically on processes of both racialization and dynamic transformations in intercultural contexts. researchers will engage in intensive interaction in selected schools where they will witness. setting. Research Methodology Critical ethnography constitutes the backbone of Research Methodology. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 30 . picture. their genealogies with regards to their shift from homogeneous to diverse. multicultural policies and measures implemented and critical events and public debates taking place with regards to multicultural schools. We will start with participatory observation and non-structured interviews and multi-media data will be used to produce codifications which. thick description and critical analysis of events of intercultural interaction (e. performative act—that will work as a catalyst for triggering students‘ and teachers‘ responses. site. racist bullying. in turn. They will also produce thick description of the ways in which National Policies / Measures are implemented in the particular school/classrooms. The researcher‘s access and mobility across a range of school setting and arenas in vital. Based the findings of these surveys we will decide which schools we will select for our fieldwork. as well as phrase questions accordingly.g.

Greece. how would the story be presented? Another way to promote this is to create new contexts for a new pragmatics of speech and exchange of views. The students will be presented with specific questions: E.GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Semi-structured interviews (Level Two Data) In the context of these interviews we will encourage students to describe/narrate critical events that took place in the past. Focus Groups and/or Intervention Activities and Workshops Focus groups will work on various levels: (a) Student focus groups analyze the codifications produced from data collected though participatory ethnography and interviews. a M (migrant) and a NM (non migrant) student. Our aim is not just to elicit and record views but to promote critical reflection by presenting to them contradictions.. what we aim to get here are not reliable data/objective descriptions but instead thick descriptions which are layered by meanings which the participants bring to the narration of the event). as well as of their willingness to subscribe to the National army (to which National students reply by reconstructing the concept of National army). ―cultural difference‖ and ―intercultural education‖. the latter had for first time the opportunity to listen to Moslem students talk of marginalization and experiences of racism. This is not meant to serve as a blueprint for research epistemology or a flowchart for research steps.M. welfare advisors. their dreams. ―culture‖. etc) in order to record their understandings of intercultural education. The diagram below outlines various levels of critical ethnography as well various kinds of ethnographic tools. some research possibilities while inscribing within research steps the Ge. teachers of second language and remedial classes. particularly with children of younger ages. events which are part of the collective memory of the class or a group of the class (e. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. what/whom they frame as ―problem‖. This activity‘s aims are informed mostly by critical pedagogy and action research. Each student comment/response/pause/silence can be framed as a topic for further analysis. For example.‘s 31 . Our purpose at this level is to produce and not simply to collect data. migrant student can narrate its first day at that school. counsellors. can take up the form of a workshop which will give them the chance to talk about their emotions.IC. This third phase. (b) Student focus groups analyze excerpts from ―Level One Data‖.g. Semi-structured interviews will be conducted with teachers and other school personnel responsible for migrant and ethnic students (translators. It is meant to serve as a platform for mapping. The interactions between students are vital and must be encouraged.. their friends. in one other focus groups we had with a mixed group of Moslem refugee students and Greek Cypriot students (3rd Grade Lyceum). a nonmigrant student can narrate a ―fight‖ that took place in the playground. tentatively and preliminarily. Photo eliciting or drawing eliciting can be particularly useful for dealing with problems of language barriers.g. ―what went wrong in this event…‖ or ―if this event (pointing to a specific codification) was narrated by M (male) student and not a F (female) student. discontinuities and silences from their own discourse.

32 . depending on the opportunities provided in the national context and various degrees of access granted to them by school authorities. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.GEMIC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- theoretical commitment to grassroots epistemologies. Greece. The diagram outlines a field of possibilities and combination of tools to be deployed in diverse ways by researchers.

after the official permit was granted by the Ministry. provided that researchers would conduct only naturalist inquiry (no interactions or interviews. Our aim was to record different faces of intercultural interactions which also represented different kinds of ethnic. the research team secured informal access to some schools. During phase II (April-May). The average ages of students in these schools are: elementary school 6-12.only observation). class. Defining Research Field. allowing us to study the issue of multiculturalism from multiple perspectives. During this phase (December-March 2009) researchers kept journals with daily entries on their experiences and observations. Nicosia 1st Technical School. The students were asked to make drawings about their ideal place and were later asked to talk about them. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. Third. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 3. Until final permit was issued. and Christakeio Elementary School in Limassol. First. Interviews with the Afghani students were conducted through the help of a translator whereas interviews with Albanian students were conducted in Greek since all Albanians were fluent in Greek. the researcher used drawing eliciting. In the case of Cyprus. interviews with 6th grade students and interviews with teachers. Ayia Paraskeyi Gymnasium in Pafos. migrants and refugees reside. Second. Greece Research by the Greek partner focused on a primary school in Athens (the 49th Primary School). so far research on intercultural education has focused mostly on elementary schools so we wanted to explore how intercultural policies and interactions differ across different kinds of schools and different age groups. National Case Studies: Phrasing research questions in national context. Field work was conducted for two months with particular focus in the Sixth Grade Classroom (the researcher had a very close partnership with the classroom teacher).6. Cyprus In the case of Cyprus the research team decided to contact multi-sited research.6. a number of graduate students were interested in joining the research team so this made possible the setting up of an expanded network of researchers. where mostly poor Greeks. 1/5 of the student population is Greek. Greece. Research included observation. each district presents different genealogies and ethic profiles of in-coming migration as well as different spatial deployments of migrants. with the majority being Albanian.2. outlining research steps 3. systematic participatory observation was conducted in the following schools: Phaneromeni in Nicosia (elementary and gymnasium housed in the same building). The school presents an interesting case study because it has become the nexus of wider processes of social transformation linking educational with migration. and the rest are Albanians.GEMIC. gymnasium 13-15 and technical school 16-18.6. In order to encourage the students to talk about their lives. classroom and curriculum boundaries. access to public schools for research can be secured only through official permit by the Ministry of Education and Culture. age and gender dynamics. refugee and asylum and urban regeneration politics. Afghanis and Chinese. 33 . The student population comprises approximately 100 students. linked but not restricted to the formal implementation of intercultural educational policies. Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Larnaka. a school located in a downgraded inner city neighbourhood of Athens. As such it represents an example of intercultural communication that permeates but also transcends school.1. There are two reasons for this choice.

and it is a school where students from different ethnic groups learn together. 3. administration. reflexive analysis of fieldwork diary and personal research notes. Greece. and. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonian and Albanian.6. Teaching takes place in two shifts and in two different languages correspondingly. if visual data is recorded. Data analysis and interpretation Data analysis and interpretation will be developed through critical discourse analysis of interviews and focus group data. something which renders this school a unique place for research on intercultural relations and negotiations of gender. in this case Albanian and Macedonian classes operate in separate time slots (in morning and afternoon shifts) but within the premises of the same school.3. the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews and organized focus groups in order to explore in more depth power relations among students and between students and teachers. Macedonia The national case study will be on a unique secondary school in Skopje – Cvetan Dimov. The particular school was the first mixed secondary school in Skopje for girls and boys (though now there are more boys in the school than girls) and is located in the ethnically mixed neighbourhood of Skopje. During the third phase. Whereas in the case of Greece and Cyprus multicultural schools adopt the same (i.GEMIC. The original informant was a 3rd grade who functioned as a contact person with other teachers. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3. the research team had to obtain official permission from the Ministry of Education and the school principal for conducting site-based research in the school.e. Albanian students are taught Macedonian language but Macedonian students are not taught Albanian. which are the languages of the two dominant majorities in the locality of Cvetan Dimov. This secondary school is located in the multicultural part of the city. as well as networks of power with regards to school hierarchies. national) curriculum and implement that in mixed classrooms (with migrant students offered separate supplementary courses in Greek as a second/foreign language).. analysis of visual representations as well. ethnic and other identities. students etc. However in both language shifts there are mixed ethnic classes. Within the same shift there are also two different tracks. Based on research questions and preliminary coding of data the partners decided during the second thematic workshop (Athens November 25 2009) on the major axes and codes to be 34 . gymnasium and economic courses. As in the case of Cyprus. with ethnic Albanians being the dominant group. the researchers conducted participatory observation in spaces of interethnic interaction and connection as well as spaces demarcated and separated by ethnic difference and conflict.7. researchers had informal interviews with students on the themes of friendship and romance and recorded stories on relationships between young people from different ethnic and religious background as well as stories on conflicts between students (some of these stories were later used as codifications and researchers prompted students to offer ―thick descriptions‖ of these stories). During the second phase. The ―multicultural‖ outset of this school is quite different from the outset encountered in the Greek and Cypriot context. During the first phase.

) Partners also agreed on the following structure of National Reports: National Report on ―Intercultural Education‖ (length: 30. silences (2-3 pages)  Policies (2-3 pages)  Reflexive Methodologies (2-3 pages)  Data Analysis  Conclusions 35 . use of raciologies or elimination of raciologies. understandings of culture. Two major axes of analysis were decided. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- used for analysis of data. vision of intercultural education (interviews). a thematic axis (vertical) and an axis of politicization (horizontal). Greece. genealogy of multicultural composition (data from field notes: reports on participatory observation and self-reflection entries).GEMIC. social dynamics (data from participatory ethnography and interviews. controversies. Findings will be organized across the following categories: (a) school: school ethos. SCITs.000 words)  Introduction: National Context. mainstream ideas and dominant discourses. (c) students: narratives. (b) teachers and other school personnel: perceptions of school. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ethnic clustering and ‗mixings‘. etc. The major axes and codes of analysis can be seen in the diagram at the end of the page. sociograms). interactions. color blind or not. (d) engagement of students in reflective analysis (mixed focus groups. school as an institution.

The Centres of Further Education cover this need by offering afternoon lessons (Social Inclusion Report. from ―allodapoi‖ to ―alloglossoi‖. As the problem of ―allodapoi‖ became diagnosed as a problem of students who do not speak the language of instruction. to 2008.. those speaking an other (álli) language (glóssa). At the beginning of the school year 2001-2002 the Ministry of Education and Culture of the Republic of Cyprus used for first time the rhetoric of multicultural education in order to acknowledge the ―becoming multicultural‖ of the Cypriot society and to announce a series of measures taken in response to the ensuing educational needs. The objective of the education offered is to provide enhanced and diversified programmes for learning the Greek language to children of repatriated and immigrant families for effective communication and smooth integration in society and to protect them against all forms of racial discrimination and social exclusion tendencies. migrant students became re-named. Another reason why the discourse on intercultural education has remained focused on the integration of migrant/alloglossi despite the popularized motto of ―accepting cultural diversity‖ is because culture and cultural difference have been linked to identity (of others) and not to processes of interaction and rerrains of politics.e. besides its serious political problem. this response was also delineating the present from a presumably mono-cultural (i. Greek Orthodox) past: Cyprus. November 3 2001). Cypriot National Context From 2001. Greek.e.e. the year ―intercultural education‖ was framed as the year-long educational aim. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4. the main focus of ―Multicultural Education‖ has been the teaching of Greek to migrant students: This measure [Multicultural Education] aims at the smooth integration of foreignlanguage speaking children into the educational system of Cyprus and not at their absorption. i. Multicultural education has come to the focus on the 36 . 24-25). Framed as the goal of integration. The term originally used was ―allodapoi‖. has been experiencing during the last decade the consequences of mass influx of alien workers and Greek-Pontioi expatriates from the previous USSR (Ministry of Education.. National Contexts 4. Framed as a prognosis for the problem of alloglossi.GEMIC. finds itself today in the whirlwind of socioeconomic developments. The Cypriot society. 2006: pp. the discourse on intercultural education has remained focused on the migrant ―object‖. i. Since then. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. i. In acknowledging multiculturalism as a new social reality.e. The term ―migrant students‖ has never been used as a frame in educational policy discourse. the year the Ministry of Education of Cyprus acknowledged officially the ―phenomenon‖ of multiculturalism in schools.. Greece. Memorandum. Intercultural education in Cyprus has been understood as a necessary tool to help ―us‖ deal with ―them‖. intercultural education was understood as teaching Greek to foreigners..1. intercultural interaction was understood as a spontaneous process which would take off as soon as the migrant students were mainstreamed. which until recently was a relatively homogeneous society with Greek Orthodox population. aliens. The framing of migrants as ―alloglossi‖ and the framing of alloglossi as the major problem faced by mlulticultural schools have come to define demands by teachers and schools and responses by the Ministry of Education.

doc). Turkish many young people studying in universities abroad. Armenians. Whereas in 2001 the Ministry‘s use of the term ―multicultural‖ was very cautious. The National Strategy Plan for the European Year of Intercultural Dialogue 2008. 2006). The text of the National Strategy as posted on the official EU website of the ―European Year of Intercultural Dialogue‖ is quite different. Maronites. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Being neighbours with the Arabs and giving shelter to the refugees who left Lebanon during the civil war and the several crises in their country gave the locals the chance to know some aspects of the Arab culture. every migration which the Republic of Cyprus was willing to accommodate within its national narrative. the National Strategy cites: The existence of the constitutionally recognized communities and religious groups (Greek Cypriots. Cypriot society experiences an utterly new reality. as sanitary employees and domestic assistants and in many other occupations (available online: http://www. the cultural difference of the ―other‖ and not ethnicity and ethnic borders. Cyprus EU accession. narrativizing the last hundred year of Cyprus‘s multicultural becoming (without any reference to structural aspects such as marginality and racism) and foregrounding a hospitable national (Cypriot) profile: The Cypriots are familiar with living with people of other cultures not only because of the tourist character of the country but also on account of the immigration of many locals to more economically developed countries in the past. bordering with Middle East and the repercussions of relevant political events such as the reception and hospitality of refugees from Lebanon. September 14 2007). EPZs have been operating in three cities. and the reception of foreign migrants in our days. by the year 2008 the use of the term became so generous that multiculturalism came to cover every ethnic other. tourism. the contact with the English culture during the period of British Rule and because of the presence of British bases on the island. Greece. almost reticent. mostly in the school environment. Phaneromeni Elementary School and Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Nicosia and Phaneromeni Gymnasiun in Larnaka operate under the scheme of EPZs.11 11 This is a translation of the Greek version which is posted on the website of the Ministry of Education and Culture (http://www. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- migrant student and not the multicultural classroom. This measure aims at reducing inequalities for pupils attending schools in disadvantaged areas with an increased proportion of immigrants: ―The EPZ promote the qualitative democratisation of educational opportunities and pedagogical conditions of success for all children‖ (Social Inclusion NAP. ―was composed bearing in mind the specific features of the Cypriot Society which bestow to it multicultural characteristics‖ (Action Plan by the National Coordination Body of Cyprus. Along with the emphasis on teaching Greek to ―alloglossoi‖ intercultural education has also become framed as a policy of ―social inclusion‖ for disadvantaged children. Among these social features. the migration experience of Cypriots themselves. Three of the schools where GEMIC fieldwork was implemented. Towards this direction. the Ministry of Education has adopted the measure of Educational Priority Zones (EPZs).interculturaldialogue2008. During the last decade the presence on the island of immigrants from Easter European and Asian countries is greatly noticed. These immigrants work in hotels and covering a total of seventeen schools.pdf). every inter-cultural submitted in response to the Restricted Call for Proposals by the Culture Unit of the Directorate General for Education and Culture of the Commission. Latins). 37 . During the last few years.

During the period of 2003-2004. these enrolment figures are also cited as ―indicators‖ of social inclusion for the years 2003. 38 . secondary schools have not embrace multiculturalism in such a celebratory manner. To the extent enrolment of migrant students in secondary education and not quality of intercultural interaction is framed as the indicator of social inclusion.2004. In the case of secondary education. and residential areas.e. In this way they will be able to understand. In addition to this. a combination of moralizing discourse on tolerance and a child-centered approach to the discovery of cultural otherness. through immersion in a native language communicative environment.87).eu).12 These two goals embody the dominant understanding of intercultural education as it has been developing across the elementary schools of Cyprus during the last few years.. schools cannot. Unlike the workplace. p.GEMIC. such as intercultural education. In contrast to elementary schools. The marginalization of immigrant students has become normalized through the educational apparatus of ―auditors‖ (―akroatés‖): newcomer immigrant students are placed as auditors at a grade level maximum a year lower than their age level and were granted an one year gratis (i. 1.13 Schools have become a privileged terrain of research on multiculturalism because they were the first places to attend both intercultural contacts and processes of racialization. actively at least. the language of instruction. Without teasing out first student‘s understanding of race and by re-inscribing discriminatory racism with the glorification of the other‘s cultural difference. tolerate and cooperate with each other. increasing the enrolment of migrant students in Greek Cypriot public schools rather than promoting intercultural interaction became the guiding aim of immigrant student integration policy. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The first two first goals listed by the National Strategy are: a) All the people of Cyprus. Greece. b) The immigrants should get familiar with the basic characteristics of the local culture whereas the natives should get to know the characteristics of the different immigrant groups. and 2006 correspondingly (Social Inclusion Report.052 students.866 non Cypriot students were enrolled in Gymnasiums and Lyceums. where the racial distribution of labour often keeps everyone in their place and limits intercultural contact. this number increased to 2. By 2006. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Official English Version (available online: http://www. elementary schools have come to frame migrant students as representatives of national cultures. Interestingly. exemption from exams and evaluation) to learn. local and immigrants should realise the importance of intercultural dialogue in their everyday life and be willing to participate in it positively. the subject oriented approach and the fragmentation of the teaching time into slots of time devoted to different subject matters with different instructors do not allow opportunities for thematizing and adding-on supplements of ―epochal‖ themes. where apartheid is legitimized as social stratification.interculturaldialogue2008. 13 The policy of mainstreaming ―different students‖ as ―auditors‖ in the comprehensive classroom was originally developed as an accommodating measure for ―special education students‖. mainstreaming migrant students has become the primary goal of multicultural education at the secondary level. 2006. separate migrant students from non-migrants 12 National Strategy on intercultural Education.

the offer of supporting modified programs for the learning of the greek language and the children‘s smooth integration in the social system (βαζηθόο ζηόρνο είλαη ε πξνζθνξά εληζρπηηθώλ θαη δηαθνξνπνηεκέλσλ πξνγξακκάησλ εθκάζεζεο ηεο ειιεληθήο γιώζζαο θαζώο θαη ε νκαιή έληαμή ηνπο ζην θνηλσληθό ζύλνιν)  protection of the freedoms and rights of all members of the Cypriot society from any racist discrimination and tendencies of social exclusion.  the preparation of an Action Plan developped around the axis of the smooth integration of the ―alloglossa‖ in the the educational system and not their assimilation  the basic aim remains the same. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- students. its political loyalty to nation state politics.ελεξγεηηθή κε απνηέιεζκα νη καζεηέο απηνί λα εληαρζνύλ νκαιά θαη ηζόξξνπα ζην ειιεληθό εθπαηδεπηηθό ζύζηεκα» 2002 beginning of school year (Directive dated 29 October 2002) The Ministry of Education and Culture (MOED) sends Directive to Elementary schools informing them about:  the preparation of a program of Intercultural Education. its disciplinary loyalty to anthropology and. 1988) has resurrected its legacy in multiculturalism‘s fascination with the cultural otherness of immigrants. Guided by ideals such as ―respect for difference‖ and ―recognition‖. Greece. As Gupta & Ferguson remark. multiculturalism is ―both a feeble acknowledgement of the fact that cultures have lost their moorings in definite places and an attempts to subsume this plurality of cultures within the framework of a national identity‖ (Gupta & Ferguson 1992: 7). on the other hand.. As a project committed to the recognition of the other. multiculturalism recognizes the difference that culture makes in order to modify and enhance the process of nation building. in regards to the internal migration of Turkish Cypriot workers who commute on a daily basis from the north side to the south side of the divide).GEMIC. early research on intercultural education in Greek Cypriot focused on the experience of migrant students and Greek Cypriot students‘ xenophobic attitudes. but excluded from the scope on intercultural education questions on inter-ethnic conflict (a similar selective approach to the framing of migration and development of intercultural policies has been recorded in the WP3 Report. however. has been accompanied by forms of passive exclusion and cultural misrecognition (Taylor 1994) of minority migrant students. Measures taken for implementation of “Intercultural Education” September 7 1999 Ministerial Decision for the promotion of Intercultural Education and the establishment of ―reception classes‖ so that the education of repatriates (term used for Ethnic Greek Pontians) and alien students ―could become more effective and participatory leading to the smooth and balanced integration of these students in the Greek [sic] educational system («λα γίλεη πεξηζζόηεξν απνηειεζκαηηθή θαη ζπκκεηνρηθή..e. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. This selective delineation of the ―intercultural‖ is not a characteristic of Greek Cypriot national educational politics but a structural limitation built within multiculturalism‘s double loyalties: on the one hand. As a project committed to the politics of nation state. The integration of migrant students in the comprehensive Greek Cypriot classroom. multiculturalism has inherited anthropology‘s legacy of excluding from cultural critique the familiar (one‘s society) and searching instead for the ‗native‘ other. i. Anthropology treatment of both the other and the other‘s culture as ―spatially incarcerated‖ (Appadurai. 39 .

At the end of the school year. and if they pass the exam there are. which is understood as ―a special educational process which integrates some elements of the other children‘s civilization aiming to the support of these children‘s modivation for learning and the betterment of their self-image. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 2004 Educational Reform Report The Report identifies the existence of a problem with regards to the education whose parents cannot testify to the legality of their stay (i..GEMIC. however. The Special Committee for Educational Reform puts forth the following proposals: α) expanded teaching of foreign languages. as regular students. according to the report benefits primarily monority children and ignires majority children. Until the end of the school year secondary schools have not received any directives or official guidelines about the grade/class placement of incoming migrant students. it was decided that all children could be registered. would have a serious deficit. retroactively assigned regular student status for the year and continue their enrollement. within this context. the school would be burdened with cases of absolutely illiterate students or students who. the students take the same final exams as regular students.e. In our fieldwork we found out that secondary school abide with the informal policy of placing ―alloglossoi‖ at their age grade under the status of ―auditor‖. to the next grade. tackling with the problem of 40 . This means that these students attend class but not as regular students: they are exempted from exams and they are not given grade reports. Later. This approach. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. compared with peer students of the same age. The Report also makes note of problems related with the implementation of Intercultural Education in secondary education:  the teachers express worries and doubts with regard to their capacity to respond to the needs of a multicultural classroom  kids of a different cultural bavkground are at risk of lugging behind and facisn many psychological problems because of ignorance for or even scorn for their cultural specificities  The teachers worry (πξνβιεκαηηζκόο) about the relations between native students and migrants A solution is searched in the face of intercultural education.‖ It is obvious that the decision was based on a strictly utilitarian approach and principles of school efficiency. and no attempt was made to phrase it in a way that would sound in tone with any human rights or respect for diversity approach. revision of textbooks with keen nationalistic character 2007-2008 The MOEC designates ―Intercultural Education‖ as Special school year Aim. as written in the report. something which would contribute to the more smooth integration of alloglossoi owning to the recognition of the importance of every language β) teaching migrant students their mother tongue γ) in-service teacher training programmes for the traching of Greek as a Second/Foreign Language δ) the promotion of the European dimension of education and. children of illegal migrants). As explained to Gemic researchers by a MOEC administrator. Originally. some school would not register these children. The rationale behind the decision for this policy change was ―to prevent the risk of student dropouts because in case the parents of these children would later become legalized. Greece. independently of migrant status (legal or illegal).

up until now.. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. whose inclusion in and mobility through regular classes was facilitated through the status of the auditor. Yeğenoğlu (2005) cites as a paradigmatic example of inclusive exclusion the case of Turkish guest workers in Germany who are conditionally welcomed. coordinators of afterschool. even the special spaces set up for special provision (translators. often become sovereign areas of educational authority.. alloglossoi attending as auditors could not move to the next grade (and at the same time make the transition to regular status). Unlike children with special needs.e. internal inclusion takes form in both of the two ―arrangements‖ of flexible policy. The Greek National Context Research in Greece was conducted in the conjuncture of an important legislative initiative. these actions. controlled by special people in charge whose only credential is that ―they really care for these children. In Cyprus. 41 . who under certain circumstances will gain full citizenship rights. intercultural education accommodates ―others‖ through forms of internal exclusion which promote inclusion of others in educational activities but at the same time enact processes of othering and exceptionality whereby other become inconsequential. when it was extended to migrant children. and fierce social debate. They are included in order to nourish the sovereignty of the German subject and yet kept out of the purview of general law. however. etc). in the case of measures and policies for migrant students. schools with high enrolments of migrants are offered more autonomy with administrative and financial issues and more flexivility with curriculum issues. i.2. Greece. In conclusion. concerning the naturalization of migrant children born and/or educated in Greece. for an alloglossos it could mean learning that his/her presence does not matter. without having mastered the Greek language as a medium of learning and pass the end of the year exams (auditors can repeat a grade for more than once if they do not pass the exams or can move to next grade but still as auditors). However.‖ In the case of the auditors. 4. and love them. however. The option of auditing a class with same age peers under an exceptional status was originally developed for children with special needs who were mainstreamed in regular classes according to 1999 Special Education Law 113 (1). the providers of special services. promoting ―belongingness‖ (often limited to physical presence in a regular classroom) becomes the educational alibi for colorblindness and for the lack of collective action and school reform. The term ―inclusive exclusion‖ is introduced by Giorgio Agamben (1998) and it refers to a kind of belongingness without inclusion. in the case of ZEPs schools are given authority and funding in order to design and implement actions (e. In the case of the first policy. all of which operate under some special (exceptional) status.g. Whereas the ministry maintains the central control with both provision and financing of educational services. we could say that in the national context of Cyprus. hiring translators). the zones of educational priority ZEP and the ―auditors‖ scheme. it had diffrent effects. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- alloglossoi in secondary education by placing them as auditors constitutes a case of a policy expansion rather than a new policy for migrant students. Whereas for a child with special needs auding class means attaining social skills and acceptance by peers. This presents a significant development in the regularization of migrant children‘s. This option.GEMIC.

since education is regarded as one of the main criteria for ascertaining and granting national belonging and citizenship rights. they partake of Greek national identity by virtue of their acculturation through Greek education. regardless of their legal status. with girls exhibiting higher scholastic achievement and boys either stopping school at an early stage or being channeled into technical training. even though they are not of Greek origin. In this sense. Frontex. gender plays an important role in school achievement. leading to the illegalization of large numbers of migrants and contributing to the further criminalization and endangering of population movements. while others have shown a great investment in education as a social mobility strategy. carried out on the web. The fierce public debate. Thus. or in relation to gender. it can be argued that school and education do indeed function as conditional selection institutions. In this context. certain groups have been systematically excluded and marginalized from educational success. Moreover. rendering them internally heterogeneous and potentially divided. This will have devastating effects on both migrant and local communities. This law specified the goals and objectives of 14 15 Cf. 42 . with the new legislation. in the media and at public events. has shown that migrant children‘s educational attainment is an important challenge for the educational system. educational attainment is not evenly distributed among ethic minority children. the importance of education is doubly reinforced/highlighted. thereafter. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. involving representatives from all positions of the political spectrum. already. within both categories. legislative proposal. Obviously. such as the UK. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- precarious legal status. Thus. a situation which will produce and reinforce status and socio-economic differences between migrants. the role and importance of education for the promotion of integration and social cohesion will be pivotal. Research in European countries with long standing migrant and ethnic minority populations. ―Metexoun tis imeteras paideias‖. In addition.14 So far. not all migrant children will be nationalized. As Greek citizens they will have access to all the rights and obligations conferred on native Greeks. the development of schooling for migrant children in Greece in the next decade will be of critical importance for their social and cultural integration and mobility. Institutional and Policy Framework. Rather. Greek migration policy had stipulated that all migrant children. can obtain Greek public education and reside legally in Greece until their 18th year of age. older and more established migrants / migrant communities are in collusion with the Greek state in enforcing a stricter and more prohibitive border control regime15. Policies and Directives The legal framework introducing intercultural education in the Greek public educational system was developed in 1996 (Law 2413/96). Greece.GEMIC. In spite of the new policy measures. In addition. they are excluded from the above regulation and have to prove migrant employment in order to be granted temporary residence permit. the situation of (some) migrant children will be completely transformed. has highlighted the issue of citizenship and national identity as a fragile and embattled ground. One of the arguments presented in favour of migrant children‘s nationalization is the claim that.

Greece. University of Athens. Intercultural Schools There are 13 primary schools. Australia and other countries of Greek immigration). Tutorial Sections (3-8 students) operate in after-school hours. University of Thessaly. Department of Primary Education. 1997-2008. an additional Presidential Decree established a Special Secretariat on Intercultural Education in the Ministry of Education whose role was to supervise and direct all efforts. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In actuality. teaching materials. University of Athens. Department of Pre-School Education. 43 . 2002-2004. Intercultural Education Research Programs Three large University-directed research programs on intercultural education were implemented with EU funding: Education of Muslim Minority Children. informal. and research programs. Department of Philosophy-PegagogyPsychology. the foundation of the Institute for the Education of Greeks in Diaspora (Οκνγελείο) and Intercultural Education (IPODE). Education of Roma Children. Also in 1996.16 a. 1996-present. system of instruction that aimed to provide teaching support to children of returning Greek migrants (mostly from Germany. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- intercultural education introducing following measures: the institution of special Intercultural Schools. while the majority of secondary intercultural schools is in the Athens area. One third of the total number of intercultural schools is located in the Athens metropolitan area (3 primary schools and 4 secondary schools). and provide special language support in parallel to regular classes and school activities. as extracurricular activities. Education of Greek Repatriate and Foreign Children. These schools implement the national educational programs adapted to the special educational. 1999) and Ministerial Circulars. 9 gymnasiums and 4 lyceums in the whole of Greece that have been designated as ‗Intercultural Schools‘. extra language instruction). special curriculum. Reception Classes (9-17 students) operate during regular school hours and students can participate in them for one to three years. Reception Classes and Tutorial Sections Reception Classes and Tutorial Departments are organized at the level of the school unit. 1998. social and cultural needs of the foreign students (e. while the majority is based in the Thessaloniki area. The programs included three main areas of activity: research.GEMIC. smaller classes. teacher training. it was existing schools with at least 45% of their student population belonging to Greek repatriates (παιηλλνζηνύληεο) and/or immigrants that were re-named as ‗intercultural schools‘. they are reinstated in regular classes according to educational level and age. Both measures represent the development of the previous. after which and depending the acquired linguistic competence. the organization of Reception Classes (Τάμεηο Υπνδνρήο) and Tutorial Sections (Φξνληηζηεξηαθά Τκήκαηα) in regular schools.g. The development of these measures and instruments was further specified by subsequent Presidential Decrees (1996. depending on the number of foreign and non-Greek speaking students. 16 It is of some sociological interest to note that the majority of primary intercultural schools is in the area of Thessaloniki. socio-cultural intervention. pertaining to the implementation of measures for the promotion of intercultural education in public schools. b.

Furthermore. Xenophobia furthered by sectors of the local majority may aim to achieve two controversial goals: to assimilate and erase any ethnic difference. bureaucratic conditions for the legalization process. Greece proceeded to ‗modernize‘ its public educational program by introducing. In response to internal and external pressures manifesting more acutely in the 1990s. unless they establish official employment of student status. Greek educational politics are not exempt from this dilemma: on the one hand. the Greek migration regime presents a central paradox: on the one hand migrants are expected to assimilate to Greek culture and identity. and do not enjoy political rights. whether born or residing in Greece. among others. it could be argued that. immigrants are seen as deficient in human dignity and therefore liable to restrictions on their human rights. a legitimate process in law-making. educational policies and official discourses are articulated in terms of equality. Immigrants strive for a better social and economic position in a country where they do not possess citizenship.‖ 44 . They should not remain ‗foreigner‘ but they cannot become ‗Greek‘. in practice. refusal to recognize family reunification. This category may be provisional as the state has unlimited jurisdiction over granting rights and determining their legal position. are entitled to attend Greek public school up until their 18th year of life at which point they become of age and cannot further remain in the country legally. the lack of political rights minimizes their chances for political promotion of their collective claims. on the other hand they are deprived of any and every legal right by which to ensure and establish terms of equal participation in the Greek polity. custody under inhuman conditions. or of not-belonging to the local national population. On the other hand. illegal deportation and de facto shrinking of the rights to seek political asylum are a few examples of the distortion of fundamental human rights that non-Greek citizens have been made to bear. … So. measures officially aimed at mainstreaming intercultural objectives in the regular school system. authoritarian restrictions of freedom of movement. integration and multiculturalism. expecting migrant students to assimilate to the dominant national culture. the establishment of special Intercultural Schools and. The new policy 17 Tsitselikis (2006) points out that. In a sense. As argued by other migration scholars. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. On a policy level we have the institution of two measures: firstly. is towards promoting a certain kind of informal segregation between Greek and migrant students. at the level of the social imaginary. Very broadly speaking the tendency in education. immigrants acquire a new legal identity as a distinct category of non-Greek citizens. while at the same time. and in harmonization with EU directives.GEMIC. … Demeaning treatment of immigrants by the security forces. the lack of political power renders non-Greek citizens a non-participatory part of the broader society. or to deny and reject difference. Greece. educational measures institutionalize discrimination and legitimize national supremacy. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- c. ―Through this process [of temporary regularization].17 In fact. and the Φ/10/20/Γ1/708/1999 Presidential Decree that regulated access of migrant children to Greek public education. aliens. all children of migrants. Migrant Students According to Greek law. as developed both by official educational policies and by informal social practices. the establishment of Reception Classes and Tutorial Sessions in regular public schools. Greek society still considers migrants as a temporary presence and a state of exception. and thus defines the minority as inferior to the rest of the population. secondly. tolerance. The legal framework introducing intercultural education in the Greek public educational system was developed in 1996 (Law 2413/96).

Greece. while taking into consideration cultural and linguistic differences of the above mentioned populations. and later Turkish. Slavic. There are no official measures to introduce migrants‘ native languages into the school program. they have eventually been discouraged or sabotaged by the educational authorities. The initial goals of the framework were directed more towards the needs of Greece‘s minority populations and Greek repatriates rather than migrants. the school principal. the entrance of growing number of migrant students in public schools has rendered these measures partly inadequate in addressing challenges and needs arising from migration. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- framework was developed in response to the need to provide equal learning opportunities to students belonging to parts of the population that were hitherto marginalized or downgraded. but such a request has never arisen so far. explicit references to social and cultural heterogeneity brought about by the permanent (or semi-permanent) settlement of migrants in Greece.g. Russian and Bulgarian) for migrant students and various other socio-cultural activities). Migrant students in Greek schools are taught only the Greek language. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Roma or Russian. until they establish a level of competence that will allow them to fully participate in the Greek curriculum.GEMIC. in some cases such as the Muslim minority in Thrace. since it could lead to the (further) ‗Turkishization‘ of the minority. It can therefore be reasonably assumed. were taught Greek as a foreign language. tolerance and integration of course18. the possibility of introducing the native language. that. During the course of the next decade. the underlying objective of this large scale intervention. Today. do not wish to draw more attention to their difference). 19 See above for an initial critical analysis of mainstream EU discourses on the goals and premises of intercultural education and the challenges of multiculturalism. raising publicity on the 18 E. Turkish. school system. suffering already from racist discrimination and prejudice against them. 45 . albeit as a foreign language at first. see statement of purpose of IPODE: Accordingly. who was at the heart of the initiative. foreign language classes (Albanian. such as the Muslim minority in Thrace. and the children of Greek repatriates and migrants. however. Intercultural Education as an educational orientation does not have an assimilationist nature but constitutes an ‗opening‘ of the learning process that should permeate all educational levels and objects of study and is based on the appreciation of different experiences and diversities as a source of knowledge and personal development (my emphasis. possibly because parents. more poignantly mark the evoked rationales for the need to develop awareness and tolerance of diversity as one of the objectives of the modern. my translation). For this reason knowledge of ‗native‘ languages other than Greek were not considered necessary. was deemed not only unnecessary but also nationally endangering. properly couched in terms of diversity. involving the cooperation of teachers and parents in the organization of these activities. such as German and English at first. the Roma population. was demoted and forcibly removed by the ministry of education and the work of the school was interrupted. The case of the 132nd Primary School of Athens in Grava is a telling example: After nine successful years of implementing different extracurricular language and cultural projects for migrant and Greek students and their parents (Greek language classes for parents. taking into consideration the national priorities and identity of the Greek education system. and where such initiatives have been organized by parents and teachers informally. A solidarity movement was developed. (The Law provides that native languages can be taught if enough parents request this. and EU harmonized19. In fact. was to produce more successfully assimilated ‗Greek‘ subjects. Ethnic minority and repatriated children with non-Greek linguistic backgrounds.

while at the same time securing the reproduction of Greek socio-cultural supremacy. therefore. and. for socio-economic reasons. about 10% of students in Nursery Schools. which are. even more in Higher Education (about ? %). a term that refers to children born in Greece of migrant 46 . At the level of social practices. The cultural context in which the teachers are practicing is monolithically Greek. unless they establish official employment or student status. of course. Georgians and Russians. prefer to enroll Greek children in all-Greek rather than mixed schools. 45% of migrant population).GEMIC. as well as educational authorities. Migrant Children and Students: A Generation with No Future? According to Greek migration law passed in 2001. it is clear that there is a significant drop-out rate among migrant children – much higher than for Greek children – in higher levels of education. On the other hand. all children of migrants. implying that they try not to alienate migrant students or treat them with prejudice. nevertheless. whether born or residing in Greece. ca 4. but we assume it is about half. inaccessible to migrant families. followed by Bulgarians. The largest migrant group in Greek schools is Albanians (76%). Having thus ensured an informally enforced racialized and classed apartheid. Primary Schools and Gymnasiums are foreign (migrants and/or Greek repatriates). Greece. By pretending social inequalities do not exist in the space of the school or in their classroom they are denying and disqualifying migrant students‘ experience of discrimination. but the school projects have. and migration is framed as a ‗state of exception‘. ‗Greekness‘ (as racialized identity and cultural superiority) remains unassailable and unchallenged. or. Today. they are keen not to be seen as distinguishing and discriminating between Greek and migrant students. Already. even though these statistics cannot offer a detailed picture. The majority of migrant students are located in the Athens metropolitan area (13. and for a number of reasons. migrant students are systemically discriminated against. been closed down. This picture becomes a little more complicated when we look at the social trajectories of the so-called ‗2nd generation migrants‘. and additionally. which amounts to the same effect. we treat them the same‖. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The percentage falls considerably in the Lyceums. are entitled to attend Greek public school up until their 18th year of age at which point they become formally adult and cannot further remain in the country legally. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- unprecedented attack on the school by educational authorities. In this version of nationalist ‗multiculturalism‘. There is also a tendency to attend vocational school rather than general lyceums after completing the 12 years of obligatory education. we observe the de facto segregation of public schools through the selective placement of Greek and migrant students in different school districts with a smaller or larger migrant population. teachers‘ practices of nondiscrimination must either challenge the system or obscure its workings. Greek society and the Greek state can continue to evoke discourses of multiculturalism. migrant students are differently positioned in the Greek educational system and in Greek society more generally.6%. obviously. They say: ―We don‘t separate them.6% of total student population. One of the many consequences of this informal educational apartheid relates to teachers‘ dilemmas: on the one hand. Greek parents. There is no data on gender ratio. send them to private schools. In other words.

It is interesting to note however. b. On the one hand there is a rise in youth criminality among 2nd generation migrants. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- parents. While the available data and research is not sufficient to draw any firm conclusions about the development of a ‗criminal career‘ of 2nd generation migrants. According to police and court records. as well as children that have grown up in Greece. in relation to issues of (racial and gender) violence? The following general points are not based on direct empirical research but rather draw on my familiarity with migration discourses and migration politics in Greece. and on my PhD work on ‗gender. in concert with the systemic and symbolic impossibility of belonging makes them foreigners to both their country of origin and Greece: They grow up ‗Greek‘ but they can never belong to Greece. leading to further – self imposed – marginalization. either in Greece or elsewhere. that these masculinities are not unknown to Greek culture. certain hypotheses based on other European experiences are formulated.GEMIC. They are told to go ‗back home‘. the de facto devaluation of their native culture through the expectation of their assimilation. These performances of aggressive and authoritarian masculinity are organized in reaction to both a sense of emasculation they experience through their contact with Greek racism. or ‗internal exclusion‘. Balibar has called this ‗internal social apartheid‘. and of neo-traditional attitudes towards gender and family relations. At the same time the encounter with prejudice in the dominant culture contributes to the internalization of shame and alienation. Their parents often describe themselves as the ‗lost generation‘. Here. Research so far has mostly focused on issues of violence and criminality. Obviously the school context and the educational system are not innocent of shaping these circumstances: The fact that migrant students are not taught (and often do not know) their native languages.g. as some researchers point out. and in particular young people of Albanian origin. followed by theft and drug related offences. Taking into consideration the ongoing criminalization and penalization of migrants (especially men) both in the media. and a wish to differentiate themselves from the hegemonic Greek culture. One of the questions that arises is how these social practices and their representations enter into school discourses and the performance of feminine and masculine migrant and Greek identities. It appears to be the case that representations of migrant children in public discourse often reinforce and reproduce already existing racialized stereotypes about migrants‘ gendered 47 . e. a statistically significant number of offences are associated to ‗mendicancy‘. the school context is a particularly significant environment in which to observe the gendered re-construction of these national identities. migration and the anti-racist movement in Athens‘. as well as in the practices of the police and public prosecution that have cemented the stereotype of the ‗criminal migrant‘ in public opinion. The second tendency that is recorded in the research concerns the development of particular macho versions of masculinity. since they suffered the effects of the transition (both in their own countries and in relation to their migration). Greece. yet in spite of their hard work and sacrifices the future for their children is not secured. could be one contributing factor blending marginalization with crime in their personal trajectories. since they were commonly associated with working class identities in the past. The lack of viable opportunities for upward social mobility and for successful integration in the host country. it is still interesting to consider two emerging tendencies: a. when there is no other home. where after their 18th year of age they again become illegal (!). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.

For example. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.hovered in the background of media accounts. This is violently protested and contested by many parents and fellow students. provides further proof of the dynamic re-construction of national identity as an essentialized and homogeneous minority identity. meaning and marks of ‗Greekness‘. the rare success stories of migrant students excelling in Greek schools both provide the exception that justifies the rule – namely that migrant students cannot/ do not do well in school . as research on 2nd generation Albanian migrants has shown. usually associated with criminal or delinquent behaviour.and are also tainted by extreme racist nationalist reactions. Intercultural Education is set up on the premise that only migrants are different and in contrast Greeks are all same. In other words. where migrant students are instructed to sing patriotic Greek liberation songs. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- subjectivities. that public awareness was raised regarding violence and discrimination against migrant girls in school. mostly in cases where distinguished migrant students are granted the right/privilege/honour to carry the Greek flag in national celebrations and parades. The fact that migrant youths are aware of the stereotype and develop various strategies for dealing with it. Intercultural education.3. such as Independence Day. Alternatively. migrant boys‘ visibility is linked to fears of other kinds of violence. 48 . These performances of the heroic national self border on the hilarious representing a kind of parody or drag. it is assumed that migrant students carrying the Greek flag become nominally Greek. through its reification of the ‗other‘ contributes towards cementing such constructions and representations of identity both for migrant and Greek students alike. the ghost figure of the Bulgarian prostitute working in provincial night-clubs all over the Greek countryside – signaled by the common slogan ―Presently Bulgarian Women‖ appearing on sign-boards along the national highway . it was on the occasion of the rape of a Bulgarian female student by her Greek fellow classmates in a provincial school on the island of Evoia. origins. which reproduces intact the stereotype of the ‗criminal migrant‘. with Greek identity. migrant girls‘ visibility in the educational system is either nonexistent. as well as generating extensive public controversy about the purity. In other words. In other words Intercultural Education is implicated in the essentialization of static identity categories. The Madedonian Context 20 Another such example can be drawn from school celebrations of national commemorations.20 4. i. rather than something atavistically carried from before. homogenization and essentialization of ethnic identity in the host country. rather than the problematization and multiplication or fragmentation of categories. Thus such exceptional cases register on the one hand the normalized educational failure of migrant students and on the other their assumed identification with the dominant (majority) culture. students of Albanian families identify themselves as ‗Albanians‘ not so much in relation to their country and culture of origin but in relation to the dominant Greek representation of the Albanian ‗other‘. On the other hand. Greece.GEMIC. Thus. Moreover. The intersection of racial and gender violence articulated in this attack was variously explained or condemned.e. or constructed around the victim/whore stereotype. either by trying to evade and disprove it or by claiming an aggressive ‗Albanian-ness‘. but in any case. This points to the process of identification.

and they all make schools unique stage of continuous struggle and negotiation among public and private lives. Diversity can be and in many cases is strong integrative strength which can enrich and enable significant interactions. The language of war ended with the promise of democracy although bind in with fear and disbelief.5). the Macedonian language is also studied‖ (Article 48). as determined by law. in which full equality as citizens and permanent co-existence with the Macedonian people is provided for Albanians. empower mistrust and fix the gaze only as far as the stereotypes making relation to the other/s intensified with anxiety and ambivalence. experiences and emotions. Vlachs. This is also specified in the constitution: Members of the nationalities have the right to instruction in their language in primary and secondary education. one of the biggest challenges was overcoming the inter-ethnic conflict in 2001 which ended with international mediation and ratification of the Ohrid Framework Agreement. experiences and processes. Romanies and other nationalities living in the Republic of Macedonia. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. political and economic challenges related to process of transition. changes and tensions. Some are reflection of broader processes. and new strength of the attachments within the ethnic communities. Greece. In schools where education is carried out in the language of a nationality. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Macedonia is a complex multi-ethnic society with wide ethnic and cultural diversity. religious. new phase of democratization of the country. some emerge from local contexts. or even more destabilizing than integrating factor in the society. and affirmed non discrimination. gave new meaning to the sense of belonging. new territorial division and local government structure and organization. instruction will be provided in the students' native languages. and can be as well glorious and triumphal in the narratives and manipulations of the archly political players.1) and that Macedonian language and any other language spoken by at least 20 percent of the population is also an official language. Therefore. Since the independence in 1991 the country has faced a lot of social. On the other side self-identification needs to be stable and confirmed. The agreement initiated contracted changes of the constitution.GEMIC. Like the rest of the Balkan countries different ethnic. And these events. (OFA – article 6. changes in subjectivity and different discourses of 49 . political influences. as well as reflections of global changes and processes. The agreement was signed as a base for stability of inter-ethnic relations and beginning of the process of decentralization. Turks. which in particular refers mostly to employment in public administration and public enterprises. The agreement addresses education and the use of languages in manner that in primary and secondary education. as set forth herein used in accordance with specific law (OFA – article 6. cultural identities are in continuous tension being in juxtaposition for centuries. However. the lack of security and need for it. Education faces many changes and challenges. although recent history and present day show that ethnic and religious plurality can be as well. Furthermore the agreement brought up the question of education and the use of languages. Schools face new ambitious and fast introduced national reforms. Along these lines the attachments to the specific community (may) go ahead and widen the distance of/from the other. As a result the new preamble of the constitution defines that Macedonia is established as a national state of the Macedonian people. laws. politically and explicitly confirmed the multi-ethnic character of the Macedonian‘s society and the need for its preservation and representation in the public life. media.

Greece. it brought regimes of visual surveillance and physical securitization for the ―protection‖ of students. 104. students and parents often confuse democracy with collision of values and/or anarchy. freedom and emancipation. responsibilities. Instead. 32. according to which content. lower expectations and avoidance of responsibilities. 14. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- childhood and youth. there is still a long way to go for building a solid structure of democratic values. One of the principles of the reform is ―Principle of understanding and multiculturalism‖. Media often report about education. also school documentation and the name of the school to be written in the language of instruction beside Macedonian language. promoted by the Bureau for Development of Education in 2007. power and funding. This includes the extention of obligatory primary education until grade nine and the comprehemsive change of the curricula of all subjects from first to ninth grade. religion and symbols. portraying it as an arena of scandals and politization and a source of continuous marginalization. Teachers. is the Ninth Grade Education. The textbooks are published in the language of instruction. along with more brutal violence. For example. defined in the ambience of multicultural environment situated in the global national and international context. and the author of the textbook commits to translate and publish to other languages of instruction other than Macedonian. Democracy did not bring security. Although there have been efforts for the reform of the educational system from a traditional to a modern and democratic one. Primary education is going trough reform from 8 to 9 year education and oriented more towards developmental goals and democratization of education. giving more choices and alternatives. According to this 50 .GEMIC. The latest reform in primary education. Policies A national policy for using languages of ethnic minorities in schools is inscribed in the law for primary and secondary education according to which both primary and secondary education students of ethnic minorities which follow instruction on the language other than Macedonian have the right to write in the adequate alphabet. In ―The National Program for Development of Education 2005-2015‖ there is a statement where the Ministry of education declares responsibility to create education with focus on the individual. The reform in the secondary education is directed towards redefining curriculum. in the methodology for evaluation of textbooks for primary and secondary school textbooks is appointed that textbooks should contain words and phrases expressing humiliation towards communities or personalities and attention should be paid to illustrations which should be respectful and in the direction of understanding and trust towards others. The new law and the process of decentralization brought a lot of tension between local governments and the Ministry of education with regards to the reform of duties. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. reshaping vocational education and introduction of new form of national graduate examination. 84) Further documents and procedures which take care for the multicultural context and interethnic relations can be found in the documents of the Bureau for development of education. methods and activities should promote the values of tolerance and respect of differences and enable the acquisition of knowledge and skills for the understanding and respect for others. his development and development of his individual and cultural identity. (Law for primary education articles: 9. 100. Large educational reforms were made in both primary and secondary education towards modernization of education. Other credentials consider giving respect to values of other cultures by inciting interest for understanding each others‘ traditions. 119 & Law for secondary education articles: 4.

One of these examples is the long time project of bilingual (Macedonian/Albanian) kindergartens. State secondary schools are. continuous acts of discrimination and stigmatization put down the self-expectations of students from marginalized groups. language and traditions of all communities. Greece. Most schools where both Albanian and Macedonian are designated languages of instruction have separate language shifts and some are physically separated in different schools. as well as students‘ consciousness about their own cultural background and knowledge of their cultural heritage and cultures of others. Cyprus: A Multi-sited study on multicultural schools The term ―multicultural schools‖ is associated in the minds of ―policy stakeholders‖ (ministry. teachers. with reference to the language of instruction. Ayios Antinios school had been ethnicised as a ―turkish‖ attraction because of Roma and Turkish Cypriots had started to settle in the nearby Turkish quarter since 2001 and finally Dianelleio. Based on the same model.GEMIC. Schools are expected to promote both of these two goals. an innercity school. Albanian political parties. an experimental program for bilingual education was implemented in one rural primary school during the school year 2009-2010. Sixth Elementary School in Paphos and Dianelleio in Larnaca. Until now. the schools have been associated with ―educational problems‖ ensuing from the enrolment of foreign students. Macedonian and Albanian students live parallel lives. To the general pubic. Continuous ethnic tensions and incidents in these schools become regularly politicized in daily political battles between the government and the oppositional parties. mostly Macedonian or Albanian. ―Problematic schools‖ have also become ethicised. The latest development was provoked by a government decision to render mandantory the study of the Macedonian language for those students who study in other languages from grade one instead of grade four as it was until now. the issue of Roma enrolment in secondary education becomes a hot one.1. ‗living together‘ requires respect towards culture. Roma youth continues to face problems in finding jobs. Phaneromeni (Nicosia) and Sixth Elementary School (Paphos) were among the first schools to be associated with Pontian enrolment since the largest groups of migrant Pontial ethnic Greeks in the mid 90‘s had settled in the old city of Nicosia and the margins of the touristic area of Pafos. tarents and researchers) with particular schools: Phaneromeni in Nicosia.4. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Young people become manipulated through fear and by teachers and parents. students who study in Macedonian language do not have the option to learn the languages of other minorities in the community. each one associated with a specific nationality of incoming students.4. At the same time. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- principle. nongovernmental organizations and parents boycotted the decision and public debate was triggered again on issues of interethnic tensions. It is left out to the schools to manage intercultural issues. Secondary education reform does not include an intercultural perspective in school policies or in the curriculum. Ayios Antonios in Limassol. With the 2008 law for secondary education rendering secondary education mantantory and defining sanctions for parents if their children do not attend school. in Larnaka had been associated (in an ethicised-and-gendered way) with 51 . 4. There are a few examples of developing intercultural educational practices. with some cases of classes in Turkish language and some special programs in other foreign languages such as French. Although more and more Roma children enroll and finish secondary education. Defining Research Field and Research Tools 4.

―But we do not have problems of racism in our schools‖. being watched. Greece. The euphemistic reference to these schools as multicultural and their demarcation as ―problematic‖ and undesirable schools (some teachers even used the term ‖non clean‖ to refer to these schools as undesirable posts for appointment. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ―scarves‖ because of the increased enrolment of Arab students. (d) the school‘s principal and the personnel were positive to the idea of hosting GEMIC researchers and (e) we combined schools of different student age/ levels. was the usual answer. undesirable for teachers) schools. In the case of the high schools we approached as possible site of research. see Codification B) constitutes them targets for research on intercultural education. ―we feel like we have become a zoo. The schools The schools where we decided to carry out field work meet the following criteria: (a) they have a considerable percentage of migrant students (with the exception of Techical school). ―what exactly are you searching for?‖ When describing the nature of our research. Participatory ethnography and interviews were conducted in the following schools: 52 . this one phased in a tone of relief: ―So. Gaining Access As stated to us by the principal of Ayios Antonios.GEMIC. the attractiveness of these schools to ―hankers of multiculturalism‖ has created an opposite effect. the usual reply was a prompt: ―So. something which he stated would turn the school upside down and bring herds of angry parents to his doorstep the next day. the resistance of school principals to the idea of accommodating more researchers ―messing with their daily businesses‖ as well as the discomfort of teachers with the idea of accommodating on a daily basis researchers in their classrooms. (c) some of them have been receiving migrants since the early 90s but some of them only recelty attracted numbers of migrant and refugee students and thus had not been put yet on the map of multicultural (desirable for researchers. the crucial question raised by principals. A specific principal thought that bringing gender in our framework implicated talking to students about issues of sex education. This ‗mis-understanding‘ was further intensified in some cases when we discussed the issue of gender and stated that we were interested in which ways intercultural relations and ethic borders were gendered. (b) each one of them has a different ‗ethnic profiling‘ of its multicultural outset. never at ease‖. you are interested in alloglossoi‖ (alloglossoi as explined in the section on national context is the official term used for all others [alloi] who do not speak the Greek language [glossa]? This reply was also accompanied by a clarifying question. who found objectionable the idea of having a researcher in his school (though not explicitly denying access to us). was intensified rather than relieved when we mentioned that we were interested in interactions among students. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. that is. its goal and some of the research questions. in an investigative tone. you are just going to be visiting the Greek language session for the non-Greek speakers?‖ The reluctance of principals to accommodate researchers in the school premises and give them permission to observe classroom sessions. was. including interactions between migrants and native students. The last criterion was added after the pilot stage h because we realized that gender became a more dynamic factor in intercultural interaction in upper grades (teenagers). However.

Dianelleion (inner city school) and Phaneromeni (located between the fringe of the urban center and the old Turkish quarter). the ―special unit‖ for children with disabilities (the school takes great pride in achieving the inclusion of these students). In her address. cooperation. very close to the Green Line (Buffer Zone). Greek national and Greek Orthodox markers are more prominent). The number of migrants does not exceed school national parades) and central school council comprises mainly of migrant students. the Gymnasium Principal emphasizes the school‘s mission as a ―zone of educational priority‖ and the aim of cultivating among the students the sense of joy. that is. e. in a suburban area. all moslem girls wear the scarf and their parents have the legal status of refugee and asylum seeker). most teachers were under the impression that there were only two to three migrant students attending their school (where as their number is between 30 and 40) and all teachers stated that these students are well received. as well the development of critical thinking and social skills ―in a multicultural school that promotes understanding. almost like a niche).g.. we found out that the worst experiences of racism and discrimination take place during the Gymnasium years but are narrativized by students later on. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. elementary school (first floor) and kindergarden (a little annex at the back of the school. located in the old city on Nicosia (within venetian walls).GEMIC. Most students are ethnic Greek Pontians (from Georgia and Russia). Russians and Eastern Europeans. Technical School: Located at the outskirts of Nicosia. During phase 53 . houses three schools within the same building: Highschool (second floor). one of the two technical schools of Nicosia. Greece. The percentage of migrants varies: 100% in kindergarden. The Gymnasiun does not foreground in any way a multicultural identity in its website (rather. Its list of valedictorians (know also as the flal holders – simaioforoi kai parastates. During the second and third phase we focused on Phaneromeni because this school presents the highest percentage of arab refugee students (most of them from Iraq but they are self-identified as Palestinian. When asked about migrant students. 90%migrants in elementary and 80% in highshool. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- NICOSIA Phaneromeni (Elementary and High School) Phaneromeni. It was founded in 1895 by the Archbishop of Cyprus Makarios the First and for in period operared as a girls highschool. Faneromeni is one of the most historical schools of Cyprus. LARNAKA Participatory ethnography in Larnaca during the first phase was conducted in two high schools. teachers and administration consider the number of migrants obsolete compared to another group of ―others‖. friendship and acceptance of otherness‖. when they are in Technical School. learning. though. In our interviews with migrant students. creativity and success.

many of them attending school under the status of ―auditors‖ (it offers courses of Greek as a Foreign Language as well as special language 54 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Intercultural education is considered to be something exceptional. which come to tackle issues related to migrants students whereas aims related to democracy. mutual respect and cooperation between Greekcypriots and Turkish Cypriots. with high enrolments of Greek Cypriot refugees from the city of Larnaka and from villages south west of the city. Its location on Okullar Street (which in Turkish means the road of school) is the only reminiscent marker of its previous identity as Turkish Cypriot Elementary school (until 1974). the Vergina Lykeio. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- three. It seems that markers of identity and exclusion which in the life of a multicultural school often intersect in ways that intensify exclusion. Greece. It is important to note that foregrounding of the new aims displaced the aim of ―Intercultural Education‖ which was designated by the Ministry as the Special Aim for the year 2008-2009. Nothing in the official website of the school speaks of a the presence of migrant students or a multicultural agenda even though the ―compating of social exclusion‖ is framed as the school‘s yearly special (the two Educational Aims emphasised on the webpage of the school are the special school year aims designated by the Ministry of education for the school years 2009-2010: ―Compating social excuision through education in the context of a democratic and humanistic school‖ (απνηξνπή ηνπ θνηλσληθνύ απνθιεηζκνύ κέζσ ηεο εθπαίδεπζεο. This lack of intersectionality discloses the nature (particulalry. peace and sharing of political power are considered to be universal (and implicitly. taking up the name its name from the Church of Panayia Phaneromeni (Mary Virgin) located 500 meters from the school. The Gymnasium operated since 1980. we contacted critical analysis of codification at another school in Larnaka. Dianelleion High The school was built in 1961 and originally operated as an orphanage (1961) and lated as a professional school (1962). In the year 1977-78 it was upgraded to a Technical School. The availability of an Arab speaking translator and the enthusiastic assistance by the principle were two other factors for extending Phase III to this school. therapeutic rather than political. a new academic track of Gymnasium was added. ζην πιαίζην ηνπ δεκνθξαηηθνύ θαη αλζξώπηλνπ ζρνιείνπ ) and ―Cultivation of a culture of peaceful co-livinf. This school was not originally included in our research but after contacting interviews with moslem students in Phaneromeni and realizing that many of these students were not considering to continue school after their graduation from gymnasium. aiming to the termination of the occupation and the reunification of our country and our people‖.GEMIC. Phaneromeni High Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Larnaka. are demarcated by ―Educational Aims‖ as separate and autonomous. irrelevant to issues of migrants and other others). is housed in an old Neoclassic Building. we realized that it would add another dimension to our research to examine how older moslem student (16-18) would comment on the scenarios of racial acts codified in the vignettes. the racial aspects) of social exclusion but also exempts issues of migrant student itnergration from issues of national politics. The school has a high enrolment of Arab students. and the two tracks operated parallely in the same premises until 2006 when the technical school moved to a separte new building.

as Dianelleion. Romania. About 40% of migrant students are also from ethnically mixed families. PAPHOS During the first phase Research in Paphos was conducted at two schools. LIMASSOL 1st Elementary School of Germasogia (Christakeio) The school was built in 1970 originally as a small 4-teacher school and. most of them from Poland. School celevrations and rituals. Both schools seem to have responded positively to the special year‘s aim of ―Intercutural Reconciliation‖ (the announcement of the aim stimulated fierce reaction by the teacher unions and was debated for compromising national identity and sidestepping goals of national resistance against the ongoing Turkish invasion). 55 . Cypriot Folklore and Arts. and Gymnasium of Ayios Theodoros. Both of these schools are new schools located in residential middle class areas at the outer fringes of the city of Paphos. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- sessions with an Arab-Greek translator. Research during phases II and III focused only on the second school. the school grew to a modern urban school. Bulgaria. as the area of Germasogia turned into a suburb bordering the outer bringes of the city of Limassol. In his address the Principal makes a references to the ―particular emphasis put on the interculturality of the school unit‖. Christamas. Multiculturalism was the featured theme of the year 2007-2008 final celebration but seems to eclipse from recent celebrations and special learning activities and school projects. Greece. The school. Yeroskipou. as featured on the webside of the school. revilve around Greek National Holidays.GEMIC. Gymnasium of Ayia Paraskeyi. Between 50% and 60% of students are migrants. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. They have considerable percentages migrant students but none of them has a specific ethnic profile of its multicultural outset (they are known as schools with ―alloglossoi‖). During phases II and III research focused only the first school. significant numbers of British also ethnic Pontians (Russia and Georgia) and recently Greek Roma. This multicultural outset of the school is not featured in any way on the official profile of the school. foregrounds on its webpage the special school year aims as well as strong Greek Orthodox identity.

4. Vergina. 2 EPZ school coordinators. Living together‖ (under the aegis of the special aim of ―Combating Social Exclusion‖.2. essay writing (―Roxana‘s first day at her new school‖. a program on Teaching Greek as a Foreign/Second language. since September of 2009 {to be confirmed. Greece. ―Roxana‖ is profiled as the name of a girl from an Eastern European country). their own schools‘ policies. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Researchers prepared daily journal entries on theor school experiences. Researchers continued to write kournal entries for days when special events tooks place. carried out by the Immigration Department and the Police in old city of Nicosia which let to arrest and deportations of many migrants). The interviews were semi structured and focused on the following themes: (a) migration and migration policy (prompt: reference to a recent ―Broom Operation‖. dance and enjoy themselves. The focus grpup with Leceum students (both Moslem and Greek Cypriot) in Larnaka. Teachers identify four groups of ―others‖: Pontians. Phase III was implemented during March and April of 2010 (focus groups on analysis of Codifications in secondary schools) and sociograms with elementary schools kids. was condaucted during this period. three translators (Russian and Arabic). Ahmet had also brought a cd with Arabic music and at some moment he gave it to the teacher to play. Ayia Paraskeyi: The percentage of migrant students is between between 20 and 30%.GEMIC. The students play music of their preference. Besides this. Some other student (male. two teachers of GFSL. καζεηήο) jumps in and says: ―What did you bring. It is a custom for graduating students to have a party the last day of class. 4. Phase II focused on interviews with students and teachers and took place during the months October-December 2009 and February 2010. 56 . Teachers also mention dropouts of migrant students but no official data on dropout rates wer available. This phase was conducted during the months March to June of 2010. All students had brought cds of their favourite music and the teacher (female. Activities included cooking of ethic food (with the participation of ethnic students). Codification A: The CD Story The following event took place at the end of the school year 2008-2009 (in June) in a 6th Grade Class of an Elementary School. Accepting. as if they did not expect that the teacher would play the particular cd. the teachers interviewed mention of no other programs or activities related to migrant education. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- During the school year 2009-2010 the school of Ayios Theodoros held a special day on ―Learning. Applying WP5 methodology in the Cypriot Context: Research tools and research steps Phase I included participatory observation and infornal interviews. Polish and Bulgarians. you kilincir‖?The teacher played the cd and all the Arabic speaking kids were excited. British. Interviews with teachers A total of 42 interviews were conducted with school staff: 3 principals 3 vice principals. check field notes}. (d) gender variation in intercultural interactions and school policies and (e) comments on Codifications A and B (cited below). (c) Intercultural Education (definition and aims). The school implements. (b) impact of migration on school. ―ε δαζθάια‖) played the cds and kids danced. It was recorded by a researcher.

such as the Saint Sophia School. All children were asked to indicate three classmates (positive or negative preference) in the following scenaria: Positive Dynamics: 1. In the case of Vergina Leceum the same students were asked to analyzed codifications in different group setting: inividual. homogeneous group (all Greek Cypriots and all Moslems together) and mixed focus group. Phaneromeni Nicosia: all Migrant boys. Researcher: Are all school like this?? Are there so many kids from other countries in all Cypriot schools? Teacher: No. experiences with regards to the learning of the Greek language and gendered experiences (see Apendix C) Sociograms Detailed sociograms were developed for five classrooms of Christakeio Elementary School (UCINET software was used). passages from one level of education to another.GEMIC. Christakeio Limassol: mixed (gender and ethnicity). Three classmates are often reprimanded by the teacher and are most likely to be expelled. Who are these three? Student Focus Groups In three schools groups group discussions were carried out as follows: Phaneromeni Larnaka: all refugee Moslem girls. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prompts:  Any comments…  What‘s going on here?  What do you think Ahmet think of what happened?  What do you think the teacher think when Ahmet handed the cd to her?  What do you think the other Arab kids think of what happened?  Eurydice (Greek name for girl). Greece. Which three classmates would you prefer to work with in class for a group math assignment? 3. The discussion focused on deep description of codifications. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Interviews with students Interviews with students focused on itineraries of migrations. Some of the Codifications used are cited below: 57 . There classmates are absent abd their absence does not make a difference for the rest of the class. Which three classmates would you prefer to go to the movies together? 4. What do you think was the response of her mother?  What do you think about the way the teacher handled the whole thing? Codification B: Clean Schools A researcher in a Cypriot school has in informal interview with the teachers. Which are these three? 6. there are also clean school which do not have foreign [xenoi] students. described the event to her mother. Which three classmates would you be excited if they came to you birthday party? Negative Dynamics: 5. Which three classmates would you prefer to spend time with during the break? 2.

another boy. they are fighting with each other. giggling and having a nice time while taking photos with their mobiles. never again. the Gym teacher. These are different from the Cypriots. Let them fight! As you see. a Cypriot girl. Codification F: Romance or War? Kalipso with Vinka θαη Igora are sitting in the hallway (δηάδξνκνο). Mantalena sees the father of Halil arriving. In fact. Tarek also expains to Mantalena that now Halil is calling his father and asking him to com to school to beat up Ahmet. who is also responsible for the Arab boys. she is meeting in the Parking with a Teacher. Ahmet and Tarek At noon. Don‘t ask them anything. Codification D: The story of Halil. Ask only me. she is parking her car ans as oon as she gets out she sees a group of about 12 Palestinian boys arguing in the Parking. Female students of Palestinian origin who wear the scarf in school refuse to participate in the typical ―all class phot‖ at the end of the year becausem as they claim. The fight started in the classroom of Halil and Ahmet but they took it outside.She comments. don‘t mess up with them. a teacher (female) notices that the girls are together. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. their tradition does not allow them to take photos with men. With this research you are doing you create a lot of problems. Greece. The only adult who is watching this scene is a researcher. Tarek. Mantalena arrives at school after the bell rung. who speaks Greek and has been her translator. wan nose is bleeding. ―Why do you mess up with their lives and their fights? he yells at her. Christina. The other Palestinian boys from other classes were notified about this event and came right away. «Αα…ηνύηεο νη «καληηινύδεο». This Gymnasium is also attended by many Arab refugee students. when Mantalena is leaving from school. to tell her what is going on. Halil. is holding a mobile telephone and is talking to someone. She gets closer to see what‘s going on. Ιβαλ is approaching them. the last week of February 2010. Codification E: The scarfed girls The following story takes place in a Gymnasium in Cyprus during the end of the school year 2008-2009.GEMIC. Mr. and this way you turn them against each other. Ahmet and Tarek (Part I) The following story takes place at the parking of a Gymnasium in Limassol. Ξέξσ ζαο θαιά εγώ!». Christina seems to like it.10 am (the bell rung 10 minutes ago and classes have already started). Mantalena asks another child. also comes out from the Ancient Greek class (says she is sick and she is excused) and comes and sits with them. The time is 7. She is very worried and rushes to the Office of the Principal to inform him. Ioannis. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Codification C: The story of Halil. The girls did not go to class because the class has ancient Greek (―νη μέλνη δελ θάλνπλ αξραία‖). Late on the same day. They do not understand. not with Cypriots. You keep asking who did this and whose fault is it. bit up Tarek with his fists and with a stone because Halil was having fun of him. 58 . To avoid problems in the future. while shaking her head in a derogatory way: ― You little scarfed girls!!! I know all about you‖. She does not understand what they saying but it is obvious that there is a lot of tension. sits next to Christina and starts teasing her. Mantalena Tsouka. Tarek explains to Mantalena that Ahmet.

the best football player in the whole school! At some point. GC. Girls come all dressed up. All boys bring balls to play soccer.GEMIC. in a very derogatory way: ―It stinks of Arabs in here‖ («Βξσκεί αξαπηέο δακέζα. the ball gets off its way and bounces on Φξηζηίλα. Kuriakos. telling them: ―you must respect our religious sites in the same way we eill respect your sites later. who is admittedly. when we will take off our shoes befire we enter the Tekke. make the gesture of the cross. quite intensily. a GC boy. At St Lazarus Church At the the Palestinaians (with the exception of Jemal who hangs out with a Russian boy) gather along the side wall of the yard and Ammal takes photos of them. trying to impress Iβάλ. GCs start debating whether they should get inside or not. Stephanos. the holy water spring (ayiasma). Later they start dancing traditional dances (the dances they are supposed to present at the end of the year school festival). starts complaining: ―I am not going to get in there! What they think I will give two euro to get in there?‖ On the entrance. says to her friend Maria. Greece. One girl. One of them. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. At Hala Sultan Tekke Moslem students separate themselves from the rest. and Christina tells Kyriakos: ―He could have melt you.») 59 . Margarita. In this particular school there is a high enrolment of Moslem refugee students form Iraq. They speak in Arabic. who decides to stay out: ―Going in these doesn‘t mean that you will change your faith‖. A GC girl. if he wanted!!‖ Codification G: Excursion to Saint Lazarus and Hala Sultan Tekke Grade one class of a gymnasium visits these two monuments during their end fo the year excursion. like a little ant. is showing off his football skills. A group of these. they listen to English music and take photos with their mobiles again. Some kids are giggling and the guide reprimands them. On the way to the Tekke. necklaces and earrings. yells to them: ―Hey you. The kids use their mobiles to take photos of everything. Liana. Inside the Tekke another GC boy comments. Ιβάλ gets up and walks toward Kyriakos! He grasps him by the neck and shakes him up really hard! Καιπςώ get really worried and screams to Ιβάλ: ―Let him down!‖ Hassan walks away. be quiet!‖ The guide for the Palestinian kids gives them a tour and explains about the tomb. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- There is another group of Cypriot Boys who are playing football. etc. catholic Polish. First they visit Saint Lazarus Church and later Hala Sultan Tekke. Most of them stay out and only about 15 decide to go inside. including the Palestinian girls who put on nice scarves. as a joke.

Alexandra Zavos‘. Of the total number of students. just before Xmas. although the exact numbers fluctuate since part of the student population is not permanently resident in the area.GEMIC. Kerameikos The school: 49th Primary School of Athens The 49th Primary School of Athens. The main reason for this is the main researcher‘s. 1/5 are Afghanis. Greece. Asomaton Str. The school is located in a downgraded area of the city. refugees and homeless people reside. has changed the gender dynamics of the school. with whom she have had a longstanding acquaintance through their common political involvement in anti-racist and migrant activism. Greece: A case study on 49th Primary School of Athens. and the rest are Albanians and Chinese. relationship to one of the teachers working in the school.4. The percentage of boys and girls is approximately half. There are 13 teachers and one principal. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. although the arrival of 17 Afghan boys from the Hostel of the Medecins du Monde. located in the inner city area of Kerameikos on Ag. and therefore. often relocates.3. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4. with Albanians actually outnumbering all other national groups. where nowadays mostly migrants. Vasso Nikolaou. has been chosen as the main site of the fieldwork. 1/5 are Greeks.. while at the same time it is also part of a larger – informal – urban regeneration scheme. The school numbers approximately 100 students. involving the refurbishment of old apartments and warehouses into lofts. as well as the development of new uses mostly in 60 . all of whom hold permanent positions at the school.

students and parents. rather than take on the expense of a new school in a neighbourhood where mostly migrant children will become its students. as Vasso reported. the school community. Greece. the school also accommodates refugee and other children from the surrounding hostels/shelters. The building. In fact. turned into a school by adding iron bars everywhere. The school itself is housed in an old building that was originally used as a storehouse of the Ministry of Culture and later. Morreover. anyway unsuitable for public educational use by all standards. in absence of other state provisions. represents in recent years a rather uncommon arrangement since it has attracted a large number of cultural institutions and foundations that sit side by side with dilapidated and collapsed houses and empty lots. thus performing a kind of emergency social aid role. have begun very active mobilizations (picture on the right) to demand a commitment on the part of the Ministry of Education that the new school will indeed be built. Currently. sparse social ties that are kept up in part through the presence of the school itself. The current mobilizations on behalf of the school community represent a significant occasion for the invigoration or initiation of social relations between quite different and disparate residents of the neighborhood. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- relation to the spreading in the area entertainment industry. who do not hold ties with the neighborhood. since it is assumed that the Ministry would much rather close down the school altogether. In addition. including teachers. the new uses will actually destroy even the existing. An empty lot on the opposite side of the street had been acquired by the School Buildings Organization in order to construct a new school. the specific street on which the school is found. In the vicinity of the school we find Koumoundourou Square. A new urban middle class of mostly middle-age professionals. is in very bad condition and cannot fulfill the needs of the students. already 20 years ago. the teachers. all of who find themselves drawn together in the cause of demanding better schooling for their children. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. are rather skeptical about the success of their efforts. is making its appearance. but plans have remained on paper for a number of years. However. it is further assumed that the trend towards urban regeneration is affecting the school negatively: rather than contributing to the growth and liveliness of the neighborhood.GEMIC. an old but recently (for the 2004 Olympics) redecorated 61 .

they agreed that Zavos would be doing participant observation in her class and they set up the timeframe for the fieldwork. Greece. living or working in the surrounding area. where she taught 6th grade. the re-construction of identities of migrants and Greeks and of representations of migration. mostly Albanians. a man with whom Vasso was not on the best of terms. because the Pedagogical Institute creates too may problems for them. Her agreement came as a relief. friends of ours. Vasso worked at the 49th Primary School of Athens. Nevertheless. the researcher was advised by other researchers as well as teachers to forgo official procedure since her application would most likely be rejected. we try to accommodate them informally. the researcher soon found out that she still had to obtain the permission of the school principal. She was willing to accommodate the researcher‘s request. indicated. through the researcher‘s personal connections. where two contradictory tendencies intersect: urban regeneration and institutional abandonment. The Greek Researcher. Even though the relevant research proposal was prepared. Alexandra Zavos. In this sense.GEMIC. For the purposes of research for the Greek case study this campaign is a significant site of negotiation of gendered and racialized power relations. want to carry out a research project in schools. belonging. The school is located in a downgraded inner city area of Athens.‖ The researcher decided to follow this advice. Far from romantically idealizing the campaign as an example of intercultural cooperation. Zavos was interested in recording the interactions between social actors. even up to a whole year. selected the particular school for her fieldwork for a number of reasons: a. it would take many months. and social status. to explore the possibility of carrying out my research project in her school. or. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- public square. signed by the scientific coordinator of the research project 62 . before it was processed. student culture in the school is not predominantly ‗Greek‘ but mixed. as well as by parts of the urban drug trade-scene. This square today is mostly used by migrants. Closing down the school will also affect the uses and image of the square as well. ―when fellow teachers. with whom they had previously engaged in anti-racist activism together. this campaign organized by teachers. The researcher acknowledges that her position in the school as researcher would need to take into account the campaign as well as the ways in which she might be implicated or called upon to participate. Formal access was officially obtained through application to the Pedagogical Institute of the Ministry of Education. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The school has launched a campaign to demand that educational authorities construct a new school building. as well as considering these interactions in terms of citizenship practices. and contacted a teacher friend of hers. b. As one teacher. Gaining access Access to the school could only be obtained informally. even though the road seemed open. head of the Cultural Division for Primary Education. since the researcher was quite anxious about finding an available school. c. parents and students together represents a site of more intensified intercultural interactions. Vasso Nikolaou. The student population comprises a majority of migrant students. A formal letter of application. where about ten years ago a large number of Kurdish refugee families had sought shelter setting up a temporary outdoor camp.

alfavita. was impressive as an excessive exercise of rank on his part. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Even though he received the letter one month in advance of the planned start of the fieldwork. Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. given the overall low achievement rate in this class.php). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (GEMIC) and the university.. Ideological wars over the identity of the Greek nation and people have been fought on the battleground of education.A detailed fieldwork diary was kept by the researcher recording: mundane and exceptional incidents during school 21 For example. wassubmitted requesting his permission to access the school and explaining the purpose and scope of the research. one indeed where Vasso commanded authority among teachers and principal. One of the arguments put forth in this analysis is that educational politics in Greece are governed by a longstanding preoccupation with issues of national identity: the safegurading and fortification of ‗Greekness‘ against perceived internal and external enemies. he wanted to make sure that she knew he was running things. Applying WP5 methodology in the Greek Context: Research tools and research steps Fieldwork Fieldwork included participant observation in the 6th grade classroom. 63 . the Pedagogical Institute blocked a study proposed by a group of students at the Institute of Education. and he had been nformed him of the researcher‘s it is important to consider questions of access and the regulation of research in education in relation to the ideological premises guiding educational politics and assumptions about childhood. a small-scale pilot study on high school teachers‘ attitudes showed even teachers‘ lack of motivation regarding the study of Ancient Greek to contradict rationales provided by educational authorities on the necessity of this class. depending on the principal‘s tolerance / clearance for access to the school put the researcher in a position where she was expected to ‗perform submission and deference‘ and continuously reiterate gratitude for his accommodation. Indeed. accountability and safety.4. The particularities of the specific school setting notwithstanding. a position which made it more difficult for her to enact her ‗objective researcher‘ role. as well as the whole school community during break-time. Feeling interpellated as a ‗friend‘ rather than a ‗researcher‘ put a strain on my research priorities. meant to compel the researcher‘s compliance (submissiveness) as well as ascertain her correct approach to school politics. particularly with regard to criticizing her teaching practices. School of Philosophy. the researcher felt on the one hand personally indebted to Vasso. Fieldwork lasted from March 2009 to June 2009. In other words. as well as have a private chat with him in his office to submit her credentials.GEMIC. once she began visiting the school. or not taking her side in her disputes with other teachers. and that her research would not frame him or his school in a compromising way. Given the above constraints. This undue formality in an otherwise very informally run school. The politics of education have been historically and systematically defined by hegemonic struggles to determine the content and meaning of Greekness. on high school students‘ attitudes towards the lesson of Ancient Greek.4. Specifically. Greece. the researcher‘s previous relationship to Vasso. (http://www. On the other hand. he required that she should resubmit the letter of application.21 4. as well as her informally tolerated presence in the school presented particular challenges for carrying out the research. including students in the yard and teachers in the teachers‘ office.

Interviews with students included all students of the 6th grade (a total of twenty student interviews). relations with foreigners.GEMIC. each student read aloud his/her remembered event and a discussion ensued based on the elicited memories and feelings. The purpose of this task was to allow students. associated with the drawing. All other interviews were conducted in Greek. the neighborhood. and their parents‘. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. how their mother imagines them. in arrangement with the special education teacher. For lack of space.5 hours each. including interviews with the school principal. they were conducted in various classrooms. images and expectations about the future in a non-verbal medium that would allow affective elements of their personal / family context to emerge less mediated by rationalizations of ‗proper‘ responses. The students were instructed to produce a drawing of their feelings from school and give them a title. French teacher. the researcher‘s own feelings and experiences at school. In one case of an Afghan refugee boy an Afghan interpreter was invited to translate between the interviewer and the interviewee. special education teacher. Each interview was followed by a future projection drawing exercise. 1st to 6th grade teachers. and how their father imagines them. or the principal‘s office. class and school conflicts. and. They were all conducted in one corner of the basement. other events relevant to the research. The chosen drawing was posted on the blackboard and the students were encouraged to recall an incident or event of the school year. Group Interviews Several informal discussions with students in class took place addressing the topics of: gender and sexuality. Subsequently they were asked to vote one among all the drawings. general observations about the school. Interviews Interviews were conducted with all school trachers (a total of eleven interviews). A formal focus group session was organized with the help of the SCIT (Synallactic Collective Image Technique) methodology. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- participant observation. and the Afghan interpreter who assisted during the interview with the Afghan student. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed in Greek. give it a title and note down their feelings about the recorded event. Interviews with the students followed a semi-structured format (see Appendix TBA) and lasted approximately 1. The purpose of this last task was to elicit students‘. as a group. Sociogram A sociogram of the 6th grade was elicited based on two questions: Which one of your classmates would you choose to prepare for a difficult exam with? Which one of your classmates would you choose to go on holiday with? The first question was meant to explore group dynamics between students based on scholastic priorities. physical education teacher. English teacher. Besides the teachers. to access 64 . during which students were asked to draw how they imagine themselves in 20 years time. the researcher interviewed the social worker at Medecins du Mone. The second question was meant to explore group dynamics between students based on leisure and friendship priorities. teaching. that happened to be empty at the appointed date. Interviews with teachers followed a semi-structured format and lasted approximately two hours each. Afterwards. informal discussions with teachers and students. responsible for the group of Afghan refugee families whose children joined the school after mid-term.

Important year in the history of this school is the school year 1952/53 when the school transformed from male gymnasia to a mixed gender school. These are lines that show importance of this transformation for the identity of the school: 65 . and to initiate a collective discussion about this experience grounded in their personal experience. Albanian students are taught Macedonian language but Macedonian students are not taught Albanian.e.. Macedonian and Albanian. the first of this kind in Skopje. Whereas in the case of Greece and Cyprus multicultural schools adopt the same (i. historically. Greece. The ―multicultural‖ outset of this school is quite different from the outset encountered in the Greek and Cypriot context. ethnic and other identities. Importantly. and it is a school where students from different ethnic groups learn together. After the occupation of Macedonia from Bulgaria in 1941 The Trade Academy became a 5 year Trade Gymnasium. The school Cvetan Dimov was opened in 1925/26year as the first Trade Academy in Macedonia. something which renders this school a unique place for research on intercultural relations and negotiations of gender. with ethnic Albanians being the dominant group. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. which are the languages of the two dominant majorities in the locality of Cvetan Dimov.GEMIC. The foundation of the first Trading academy in Skopje was an important event.5. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- underlying thoughts and feelings linked to their school experience. Teaching takes place in two shifts and in two different languages correspondingly. is intertwined with the history and politics of Macedonia in the framework of Yugoslavia before the 2nd world war. This secondary school is located in the multicultural part of the city. However in both language shifts there are mixed ethnic classes. 4. more so over the anti peoples politics and regime of ex Yugoslavia which were against every line of enlightment and education of the nationally and socially oppressed Macedonian people…The foundation of the Business Academy was reflection of the need for exploitation and research of national resources of Macedonia from the government. the format of the discussion facilitated the participation and input from all students and not just the more vocal ones. national) curriculum and implement that in mixed classrooms (with migrant students offered separate supplementary courses in Greek as a second/foreign language). The particular school was the first mixed secondary school in Skopje for girls and boys (though now there are more boys in the school than girls) and is located in the ethnically mixed neighbourhood of Skopje. There is an interesting story and interpretation of this beginning stated in the history section on the school‘s web page: The need for a school of business . In 1945 the Gymnasium was named Cvetan Dimov. Within the same shift there are also two different tracks.4. Skopje The school: Cvetan Dimov High The national case study will be on a unique secondary school in Skopje – Cvetan Dimov. in this case Albanian and Macedonian classes operate in separate time slots (in morning and afternoon shifts) but within the premises of the same school. gymnasium and economic courses. Macedonia: A case study on Cvetan Dimov.

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This educational institution becomes symbol of equality among sexes with the renaming to boy-girl gymnasium. The young enthusiastic spirit which was felt from all present during the opening celebration , confirm the avant-garde and visionary educational and above all nurturing of young people, as a result of a cosmopolitan ―spiritus mundi‖ well-kept in our institution. From then on the school passed through different changes and had its peaks as the best trade school in the country. Today Cvetan Dimov is an economic - legal and business school, as well as a gymnasium. The school is famous for its ethnic and cultural diversity. This is an important image that people from the school want to encourage: ―we have to modestly acknowledge that this school is on the right track of democracy and equality, vision of all men of reason and dedicated workers in the educational process, of all grown man responsible for the proper development of young individual‖ (Cvetan Dimov, 2004). But the public image of the school is not that bright in the media coverage. For example, one title from a national TV station from 2007 says: ―Fights, quarrel and knives are part of school life in the secondary school Cvetan Dimov‖. (A1, 2007). The public image of the school is mostly related to violent incidents, stories of students carrying guns at school and as a school with ethnically mixed population, mostly Albanian, which is percieved as unsafe environment for development. The school‘s location also supports this image. It is situated on Bul. Dzon Kenedi (John Kennedy), street publicly known as a street of armed incidents of Albanian drug dealers. This is how the assistant director describes his attitude towards the school when he started to work:

Four years ago I got a job for the first time, as a teacher for economic subjects, and on the first day my thought was: ―O my God, where am I going?‖ To a school that has reputation for bad things and so on and even if I had a chance to work at another place, I luckily started here. First time you see it as a school, if you listen to the stereotypes and prejudices, it sheds bad light on the school. First its location, people say that there is crime, and is this true or not is other thing. It is located on a very busy street (Fieldnotes
from Fieldwork in Cvetan Dimov).

The school pedagogue informed that in recent years mostly low grade students enroll in the school so the rating of the school is dropping, and lot of students from near by rural communities enroll which for urban citizens is treated as not attractive. Researchers chose the school as a unique school, one of few where students from different ethnic backgrounds study together, especially Albanian and Macedonian students, since they mostly study in separate languages and live parallel lives. One of the researchers already had experience with this particular school as part of one action project and one research. Her knowledge of some of the school issues and context enabled more insight in some aspects of the school life and relations. Cvetan Dimov is a big school with 1800 students and 128 employees which study and work in two shifts according to the language of instruction. The structure of the school that shows the number of students in the gymnasium, the legal and the economic education by ethnicity and gender are presented in the Table 1 and Table 2 in the appendix. After few visits and established communication with one class teacher, researchers decided to focus on her class, because the structure of the class offered ethnic diversity and reflected more or less the image of the school in a nutshell. The class was Third year in the school year 2008/009 and had 26 students and Fourth year during 2009/10 with 21 students, while 5 students didn‘t pass the year. 8 Albanian, 5 Macedonian, 2 Roma and 7 Bosnian students made this small


GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

community interesting site for research. Researchers observed only the Macedonian language shift because of their language barrier, but as well because students from different ethnicities are more present in the Macedonian language shift and the Albanian language shifts are basically all Albanian students. Gaining access The national policy for realization of research in education is under the authority of the Ministry of education. First institutions or researches apply for permission based on a list of documents that are needed for application. The procedure in our case was not very long and lasted about two weeks. Then, the director of the school is another authority who needs to give his consent for the realization of the research. There are other authorities who can be brought as steppingstones in the process beside the director of the school - the local government and the School Board which also have regulative power in the school. In this case the director accepted the permission from the Ministry and didn‘t ask for other administrative procedures or documents. 4.4.6. Applying WP5 methodology in the Macedonian Context: Research tools and research steps As in the case of Cyprus, the research team had to obtain official permission from the Ministry of Education and the school principal for conducting site-based research in the school. The original informant was a 3rd grade who functioned as a contact person with other teachers, administration, students etc. During the first phase, the researchers conducted participatory observation in spaces of interethnic interaction and connection as well as spaces demarcated and separated by ethnic difference and conflict. During the second phase, researchers had informal interviews with students on the themes of friendship and romance and recorded stories on relationships between young people from different ethnic and religious background as well as stories on conflicts between students (some of these stories were later used as codifications and researchers prompted students to offer ―thick descriptions‖ of these stories). During the third phase, the researchers conducted semi-structured interviews and organized focus groups in order to explore in more depth power relations among students and between students and teachers, as well as networks of power with regards to school hierarchies. The research consisted of three phases: (a) participatory observation on classroom events and interactions and informal interviews on experiences, (b) production of codifications based on data collected in phase a and semi-structured interviews and (c) critical discussion of stories elicited in phases a and b, with focus on gender, power, identity, relations between students and teachers and negotiations of borders and identities. In order to map the researchers‘ insights on the setting and draw connections between these and major research questions and concepts, a list of indicators was prepared. This was an open list of indicators which mapped relations in regards to points of gathering, as well as modifications of relations with regards to ethnically separated as wells as dynamic and ethnically diverse settings (Appendix 2 TBA). Researchers were particularly interested in processes of identity formation and power relations, thus thay focused on stories about violence and conflict, experiences of closeness/intimacy, friendship, love and solidarity.


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Phase I Researchers started with participatory observation on school life and social interactions in the school yard, entrance hall and other hallways. The observation enabled researchers to locate different settings and arenas of intercultural interaction in the multiple settings in/around the school. Researchers wrote substantial descriptive field notes about visits and observations, notes about interactions and informal interviews, and their own self-reflections about certain feelings, events, moments. During this phase a workshop was carried out on friendship –the class teacher introduced the reserachers to the class and gave them the stage for about 30 minutess. The researchers taked to the students about the research and the topics of their interest. They focused on the friendship, had a whole class discussion on friendship and asked students to write what friendship means to them, keeping in minding questions such as ―is friendship possible among girls and boys‖ and ―what should the best friend be like‖. At this phase focus groups held non-structured discussions about relations in the school and the classroom concerning ethnicity and gender, relationships of friendship and love as well as experiences of conflict and violence. Researchers also had informal interviews with particular students and teachers, asking them to describe what they thought were memorable events of violence and closeness, friendship, love and solidarity. Phase II This involved reflection on all the data collected during Phase I and production of codifications that encapsulated in the narrative format of little vignettes the most interesting events and insights researchers had during Phase I. Eleven codification were developed and the most representative ones were used at Phase III to elicit thick descriptions from students and engage them in reflective discussion. Phase III Participatory observation was continued with specific focus on one classroom and in-depth interviews were carried out with students in order to elicit critical reflections on the stories developed in Phase II. Critical Ethnography in Cvetan Dimov included self-ethnography by the researchers. One of the strengths of the research was that the two researchers had the opportunity to go to the school together most of the times. They had the chance to talk to each other, write separate field notes and compare them, something which enriched the ―thickness‖ of the descriptions and introduced multiperspectivity to the production of data and their interpretation. The language barrier presented a major difficulty. Both researchers were Macedonian speaking, with no or very little knowledge of Albanian which is one of the two major languages in the school (especially among students). Researchers felt this barrier mostly in attempting to establish rapport with Albanian students. This was further complicated due to the researchers gender and ethnic identity. Researchers made interviews with Albanian boys but did not have any opportunities to talk to Albanian girls. Researchers‘ insight The research in not objective, in a positivist sense, but is rather marked by the researchers‘ subjective position. The Researchers‘ own experiences, expectations, ethnic and cultural background shape both the data and the interpretation. Team ethnography, however, can mediate the impact of one-sidedness since it provided the researchers with opportunities for


the researched were also participating in intercultural interaction and not just witnessing the others‘ interactions. othering and being other-ed. Greece. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- comparing their findings and realizing how the researchers‘ positionalities. on both sides. their selections of prompts.GEMIC. the ways theu elicited narratives and their interpretations were also part of the thick descriptions to be produced. To some extent. 69 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Thus the researchers were also caught a the research experience which elicited on their behalf reflections on intercultural dynamics and challenged them with the experiencial reality of borders.

Zavos notes that the construction of different kinds of migrants. traditional. on the other hand. to those who come from afar. Greece. however. that is Cypriots have not get used yet to living with foreigners‖ (Interview with MC. will change. as ‗other‘. eventually. This is not that easy (Interview with Pluto). we forget where these kids come from. Nicosia). The kids are all the same to me. also state that Cypriots‘ ‗closed mindedness‘ now has to and. a multicultural ethos ensuing from Cyprus‘s EU accession. or on notions of a common class identity (‗we too were once poor‘). At the same time. the Cypriot teachers state uninhibitedly. or in terms of social position/identity (war refugees). ‗we do not discriminate‘. ‗we are racists‘. make sense of and negotiate ethno-cultural difference. they have their religion. the integratable migrant is construed as the migrant who can be treated as same. in the Cypriot Report is identified as a ‗European correctness‘. but we. to integate. ‗Closeness‘ is modeled on the basis of geographical and territorial proximity. They have their civilization. they have their customs.GEMIC. and. ‗Cypriots are racisits‘. What is identified by the Greek Report as a discourse of ‗political correctness‘. etc. it is also evident that teachers engage in a continuous effort to come to terms with. and is established at the cost of erasing differences. 70 . however. Thus. as same. either in geographical terms (Asia. in particular. the concept of cultural difference is abstract and linked to the discourse of political correctness. Cypriots will learn to accept others: ―This thing is still at its beginning stages. simultaneously also perform a cultural politics of separation. Integration means that the migrant can become a quasi-insider and thus be smoothly assimilated. Statements of the kind ‗all kids are the same to me‘. treat children the same. or ‗grateful subject‘ is linked to the production of the idealized self-image of the nation and the projection of its fullfilment in the future. and attribute racist attitudes to Cyprus‘ being until recently. This is represented in the repeated evocation that they do not ‗separate‘ or discriminate between children from different backgrounds. often drawing on notions of a common cultural-historical heritage (‗we were all part of the Ottoman Empire‘). Greeks and Albanians. Teachers. They alsohave their culture. Greeks. or. ‗quasi-insider‘. However. Unbridgable difference. China). with a small population. Technical School. are also prevalent in interviews with Cypriot teachers. The cultural politics migration (Greece and Cyprus only) Zavos reports that analysis for teachers of kerameikos. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PART TWO: ANALYSIS OF EMPIRICAL DATA 5. are at a more advanced stage of social development). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. too suddenly in a way. and they come in here. is projected further afield. but. Such attempts to establish similarity through identification with class or cultural background. so we can understand the experiences of current poor migrants). and a change of mindset required by global mobilities and reconstruction of local societies. forge connections. or common experiences of migration (‗Greeks were also poor migrants once‘). or relegating differences to a developmental narrative of culture and history (we. modeled on the basis of national stereotype (Greeks were once poor migrants. are alike. variously. a small and culturally homogeneous place. rather.

Nicosia) The same teacher. the gestures they make. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- All teachers agree that migrants provide cheap labour. does not know the meaning of some things. some rules we have in our country. As long as you are in this place.g. and I think that it bothers that. most people walking around are foreigners. but later on. as far as you can see. e. Technical School. She herself cannot participate in the lesson and the students know that she is foreigner and does not understand some things. judging from the students in my class. migrant is not preserved in the English translation. in Eleftheria square. comfortable. ―He‘ s an alien (allodapos) M‘m and we are not listening to his opinion‖.. liberal. still.GEMIC. (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher.. during the break. all these foreigners sitting there… If they don’t take care of their appearance. however. this bothers me. I do not know if in some other schools there is much more fanaticism and there is that kind of conflicts. there is no problem. they may be eating something and--notice this!—the they may be eating seeds and throughing down the shells When they eat pumkin seeds they spit the shells out . and I think it is from these little things we start and move on. It may sound silly or very insignificant what I am going to say. but it bothers me there. from its start to the very far end. when I see her together with her female fellow students and her male fellow students. The discourses of multicultural ethos and economic rationality. there in no discrimination on grounds of someone being a foreigner. They do the jobs the Cypriots would never do. teacher. in Eleftheria square. sometimes it is even nice to go somewhere and see something from various cultures. fs. e. In my own class I see that the migrant [f] student22 is treated by the rest as a member of the class. the gender of the referent is indicated in brackers by f. Greece. Nicosia) 22 Because the gendering of referents such as student. Now. to get more specific and not to use these generalities ‘it bothers’ and so on. eating pamkin seeds and spitting the shells. m. it just bothers me. at the benches. I do not know if I become racist in regards to thts matter but I cannot…it bothers me to see this thing. they are together and you see them. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. at the center of the capital. which is not bad. do not tame or absorbe raciological discoures: I think in general there is racism even tough we pretend to be. let’s say. normally. it is their right to dress the way they want … pathetic…It just bothers me when I see that dirt around them. it depends on the persons. and. not taking him into consideration in the sense that tudents would say. ms. for example. there is no … but even if we bracket the way they sit. but it bothers me to see them not respecting some things. that we accept to have some kind of communication and equality with everyone. replying to a question on impact of migration on her school. many times I catch myself to be bothered that I do not see any Cypriots walking there and wherever I go I see that foreign element. it is not the presence of foreigners that bothers me. 71 . (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher. I want you to respect some things…a Cypriot could have done this…but they [foreigners] are in groups. the way they sit. and so on …I think many people have a racist attitude. normally. Technical School. says: I think there has not been any. they are the ―blood donors of the Cypriot economy‖.

I believe that this first contact and this first communication … (Interview with Greek Filology Teacher. at the same time.. Greece. He states: ―We are racists without a knowledge of what racism is‖ (Interview with Socrates. that something has already been violated: 72 . Staff members describe the school as a―mosaic‖ and a ―paradise‖ for migrants: ―Here they find love. Nicosia) The speaker is exceptional in her uninhbited tainting of migrant others as uncivilized and. ―we are racist‖ or ―Cypriots are racist‖ or ―there is racism‖. the statement is paradigmatic of some patterns of speech in the interviews with teachers in Cypriot schools. The teachers state upfrontly at the beginning of the interview. Teachers in these schools make critical comments about the ―clicks‖ that Pontians used to form in the past and state that now they are pleased to see that migrants and natives ―interact together‖.e. Still. an exclusion of some kinds (some ethnicities are accepted and some are framed as malignant for school balance. they make negative remarks about the ―new ones‖. however. how to live with others. abject. exhonerates the speaker and allows her/him to proceed with any kind of stereotyping discourse. the time they leave school and will go to the center where it is eaier to see the aliens [allodaoi]. as ―seasonal‖ or ―wonderers‖. The discourse used by the philologist above is paradigmantic of a certain philosophy on the principles of migration policy. Only one teacher dismantles. Technical School. acceptance. the lowest of the low). one that echoes the kantian hypothetical imperative on hospitality: I receive you are long as you respect the rules of the ‗house‘ and me as its master. Not just by teachers. a disbanding of ethnic clicks (who often speak their language amongst themselves). fashioned like parhesia. in our way we push other children to embrace them‖ (Interview with ). This is usuall accompanied by two other gestures. i. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Comparisons between ‗old‘ and ‗new‘ migrants are also made in Gymnasia with lower rates of migrant anrolment (between 20 and 30 %).‖ This ―contact‖ is supposed to have a spontaneous effect on native students: … the mere fact that they find themselves next to these people might help them later on. school order). The upfront-ness of speech. Design Teacher. understanding.GEMIC. and other times. Roma migrants from Greece. this statement of being recist and its performative emptying of seriousness by locating racism at the beginning of an evolutionary process of self-change. when they come out and much more easily will meet in their leisure time. conditional hospitality is projected as a balance of percentages (maximum ceiling on migrants). rather euphemistically. the ―Turkishcypriots‖ and those ―who gather together and speak in there language. Technical School). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The positive impact of intercultural education is understood as ―contact‖ with ―a foreing presence [that] has entered the classroom. Racism is stated only to be placed at the beginning of an evolutionary process: racism will be overcomed as Cypriots come to learn. The principal of a school where migrants exceed 50%.‖ In Gymnasia with Arab enrolments (about 10%). there is a sense among both teachers and Cypriot students that the conditionality of hospitality has already been breached. in a quite sarcastic way. Despite its exceptionality. is framed both as an achievement and as a condition of fragility. In the case of Cyprus. to whom they refer othetimes as ―kilintziroi‖ (decadent. staff contrasts the successful integration of migrants with the problematic new-comers. In the same school. states that that migrants are well integrated in his school. her upfront admission of being racist. Balance. unavoidably. for the school will not be able to operate ―if they exceed 60%‖.

talk of the exodus of the Greekcypriots and the overall decline of the number of students. Larnaka) The responses of teachers are very different in the Phaneromeni Gymnasium and the Phaneromeni Elementary school in Nicosia. one in every ten. implies that they are expected to be interested in Greece not only for economic but for socio-cultural reasons as well. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Biology T: In order to have multiculturalism you first need to have culture. Teachers from these schools do not adopt any positions on the conditionality of hospitality. something that has to stop. teachers speak with nostalgia about the previous state (and status) of the school. Any comparisons made are rather sociological. Many teachers speak of the acceptance and love offered to migrants and only a very few complain about disciplinary problems. It will be a kind of melting pot that will create a new culture. however. no ethnic comparisons between eastern Europeans and Arab others. Researcher: How many non-Greek speakers do you have? 35? Biology T: . Greece. as a Cypriot society. Teachers talk of intercultural policies in their school as of a long ago established institutional rationality.Ee. and it is negatively valued. strong family ties and solid belief in the value of education) to the new migrants. a place outside the polis and outside the terrain of educational politics. This unfulfilled expectation and subsequent complaint by Greek 73 . no contestations over the difference (on no difference) between Turks and Turkish Cypriots. These schools came to be framed early on as the paradigmatic ―multicultural schools‖ in Cyprus (the percentage of migrants is almost 85%). no derogatory comments on cultures and mentalities. That culture will be something new.‖ The conditional framing of hospitality and acceptance is also prevalent in Zavos‘ interviews with Greek teachers. speak about a decline of academic standards. (PM Fieldnotes. It is as if the school were a heterotopia: neither a utopia. they do not make an effort for something more‘. they have started to have a negative influence on us. the kind of marriage that takes place among migrants will also keep changing. They eat us. It is us who pretty soon will need integration. The criticism that ‗they only learn what they need for getting on with their work. since they are the ones considered to have higher cultural affinity with Greeks and also to have integrated most (and perhaps. All teachers.‖ an ―opportunistic‖ one. She talks about ―a moving world. Especially in the Gymnasium. mostly with regards to Albanians. Thery make no critical comments about unassimilable ones. without a solid family backbrounf (many single parent families and cases of kids who live with granparents as parents might be already elsewhere trying to make the way to a new start). Biology T: You know what we have become? Araboeuropeans. He argues that as migrant groups will be changing. Philology T: If they had our level. but their level is very low. unconditional and non-deterministic view on the cultural politics of migration with regards to his school. The only teacher who expresses a different. Only one teacher in Phaneromeni Gymnasium compares the old migrants (with traditional values. we would not have problems. We have faced the same phenomena. Phaneromeni Gymnasium. also the ones whose difference must be delineated on new grounds). Zavos reports that lack of language acquistion by parents is seen by teachers as a sign of unwillingness to integrate and become part of Greek society. with the creation of the refugee camps. They are more than us. nor a dystopia. These are kilintziri. they are assimilating us. Especially in schools. Instead of us assimilating them. in a dynamic way: ―for example. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. just an exeption. Is this ‗a few‘? We are only 370. is the principal of the Elementary school. the marriage that will take place this decade in this school will definity not exist in 50-60 years from now. they do not understand anything and their mentality is backward. The school is framed as a hospitable place that accepts others but not as a place for learning. now. Unfortubately.GEMIC.

Albanian parents are not considered entitled to complain about the presence of other migrants in their neighborhood. «Now you know. Even us. mistake. there are duties‖. as 74 .‖ It drives me crazy (Interview with Machdi). I say. rather than demand a better quality of life. which is mainly conceived in terms of economic rationalization and/or exploitation. ―I do not understand you well. they are expected to identify with others‘ plight and position. variously. or tolerated. As Zavos comments. on the one hand. there are rights. the exodus of Albanians is seen as a less ordinary practice that attests to the extreme degradation of the area. Albanians are bound by the cnditionality of hospitality to behave towards other migrants in ways Greek nationals are not expected to do. and tells him. thereby performing subjection to the higher Greek culture. and to the fundamental ambivalence that structures the relationship between Greeks and migrants. there are responsibilities. the refugee‖. at the same time. Zavos notes that the construction of different kinds of migrants in Greece. Afganistan. especially when Greeks themselves cannot secure this: ―They cannot complain. but also expected to become ‗like Greeks‘. since they themselves were also once in the position of the outsider or abject foreigner. we were like this. It is even seen as a sign of impudence. Even though they are now considered more or less integrated. yesterday. In fact. to become quasi-insiders. what are you. there are laws. aren‘t you a regugee? How can you say this all the time?‖ It drives me crazy It happened to me before. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- teachers of Albanian parents‘ lack of interest in Greek culture. getting integrated (Interview with Pluto). but also love and gratitude. Their relationship to Greece is expected to be an affective one and not just opportunistic calculation of survival and profit We opened up the doors. We came here. we are offered hospitality. to be willing to take in Greek social and cultural norms. whereas Greeks are considered justified to abandon the neighbourhood of Kerameikos. the Albanian defies this little boy from Iran. ―You came to our country to act like a ? I will kick you out.GEMIC. Intolerance is an aspect of being Greek. many years ago. that‘s too much. rightfully belonging and ruling the national territory. they can‘t lay claim to national cultural belonging as proper Greeks can. or at least familiar with Greek identity. they should be thankful for what they have. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. we offer them whatever we can but their parents must also say. (Albanian) migrants are also expected. they are not recognized as having the right to be intolerant of others. A significant difference that cuts across the cultural politics of migration in Greece and Cyprus is the construction of migrants and alien others with regards to the future of the nation. on the other. This Albanian tells me. ―The regugee M‘s.‖ The same also holds true for Albanian childrens‘ negative reactions to other migrants or refugees from Asia. Albanian children‘s intolerance or racism is not justified. a friend teacher of mine told me. they are expected to perform a submissive rather than assertive subjectivity. points to the underlying affective terms of a relationship. Even though they are mainly perceived as cheap labour by Greek society. In Greek territory. as they are both foreigners and poor migrants. and they should also help. Seen as inferior or quasi-Greek subjects. Greece. Seen as ‗others‘. to stay in Greece? Are we coming here. here. who have been granted entrance into the national realm.

teachers refer to ―greekness‖ as a benchmark rather than as the dialectic of the nation. however. In the case of Cyprus. the perhaps protective disposition of the teacher. Beliefs in the inevitability of migration and Cypriots‘ mind change are cut across by fears of some inevitable destruction of balance: ‗We already have more than what this place can take‘: I am not a racist. not reach. It was a a grand mistake of Vasileiou who did not sya. also fixes migrant students. most of them from Asia […] kids who came from Afvanistan (Interview with Pluto). to provide a rationale for the value of education even if it does not return the investment in terms of achieving higher socio-economic status. it is them who learn thigs from us […] Grand mistake that we did not put a limit (PM Fieldnotes. and in working class occupations. but these you know have been integrated in some way. however. as Zavos comments. literature … We talk about it many times and I tell them … «you might not become. is also an understanding of migration as only negative. We have to receipt that number which we will be able to fully accept so that problems don‘t take place and we do not lose our Greekness. little windowpanes on our head … we don‘t have to become all of us scientists … You may be a plumber and still know how to love poetry. essentially. Drawing this parallel is assumed to establish a sense of commonality and acceptance between the Greek teachers and their migrant students. Knowledge is distinguished from scientific or professional qualification. they can become enlightened. Implicitly. Greece. We all have to try and we ll have right to improve our life. Based on the abtract universal ideal of equality and rights.GEMIC. Ioanna. and prompted by the desire to overcome the 75 . WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. in order to allow for migrant children. Here. Migrant children are considered to have a place in the idealized self-image of the nation to the extent the nation is projected as a hierachical socioeconomic system and education as its sychnonizer. It is logical that interaction will occur from the contact of civilizations. such practices are also criticized by the teachers as lacking in taste and being somehow excessive or unreasonable. as second tier citizens. ‗quasi-insider‘. speak the Greek language […] have Greek friends. as Malt did. or ‗grateful subject‘ is linked to the production of the idealized selfimage of the nation and the projection of its fullfilment in the future: We had and stll had many students from Albania. to still partake of the benefits of education. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- ‗other‘. that we will receive migrants because we are not racists. Our problems are with the other aliens. Implicit. a national state and yet not a nation state. A common theme in interviews with Greek and Cypriot teachers is the reference to common experiences of migration. Several of these kids have been born here here. in positions of lower status. A Zavos notes. in this identification. but. who are assumed more than likely to fail such qualifications. cultured and discerning hairdressers or plumbers. Date). National idendification is projected in the quest for a ―balance‖. to open up what I call light. all children are entlitled to knowledge. but up to a point. Dianelleio Gymnasium Larnaka. you can become a hairstylist…‖ […] it is not necessary to get a university degree … I believe they will make it (Interview with Erato). I am in favour of Intercultural Education but I consider very important the presence of a measure in what we do. The perception that Albanian parents live frugally in Greece in order to build a dream home in Albania is likened by Kerameikos teachers to earlier practices of Greek-American migrants who returned to Greece with lots of money to show off their success. change your mind.

he comments: ―We did not learn anything. There is one teacher. secure. Femininities and Gender One of the reasons it is hard to separate normative gender thinking from culturalist approaches to the other is because gender norms are considered to be an exemplary chrystallization of the other‘s cultural codes and values. mostly as students in UK and the USA. we came back and we are so willing to strike others on the head. who dismantles the logic of such comparisons. however. before they could take a regular academic classes. Whereas teachers in the Greek case study makereferences to a collective memory of Greek migration and allude to commonalities and identifications with migrants. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.‖ As he explains. (Interview with Socrates. acquire. we said. we met all these people … in New York. if they had to learn English first. we were logs when we came back. national majorities and ethnic minorities) and sometimes even researchers. culturalist interpretations of school violence—reproduces preconceived notions about gender and heteronormativity. Techniki School Nicosia) 6. Assumed to be concise and stable within and authentic and pure from without inferences. As shown in the analysis of data from the three WP5 partners. exhibit and utilize knowledge about ―others‖ in ways that preserve gender regimes. Thus migration is framed as a one-way process that affects only migrants and not the receiving societies. migrant groups‘ gender norms and practices are treated as an organizing axis around which intercultural inquiry will navigate itself. I will stay here in Astoria where they also speak Greek and they have Greek street labels and feel safe. migrant students should alsohave to enrolled in ―reception classes‖ first and become intefrated in the regural classroom only after they learn Greek. students (native and migrant. teachers‘ tips on how to handle disruptive or unmotivated migrant/minority students. culturally sensitive school practices. Migration as a force of positive social change in receiving countries is not even a possibility. Masculinities. like in my mother‘s belly. teachers also make comparisons between English and American univesities‘ admission and academic policies for international students and measures for migrants in Cypriot schools. in order to establish that they know of multicultural societies and how to live with others. this is black. While alluding to a common experience of ―being foreigner‖. teachers. which are assumed to offer a higher quality of life and a more advanced socio-cultural milieu. in London … and basically we did not meet them well. that is red. Greece. prompting questions posed by researchers. With reference to Cypriots‘ studies abroad. knowledge about the other will be built and intercultural bridges of respect/sensitivity/tolerance will be deployed. teachers in the Cypriot study make references to personal experiences of migration. We were uneducated when we went there. organize. gossip between teachers in staff rooms. 76 . The cultural interest in migrant/ethnic minority students is problematic from a gender perspective not only because its normative framing reproduces patriarchal thinking but also because its elucidation in school settings—informal classroom conversations. The parallel they draw is that. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hardships experienced in the country of origin.GEMIC.

there are some girls who are being looked at. to some extent. at every level … The boys. reproducing heteronormative stereotypes and expectations about gender relations and sexuality. according to which. Machdi: … at some point they complained: ―M‘m. Aggressive Albanian Boys. we explained to them. to take care of chores. they seem to handle better their everydayness as pupils. more assiduous. both girls and boys. the majority 12 boys. for example. teachers or girls. in spite of the fact that sociality among same sex children is quite developed and zealously guarded. AZ: And them (boys). Such discourses surrounding feminized school performance distract attention from more meaningful structural analyses situated within economic and cultural contexts. appear to conform to culturally dominant in Greece gender stereotypes. There are a variety of reasons why this is seen to be the case. in my own class there is a deficit with regards to boys… Whereas girls are more smart and more mature […] Let‘s say. invoke naturally determined qualities for boys and girls. most of which. Stella: When the majority of kids in my class are girls. by nature like this. they pull up our skirt‖ and did things like that.1. you know that. more assiduous. In fact. we told here this thing. and the performance of femininity and masculinity. homosociality and homosexuality are completely submerged in teachers‘ understandings of children‘s sexual behaviour in school. Girls are more competent. whether of Greek or foreign origin. we called the social worker here. As Zavos remarks. girls and boys are assumed to connect better to teachers of the opposite sex. are. such as the sentimentalized diligent (girl) child has come to represent a new neo-liberal subject (Burman 2005). Gender roles. such as Gypsies or Afghan refugees. girls are more in charge of cleaning up.GEMIC. or outside during fieldtrips. Greece. Moreover. what about them? Did you tell them. are more mature. always. are seen as a manifestation of innate and essential biological attributes: Nefeli: E. more competent. Predatory Afghan others: From the Analysis of Geek Data Zavos reports that general opinion among the teachers holds that girls. gils. making sexual advances to girls are another common theme in teacher‘s representations of sexualized gender relations in school. at the excursion …The boys got up and went to play waiting for others to clean up … the girls did not do that (Interview with Nano). ―Don‘t do it? What?‖ Machdi: E. more tidy. Diligent girls. more well behaved and better students. order and subsistence. in terms of the social roles they perform. Eleni: Look. Girls are understood to create fewer problems in the classroom. the minority 4 girls. especially darker skinned and socially more marginalized foreign boys. and the boys that have learning difficultires are usually boys. it is generally believed that are more mature than booys. the class is falling apart. I don‘t know. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 6. are more quiet. less aggressive. whereas boys are indifferent to such requirements and expect others. Fears about older boys. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. however. the class is perfect …When it‘s the opposite. that this ―Cannot go on‖… Look. 77 .

their way of thinking. I do not know. remind me of Greece of ‘40. AZ: Do you mean there‘s a more sexual dimension to how they see girls? Eleni: Yes. In their manners. becoming for them a blueprint of feministity. separation of spaces and activities along gender lines and the performance of appropriate and clearly legible femininity and masculinity. determined social roles that carry particular ideological and moral implications. The girls of both 5th and 6 th grade are pusjing each other. but not dimissively …They want to play their game and they want to play the way they [boys] want to play Eleni: … I just see that girls are looking at me with admiration. but as soon as the girls make some mistake. when we had Roma kids (Τζηγγαλάθηα) like this. in the context of games. yes. Boys are a little bit further back. they are more advanced. where masculine roles are considered to be more traditional and less refined. let‘s say? Podosfairistis: Not dismissively. at the beginning they do it. old times when it was in the villages. With regards to the boys. maybe. what seems to affect them might be the whole appearance. They look at them intensly because they are boys. who were older. which is seen to be more ‗matriarchal‘. and you will help them learn‖ E. Machdi: Girls have a better level. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. they notice these kind of things more. again we had the same problem. from this respect … Even before. kids of fourteen and fiftenn years old… Clearcut demarcations of gender roles between girls and boys. and not only biologically. This is culturally referenced back to the way of 78 . Albanian girls are considered more sophisticated than Albanian boys. like a model even with regars to how I dress. However. This is attributed on the one hand to the backwardness of Albanian families. AZ: What about the boys. Gender differences are also attributed to the predominance of women‘s role and power in the family. they imitate their father … I do not consider these people to be ‗behind‘. For example. ‘50. Greece. touching each other during break. boys in the age of falling in love and doing … Did you understand? AZ: Yes. They should be in Elementary schools. they just tease them that they are not that good in playing… ―Why do you have the girls play [soccer] with us. our own Greece. they start having fun of them. of course. Machdi: And so things are a bit dangferous. gender relations and the social position of women and girls are also seen as culturally. that I have a nice body. the older ones. are seen by teachers as important issues for children of Elementary school age: AZ: Do you ever hear boys talking to girls dismissively. what kind of perception do they have of women? … Eleni: I cannot know of that but in general. since they do not know? ‖ I try to convince them that ―They have to play so that they can learn. They are beginning to explore.GEMIC. you see that boys are starting to … the way they look is kind of sneaky (ην καηάθη ηνπο είλαη ιίγν πην πνλεξό). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- intensely. these are not accidental.

but also. is attributed to this group‘s cultural backwardness and possibly also moral inferiority. speaking an older idiom of the Albanian language. Greece. where I come from. accounts of this cultural backwardness are often articulated in vague terms.GEMIC. AZ: Yes Machdi: And if he finds a girl when he goes downstairs. They talk about the mother and the mother‘s problems. Again. the older in particular. They are men… «Where do you place these. AZ: Doesn‘t this subvert a bit the image about the Albanians. often physically abusive towards their wives. she too referred to the position of Afghan women in the family as being oppressed and dominated by male relatives. that they are very traditional and that the men lock in the wives and beat them? Nano: This is just for just for looks [«Θεαζήλαη»]. which is open to criticism by parents on account of not offering enough moral and physical protection for girls. this beating The coincidence that girls of certain foreign populations do not attend the school. they do not talk about the father and his job […] my own experience from Methana. thus naturalizing and appropriating Albanian migrants into the Greek cultural establishment.‖ And then. this is a people who have learnt to marry early. and the older ones were distributed to the neighbourhood highschools. They talk. to the toilets. Nevertheless. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- life of Arvanites‘ families in Greece. at the same time. which both reflects such notions as part of culturally available western discursive repertoires. such as an assumed aggressive and predatory masculinity. Such a comparison establishes a ‗natural‘. it was the grandmother. Machdi: Boys. families were strictly matriarchal. who had settled in what is now Greek territory during the Ottoman empire. yes. the social worker who was responsible for introducing the Afghan refugee children to the school. and imbues them with a sense of mystery.23 This is contrasted to the higher cultural value attached to liberal western egalitarian gender norms. dominating in relation to children. this was happening. which Greece is also assumed to aspire to. let‘s say. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. two of 14 and 15years old. such as for example Afghan refugee girls. Zavos also reports that gender relations between Greek and Albanian girls and Afghan boys are seen by teachers as bearing particular sexual threats. like are own Arvanitikes […] the girls hardly talk about their father [pause]. are invested with sexual implications that codify specific cultural identities and practices as not only inferior but also dangerous. 79 . this image carries echoes of traditional rural Greek family relations. not as hard facts but rather as general impressions. historical link between present day Albanian migrants and older ethnic Albanian populations. and whom I interviewed separately. with the woman being suppressed. Interestingly. who were expected to work in order to support their older mothers. clarified that there were no young girls amont the children of this particular group of refugees. what do we do then? 23 In fact. Here. all little girls talk about the job of their mother. Nano: I have the impression that the Albanian families are a bit matriarchal. culturally attributed gender roles. the mother…. in a school with first and second graders? They have other needs. in spite of the fact that sexism and gender discrimination in the Greek educational system has been exposed to be rampant. Arvanites are ethnic populations of Albanian origin. and make Afghan boys a liability for the school.

Albanian migrant. sexual taboos and the quest for sex talk: From the Analysis of Macedonian Data Ana Blazheve reports that esearchers in Cvetan Dimov noted from their first participatory observations masculine performaces of hardness. wore black nail polish and put only strong black make up. Researchers note the case of a ―rebel girl‖ whose performance transgressed from the dominant feminine appearance. Hanging out with same sex peers (most dominant pattern) is enacted differently in girly and boyish way. researchers noted that girls were mostly together. 2004). They all look dressed up in fashionable clothes. She dyed her hair black. Greece. as imposing on Greek socio-economic resources. who don‘t wear make up or tight clothes. Girls ―meet each other. aggressiveness. jeans and t-shirts. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Apart from the reproduction of dominant discourses of western cultural superiority. Albanian families themselves assume a ‗Hellenized‘. They seemed freer in moving in school space but also free to look at girls and free to use bandying words and phrases towards girls or other boys.2. say hello and kiss. here we also see a displacement of the older stereotype of the dangerous. and hierarchical power relationships which were also racialized and/or ethnicized (Connell. do not stand out any longer and are seen as ‗our‘ more backward and traditional Greek relatives. with the sexually threatening and innately violent Afghan refugee. one spitting. or unfamiliar Asian migrant (people from ‗those countries‘). taking care and managing looks. In fact. in relation to other. There was a group of boys on the right side lawn. mostly tight jeans and blouses. Most of the girls wear make up and often spend time looking in the small mirrors and correcting the make up. For example. made her way fast and furiously to her girlfriend‘s table. two or three together. one laying on the grass. 2000. arm under arm‖ (Field notes_AB_2). more recent. wearing also mostly black clothes. confrontation. proprietory and superior subjectivity. hit her 80 . Boys often played sports and other physical games and appeared more aggressive and loud. In contrast to them. On the other hand. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. possibly criminal. One of the boys ―rides‖ other one. according to Phoenix. on the other hand.GEMIC. one time she entered the classroom during the break. there are other girls (mostly Albanian) who look very modest and girls who wear scarves. The ‗other‘ of migration is no longer the Albanian migrant. 6. walking arm under arm. largely considered to have been ‗Hellenized‘. they shouted out aloud‖ (Fieldnotes_AB_1). Ethnicized masculinities and femininities. but the Afghan refugee or the Asian migrant. Boys do not hold hands: In front of the enterance from both sides there is a lawn. She was using more masculine performatives. Although basic feminine and masculine stereotypes were obvious (and dominant). and walk in pairs or three. migrant groups. researchers also recorded examples that show attempts to transcend gender behaviour norms. Albanian migrants. Performative transgressions of gender norms are often combined with crossing ethnic borders and socializing with peers from other ethnicities. quieter. openly acting/active up in an aggressive and tough manner. as insiders now. as established and successfully integrated families. along with Greeks. whom they consider.

This girl is Macedonian but does not deem threatened by other ethnicities. He was not one of the popular boys.GEMIC. this particular boy seemed well accepted by other boys. Whereas research points out that such boys are likely to face trouble and to be considered effeminate by other boys. The search for someone to marry is the dominant theme in students‘ stories on relationships. even being expelled is construed as opening up that space wherein she ―makes friends‖. Boys talk about love relationships that lead to marriage. Researchers in Cvetan Dimov record two cases of boys who negotiated in different ways imperatives of aggressive masculinity with academic performance. There are also stories of girls quitting school to get married. Being already a popular guy. this boy‘s good academic performance was construed as compatible with imperatives of masculinity because it was attributed to natural smartness and luck rather than to effort. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hard on it. Blazheva reports that in the school context ethnicized masculinity is framed as problematic particularly with reference to the Moslem minority. as well as girls who wish to become wives and mothers. Muslim boys have been identified as under-achievers and problematic pupils. Many students. he was not bullied for ―being smart‖ and trying to ―have the right answers‖. According to Phoenix (2004). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 2003). and asked her to go with her. Missing class. In a school where knowledge is rarely expected. 81 . listening and participating in class. Along the school‘s conservative tradition. how students feel ashamed to talk about sex and sexuality. with heteronormativity being reinstated as a dominant discourse since it is the only discourse available to talk about sex. but he was accepted and looked at as somehow privileged to be involved in learning. only one teacher felt free to talk about sexuality and the way students talk or. find their partner from the school and marry quickly afterwards. In interviews with teachers. as well as typical ethnic stereotype. and also perceived as being ‗lucky‘ to know the language of instruction well (better than Albanian boys). both because of representations of global terrorism and fundamentalism. actually. Boys and girls stay at distance. it is difficult for boys to negotiate the imperatives of these masculinities and position themselves in ways they would seem to respond to the demands of masculinities while still getting some schoolwork done and without being cussed too much by other boys. Research in Cvetan Dimov has also confirms that school as institution and social environment is involved in the preservation of heteronormativity as the standard for legitimate and prescriptive social and sexual relations. Transcending gender stereotypes is also enacted as transgressing good female student rules. and because of recent Balkan wars and conflicts. This economy of shame/talk can be also noticed in the ways students interact. Muslim masculinity is mostly associated with aggressiveness. Greece. In fact. or touch aggressively or more in a shy manner rather than in brave and open communication. His strategic negotiation of masculinity and academic achievement was more playful than in the first case. sex and sexuality continue to be construed as taboos. The second case is a Bosnian boy was also treated as a good student and participated in lessons. She doesn‘t care for learning and misses a lot of classes which has brought her to a situation where she had to face multiple threats for expulsion. running away from school. He was usually sitting quiet. suffering high rates of school exclusion and low rates of post-16 progression (Archer. she has friends from different national groups. and his quietness and dedication were acknowledged as something worthy. The first case is an Albanian boy who quietly gets on with his schoolwork and makes clear that academic achievement is a high priority for him. though left out from the jokes and other boyish activities. more accurately. This Albanian boy stood out from the typical masculine.

The genderization of intercultural research and the multiculturalism’s reinforcement of gender regimes: From the Analysis of Cypriot Data Gender analysis from the Cypriot team focuses only on data from three Gymnasia. but we are always with the sex issues here. θάπνηε πίλεη ηδηαη ιιην. Well. And they want us to tell them stories. yellow red. blue…. Girls feel ashamed. Ίζσο ελ ν ηξόπνο πνπ έρνπλ ζηελ θνπιηνύξα ηνπο πην παηξηαξρηθέο.3. with emphasis on gender normativity in culturalist school discourse and intersections of gender and ethnic orders. Researcher: They speak openly about this? AT: Boys say: don‘t talk about it now. Γελ μέξσ.GEMIC. We usually discuss issues related to AIDS and then we start to talk how.24 (b) that migrant girls are better students than 24 Έηζη όπσο ην έζεζεο ηώξα. Greece. They take biology classes but maybe this is not enough for them. in front of girls. Most of these young people didn‘t talk about internet use or other virtual worlds and identities. They want you to tell them stories. Sexual education is very interesting to them. -Τα θνξίηζηα νη Πόληηεο? -Τα θνξίηζηα ελ έηζη ηδηαη πνπ ηελ θύζε ηνπο πην επηκειή. from a scientific point of view. It is obvious that there are class differences among students both in the way they dress and possession of various technology gadgets. interview with Kalipso) 82 . I say girls give birth don't they? And you what? Isn‘t it all this conversation about women? Their vocabulary is vulgar. κεο ην ζπίηη ν παηέξαο ηδηακε δηά ηδηαη μύιν θάπνηε. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. But researchers noticed that there are large numbers of the students who don‘t have these gadgets. Έρνπκε δύν θνπέιεο κνπζνπικάλεο πνπ απηά ηα κσξά ππνθέξνπλ ζε απηό ην ζρνιείν. they don‘t know how to express themselves in any other way. with the exception of Moslems (uncivilized) and Pontians (patriarchal). what. not just basic stuff like colors. Teachers believe: (a) that gender does not matter with regards to intercultural relations. Researcher: Do they have sex education in school? AT: They may have some lecture. Ίζσο ελ πην δσεξά. how you can mix them. A number of girls and boys are hooked on mobile phones and listen to music with earphones. 6. ελ ιιην βίαηνο. (Interview with Art teacher) Researchers in Cvetan Dimov also report on the importance of new technologies and their emerging role as tools for the transformations of traditional gender roles and relations. Γελ ηνπο αξέζεη απηό ην ζρνιείν (Tasoula. they want to know what is sperm. they want stories. not for sex. μέξνπκε όηη ηα αγόξηα ελ πην άηαθηα ζηνπο Πόληηνπο. and so on. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Discourses of sexuality were only indirectly traced in discussions with teachers: AT: They cannot talk about these things at home. Three common threats cut across findings from interviews with teachers in Cypriot schools and findings from interviews with teachers in Greek schools.

In another school. Furthermore. used by teachers. The leading figure. The male teacher is also deemed to create cultural safety for boys (making arrangements for them to play football). He is the one to adjudicate amongst them in cases of disputes and reserves the right to punish or reward. Greece. the teacher separates the group into two gender separate wings and often addresses herself only to only the girls‘ wing. girl dropouts. playing billiards. The translator mediates between families and school. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- migrant boys because girls are ―by nature‖ more diligent. Girls on the right. the reaesrcers ask whether there have cases of teen pregnancies. In one Gymnasium. doing homework. in Keramikos. creates around her a spaces of cultural safety for Arab kids but often constitutes a source of fear for them since she is the one to often ‗transfer‘ to parents complaints about their kids‘ misbehaviour. from the teachers‘ perspective between them and the migrant/refugee kids. boys and girls (migrant and non-migrant). by default. sexing the kids. and traditional taboo constraints interlaying with an outspoken demand for ‗sex talk‘. The paradox is that such a voracious sexualizing discourse is often coupled with a selective commitment of cultural care to the protection of the scarf-ed Moslem girls and the disciplining of the Moslem boys. abortions. and (c) that gender differences should not matter and do not matter with regards to how teachers treat students. nesting affectionately or gossiping in couches. He insists that nowadays violence in schools is feminized and has to do with family environment and not with being migrant or not migrant. On the first visit to a Gymnaium that hosts many Arab refugees and Cypriots mostly from rural and/or low socioeconomic backgrounds. Asked to clarify. 83 . researchers were directed to talk to the school councelor who is responsible for student relations and. for example. The two orders are divided by an invisible line where two unisex service points operate on the basis of one-to-one interactions between educators and kids: a homework help station and a chess table. playing guitar and singing. In another school. ―responsibilities‖ for Moslem boys and girls have been demarcated and assigned to separate leaders. another foreign girl and a cypriot). in order to deal with disciplinary problems with a group of alloglossi.GEMIC. This gender blindness. unlike the submerged discourses of sexuality in Kerameikos and Cvetan Dimov—talk of predatory masculine sexuality and at-risk girl innocence.25 and to back his theory he cites the example of a school fight that involved physical violence between a Pontian girl and a BritishCypriot girl. a Pontian. a female translator (employed by the school on an hourly basis under the EPZs scheme) for the girls and a Greek Cypriot staff member (physical education teacher) for the boys. boys on the left. the gender order is redeployed as the organizing pattern of the afterschool activity center. stimulating talk about kids‘ and their family members‘ personal lives are kinds of discourse that come to establish a sense of cultural intimacy. keeping themselves busy with crafts. Trying to expand the understanding of ―councelling issues‖. This intimacy is misconstrued as a kind of interculturally motivated attempt for proximity and an indicator of acceptance of others. student counselors. in Cvetan Dimov—field work in Cypriot Gymnasia records an explicit and aggressive presence of sexualized and sexualizing discourses. is contradicted by findings on a sharp genderization of intercultural school discourses and school policies. he states in an ostentatious fashion: ―Are you under the impression that the only sex our students do is orthodox sex‖? Knowing about kids‘ sex life. inspiring paternal love 25 He cites the example of a girl from another high school who came there and bit up one of their students because the latter stole her boyfriend (four girls involved were a an EnglishCypriot. etc. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. fashioned by teachers as a commitment to the principle of gender equality. He replies that they do not have such problems in their school even though kids are sexually active. has been assigned the task of handling issues of migrant/refugee students.

―It‘s different for him. ―Only twice. He himself believes that without control and pre-emptive strictness. The photo shows her mother holding a baby. tall girl. She shows me a photo of her mother.GEMIC. i.. I‘m not eating that every day‖. ―Where did you go?‖ ―Around here. I am so happy to have Igor as my guide. bravo. I have never met a Turkish Cypriot (F) before. And we do not remove the hair on upper lip. if he gets a bit off track maybe Allah will forgive him more easily. He is the ‗school contact‘. it is not right for girls to go‖. ―Please no.. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- to girls and fear to boys (the latter is re-enacted occasionally through events of verbal defiance-and-discipline). how are you going to inspire respect in these boys‖. but yesterday. in Nicosia …‖ ―Why are you here with these kids in a Grade 1 class if you are a third grader? How come you have class together? ―I have religious education with Father (πάηεξ) now in Γ1. separated from my father. ―My mother. says Ayşe.‖ When she grows up she wants to open her own hair parlour. as if it was a super-real photo. as soon as she arrived in Cyprus. Our parents don‘t let us. ―I came to watch the religious education class there the 26 In Cyprus souvlaki (kebab) is made with pork (unless one has a special request. She is not wearing scarf. As if she was ashamed … she did not want to speak about her visit. not with this class. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ―If there is not a male figure to fear. M‘m. There. is a smiling. comments one of the assistants. she took it off. A?‖ Ayşe explains that her mother was wearing it in Turkey. ―We only wear long clothes. ―the sister of Ayşe is very pretty. 84 . come. Igor and Hercules keep getting out and coming back. ―Ee.‖ ―Are you are fond of her. is not allowed to go around without that. these say they do not eat pork and her brother everyday eats souvlaki26 and gyros‖. He knows everything that happens … Ayşe starts talking. we can have a discussion‖. ―In that case. I explain to her that I am interested in observing the relations between the students. Only when we become 16 we remove hair on upper lip. my Igor?‖ ―No Mm. She is looking at that as if it is shows something she had never seen before. She tells me she is from Turkey and that her mother just yesterday came from Turkey. The first student to enter the class. ―But she is not wearing that thing on her head.» «Me either a Christian‖ [νύηε εγώ Φξηζηηαλό].‖ says Igor.1‖. what are you talking about? Don‘t you know? Me marrying a Moslem (F) [mousoulmana]? Oh my …. (a) (Inter) cultural interest and gender normativity I got in a math class. I see Igor and Hercules.‖ She tells me about her father. Marriage and afterword a hair parlour. you will lose any good idea about me («ζα ράζεηο πάζα ηδέα γηα εκέλα»). which is more expensive). I asked the teacher (F) before if she allows me to observe the lesson but she responded. good thing you remembered to bring me a photo of your mother to see‖ (I wondered whether there were other times the teacher asked children to bring photos of their mother to show her). She is at ease now. ―We also used to wear. souvlaki … ok. He is a man. ―This is Ayşe. Greece. says the teacher. Here it is nice. After that.‖ she replies in a low tone. Ayşe is the one who cooks home.. ―those boys‖ will one day evolve into criminals.‖ she says. M‘m. and for this reason she did not come to stay with us‖. ―A. is considered essential by all personnel (most of them women).‖ ―Have you been to the occupied areas?‖ I ask her. Her sister is writing a book on the history of Turkey.. that he is very strict. [Α mana mou]. we do not go to school. We do not go to the hair parlour. We only go to elementary school. ―Mm.‖ Igor explains to me. chicken. I wonder which kids she has in this class … The kids one by one enter the classroom. re.e. The teacher comments. ―Yes …your brother everyday‖. ―M‘m. ―It is very difficult there in Turkey.

rituals of passage. as actors or as acted upon. when in fact Ayşe and her family have more mobility in the ‗north‘ and ‗via‘ the north (for example. thresholds and prohibitions. they fly in and out Ercan Airport). I did not know that women do not go to cami!!!!!! Many times. performative).5. almost bordering pornography. Greece. cultural fascination continues to combine that peculiar mixture of desire and derision for the other that Robert Young (1995) describes. the way participants use various gender discourses. my sister and I . Why did the teacher ask Ayşe to bring a photo of her mother and not a photo of her father? Probably because she thought that female otherness embodies better the cultural otherness that Ayşe‘s Turkishness encloses. both of us leave [when the rest have religious educ]. Of particular interest to the analysis below will be the gendered description of Ayşe by the Greek Cypriot ethnographer rather than the Moslem or Turkish order of gender exemplified in Ayşe‘s talk. 9. she would say that in Turkish and Igor would translate to me. Why are they so interested in the scarf? Probably because the interest in cultural difference (mobilized at the ‗center‘ of Europe and directed to Europe‘s others) cannot be weaned from its desire for the exotic. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia. Why did the teacher and the researcher long to see a picture of Ayşe‘s mother wearing the scarf? (Several teachers from the same school consider lamentable Meyve‘s — Ayşe‘s sister — school dropout but rationalize it by attributing it to the family‘s cultural background. this interest remains gendered in a way that serves the patriarchal normative system: it is Mehmet‘s (Ayşe‘s brother) and not Ayşe‘s eating habits which are often scrutinized by Greekcypriot kids. I asked her whether there is cami (mosque) close to their place and whether they go there often. The cultural interest in Ayşe is both voyeuristic. ―We sit in the house and pray‖. the multiple levels and kinds of reality that construe and are being construed are re-construed through these interactions (structural. mobility across the Green line [going to the ―occupied areas‖] is assumed to be embarrassing for Ayşe and her family in the same way it is embarrassing. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- other day… that‘s why I did not see you. between researchers and teachers/students). as objects of study or as subjects of knowing. 85 . She tells me there are two cami close by in the neighbourhood but they do not go. in its quest for power (knowledge about the other‘s norms is often manifested as a right to evaluate the sincerity of the other‘s commitment to cultural norms). from the viewpoint of patriotic ethnos. As voyeuristic. this interest wants to know about others‘ bodies: about norms and rules regulating the care of bodies. between teachers and students. Fieldnotes. It is assumed that the cultural equivalent of going to church is going to the cami. As a policing practice. interpersonal.GEMIC.2009) The excerpt above is cited in length because its ethnographic thickness and empirical denseness allow us to observe the multi-layered gendered nature of the intercultural interactions that take place in a multicultural school (among students. in its quest for pleasure. (KC. and the ways participants are positioned by structures and through discourse either as ―other‖ or as ―familiar‖. the various kinds of intersectionality involved in power dynamics..‖. if she did not explain something to me in Greek. and policing.) Probably because in succeeding the racial interest. for a Greek Cypriot. The ‗thick description‘ of Ayşe remains ethnocentric in its syllogistic assumption of analogies. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.‖ ―Yes M‘m. it is her father‘s strictness and not her mother‘s power to separate him that Ayşe evokes in an attempt to reclaim their (culture‘s or family‘s) seriousness..

I have not seen Blacks in your school. so strong that cultural interpretation becomes a pleonasm: ―see them and you will know‖. no harm meant): Researcher: I ‗ve been told you have many foreign students in your school. Russianfags. as assault against secularism or as violation of human rights. S: They‘re Arabians [αξάπεεο]. Greece. Same thing… Just look at them (F) («Μα δε ηεο…») They wear those scarves. almost always claiming that ambiguous in-beetween status between denotative statement (serious. Many Moslem girls (but not all of them) wear the scarf. Koullas has male gender in the Cypriot dialect and this is the first time I see it used as a female referent (author‘s note). however. as in the scene below. Researcher: How so? S: Fine… M‘m. however. There are some girls who at some point during the period of our fieldwork stopped wearing it. about girls wearing the scarf and derogatory comments questioning the authenticity of the scarf as a statement of adherence to cultural/religious identity resistance and self-ethnicization are constantly emerging. Pontianfags. The wearing of the scarf by Moslem girls. it connotes a besieging danger. Those who wear scarf also wear the regular school uniform or jeans (always long sleeves). keeps surfacing in our fieldwork. bearing racist meaning) and performative speech act (just a joke. the polity or the public as a sign of Moslem insurgency.4.2009) In this instance. The scarf is constructed as an overarching presence of otherness. make tem eat their food.GEMIC. A group of Greek Cypriot girls are debating whether the foreigners are all of Turkish or Arab origin and whether there is a difference between Turks and Turkish Cypriots. the ―veil‖ (cover) is treated not as part of the Arab girls‘ attire (cover of the head) but as a synecdoche for Arab girls‘ overall appearance (covered persons and persons in cover). In many other instances.27 Researcher: What is ―koulláes‖…? S: Look at them (F) and you will understand [«Γε ηεο … ελλά θαηαιάβεηο …»]… Informal conversation with a group of Greek Cypriot boys during break (PM Fieldnotes from Dianelleion Highschool. a devouring Lacanian ‗real‘. Racist slurs. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. like koulláes [«θνπιάεο»]. though rendered inoperative in the opening scene of this session. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- The cultural interest in the scarf. as if you liked Blacks!!! Researcher: Yes I do. The phrase ―the koullás is coming‖ [έξρεηαη ν θνπιιάο] was used to scare off little kids. the scarf is treated not just as a sign but as a sign so capriciously used by its bearers that its structural arbitrariness (and structural authenticity. Blackfags … Researcher: Why do you refer to them like this? S: Because they are so. for Arabs as a race (black and racially inferior) and for Arabs‘ cultural essence (menacing and ridiculous at the same time). 86 . 6. mostly daughters of refugees and asylum seekers. Student (boy): Yes. S: Yeah !!! (ironic tone) Researcher: First of all. or make them come inside when it starts to get dark. such a strong embodiment of cultural meaning that its ‗wink‘ quality (sign) collapses into a ‗twitch‘ (physicality). ―They are 27 In Cypriot dialect koullás means scary black person with the head covered. they are not Black. a cultural sign and not a power tool) becomes questionable. in Greek Cypriot schools has never been questioned officially by school authorities.

Race. she also does … I had my hair cut ―πεπέ‖… She went and had the same cut. Α: No! Since she is a copyssa!!! Researcher: Any other negative point to add? Β: Yes!!! She hangs out with the Moldavian (F) of the class … (PM Fieldnotes. culture and place are treated as mutually confining and defining. Against the hypothesis that knowledge about the other‘s culture will promote intercultural understanding and combat racism—a hypothesis which has come to ground most programs and actions in intercultural education—the exchange above illustrates how the interest in the other‘s culture not only remains blind to forms of gender transformation and agency implicated in migration but it also reproduces the gender regime of the dominant (―receiving‖) society. polished to be fit and fitting for the specific audience. (b) Discourses of sexualization and heteronormativity 87 . when teachers open up ‗little talk‘ on migrant students‘ lives they are always interested in how are things ‗home‘ and almost never ask questions about the family‘s migration itineraries or how it is to live between cultures. telling them everything they want to hear. what does ‗Turkish Cypriot‘ (F) [Τνπξθνθύπξηα] mean?? She is a Turk (F). Dianelleio) In the interaction cited in the opening of the chapter. Greece. most of them it is Arabic they are speaking.2009. all participants—the teacher. It is also interesting how Ayşe feeds their desire for the ‗other‘. Β: I tied my hair up into a ponytail.5. the two male school peers (a Pontian and a Russian). argot/cypriotized English. I don‘t get it.‖ Another girl argues that this is false. giving them detailed prescriptive accounts about their life in Turkey. yesterday. sculpting into her account all those crevices and climaxes she has diagnosed in their battering. 13. you are wrong.‖ The researcher mentions that there is a Turkishcypriot (F) in their school and perhaps this is her (in other words. Her account sounds proof read. she pulled hers like that today. The Turkish girl («Η Τνπξθάια») is the only one. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. In the specific interaction.‖ argues one girl. because most of them speak Arabic: ―No girl. meaning un-original). she suggests that the girl in question is Turkish Cypriot and not Turk). she is also a copyssa!!!‖ (spelled like this in the original. neither the teacher nor the researchers ask Ayşe how her mother came to take off the scarf. cunning questioning. Finished! [«Δλ Τνπξθάια ζηόξ!! Δηέγησζελ!!!»] And as if being a Turk were not enough. Σ: She does not wear a scarf. For example. The researcher‘s quest for clarifications elicits from the girls‘ several citations of copyssa‘s acts: Α: Look … what ever we do. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- settlers from the occupied areas. explaining how it is possible to have Turks in Cyprus and thus in their school despite the fact that ―Turks are not allowed to come from Turkey. Ayşe herself—are competing in exhibiting cultural knowledge. This interest is patriarchal in its structural optics (interested in how other women are treated in those other men‘s culture rather than interested in how women empower themselves in or across cultures) and atavistic in its cultural theory. This is not the first time Ayşe speaks as a professional insider about ‗life behind the veil‘. The one in our class.GEMIC. At this point the first girl recuperates her position by pointing to clear cut national borders and ambiguous cultural hybridizations: ―M‘m.

Everybody. An interview with a Roma boy from Greece (he stays with his mother. their sexual fantasies and their fidelity to ethic tradition to a gymnastics of heteronormativity and auto-ethnicization. my brother. Researcher: Why not the other one? Gulzar: Mm. taking into consideration that he is fifteen years old and he is stranded in grade one as an auditor whose sense of agency is often enacted in skipping both regular class and remedial class. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Lessons of cultural literacy are also heteronormative. By rejecting the idea of marrying a Moslem girl as an ontological impossibility.28 If the fantasy of the cross-ethic boy-girl romance is cast by researchers and teachers of the dominant group as a net for gathering data on the other‘s culture. R: Has he stayed in Greece for business? F: They are divorced. In their effort to elicit data on the limits of ethnic and religious identities researchers often pegged to migrant/ethnic students questions which aimed to trace their desires and test the openness of their romances to the idea of a cross-racial or cross-ethnic marriage (see excerpt from Fieldnotes cited above. my mother. do you want to do the house chores or your wife? F: My wife. a third grader from Bagdad. my uncle. it subjects. ―Are you fond of her my Igor?‖). WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. my sister. Greece. As the researcher approaches him. Moslem. father returned back to Greece) takes the following turn. The smokers (group of migrant students. The latter is particularly important for him. 28 Cultural scenarios on intimate/family life used to elicit views on gender roles are even more prescriptively heteronormative and nuclear family when doing research with children. my mother from my father. he is in Greece.. 88 . the tall one. The following scene takes place in the ‗smokers‘ nest‘. Except my father. F: Here we are me.GEMIC. he tells her that was sorry he missed the religious instruction class when she visited their class and goes on to talk about issues of ―relations‖: Gulzar: Can I tell you a secret Mm? You see that girl over there? She has burnt my heart! Researcher:That one? Gulzar: Not that one M‘m. Researcher: Where are you from? Gulzar: From Iraq M‘m. you are here alone. that‘s a Pontian. at the same time. In their field research. mostly girls. as the researcher tries to elicit the boy‘s views on gender roles: F: My daddy in not here. Cypriot reserachers witnessed several times a performative intertwining of masculine ethnic pride with a racist rejection of (ugly or stupid) girls from ―other‖ groups and a celebratory claim of ownership over some other (nice) girl. Pontians do not have a brain. and the researcher) are having a little talk while Guzlar. While this approach is supposed to ‗test‘ the openness of ethic others‘ to new possibilities. migrant ethnic students can also pull in the net and utilize it as a performative context for enacting ethnic pride and cultural resistance. R: When you grow up and have family. usually playing the one against the other. Igor re-establishes his authority by fashioning himself as a gate keeper of ethnic orders. The other one. R: So. carries out duties of guard. my grandmother.

it is you that she wants. with parents also becoming involved): Igor: What happened M‘m. addressed to the researcher as an insider‘s view but also meant like an exclamation. how did he tease her. The material out of which she weaves this intimacy is a confirmation of his masculinity. why does he flirt with her? Teacher: What‘s important is that she does not want him. constitute dominant themes of conversation between teachers and students. she will burn your heart even more‖. Her comment irritates Igor: Igor: Would you like it M‘m if someone teased your husband in this way? (KC. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- As bell rings another girl who overheard the conversation. Phaneromeni Fieldnotes. whispears in the researcher‘s ear that another boy. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Teacher: And now. nobody knows. good and handsome person… 89 .GEMIC. this kind of character. she‘s not some silly one. is also in love with that girl. The following exchange takes place in a small group remedial session with two boys (the teacher comments that ―she never really has class/lesson with these boys‖). this ethos. who is whose girl. I beat up a Cypriot because he was teasing my girl? Researcher: Exactly. he would embrace her. this gesture escalates into a hymn to testosterone vitality and an elicidation of its appeal on women: Igor: … if she is mine. your looking after her … masculinity emitting this wild thing … smelling like a man … [The following is spoken as an aside comment. she does not talk to me. Researcher [addressing Guzlar]: Oh mine. summing up the real truth] Vanya is a very good girl.5. Greece. they are driving us crazy … she should be looking for a tall. A teacher (Diana) interjects to explain that the Cypriot is a very quite kid. how did she get involved with this crazy guy. never bothers anybody and if he teased her he probably meant it in a friendly way. Teacher: Look. They are the major catalyst for triggering interese in the ‗other‘ and feeding gossip among the teachers. you know. Anton. asked her to have a relationship with him and every time she says no because she‘s with me and he keeps insisting … And he knows she in mine. my Igor? Igor: E.2009) Later on. oh my dear. it‘s her who told me M‘m. 18. The teachers seem to find these conversations enjoyable and sometimes even feed into them with comments and questions. This kind of interaction does not take place in a cultural void. Guzlar. I think that she may have liked it … Girls like. Towards the end. M‘m. the teacher attempts to bridge the gap and establish intimacy with Igor. played with her hair. Teacher: And why did she cry? Igor: Because I bit him up and she did not talk to me …we broke up. which boys are fighting each other over that girl. my sweet one. Who loves whom. The Researcher asks the boys ―what really happened the other day‖ (a fight between two boys had escalated into a school emergency. Igor: Yes. but he teases her … Teacher: What did your girl do during the fight? Igor: She was crying M‘m. have the two of you made up? Igor: Oh M‘m.

The same teacher. This is reality. giggling. On passing by them.GEMIC. are considered to be under the disciplinary control and protective aegis of a male GC teacher. shifts to a mapping of Igor‘s violent Pontian temperament and his record of fights with Cypriots. to taste the self‘s susceptibility to other‘s charm and to confirm. to emasculate him through the use of racial discourse. end of the school year. Herself states that she is Catholic. have this thing in their blood. for this place cannot accommodate so much migration‖ [«δελ ρσξεί ηνύηνο ν ηόπνο ηόζελ πνιιή κεηαλάζηεπζε»] (Interview with Diana). They claim that in their tradition it is not allowed for women to take photos with men. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Igor: (really irritated. Phaneromeni High Nicosia. who is considered to be particularly strict). who has the sovereign power to regulate each partner‘s positionality in the intercultural encounter. 18. As a translator she has been assigned the care of the Arab students but it is girls who are particularly considered to be under her aegis. 5/2008. a courful Guess watch and gloss gelled nails are her necessary accessoroes. the teacher does not hesitate. very abruptly. Pagkyprio Lykeio Larnaka) 29 Mrs Ermina is a woman of style. a teacher (female) notices a group of the same girls in a yard corner. Mrs Ermina functions as mediator and ambassador between Arab parents and school and Arab children and teachers and her sessions with students focus on communicative uses of Arab language and culture. The second event is narrated to the researcher by Mrs Evdokia.»] While building up cultural intimacy with the male student through a celebratory description of masculinity.― [«Έρνπλ ην ζην αίκα ηνπο κάλα κνπ νη Πόληηνη. She is from Libanon. The teacher has the closing line: ―Pontians.09) (c) The politics of the scarf: suppressed opportunities for subversion and agency Whereas in the interviews all teachers state that Arab girls‘ wearing the scarf is unalienable cultural right and a cultural gender difference than must be respected. she shakes her head dismissively while commenting aside: ―You little scarved girls!!! I know all about you‖. in an exhibitionist act of ―othering‖. Later on the same day. On Fridays she read the Koran and on Sundays she went to Orthodox Christian Church.5. (PM Fieldnotes. a gymnast. Female Arab students refuse to participate in the typical ―class photo‖ at the end of the year. Greece. the translator (F)29. Her mother was Christian. 90 . listening to music from i-pods and mobiles and using their mobiles to take photos. what‘s wrong with me? (The conversation. It is late may. led by the teacher. on the other hand. my dear. in a semi-structured individual interview. (KC Fieldnotes. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. wearing the scarf makes many teacher eye brows raise when it is enacted as a cultural politics. We‘ll reach a point of tensions and conflicts. Engendering and sexualizing little talk in order to build cultural intimacy with students sometimes looks like a strategy of adoptive coloration used to permeate the ―other‘s‖ lines. (Arab boys. a Calvin Klein bag. comments on the characteristics of migration to Cyprus: ―Cyprus does not bear the weight anymore … it does not even suffice for us. Below we cite three such examples from three schools with Arab refugee enrolments. her father a Moslem. She states that she is a Catholic. married to a Greek ―Roman Christian‖. Large Dior shades. getting up from his chair): Why.

Mrs Stella makes the following comment then: -Come on Janine.31 -Repression.g. a girl who recently stopped wearing the scarf.4. (PM Fieldnotes.and they even invited her to pose with them).GEMIC. It‘s Friday and both teachers and students are loosening up as on Monday they will have the end of year school celebration. At the end of the session a girl approaches Mrs Ermina and confides something to her. ―What was that about. Mrs. Mina. Very often Assumption coincides with the last week/s of class.‖ When she finishes the narration. Another teacher standing close by says to Janine (a girl with scarf): A few minutes later she encourages Janine again to take off her long sleeve light jacket because ―it‘s too hot‖.. They do not want them to attend Religious education or develop relations with people of other religions. in compliance with her guidelines. Greece.2009. On finishing her narrative. especially when working in the fields. (The school vice principal (F) said they did have a photo taken – Moslem girls only. this time arguing that the boys would be making fun at them for behaving ―differently‖. 7. The last few days she has been trying on different hair styles and is happy when she receives compliments by the Researcher. are gathered since morning outside Mrs. it is also time for you to take off the ―kouroukla‖ [«θνπξνύθια»] and change [your self]. And the girlfriend of ‗our girl‘ wrote to him bad words about the Cypriot girl. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. And because she regrets that she asks Mrs Ermina to tell him that he is sorry. Κνηλό όξακα»] is finished and ready to hoist). Dianelleion High Larnaka) The third event also takes place at the end of the school year (the banner ―Different Languages. Mrs Ermina bursts out: ―It is their families‘ fault for all these. mdified and intensified by kids (e. filling up ballons with water and throughing them at each other). Big head scarf which was rubbed by village women around the face and neck. that she is not good etc. They do not let them. She has brought a book on adolescence and reads to them a chapter on ‗How to make a sunscreen mask‘. sickness this religion! [Καηαπίεζε. At first they said their parents would not let them take photos with boys for religious reasons but when given the option to take an ‗only girls‘ photo they refused again. 91 . reading and conversing in Arabic. Boys and girls are very attentive. 31 ―kouroukla‖ [«θνπξνύθια»]: Cypriot dialect. is also there. Mrs Ermina explains that the girl is in love with Karim but Karim is in love with a Cypriot girl. Stella‘s class (Greek as a Foreign/O Language.30 Moslem girls. the girls did not put on scarves of bright colours but refused to take a photo. Same Vision‖ [«Γηαθνξεηηθέο γιώζζεο. αξξώζηηα ηνύηε ε ζξεζθεία!) 30 Throwing each other water and wetting up themselves is a Cypriot custom for Assumption (also known as Cataclusm [«Καηαθιπζκόο»]. That‘s why they told them not to have photos. and eventually brought to school as water war. Sophia tells her that she‘s very pretty. Lessons are minimal and the day is spent on rehearsals for Monday. Denotes oldfashion.‖ asks the researcher. old woman. she starts her session: She gathers them all around her for their session. In the school yard the waterwar has been on the whole day. hereafter cited as GFOL). Janine hesitates and tells her that she cannot take it off because she‘s wearing a short sleeve t-shirt underneath. just black or white. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- She had told ―her girls‖ that next day would be a school photos day and they should not wear colourful scarves so that they would not stand out. Next day. The custom has been picked up. some with scarf and some without.

even groups of Cypriot students. opportunities to question 92 . like many other groups of students. the ―mantiloudes‖. At the end of the school year. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- (MT Fieldnotes. the scarfed girls. also involving performative doublings: photo scenes.2009. mostly. The petit scenes described above are taking place in the interstices of other grand school scenes. neither a dissident meaning to be reclaimed nor an oppressive use to be defied. performances. The only previous meanings available (―koullaes‖ and ―kouroukles‖) are only those for other scarves and other racialized others. 29. Whe is this ―all‖? These girls. racializes the new Moslems and inscribes them within a hierarchical order. inconsequenstial. the ―Araboúes‘‖. From the perspective of the young ‗new‘ Moslems (new in the sense that they neither the same to Turkish Cypriots in Cyprus or Palestinians in Irag but rather dislocated Moslems in a Cypriot context). Throughout the year they have been the abject other: the ―koullaes‖. Eudokia‘s girls. Phaneromeni High Larnaka) There are too many motivations and intentions which could be attributed to all actors involved. Throughout the year they have also been the absent other in the academic arena of learning: invisible. The recitation of these ―namings‖ by Cypriot kids in an underprivileged school remains an overdetermined act of resignification: it reclaims the use of the Cypriot dialect (which is considered culturally inferior and vulgar. resists the multicultural respect for otherness which has been imposed on teachers and students as another kind of ―sly civility‖ (Bhabha. reified (student councils with the support of parent organizations negotiate with staff councils and manage to gain ‗tolerance‘ for such activities) and re-culturated from acts of deviant conduct to youth actions which are important for reviving traditional Cypriot customs and preserving Cypriot identity (waterwar on the Assumption‘s week. Greece. are becoming reappropriated by the institution. If there is something which is authentically their own. known by Greek Cypriots of. And the only available culture/gender discourse that can bestow to their acts of defiance meaning and legitimacy is the multicultural discourse of identity and difference. The girls‘ re-enacting of the scarf‘s importance challenges both gender order (the quiet scarfed girls are disobeying) and school order (the school ritual of posing ―all‖ together for a photo).GEMIC. By not wanting to take part in the ―all of us together‖ photo. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. regardless of their motives. which until some years ago constituted individual acts of misconduct punishable by expelsion. 1985). It is a sad paradox that the very school policies which have been adobted/imposed in order to promote ‗tolerance for otherness‘ are producing totalizing discourses and limiting students‘. Through these doublings/mirrorings the school is renewing its institutional power on students by producing their consensus rather than imposing submission.5. have never felt part of this ―all‖. In the school context. however. the scarf has no past in the Cypriot context. stage scenes. are engaging in an act of subversion that threatens reifying school rituals. their act is readable only as female cunningness. They have been Mrs. quiet. etc). that is their marginality. Instead of psychologizing the actors it is important to redirect our attention from the individuals to the structural and discursive aspects of such interaction. The cultural milleux of the Cypriot school. or as good daughters/‗good‘ fundamentalist Moslems). as passive conformity with tradition and as obedience to parents (either as bad girls. on the other hand. bringing scewers to schools and lighting up fires for barbecue on Tsiknopempti. At the same time. Cypriots‘ and non-Cypriots. playing scenes (waterwar). other to the school‘s official Greek). the ―kalicantzaroi‖. cannot enable similar re-enactments and re-significations for refugee Moslem girls‘ scarf. however. low-socioeconomic and/or rural background. the mutlicultural school comes to wipe out the signs of their marginality by hailing all studnets to pose in front of the photographic lens for the school‘s self-images of inclusion.

uncanny tik-tak‘s and conspiratorial blinking eyes (a scenario of militant female Islam). the most fecund educational opportunities for intercultural interaction and growth are those that occur in learning context and involve translation than celebration of culture/s.GEMIC. Egypt. We were particularly interested to see how students would respond to the political aspects of the works and mocking commentary on representations of Moslems and political rhetoric on the ‗war on terrorism‘. having mistaken the most controversial ‗wink‘ of the work for a ‗twitch‘. with the girls explaining how rules regarding bodies.32 32 The same translator in a previous occasion had critiqued the parents for imposing traditional rules on girls and blocking their interaction with Cypriot kids in school. Greece. The only video sound was a rhythmic tik-tak. that the figure on the left was a man and not a women. What the students found impossible. nakedness and gender segregation are mediated through conventions of representation in cinema. Not only is she citing the parents‘ view but she is acting as 93 . when the translator stopped translating and terminated the exchange. In this occasion. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. She argued that the conversation was becoming too controversial. One particular video installation monopolized the interest of the girls. however. facing the camera and alternating one another in blinking. Palestine and other Arab countries (artworks included Khaled Hafez‘s Video Projects ―Concept of ―on presidents & Superheroes‖ and ―Revolution‖). While we focused on scarves. she does the opposite. The debate soon shifts from this ―how is it possible …‖ to ―how I know it‘s a man. wearing only scarves around the head. The discussion had taken up a very interesting turn.‖ with the girls engaging in a polemic semiotics of the male body in order to proof to us the obvious. Despite the fact that a great deal of school resources and intercultural labour by teachers and students are spent for boutique multiculturalism. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- traditions and cultures and to feel empowered in negotiating with intercultural arenas. the girls had focused on the gendered nakedness of the bodies and asked ―how was it possible to put a naked man and a naked woman next to each other‖. We had expected that students would find uncanny the combination of nakedness and covered faces. photography etc. In May of 2009 the GEMIC team organized a school visit by a group of about Moslem students to the Art Exhibition ―Art is the B-East‖. that girls were exposed to dangerous content (a photo of a naked man and a naked women next to each other) and that the parents of the girls would create a big problem if they found out about it. that is. was another dimension of the work which was invisible to us. It presented two figures from the shoulders up. Below we describe such an occation. reminiscent of a clock (or a clock bomb). standing still next to each other against the wall of a bathroom stall. featuring political art by contemporary artists from Libanon.

e. other psyche (with the experience of war been attributed the qualities of a cultural trait). the more they were implicating themselves. aligning themselves with the duties of protecting the normative bind of religions and traditions rather than the pedagogical duty to facilitate experiences of growth. i. as beholders. finally. may not exist. i.e. The fear of mimicry. The performative analysis of this event brings to the foreground some of the contradictions of school practices: (a) School translators are very often sealing the children from such transformative experiences. and if that does not exist then our whole being. Multicultural interaction has invested in the former. dislocation and re-location create new cultural experiences. Furthermore. Greece. in the re-inauguration of the violation. with religious and ethnic boundaries overlapping and reinforcing each other. Ethnicity / Race / Cultural difference Research findings from the Macedonian Report suggest that intersectionality of religion and ethnicity renders identidies even more rigid. 7. the love of nation has a paradoxical grammar: ―Why do we want them to love Greece. Actually. at the same time it enervates the nation‘s sense of security it also rejuvenates the nation‘s imaginary quality. unlovable. 1994) and Ahmed (2004). (b) Offering hospitality for the other‘s culture is a more safe task than offering hospitality for the other‘s politics. then the Greece we idealize as the object of our love may not exist. new interpretations and new subject positionalities for cultural and gender politics. new audiences. with the Afghan male dispensed to a possision of intersecting multiple otherness-s: other culture. Often they feel they are protecting the children when in fact they are protecting borders and effecting segragations of various sorts.33 Research the responsible authority for protecting the girls‘ identity from cultural interactions and delimiting the limits‘ of the girls experiences and critical thinking. drawing on Bhabha (1990. the love.GEMIC. Research findings from the Greece Report show that the construction of ‗migrant/non-migrant‘ identity‘ intersects with national. when in fact students are more motivated to participate in liminal experiences which push the limits of coventions and empower them as epistemic and political subjects (c) Migration. as we are using them? Because if they don‘t love Greece and are here only for opportunistic reasons. other religion. is fecund in that. other masculinity. elucidating norms and rules from a position of cultural authority. So. Schools must take advantage of these new contexts and new interactions in order to promote discussions on power. we need them to love us so that we know we are lovable. The girls were hailed as gendered and ethnic subjects into normative Islam but at the same time they were speaking up. is put into question.. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- What is particularly interesting in this event. because the investment itself. other nation. the induction of prohibitions was enacted simultaneously with the infringement of these prohibitions since the girls were already presented with a prohibited sight. as Zavos notes. Greek/non-Greek‘ identities. and not just use it. is that inscription into systems of power is never complete. with the new young Greek Albanians (born and growing up in Greece) acknowledged as having birth rights and yet feared of mimicry and. which is based on that love. from the Butlerian theory of power.‖ 94 . but we cannot love them in return because it would make us like them. 33 As Zavos explain. the more they were explaining the infringement of the ban by pointing to the two figures and elucidating the delicate anatomical differences between male and female shoulders.

2003). Ethnicity is also socially constructed and produced through interactions and across public and private discourses – it is not ‗natural‘. with migrant students feeling that their Cypriotness is under question and their belongingness something to be earned. and don‘t distinguish between their country of origin and their country of birth. negotiation. identification with some migrant students is sought through reference to a common historical and cultural background. teachers responded that it is religion and not nationality that constitutes the biggest problem. Greece. constantly evolving and ‗in process‘ of ‗becoming‘. also. ethnic identity is closely related to religious identity and sometimes confused with it. In secondary education. For students. saying that ―it pulls her in. According to the Kerameikos teachers‘ accounts. or if you are Macedonian you must be Christian‖ (Macedonian Report). a right of belonging. managed though education to transcend their low status social position. identity is always changing and multi-faceted. The belief in the strong biological. Blazheve notes in her Report that in Cvetan Dimov primordial concepts of ethnic and religious identities are dominant in the overall discourse among students and teachers. in contrast to the societies of origin. has managed to surpass thus securing a place among the 95 .GEMIC. ever-shifting collectivities whose membership is subject to continual re/construction and contest. contestation and assertion (Hall 1996). A teacher cites the example of a Turkish who married a Macedonian girl who converted to Islam. more violent and more reactionary. cultural or natural phenomena but as loosely bounded. so. who grew up in poor rural families. Just as the teachers themselves. Thus. The boundaries of ethnic groups which define who ‗belongs to‘ and who is an outsider are also constructed and negotiable/negotiated (Archer. Research findings from all three national studies show a gap between contemporary theories of ethnicity and teachers and students perceptions about identity and performative reenactments of ethnic boundaries. From a poststructuralist postcolonial perspective. Asked to consider the possibility or viability of mixed love relationships. Alternatively. exclusion of others. ―They think that if you are Albanian you must be Muslim. but four years later went to a church for Easter. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- findings from the Cypriot Report show that migrant kids‘ claims of cypriotness are pariculalry strong in Elementary school. on the one hand a mystification of intraethnic relations and belongingness and. There is no difference between them and the Albanian children who have been born in Greece. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. on the other hand. migrant students are encouraged to struggle for a better life through educational achievement. But Albanian children too feel they belong in Greece. that the Greek society. with the rigidity and flexibility of ethnic borders being renegotiated in various school settings and arenas. one however. processes of auto-ethnicization and hetero-ethnicization become more racialized. and formed through their continual construction. Greek students are by now accustomed to living with migrants and don‘t show any signs of racism or prejudice against their foreign schoolmates. Zavos observes that Greek teachers‘ identification with migrant students is attempted through reference to a common class background and the experience of social mobility. pre-given or pre-existing. the blood pulls her and that‘s it‖ (Focus Group 1). Birth appears to constitute. for them. ethnic difference and race are not seen as biological. however. as never ‗achieved‘ (completed or finished). blood ties to the group is based on a strong emotional aspect that implies.

such as the newly arrived Afghan refugee children. or other migrants. she ergues. and feeling insulted. which makes them culturally. Zavos notes that teachers attempt to control or restrict students‘ exhibitions of hostility or intolerance by appealing to children‘s pity (the poor children who have lost their homes) or empathy (take the other‘s position). what they expect is for them to perform what is the politically correct attitude. stands in the middle. Iran is higher in the culture value scale than Afghanistan. The apparent. students indeed do display certain ambivalence. to publicly express tolerance. with the Alban kids. On the one hand. whose presence in the school has caused so much destabilization for teachers and students alike. is associated with assertive global commerce and commands respect but also raises apprehension. to no avail. they refer to Afghan children in terms of pity and compassion (they have been through so much). compassion. while. However. As teachers point out. discrimination against other (non-Greek) nationalities. Aggressive masculinity. ravaged by war. is a case of cultural intimacy: they do not expect their students to be more related. for the teachers. we are not thatr different‖. who are reported as disliking instensely. and Iraq. they also know and agree. China. According to interviews with teachers. that they would rather not have them amongst them at all. Cultural difference. the meaning of this tolerance could be interpreted in terms of the ‗elephant in the room‘ or the acceptance of the obvious: in other words. Gender and sexual identities are conflated. burlesque element of such impersonations could not be appreciated by the Afghan boys. and accepted. no relations at all with us. but.GEMIC. as complete lack of connection or relation to the receiving country. Chinese migrants are obviously different and apart from the rest of the students in school and from the rest of the neighbourhood. who felt their masculinity threatened. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- developed and progressive nations of the West. they urge students to put themselves in the other‘s shoes. linked to heterosexuality. is seen as an inescapable identity for Afghan boys. there‘s something. 96 . asks Zavos. In fact. on the other hand. what is it that makes children recalcitrant and resisting students? Regardless of the fact that the teachers themselves reproduce in their own narratives a distinct sense of discrimination against the Afghan children in school. So. such as Afghanistan. but also hard and fundamentalist country. Not only are they contained within separate enclaves in the city but they themselves do not initiate any mixing. For example. but. on the other hand. Chinese students are not attacked by their Greek-Albanian schoolmates. the wish for segregation and fight. i. for men to take on female roles pejoratively. rather. to imagine what he has been through. Zavos underlines some unspoken contradictions in these accounts: ‗Why would teachers expect their students to be more empathetic than they themselves are?‘ This. Greece. National cultures are also evaluated and compared. they practice discrimination. and socially. Afghanistan. however. Ok. which for some reason is conflated with Pakistan. Greece. it is common. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. qualities that seem to rub off on the Afghan refugee children at school: ―They came from a wholly different culturem that is. tolerated. inaccessible. as insiders. countries. whose positionality in the global hierarchy of value bears particular connotations which are projected onto their populations. though. or China. evokes pity but is also implicitly associated with obscurantism and (masculine) violence. but. represented as a war-riddled. Greek and Albanian students team up en bloc against the unwelcome ‗others‘. by performative enactments of femininity by Albanian boys in the context of the Greek carnival. where.e. is not only a characteristic of Greek but of Albanian students as well. is diagnosed in the cases of migrants or refugees from far-away countries. or refugees. in their daily interactions and when confronted with examples of conflict. when directly questioned. pity.

Racist speech acts by Cypriots.2. ―treat them well. i... from GreekCypriots to Cypriots. singing the national anthem. bears a particular antagonism to Islam. What is strange is that within the ‗Cypriots‘‘ lines.e. is Orthodox Christianity which. gypsies become identified as ethnic Greeks (―Elladites‖. on the other hand.g. Segregation is often attributed to the cultural or ethic character of migrants. to speak to us about our mothers. however. Its possibility is conditioned both by 97 . on the one hand. the researcher develops a quite thick description of a fight which illustrates some very interesting intersections between ethnic and peer group positioninings and repositionings: Today I watched the first fight between kids who are selfdefined as Cypriots. Or the Persians in another corner or the gypsies in another corner‖ (Interview with Iasonas. let‘s say in my school. this thing exists. I heard Charidimos telling: ―Here came the gypsies. letting in the other Other. Christakeio Elementary Limassol). though. practiced by the mainstream and elevated to the level of political and nationalist ideology. i.‖ Teachers also comment positively on migrants‘ participation in National school celebrations. are belittled.2010) The gypsy kids‘ use of Standard Modern Greek (―kalamaristika‖) in the Greek Cypriot school yard context (where the Cypriot dialect constitutes the normative vernacular) provides a new intercultural context where ethnicities and ethnic boundaries are redefined and renegotiated. the limits of Cyprioteness become expandable. implicitly. even by the researchers. seen as unfortunate comments and individual racist attitutes which are attributed to the indifidual kids‘ family environment: ―I do not like. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Research findings from Cyprus show a sharp gap between teachers‘ understandings of ethnicity/race and their involvement in processes of ethnicizationa and racialization which take place in their schools. This ―letting in‖ is not a capricious or opportunistic tactic. In this context (unimaginable in the Greek school context). is how united the gypsies are when one of them faces a problem‖ (CS. e.GEMIC. Hanging out together and/or speaking ―amongst themselves‖ in Polish. and as ―Helladites‖ (gypsies). as it shows. one of the researchers concludes: ―What particulalry impressed me. Arabic. also prefer to dissociate themselves from any such practices. and. Georgian and so on. you might also witnessed this in the yard. in particular the issue of Islamic worship and the headscarf. are treated by teachers as negative phenomena and as indicators of ―ethnic separation‖ and ―ghettocization‖. for historical and political reasons.‖ (CS Fieldnotes. Greek state nationals) whereas the GreekCypriots become both de-ethnicized and renationalized. and children often recall experiences of faith of their grandparents. Christakeio Elementary School. since several Albanian families are themselves Muslim. Commenting on a fight between boys. Benjamin (Iraqi refigee). but. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Albanian children‘s reactions to the Afghan refugees sometimes involve derogatory comments on religious practices. to see the Polish playing in one corner. Τeachers state that Greekcypriot children ―accept difference‖ or ―have come to accept‖ migrants/alloglosoi. This may not be so incomprehensible if we take into account that the national religion. It is also interesting that this double zone. And. at the same time.e. From what they told me.‖ ―at least in the classroom. sometimes. After some wrestling.. It is interesting that before coming to his concluding remark on gypsies. For teachers this presents a paradox. there were kids (such as Benjamin) who are not from Cyprus but felt that thay had to back Charidimos. 12. Greece. a war-zone and a contact-zone at the same time. the reason for the dispute was that Nikos (a gypsy) talked badly to the brother of Charidimos (Cypriot). Christakeio Elementary Limassol).

WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. For example. Polish. Βηβιίν Μαζεηή/ Τεηξάδην/ ΚαξηέιεοΠαηρλίδηα (ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο). in a TGSOL session. hygiene fever.2009). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- a structure of repeatability and by a learning context that allows flexibilities of identifications. In fact. the kids reject them claiming Cypriotness. the students are reading a text about a group of students of various nationalities in Gernany.php?yliko. without attributing this to their being Roma. four months before the fight. At the beginning of the school year 2009-2010 (its beginning was marked by precautions. An interpersonal conflict can erupt to an ethnic between ‗us‘ and ‗Pontians‘. to racial abjection. Interestingly.ediamme. Fieldwork suggests that rigid ethnic boundaries can be renegotiable but can also be recuperable. during the morning school assembly. Christakeio 23-11-09). Georgi says: ―I am Georgi and I am from Cyprus. almost atavistically. that the orginal (text) and modifying the text (―My name is … and I am from …‖) will function both as a sort of scaffolding and as as a model of a real speech situation language use. All TGFOL textbooks are available online at: www.34 The Greek language teacher asks Georgi to speak about himself. For example. On that occation. They hold their noses and cover their faces when around them. 34 The textbooks used for TGFOL in the specific schools are Μηα θνξά θη έλαλ θαηξό – Διιεληθά σο μέλε γιώζζα (ΥΔΠΘ Παλεπηζηήκην Κξήηεο ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο). marginalization or derogatory comment as an individual problem. Μηιώ θαη γξάθσ ειιεληθά ζηηο γεηηνληέο ηνπ θόζκνπ ΟΔΓΒ Αζήλαο) and Τεηξάδην δξαζηεξηνηήησλ Μαξγαξίηα. and the other kids had adviced him to ―stay in Cyprus which provides security to him‖ (CS Fieldnotes. Benjamin talked about his country‘s experience of dictarorship regimes. The diagnosis of a Filipino student returning from a trip to Philippines can erupt into a situation of emergency.uoc. Pontian. telling that he is infected.11. elementary kids internalize violence. this event takes place the same time that Bogdan‘s teacher remarks that he has been doing significant progress in learning Greek. particularly in situations of crisis. teachers are very unlikely to touch on such concepts since they consider them incomprehensible for the class). 10.edc. In this case Irinel did not seemed particularly bothered (seems to take it as somekind of joke). and action plans against H1N1). Georgi frowns at the teacher‘s comment (CS Fieldnotes. on the Polytechneio Day (Anniversary of Students‘ Revolt againt the Greek Junta). etc. 98 .GEMIC.‖ The teacher prompts him to rethink his sentence (and way of identifying himself): ―Are you sure that you are from Cyprus?‖ (Georgi‘s parents are from Scotland and Serbia). in other similar cases. even when such identifications are meant to empower them.11. Most of these teaxtbooks have been produced for Greek diaspora rather than Migrants learning Greek. 17. Greece. the class teacher talked to the class about the events and introduced concepts such as dictatorship and fascism (in a multicultural fifth grade Eloementary class with so many alloglossi as the particular class.2009). The kids in the text introduce themselves by telling their names and the names of their countries. The example below illustrates how precarious ―acceptance‖ can be and how tolerance for other cultures can relapse. In their act (and acting) the performative display of abjection towards a skinking pig is conflated with precautionary gestures when conducting one‘s contact with H1N1 carriers (CS Fieldnotes. the kids of Grade 6 are teasing Bogdan (a boy from Poland) that has the ‗pig flu‘. with the school put into garantine and the claims of mutual acceptance put on hold. that he participates in class and that he is now becoming accepted by his

‗mommy‘. explains to the researcher in what way Cypriots (―You‖) are different from ―us‖: ―You M‘m. Georgian. You did not figure this out?‖ ―No‖. if we bit each other.‖ and shows to the semicircle part of the locker. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. The two students are hailed into the disocurse of multiculturalism as objects of ethnic identitfication and subjects of cultural knowledge (they can speap of their experience as ―Pontians‖. a goal already achievied. Whatever happens. The two students parody recognition and mis-recognition and disupt the mutlicultural survey which intends to inscribe them tidily into a map of origins and ethnicities. After this both of them burst into laughters. staying in this neighborhood. speaks Russian. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- At secondary education. Auto-ethnotization sometimes implicates the citation and replication of racial discourses: (KC Fieldnotes. Pontian. the only way for a migrant student to become a subject in its school multicultural disocurse is by becoming an ethnicized subject. in a different context. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia) Two boys rush into the remedial/support class without brings with them any books or bags.‖ says Andrei. ―How could I figure this out?‖ Andrei explains using as a visual aid the locker on the classroom door. Turkish and Greek. The same boy. the students are reverting to the rawness and tastelessness of an inappropriate racial discourse. Yours. Nicholai: No M‘m. raw. it‘s square-ish. The researcher asks them where the are from. one that has the power to belittle both their otherness 99 . at large. What this event shows is that multicultural discourse is becoming instituionalized as a disciplinary form of power (survey and taxonomy) as well as a procuctive form of power (subjectivication). ―me. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia). more subtle and normalized forms of racialization that take place at school unnoticed. pointing to ―Andrei‖. Next day we talk to each other normally‖ (KC Fieldnotes. continues: ―but this one is from Pakistan‖. our head is like this. Phaneromeni Gymnasium Nicosia) Andrei. a school where ―acceptance of difference‖ is considered to be. ―pakistansis‖ and so on. and. Besides the Old Mill (after-school Center). ―flat at the lower back part. bodily self-racialization is enacted amidst a series of other. says the researcher.we never call the police. ―You came like tourists today?‖ the teacher asks. A shocking. processes of ethnicization. He is fifteen years old and he is still at Gymnasium grade one. including the researchers‘ hailing of studnets into ethnic self-identification. for if anything gets stolen they always blame me because I am a Pontian. Against this condition. The examples below are from Phaneromeni Gymnasium in Nicosia. now many foreigners have come and things are a little bit bad. and they lough. stranded there as ―auditor‖ for three years. while yours is not like this. looks like the lower part of the locker. ―You see. Two researchers ask a group of boys whether they live close to the school: Nicholai: Two minutes‘ walk!‖ Researcher: You are so lucky.‖ (KC Fieldnotes. have no brain. if we fight. particulalry among boys (derogatory ethnic comments against male migrant students are often received also as questionary remarks on their masculinity). both hetero-ethnicization and autoethnicization become sharper.GEMIC. you call the police. In other words. ‗mommy‘…Whereas us. ―No. Igor says. Mm. Greece. and for this reason he forbids met to go out. my dad does not allow met go anywhere. ―from Russia‖.

2009. as if for him it is more important to have the protection and stability by belonging to something he believes in. even as absence. who claims to be Albanian. as body practice and body change (fasting during the Ramadan and having circumcision this year). the researcher notes: ―they take the Law in their hands. A common finding in Macedonian and Cypriot fieldwork on teenage kids is that. does not wear the scarf) is the only Moslem girl to participate in the school event for the commemoration of 100 . In the eyes of the other students and teachers he is a bit crazy. performing his transformation as conversion to Islam. She says Mrs. some of them misfiring. Blazheva notes that Darko is an extreme example of identity in process ―of becoming‖ since his desire is to become the Other. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. is a frustrating and painful endeavour which often is misconstrued by peers and completely overstepped by teachers. Greece. 1. This ―reclaim‖ however. reckoning with intersecting ethnic. a Macedonian youth.6. She adds on that since they came to Cyprus her father says that she‘s crazy because she wants to go out all the time (PM Fieldnotes. by continuously playing the role and confirming it. unlike auto-ethoticization. is most often received by Greek Cypriot as another symptom of ―their identity‖ than a performative negotiation of ethnic stereotypic.GEMIC. racial and religious border is anti-heroic. Albanians or Muslims were never as other as they are to most of Macedonians but nevertheless for most of the people it is seen as impossible and crazy thing to want or to become Muslim or Albanian. Dianelleio High. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- and the power of those who normalize their institutional power under the disguise of cultural interest. Foreign kids‘ resistance to hetero-ethnicization by Greekcypriots implicates a stereotypical ethnicization of other ‗foreigners‘ as dangerous and a heroizing reclaim of ethnic stereotypes. Darko‘s negotiation about his identity is based on the acceptance of being the crazy one. This case shows how rigid and primordial concepts of identity clash over. some claiming acceptance as symptoms of madness or expressions of sacrifice and love for Cyprus as a new homeland. While sitting with a grounp of girlfriends uring the break.‖ the boy says. Under the entry cited abobe. claiming belongingingness or contesting exclusion. mostly because of his claims over his identity. ― he is Mohamed now‖.‖ For highschool kids. The Macedonian study cites the case of Darko. She thinks it‘s a popular Greek song and sings that ―when she feels bored‖. but as well how strong they are within the context revealed by the stigmatizing. and he answers that you cannot be Albanian if you are not Muslim (Field notes_ VB_11) . demented or ‗mental‘. The proferror thinks that boy cannot make difference between Albanian and Muslim. some picked up by teachers as signs of the other‘s cultural inauthenticity and some politicized as threats against the school‘s rituals of Greek national identidy. Maram (Moslem girl) starts to sing the Greek National Anthem («Σε γλσξίδσ από όςε ζπαζηνύ ηξνκεξή θαη ζαλ πξώηα αληξεησκέλε ραίξε ραίξε Λεπηεξηά»). the one to be laughed at. in the music class. The Cypriot study cites several cases of student border crossings. A professor is reading through the class roster to check for absences: ―Darko?‖ ―Darko is not here. marginalizing and exclusion of differences and individualities that don‘t fit the clearly shaped categories taken as natural and normal. Manar (very competent in Greek. But exactly this impossibility and the desire for this impossible position is what makes this case so extraordinary. Lucia taught that to her. some deliberate and some accidental. some belittled as noise. Larnaca). In another school with high school. She has no idea that tomorrow is the last day of school. they make fun of him and his behavior. The professor asks him whether he would like to be Albanian or Muslim.

does not wear a scarf and this troubles her peers but even the researcher. Hatice. states upfrontly that Cyprus if his country now and he would so much wants to give his own blood for this country.2009). The Greek study reports on an exceptionalization and exteriorization of violence. The little Arab girl also talked. The researcher confronts her.. since her participation in the March 25th Parade (Commemoration of Greece‘s National Revolt agaists the Turks) stirred a ―justifiable‖ reaction by her peers. complex. When he participates in a blood donation that takes place in his school. I‘m a Turkish Cypriot!‖ (PM Fieldnotes. The researcher insists as she does not get ―it‖: ―Then why you don‘t wear the scarf?‖ Hatice erupts. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Resistance Day (resistance to the military coup of 1974. perceiving it as a political tactics that misconstrues the nature of the national problem of Cyprus. coming from outside. 7. She expalins that she‘s a Turkish Cypriot. In interviews with teachers from her school. frustrated with the other‘s inability to make sense of her dis-jointed.g.12.. I‘m a Moslem‖. 14. a girl from Turkey. everybody asks him why he did that since he‘s not a Cypriot. Phaneromeni High. part of the schools culture. Asked about the meaning of the event. so what. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. by disturbing ‗others‘.violence is seen as something out of the ordinary that is brought to the school from the outside. it is a common finding across the three studies that the talk on violence is relativizing violence and rendering invisible. Violence The three case studies record various attributions of violence and perceived localities of violence. violence is something stirred from out-of-school factors (e. who know only how to distinguish between Turks and Turkish Cypriots (some teachers problematize even this cultural discernment. act of ethnicization : ―I told you M‘m. insignificant of even unsignifiable forms of gender and racial violence. Lucy is cited as an example of an unfortunate and untasteful implementation of inclusion policies.GEMIC.2009.g. to disturbe the multicultural ethos of the school. a group of Cyprit girls reply dismissively: ―I did not listen. Greece. She recites a poem and also sings with the chorus the National anthem. not from Turkey. 8. In Cypriot schools. Dianelleio Gymnasium Larnaca. Whther violence is construed as ordinary or extraordinary. angry Pontian or 101 . self-identified as Lucy. In Cvetan.5. As represented in the Keramikos teachers‘ accounts. ζηγά. insisting on the duality of identities: ―Aren‘t you a Moslem? Are you Christian?‖ ―No. a refugee youth from Irak in Vergina Leceum. Δκίιαλ ηδαη ε Αξαπνύα. how could I understand?‖ («Δλ άθνπα. putting emphasis on ethnic conflict between GreekCypriots and Turkish Cypriots and downplay Turks‘ invasion). speaks of her experience of growing up as Alevi in a cosmopolitan secular Alevi community in Istanbul. Mohamed. dressed in gothic teenage style who plays soccer with boys during the break. Emine. political. different within. serve voluntarily in the army (a legal impossibility because he‘s not a national citizen). internal to school culture or extension of violent others. this commemoration day was introduced recently by the left government). violence is considered to be all too ordinary. known to be a Turk. and how her family tried to force her into a marriage with a ―backword Moslem‖ Turkish Cypriot when they came to Cyprus. Her Alevi identity is unspeakable and unsignifiable to her peers and teachers. with various acts of violence being overstepped as jokes. e. Larnaca). πνύ λα θαηαιάβσ!» (MC Fieldnotes.

What it does accomplish. and hemmed in. where teachers‘ interventions against Afghan children‘s participation in school have brought distress to the refugee families. After the arrival of Afgans. ―all this situation that has formed this year. According to teachers‘ accounts. things ran smoothly. which is invaded by a hoard of angry and violent ‗others‘ and robbed of its peace and unity. violence is seen to disrupt the status quo and the peaceful co-existence of the (regular) students. however. In interviews with Keraminkos teachets. Prior to the arrival of these children in the school. the school was a harmonious place. and do not support each other. must be creating the problem themselves. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and does not belong in the school. evidenced by the fact that they often are not only violent and aggressive towards other students. In those cases. or the educational system. they are described as ‗telling on each other‘. rather than exhibiting the usual student solidarity against teachers. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Moslem fathers) or attributed to stereotypes of ethnic temper. demolished everything incuding kids themselves‖ (Machdi). or among the proper members of the school community. In this sense. such as the Afghan refugees. if they have managed to integrate and become accepted in Greek society. They don‘t want to see the children punished by their parents. Those who cannot integrate. they are also assumed to be the bearers of a culture of violence and antagonism. who are the bearers of violence on account of their violent history and culture. the Afghan refugee students were very scared. The idealized image of a conflict-free school. Afghan parents‘ disciplinary attempts are once more framed by the teachers in terms of the Afghan violent and inhumane culture. even the racist violence that Albanian migrants suffer (as occasionally acknowledged by some teachers). from which they are now fleeing to the West. all of which are assumed to be not violent. who disagree as to whether they should. In addition. In this sense. Violence is brought to the school by the Afghan refugee children. Slowly. as they gained more familiarity with their surroundings and started to learn the language they revealed their aggressive side. 102 . and became a disturbance for the rest of the school. but are violent amongst themselves. teachers also feel guilt and remorse. even this statement of responsibility is partially disclaimed as it is qualified by references to child abuse. is a dissociation of violence from the Greek context and a clear moral distinction between assimilated/assimilable migrants and non-assimilable ‗others‘. Greece. however. which the Afghan parents are supposed to inflict upon their children. where everyone has mastered the requirements and challenges of multicultural tolerance and co-existence. It cannot be that bad. Containing violence (which often means overstepping racial acts as unfortunate of ‗jokes‘) is often misconstrued as preserving school‘s ―balance‖ and not marginalizing Greek Cypriot kids. which the teachers have to either prevent or redress. in the beginning. Nevertheless. or in any way producing or inciting violence themselves. there were no conflicts between students. For example. however. Having experienced war and hardship in their native country. or shouldn‘t accept these children in school. The presence of the Afghan refugee children in school has also brought up tensions and conflicts between the teachers themselves. possibly intimidated by their noncomprehension of the language used in school.GEMIC. clearly does not describe a real situation given the pervasive racism all migrants have suffered in Greece. or refuse them shelter. they are expected to reproduce the tensions and conflicts from which they have suffered. or teachers and students. is minimized and downplayed.

surveillance meachnisms used to control violence in schools are actually serving as control and regulation mechanisms of student behaviors. When it comes to violence in schools it is mainly these institutions that perpetuate hegemonic masculinity and therefore face the problem they produce. 1991). and disrespectful of life. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. however. dignity and human rights. Girls from the second table got excited and though nervous. 1977. as well as the stereotypes for Albanians. While they all. and Greek society as being violent. One of the boysstood up and went to the window. It is message meant to be read between the lines. Greece. to what the professor said – it is destiny. young people use violence as a mechanism for gaining and (re)establishing power and discipline in their own hierarchies which constitute a reflection of the wider structural and institutional context. I shouted. if violence is localized in ethnically mixed school. (Field notes _AB_16) The public image of the school is defined through the stories of violence. the debate ends up with new security measures being introduced in schools. The teacher tried to explain to him that she is trying to soften the situation and repeated that it were probably fire crackers. I can‘t tell for sure but they were fast like from machine gun. the measures to be takes against violence are division in shifts or separation into different schools. I got scared. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Interestingly. don‘t stand by the window! The professor was calmingly saying that it is nothing. Blazheva also argue that this double enforcement and production of power is interrelated with the institutional replication of group or class injustice. not pistol. This is not stated directly. such as visual surveillance and physical security. On the other hand. i. The following exceprt from fieldnotes attests to the cultural relativization of violence and the institutional imperative for a newcomer‘s acculturation to this: I heard gunshots coming from outside. Girls commented that before the class there were also gunshots and got scared and went to the toilets. Sit down it is nothing. turning schools into disciplining institutions.e. The boy set down and said to the teacher – Do not panic teacher. institutions of legitimacy and normalcy and systems of symbolic violence. moreover a picture that no one actually feels they need to know about because it is so well ―portrayed‖ by the mainstream discourse of young people. the issue of violence in students‘ narratives acquires more meanings and references. Citing Bourdieu. Blazheva notes in their report that the deployment of violence entails both disciplinary and productive forms of power (Foucault. refer to Greeks. Bringing Arendt into 103 . gun riffles. laughingly commented – wow we are going to die here. probably a fire cracker. Students ironically affirmed: yeah right – fire crackers… Then the professor added that it may be a wedding. blaming never-ending transition in society and the clash of values. they indicate that they feel victimized by them. This is a quite usual image for public schools with bad reputation. you know there are a lot of weddings in this neighborhood. disobedience and disrespect towards authorities. which then tries to find who is guilty while trying to wash their own hands about responsibility they alone have. notably Albanian students.GEMIC. Stories of youth and/or school violence are perfect media issues for raising moral panic among the concerned moralizing public. in Cvetan Dimov violence is integrated in and integrated by the school. or. Usually. unanimously. but rather surreptitiously. On the one hand. refer to the Afghan refugee children as being aggressive and violent and annoying. some of them also. Unlike Keramikos. Citing Foucault. but then got back to the classroom. They throw fire crackers – she said. while further stigmatizing young people for their restlessness.

Images of deranged Moslem and Pontian fathers who ‗invade‘ schools to protect their troublesome sons are frequent in teacher accounts of violence. In their view. when they are asked to analyze the specific school event they revert to a neo-liberal discourse on racist attitutes and victim 104 . Even boys whose masculinity didn‘t need to be measured and negotiated through physical strength. humiliation.‖ (Focus group 1) Such findings suggest the research on school violence needs to examine. just to say that he has a gun. Although the guy had a gun he didn‘t pull it out. Everybody knew that he had a gun but he could not pull it out. those ‗scared scary‘ boys carry guns as a protection and a sign that they can strike back: K: ―I want to say this. Greece. Everybody was teasing him later that if only he had had a gun he would have killed the 8th grader. When teachers are confronted with descriptions of events of racial violence against migrants (Codification A: Greek Cypriot boy calling Arab classmate ―kilintzir‖. Fieldwork in several highschools also shows that many incidents of violence where migrants boys are involved are treated as ―fights amongst themselves‖ which should stay ―amongst themselves‖ because ―their‖ way or resolving conflicts is ―different‖. state that those who carry weapons in the school are actually boys who are scared to become victims of violence. Research findings from the Cypriot schools cofirm findings from the other two national studies. Phaneromeni Elementatry School. so he can say I have one. Christakeio Elementary School). ―the attitude of the child is clearly racist but not his own. the affective aspects of power and vulnerability. and desire for inclusion are fundamental sites for discipline and control of hegemonic masculinity. whose position are guaranteed by looks and social skills. Arendt (1969) argues that loss of power tempts men to substitute violence for power but also that violence itself results in impotence or at some point loosing power. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- the analysis of hegemonic masculinity. Nothing! He got slapped and that was it. they carry weapons. Emotions such as shame. A significant number of teachers argue that such events are very frequent even between Cypriot students and one should not take them ―too seriously‖ since such name callings are part of the argot used by youth. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. it was only for show off.GEMIC. a space that falls beyond the school‘s authority. Like in Keramikos. 2006). In front of the whole school. What is interesting is that even those teachers who speak in the interviews about institutionalized racism. Blazeva introduces a counter-Foucault approach to power. the reaserchers trace echoes of Arendt‘s analysis. This delineation of fields of authority is very much linked to the discourse of teacher professionalization: ―Teachers cannot also intervene in the family and the environment where a student grows up‖ (Interview with Artemis. the neighbourhood. Just for show off. Structural marginality and dissymmetry of power are not considered (not only Ahmet cannot talk but he is the abject other against which Cypriot youth groups establish their cohesiveness. There was one guy who was slapped by an 8th grader. his surroundings‖ (Interview with Andreas. Only those that are scared. Nicosia). this and that. In their discussions with youth at Cvetan. he must have transferred it from his home. and exclusion and censorship are the most effective methods of symbolic violence (Stoudt. including the acceptable exchange of ‗insulting‘ words). act overstepped by teacher) either they empty these events of seriousness or they attribute Greek Cypriot students ―mentality‖ to their family environment. besides structures of social inequality and institutional mechanisms of surveillance. teachers overlook the institutional dimensions of school violence and locate its sources outside the school‘s multicultural balance.

because all of us find ourself in that position at some point. Phaneromeni Elementary Nicosia). What particularly uncanny is that the person who articulates most adeguately the normalization of this zone of containment and tolerance to racism is one of the leading actors in the organization of the Zones of Educational Priority (one of the Ministry‘s major mechanisms for promoting the implementation of intercultural education): To be honest I would not like to be in that teacher‘s position either.e. The excerpt below shows how ―acceptance of others‖ and ―knowledge and respect of other cultures‖— the cardinal goals of intercultural education in Cyprus—have come to established a zone of educational comfort that faciliatates the containment and tolerance of racial violence. to teach them [others like Ahmet] to endure. all teachers turn to a retrospective evaluation of the year‘s intercultural program (the event takes place at the end of the school year) and they deem that the cultivation of a spirit of acceptance and respect for other cultures shound have been more systematic and more comprehensive. (Interview with a ZEP Coordinator) What the policy maker (and teacher) above does not get though is that the idealization of interacultural education and the preaching of ―acceptance of difference‖ have normalized a multicultural ethos of civility that is blind to processes of racialization. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- damage: ―Maybe I would not discuss this any further because I would put Ahmet in an uncomfortable position‖ (Interview with Anne. our aim as. and to get stronger. I wouldn‘t like to have to start to explain and to preach or turn this into an issue of conflict and punishment.. I‘m sure she would have many other opportunities to incorporate into her lesson other elements from his culture and other cultures and to pass step by step these messages. injustice and violence. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. how can we reconcile the occurance of racial violence with the selfrighteous culturalist narrative of promoting and mastering acceptance).g. This retrospective evaluation and the fetishistic turn to the recourse of ―respect to other cultures‖ help to normalize violence and to smooth out contradictions in intercultural education (e. I said before. to try to teach them [Greek Cypriots] to accept the ‗different‘. Language Research findings from the three different national studies show that the way language difference in the classroom or school is dealt with in the three national contexts is interrelated primarily with the constitutional framing of the republic and secondarily with the officially 105 . 9. In other words. what you are etc. Whether its object is the perpetrator or the victim. the individualization and psychologization of racism constitutes a sustainable response to racial violence. e. Greece. Interviews with migrant students of older ages actually record students‘ quest for a politics of justice and their frustration with teachers implication in the normalization of violence. When asked to evaluate the teacher‘s role.GEMIC. power dissymetries. beyond this... a lesson which cannot be achieved either through teaching or reading around lies or someone else talking to you about anti-racism or all these things… I believe that only through lived experience and this is how many of our students get this. I accept it. i. I don‘t know what followed agter this event.g. thus she passes her message in a very nice way. and. That the teacher took the cd (a cd of arab music) from him (Ahmet) and played that sets an example. I appreciate your culture. ‗why did you say bad words to him‘ and ‗what did you tell him‘.

provision of education in multiple ethnic and language forms. primarily. with this constitutional provision suspended since 1963. Even 106 . Greek becomes also the only language of language of instruction in public schools in the south side of the divide. Furthmore. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- declared principles and goals of intercultural education.GEMIC. minority students like refugee and migrant students are burdened with the responsibility.‖ In the case of the Republic of Cyprus. either in separate schools or in different tracks or shifts within the same school (as in the case of Cvetan Dimov). which is not a nation-state. linguistic variety of the multicultural classroom is dealt with the teaching of Greek to non-Greek speaking migrants and refugees and the provisional linking of integration with the learning of Greek. Eventually. the monolingual character of instruction is even more normative and exclusionary for ethnic minorities than for refugees and migrants in Greek of Greek Cypriot schools. A similat caveat. where the multiethnic character of the society. however. ―language emerges as a terrain where cultural. where the monolingual character of the Nation state establishes Greek as the only official language and as the only language of instruction in all public schools. with recent changes in migration and citizenship law stipulating proof of language competence as a fundamental requirement for granting citizenship rights to adult migrants long-term residents in Greece. the learning of the language of instruction as a second or other language. Zavos reports that the teachers‘ approaches to the acquisition of Greek language skills by migrant students and refugees ranges between culturalist notions of language as a sign of cultural identity and functionalist notions of language as a communication tool. most importantly. The nationalities right to education in their native language is not translated to individual‘s right to education in their native language because ethnic schools or ethnic shifts are diverse within (in Cvetan Dimov. multicultural education means. in parallel with the learning of content specific matter. In this case. the difficulty and the disatvantage of mastering the language of instruction in an educational environment which was not originally designed to facilitate. integration. the equality of Macedonian and Albanian as official languages and different nationalities‘ right to education in their native language are constitutionally established. for example. In addition. However. adopting the national language is interpreted by the teachers as willingness towards. or capacity for. The minority students‘ option to enroll in ethnic schools (individual choice) and the nationalities right for ethnic continuity through schools (collective right) provide a national. In the case of Greece. both by the students. creates similar conditions with Macedonia. a legal and an educational alibi for monolingual schools (and tracts and shifts within the same school) to discourage or even prohibit the use of any other language in the classroom. it has a system almost identical to that of Greece. political and legal priorities or dispositifs converge and intersect with subjective performances. the constitutional equality of Greek and Turkish and the allocation of cultural and educational control to the two nationalities. In other words. as Zavos notes in the Greek National WP5 Report. by their families. seems to apply to the multi-ethnic multilingual policy of Macedonia. The comparative analysis of field data on language use in the classroom in the three national contexts shows that the normative monolingualism of instruction constitutes an ideological terrain. whereas Cyprus could have had a multiethnic language school system like that of Macedonia. Greece. but. Albanian students attend the Macedonian shift or Bosnian students attend the Albanian shift). with ethnic conflict in the 60‘s and the Turkish invasion in 1974 leading to the de facto ethnic division of Cyprus and with the Republic of Cyprus becoming a de jure Greek Cypriot Republic. In the case of Macedonia.

Children who do not progress in Greek language skills are assumed to not want to communicate. segregation and violence. The attributed lack of interest in communication with the host society carries negative connotations. however. the term Alloglossoi is used interchangeably with the term “Aravóphoni” (Arabic speaking). As in the case of Greece. but contexts like Cvetan Dimov school challenge this notion and show the complexity of the negotiation processes of language ideologies. identity politics but also but possibilities for a normatively monolingual classroom reflect the ideological contradictions of a multi-ethnic society where the right to instruction in native language is constitutionally established and yet some languages are ―more equal than others‖. is the foreigner. inclusion in mixed class as ―present absence‖ and exeptions from classes as linguistic incompetence) and the number of allóglossi in a school identifies the school‘s multicultural ―intensity‖ and justifies its need for extra resources. it is considered to indicate either general lack of motivation and aspirations for the future. Macedonian is still the official language in meetings and official communication while assistant directors are Albanian and their position is to make balance to assure the power structure but also balance of language ideologies.35 ―Alloglossia identifies the otherness of migrants and refugees on the basis of ―lack of competence in Greek‖ (construed. Power dynamics are reflected in school administration. the struggle over its recognition and affirmation is an ongoing one. solidarity and discrimination. distinction and legitimacy in the political and historical context and perspective. the official state language (Macedonian) is still in a process of negotiating its recognition. 107 .GEMIC. even though with the 2001 reform Albanian was recognized as an official language. the director of the school is Macedonian. are invested with ideological views on communication as a one-way process: the one who has to do the communicating. seemingly functionalist views on Greek language acquisition carry notions about the conditionality of migrants and refugees‘ fitness for the Greek classroom. who has to communicate on the terms of the dominant cultural-linguistic communication formats. this prognosis is invested with the expectation to solve problems of racism. Greece. along with it. though policies and practices of placement. Though teaching TGSOL in ―reception classes‖ for a year (before integration in the regular classroom) is proposed as a solution specifically for the ―language problem‖. 35 In high schools schools with significant numbers of Moslem students (around 35 acroates in each school). Gregoriou reports that in Cypriot schools. identities and power. or unwillingness to become part of the host culture. both languages are being disputed and both negotiated to be recognized as an indissoluble part from their ethnic identity. The underlying assumption is that the implied actor (the one who causes problems) is the migrant/refugee and that troubling interactions can still be located within the other‘s zone of culture and reaction. Cvetan Dimov is a rather typical example of the wider tension between languages spoken in the country also struggling for its recognition and identification. On the other hand. In school settings. On the one hand. empowerment. the category ―allóglossos‖ has evolved from a supposedly neutral student descriptor (the term was introduced to replace the term ―alien‖ [allodapós] which was deemed racial) to a racial rationality of student regulation and multicultural school organization. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- functionalist approaches. to resist establishing mutual interaction between teachers and host society and themselves. The Macedonian language is considered to be more privileged. The major figure in the school. who has to exhibit and practice willingness to engage in dialogue. Blazeva reports that the power dynamics. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.

GEMIC.. however. this aporia is often registered as discomfort with their professional adequacy to teach Greek as a second/other language. The narrow framing of 108 . Interviews with Cypriot Elementary schools teachers. Compromizing academic goals and expectations is constued sometimes by teachers as a cultural adjustment to the difference of a multicultural school. In the case of Greece and Cyprus. Greek Cypriot teachers do not make any critical comments on these.e. what skill to teach next. There is nothing left to feel. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Interviews with teachers in all three national contexts show that teachers find themselves stumbling onto the aporia of teaching majorities and minorities. noting to experience. Unlike Elementary school teacher. So the literary essence is gone. when in fact this scheme. however. also show that teachers‘ relative contentment with the work done in the classroom is related to their sense that sustainable teaching in a multicultural school requires ―a change of attitude‖. native speakers of Greek. teachers‘ manuals and assessment tests) is useful with regards to the Books‘ ideal audience. which material to use. Althought the same textbooks are used in Greek Cypriot Elementary schools. Greece. however. kids do not understand them. Another contradiction in Cypriot teachers‘ diagnosis and prognosis framings of ―the language problem‖ is that the idea of ―reception classes‖ is invoked as an insightful educational borrowing from the Greek experience. Teachers also find that the comprehensive approach the learning of language (built into the selection of texts. natives and migrants in an educational environment which was not originally designed to facilitate. lose their emotive quality when they are used as the medium for teaching Greek to migrants and refuges: They have a very difficult vocabulary. Zavos also notes that the new language books for Elementary Schools (same ones used in Greek Cypriot schools as well) which were introduced a couple of years ago are considered inadequate or badly designed to meet the needs of migrant children. i. 2010 ). It does not allow a flexible differentiation of instructional aims and material. in parallel with the learning of content specific matter. Greek Report). used for Roma children. suggests that teachers are negative to the idea of a multicultural mixed language ability class. so you end up breaking down the text to little parts and focusing on translation/interpretation. Their firm belief however that only separate ―reception classes‖ would solve the language problem (plus all other problems attributed to the presence of alloglossi in their classroom). the exercises. teachers find that the books focus too much on the formal characteristics of language and not its use in communicative contexts. rather than formalized instruction in grammatical forms. who require a different approach to language training based on the use of lay or common language. to promote multiple literacies and familiarity with multiple genres. This comprehensive approach. nothing‖ (Interview with Vassiliki. turns out to be disempowering for teachers when the same books are also used for the teaching of Greek as a foreign language. partly. to the fact that classroom teachers feel that the responsibility for teaching Greek as a Second/Other language is passed on to remedial courses and Greek Language sessions. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and teachers end up caught in a ―continuous hunting‖. has been heavily criticized for instituting neoracism under the ideological cover of respect for reference (Vergidis. Even literary texts. Even though the new books are designed to facilitate an integrated approach to the learning of language. Gregoriou suggests that this difference can be attributed. the learning of the language of instruction as a second language. teachers in higher and technical education are very critical of the policy of admitting alloglossoi in the class as ―akroates‖ (auditors) because these kids are condemned to boredom.

the product. language barriers and other obstacles. orally yes[they might preserve it]. In fact. Greek Report). this line of thinking is not different from the reasoning used in neoliberal accounts of schooling which. their will to become integrated in a Greek setting as well). as the mobiling force. Despite variations in teachers‘ framings of the ―language problem‖. Unfortunately. considering knowledge of the mother tongue an important aspect of children‘s identity.GEMIC. invariously.] How is their family going to be? They might end up together with a Greek. Greece. Teachers do not go as far as advocating the teaching of students‘ languages at school even though they consider that Albanian pupils will eventually lose their language: Of course. But poor knowledge and command of Albanian can also present problems for these children when visiting family back 109 . as in the case of Greece) accountable for not learning or not making enough efforts to learn the language of instruction and (b) treat the effort put into the learning of the language of instruction by the pupils as indicator of the their will to learn (and. they will lose it. but other factors outside the school also play a role. treat that. Findings across the three national context diverge with regards to the use of native language in the classroom.‖ The only kind of aporia registered in interviews with teachers is whether they are correct in discouraging students from using their native language. Where are they going to use it? They do not learn it in school. Lack of formal language training in Albanian students‘ mother tongue is considered a problem. This liberal approach is expressed especially with regards to Albanian students. and the hero (always individual) of an interpreuneurial school success story. the family. for it should be this way (Interview with Nano. You never know. according to teachers‘ views. in the case of Greece and Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- problems in a multicultural school as a ―language problem‖ is also reflected in institutional blindness to the racialization of ―alloglossi‖ and teachers‘ negative reaction to migrants and refugees‘ use of ―their‖ language. getting a job [. because of the home. They will lose it. Albanian children refrain from speaking Albanian in public because they do not want to be identified as Albanian and would rather pass as Greek. In fact. Most importantly. The school contributes towards legitimizing or discrediting the students‘ mother tongue. which they should retain and develop. Growing up. our research shows that there are more commonalities between Macedonia and Cyprus rather than Cyprus and Greece. Kerameikos teachers adopt a more liberal attitude to students‘ capacity to use their mother tongue. Although it is applied specifically to the mixed language class. that‘s for sure. a Pakistani. in substantiating excellence. It is assumed that those who have the will to learn. Zavos reports that in general. they will learn anyway. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.. a comparative analysis of findings suggests that teachers (a) do not hesitate to hold migrant. ok. and an impoverishment of their cultural capital. refugee or ethnic pupils (and their parents. Interviews with teachers in Cvetan Dimov do not register any distress with the inadequacy of teaching material or the added difficulty of having to teach minority students who do not know the language of instruction. an Afghani. Their mother tongue will be lost. unforltunately. the ―language problem‖ is framed only as a ―learning difficulty‖ and not a ―teaching difficulty. despite structural inequalities. Learning and speaking Albanian is for children of Albanian background a complex issue.

While this is not explained. it would have been very nice for me to learn those [words. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. otherwise they would have taught me a lot. anything that I was trying to teach them they would say that in Afghan. yesterday in the zoo I was telling them ―This animal is …like this‖ and they would tell me. but unfotubaly I did not take the time to write these down. and you know. they taught me too. should be offered by the school itself. M‘m. Zavos argues that teachers‘ attidutes to the students‘ use of Albanian reflect views that language functions as a mediator of national difference and a catalyst of cultural intimacy. by using an inaccessible language . teachers contend that even though they do not want to be seen as Albanian in Greece. they would still like to have more formal instruction in Albanian. Greek Report). In contrast to Albanians who want to integrate by passing as Greek. these students and their families represent long lost relatives: You know. when they wanted to say something that children were not supposed to hear. or other studnets. such as Albanian.GEMIC. who listened to their grandmothers speaking Albanian dialects at home. The following example from the Cypriot Report. to create and control their own separate culture. can now recognize similar words spoken by present day Albanian migrant children. Greece. a school where the majority of students speak a native language other than the official language of instruction). speaking Albanian in school also becomes a resource or means for students to enact their autonomy from teachers. by their peers. for not knowing proper Albanian. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- in Albania. Afghan refugee children enjoy speaking their language and introducing their own words in class. It is rather perceived as something that must be contained. In fact. in Farsi this way‖ (Interview with Machdi. I like it [Albanian langauge]. cultural or historical. Migrants/refugees‘ (Cyprus) and minority students‘ (Macedonia) use of native language is not mediated nither as a process of cultural interaction nor as an interesting class interaction. where they are treated with some disdain. I taught them something. it is considered funny by some of the teachers. ―A. That was a motive for you to want to understand. we must keep in mind that all data from Macedonia and most data from Cyprus on the use of native languages in the classroom are collected from high schools. So. they said it in Arvaitika. for me. Greek teachers. phrases]. and feel moved to identify with them. whereas in the case of Greece data were collected from an Elementary school (specifically. it [Arvanitica] comes bacj to me and I feel a kind of pleasure. I was never good at learning languages. While making this comparison.code. as well as too demanding for them to follow: At the beginning. however. For example. (Interview with XXXXXXXXX Greek Report). a provision that. In a sense. I am Arvanitissa as well. to know what is going on in the family […] Now. In some teachers‘ accounts. in order to learn. and I know it […] when I was a little girl I knew it better that what I know it now […] I heard my mother. linguistic. shows how the use of native languages in the classroom is contructed as an expression of rudeness and a sign of conspiratorial action: 110 . for as I listen to this. Even now. my grandmother. thus setting an example of tolerance of ethno-cultural difference. in some teachers‘ views. and relinquishing the signs of difference.

: How did you accept to study in Macedonian language? You studied in Albanian until 8th grade I suppose? G. R. variously. another student. right? Teacher: Oh yes. shows a situation where using Albanian (the student‘s native language) in the Macedonian classroom is considered unacceptable: Researcher: ―How do they speak among themselves..: Yes. and I scold them because I don‘t understand. with silence. DATE ). ignoring the educational process that goes on parallel with their games. also in Russian. R. an Albanian boy studying in the Macedonian class. the other students shout from below in Greek. shows how constructions of gender identities are intersecting with performances of linguistic competence and stamina. you will speak Macedonian. A male classmate tells something to her in Russian and she replies to him. And it is so hard for them. please Nina. ―Eighteen‖ [dekaochtó].: Was it the main reason for you to learn it? S. missing the classes. ―Eighteen‖.GEMIC. R. anger. I don‘t know that.: You can experience it as personal when you don‘t speak the language? S. in an angry tone. But I don‘t speak about you. an Albanian girl who never participates in the class: R. Phaneromeni High Nicosia. conversations. when guys from the security speak to me in Albanian and most of others too and I say I don‘t understand you. stop telling her the answer and. telling her the answer in your language so as to laugh at/cheat me‖ [―γηα λα κε θνξντδέςεηο‖] (KC Fieldnotes. Interviews with students from Macedonia and Cyprus also register how minority and migrant/refugee students negotiate the experience of this difficulty. but I don‘t care. maybe you say to him: look at her how she is. is that of Sabina. In the interview cited below. jokes. they said it is your problem and you should learn it. 111 . Greece. Ahaa. I give them hard time‖. even though participatory observation findings show that Albanian boys keep being together in their small groups. R. yes. And they say – but I speak to him. don‘t talk about these things in your language. The following example.: What did you find out after you learned the languages. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Nina (the ―reactionary Pontian girl‖ of the class).: I realized that they didn‘t talk about me. ―Come on.: You understand Albanian and Turkish. The second example.‖ (Note: Nina‘s native language is Georgian and not Russian) Later. The teacher (female) turns to Nina and reprimonds her again in a really strict tone: ―Please. Maria (also Pontian) is asked to come out solve an equation but she does not know the answer. The first example. was this true? S. is called out by the teacher to solve a math problem on the blackboard. even more. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. and how did you feel when you didn‘t understand? S.: Well. Nina also shouts to Maria in Georgian. but something else. from the entrance in the school.: When you don‘t know the language it is much harder. humour and defiance. the boy foregrounds his learning of Macedonian and undermines any difficulties. from the Macedonian report. in their mother tongue. or just not being there.: If they started to laugh and look at me I thought that they talk about me andI felt uncomfortable.

how did you accept to study in Macedonian? G. Sahim both reiterates and expands her gesture. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. ―They hate the Arabs‖. shows that classroom experiences of communication gaps and the normalization of language borders are sometimes negotiated by students as a performative terrain where they can reclaim positionalities of power. Whereas the teacher is trying to contain Sahim‘s disruptive behaviour within the borders of the classroom and the school‘s authorized disciplinary mechanisms (both are topoi of exeption. the class (all Arabs except one Moldavian) make a lot of noise. Her teacher‘s threat to send Sahim to Mr Neophytos (the Physical Education teacher in charge of the Arab boys) introduces officially the order of power. thet is. Greece.: Well. it is not a problem. in front of the class and the teacher.. Sahim: (GR) No M‘m …[―Óxi. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- R. the same thing that all Arab boys in the specific school have been saying individually and discreetly in their interviews with the researcher. I had low grades.GEMIC. (Mini focus group.: And you still don‘t know Macedonian like you know Albanian. The teacher keeps reprimanding him: ―Didn‘t I tell you a thousand times that it is rude to speak Arabic in front of people who do not know Arabic?‖ Sahim keeps ignoring her remarks.: R. Finally the teacher shifts to tougher measures of control: Teacher: (GR) I will send you to Mr Neophytos if you do not stop [―Tha se steílo ston Kýrio Neophyto an den stamatíseis‖]. there is still a possibility for subjects to reposition themselves as agents of defiance despite the fact that their subjectivity is originally enacted though their institutional interpreallation as both 112 . ―they hate us‖. in that both of them operate under exceptional rules which have been specifically developed for the management of the alloglossi Arabs of the school). didn‘t you want to go to another school to study in Albanian? G. During a TGSOL lesson. ―All Arabs out of Cyprus‖. so I transfered to the Macedonian. that is. invoking an ever tougher disciplinary measure.‖ (The class bursts into laughters.: Wasn‘t a problem for you. for students‘ sake) and the Immigration Police‘s mechanisms of surveillance. the reporting of an Arab refugee by a Greek Cypriot to the Immigration Police (implying the threat of arrest and/or deportation). The most troublesome of all is Sahim who makes all the time side comments in Arabic. This scene seems to confirm the hypothesis that in the discursive context of an intercultural interaction. the school‘s mechanisms for containing disruption (for learning‘s sake. Sahim is trying to politicize their confrontation and question the significance of the boundaries between school order and state control. I wanted to study in Albanian but they didn‘t accept my documents.) Sahim not only is disrupting the language lesson but he is also enacting a border which will later be turned by both him and the teacher into a warlike front. a context characterized by asymmetry of power and dominated by normative monolingialism. What Sahim eventually seems to be doing is to say aloud. threat and deportation (for society‘s sake). Kyría‖] … (GR) To the (EN) ―Immigration Police‖ [―Sto Migration‖] Teacher: (GR) What did you say? [―Ti eípes?‖] Sahim: (GR) Nothing M‘m!!! …About the Arábians… Ha ha ha [―Típote kyría!!! … gia toys Arápies.: No. we learned Macedonian in primary school as a subject and I knew something and here we can learn it better. from the Cypriot Report. May 29 2009) The third example.

or even a deranged other‘s disruptive behiaviour. Greece. a minority‘s. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 113 . Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- educationally deficient and ethnically dangerous outsiders. The same scene that. from the teacher‘s perspective. empowered or punished. tried out as legitimate acts of intercultural politics. a migrant‘s. denounced. but.GEMIC. nevertheless. constitutes an exemplary example of an alloglossos‘. from someother perspective it could be viewed as the transformation of the apolitical classroom into a politicized field where new solidarities can be enounced.

and form an island in the midst of the class. Interestingly. 114 . choices regarding schoolwork cross the gender divide. choice for both schoolwork and leisure Kerameikos) activities. are two it‘s that big burden they have. to go to Albanian and Greek classmates as preferred universit‘y (Teacher Interview with Vasiliki. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. data on social relations were elicited by asking all students of a classroom to state their preferred (or non-preferred classmates) in regards to scenarios of social groupings in academic or leisure contexts. while choices guiding leisure activities seem to be separated according to gender identities. Greece. These two along. boys choosing other boys. and girls choosing other girls. this is because behind them. around which a doing very well.GEMIC. Social dynamics as mapped in the sociograms below are compared and contrasted to teachers‘ views about students crosscultural and ethnic group dynamics. 46th Elementary School. Alvina. the two Afghan students are also systematically avoided by other students. As explained in the methodology section. Katerína. Kerameikos Diagram 1: Sociogram for School Work As the above sociograms show. That is. cluster of other students gather. Significantly. Alvina and Esli. That same burden my parents passed students are systematically chosen by their onto me as a child. Mapping Classroom Social Dynamics: Analyzing Sociograms of Multicultural Classrooms In this section we analyze some of the sociograms produced during Phase III. they carry Albanians. the most ―Pyrros. all these kids are ‗popular‘ students in class. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 10.

Albanians appear to be the dominant group. It is Albanian. who become the nexus points of social activity. Those were more reserved. they are integrated. Albanian and Greek students together form a group that excludes other nationalities. Here. we observe that the majority of Albanian students impacts social relations in the classroom. I was born. however. ‗They (Albanians) are fully incorporated. Greek students either form alliances with Albanian students. But slowly slowly. but even from other classes. This. Just imagine that. who are considered culturally less adapted and more violent. they did not express. ―I do not want Rahman‖. and. such as the Afghan students. Greece.GEMIC. students. but then they did not want that.. which are reproduced by Greek and Albanian students in their interviews. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. my village. that way they would get help too (fTeacher Interview with Erato. they got reactionary with each other and with the rest of the Afghanis. needs to be juxtaposed to the dominance of Greek cultural and educational discourses. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Diagram 2: Sociogram for Holidays Given the composition of the class. they started getting gout hostility. Socially. they say ―I will go to my village.. Kerameikos) 115 . rather than Greek. ―I do not want Said‖. … In the classroom I used to have them together. But it was these two kids (Afghani) I have in my class. there. So I split them up and put them amongst the others. or are marginalized. particularly. they know Greek. in the common front that develops against other foreigners. They do see this as a difference between two countries‘ (from Teacher Interview with Machdi) At the beginning they all played together.

with Greek Cypriots in the center of the popularity webs and mostly migrant kids marginalized and also isolated at the peripheries (Diagmam 4). yellow mixed family and blue Greek Cypriot). 55).GEMIC. where migrants and Greekcypriots indicate intraethnic preference (Diagmam 3). Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Christakeio Elementary School Sociograms in Christakeio were produced for 5 classrooms. where all kids indicate preference mostly for Greek Cypriots. and (c) combinations of these two (most frequent pattern). social dynamics were mapped with reference to both negative and positive preferences (Synthesis Report. As explained in the chapter on methodology. Diagram 3 Sociogram mapping preferences for break time. A) 116 . This section provides some meta-analysis about the sociograms analyzed in the Cypriot National Report. Diagram 4 Sociogram mapping preferences for Math group assignment (Grade 6. (b) centerperiphery deployments. Ethnic clustering tends to be more instense in yard play than in classroom projects and the crossing of ethnic ‗lines‘ (mostly by migrant kids who combine hign academic performance with markers of socioeconomic status) tends to be one way (the ‗crossers‘ choose and are chosen by Greek Cypriot but do not choose to associate with other migrant kids). Grade 5 (green indicates both parents migrants. p. In the sociograms we can observe three patterns of separation between Greek Cypriot and migrant students: (a) ethic clustering. Greece. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus.

GEMIC.. the dispersal and isolation of the majority of migrant kids at the peripheries of social networks. Diagram 5 Sociogram mapping negative preferences: ―whose absence doesn‘t matter‖ (Grade 6. When comparing mappings of marginality in these diagrams (mappings of othering. in the other Grade 6 classroom. we observe that teachers are more sensitive to patterns of ethnic clustering but not to patterns of center/periphery. but do not make a note of the most prevalent pattern of ethnic separation. In contrast. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. classmates perceived as inconsequesntial) to mappings of social preference. i.e. that is. In G6-a for example. where the four most marginal migrant girls form an ethnic clusters. A) 117 . Diagrams on classroom marginally and silence were also mapped by asking students to designate classmates whose absence does not matter (Diagram 5). teachers consider negative the fact the migrants ‗isolate themselves‘ and ‗speak amongst themselves‘ in ‗their‘ language. Greece. In other words. the girls ‗escape‘ othering as inconsequestional by their peers. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- When we compare these social mappings with teachers‘ perceptions of ethnic relations as registered in the interviews. we observe that othering is more consistent in classrooms with center/periphery than cluster patterns of ethic separation. the three of the four kids whose absence is perceived as insignificant are the same three migrants kids we were not picked as friends by any classmate (Diagram 4).

names in his interview as his close friends Raphaelos and Christos (older than him. places like McDonalds. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Comparing Diagrams 3 and 4 we can also notice that the gender clustering in G6-A is slightly destabilized with regards to the math group project scenario (as opposed to yard/play scenario). as Aysan). However. who names as his best friends his thre neighbours. Greece. It is interestic to take a look at cross-cultural and ethnic social preferences with regards to extra-school scenarios. These preferences. however. The three boys negatively marked are the same both for the indifference scenario (whose absence does not matter) as well as for the expulsion scenarion (who is likely to be expelled). As it came up in student interviews. We also notice that in these social scenarios. particulry in the case of home birthday parties (where gender clustering is alo stronger). a Roma boy who appears to be be left out in almost all mappings of social networkings. with some some patterns of ethnic clustering beginning to emerge.. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Negative preference scenarios confirm the social dynamics mapped in positive preference scenarions. probably because these kids would not be able or feel confident to invite other kids to their homes). such as roaming in the hood and taking long bicycle rides together. lounges with electronic games are among the most popular places for migrant students whereas there are also activities which though nonterritorialized in places they territorialize bounds of friendship (particulalry for Elementary school boys). do not cross ethnic lines (Greek Cypriots would not prefer to work with a migrant of the opposite sex. They are attracting the adults‘ attention (both the teachers‘ and the researchers) because they they acting out (most likely to be expelled.GEMIC. Girls express preference for boys and boys express preferences for girls as possible group partners in math projects. none of whom can be accommodated in the sociogram since none of them are classmates. The same with Gorky.. as in the case of Vanessa) but not the social networking preferences of their peers. who do not go to school) and. 118 . What we notice in these diagrams in that migrant students are still located at the margins of social preference. social dynamics seem to be more stable for boys than girls. we thought movies and birthday parties would be important social events. in designing questions for eliciting social preferences. For example. Benjamin. migrants with both parents migrants (green) are more dispersed and more marginalized (Alexandra K. however. Michalis and Boyunlup. Fhilippos. even if that peer was among the most popular students. What is also interesting is that some kids look popular but actually are not. What we also notice is that the three gypsy children (Alexandra R. not even schoolmates). also Roma. For example. other gypsies from different classes. Maria and Philippos). Also most migrant students mentioned friends who have the same ethnic origin but are not classmates (in some cases. such as going to the movies (Diagram 5) and home birthday parties (Diagram 6). One of the advantages of using a variety of research tools in qualitative research is that when coming up with discrepancies in findings researchers can reflect more critically on their tools and be more critical of cultural bias. Maria and Philippos) are those who break the gender division and express preferences for children of the opposite gender (more in the case of movies than birthday parties.

119 . as well as if social dynamics were explored with regards to McDonalds and other similar sites. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- l So. sociograms would map different distribution of ethnic clusters if the social dynamics were explored at school rather than class lever. most probably. Greece.GEMIC.

Aysan Demetris Ali Kalypso Stefanos Vanessa Tomis Tasos Diagram 5: Sociogram mapping Preferences for going together to the movies Angela Marianna Vanessa Nikoletta Tasos Katerina Gorki Aysan Kalypso Alexandra R. 120 . Maria Marianna Philippos Angela Gorki Nikoletta Katerina Lydia Vaggelis Alexandra R. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alexandra K. Lydia Ali Demetris Vaggelis Tomis Stefanos Diagram 6: Sociogram mapping Preferences for birthday party (at home) Maria Philippos Alexandra K.GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Greece.

Stefanos Vanessa Vaggelis Diagram 7: Sociogram mapping Negative Preferences: whose absence doesn‘t matter.GEMIC. Marianna Katerina Aysan Angela Kalypso Gorki Maria Nikoletta Philippos Ali Lydia Tomis Alexandra K. Demetris Tasos Lydia Aysan Stefanos Maria Angela Philippos Alexandra R. Nikoletta Demetris Marianna Vaggelis 121 . Greece. Diagram 8: Sociogram mapping Negative Preferences: who is likely to be expelled. Kalypso Katerina Gorki Vanessa Tomis Tasos Ali Alexandra K. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Alexandra R.

popularity among peers. Her parents are from Servia. In the absence of exceptional ‗cultural capital‘ (i. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Lets us take a closer look at some of the most marginalized 6th graders. the two girls pick each other. she was seen two-three times cruing because other girls do not want her to be their friend. not at all‖. She has not been chosen by any peer for the four positive preference social scenarions while. She has been in Cyprus for several years and has changed many schools. high academic performance. She has Cypriot friends but is also highly liked among the other gypsies (Maria and Filippos) Angela M is a very quiet girl who socialized only with Marianna. for though unpopular in all positive preference scenarios she is not picked by the class as among those whose absence does not matter (they might not preferer her. ―I would not guess she is a gypsy‖. Costas Stylianou. Although Aysan‘s parents are from Iran. is an interesting case. though it is not so shown in sociogram). Vanessa speaks Russian and English and is also fluent in Greek (oral) Alexandra K came to Christakeio in the middle of the school year. She tried to dance with the other girls one or two times on the occasion of school celebrations but she did not make it and gave up (or was given up?). as seen in Diagram 9. It is reported in several occations in the ethnographic fieldnotes. As seen in sociograms for scenarios 1-4.e. During the field work. Even though during our fieldwork she seemed to be among the most popular girls of the whole school. She is a brunette. sociograms for questions 14 show that she is not that popular (actually. Her teachers do not like her and besides considering her a very low performer (δελ πηάλεη ηα γξάκκαηα) they also refer to her as a ―spastic‖. Girls outsiders Vanessa H.GEMIC. the researcher in Christakeio notes in his fieldnotes that ―her mammers and her appearance do not remind of a twelve year old girl. Alexandra R. Both of his parents are from Iran but so are the parents of Aysan (female classmate). as in the case of Aysan). She does not participate in any events. Greece. she was not picked by any peer for the Break scenario. She is a good student and also popular (this is what was observed during the fieldwork. it is only Ali who carries the burden of identity. something that testifies to her long stay in Cyprus. but at the same time they are not indifferent to her). It seems that it is difficult for 122 . He is ‗dark colored‘ which is read by others as marker of identity. etc. that ―Ali is the only Moslem student in the class‖ (Aysan is exempted from this category). speaks good Greek and does not belong to the ―clik‖ of the popular sixth grade girls.. In all four scenarios. is considered is seen as a ―Russian girl‖ though she is from a mixed migrant family (mother from Russia and father from UK). she is picked by her peers as the top kid whose absence does not matter to them. She speaks the Cypriot dialect. what ‗saves‘ her from been pushed to the margins of class networks is her relationship with Marianna (mixed family). whereas in Digram 8 she is picked by the class among these likely to be expelled. but as marked by Costas Stylianou in his fieldnotes. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. fluency in Greek. his ethnic identity combined with class status comes to promote a cultural reading of Ali as Moslem. is perceived a a typical student from Iran. She is very pretty and boys show to be fond of her. Tis friendship seems to work as a social safe belt for Angela. Boys outsiders Ali S.

The ethnographer is already predisposed to find out how Ali negotiates his Moslem identity rather than to ask. She takes 123 . arenas. Wednesday. February 10. girly. The kids are excited.2010 Filednotes His moslem while Ali becomes also the object of multiculatural He ―does not cause any problems‖. as the gym teacher refers to them. They are the typical Cypriot girls’ group (παρέα). particulalry when researchers in intercultural education are already predisposed to look for cultural differences and the difference these make in a multicultural school. He is a low performer and sometimes takes remedial lessons. The principal calls a general assembly and they start with prayer. He is picked by peers for both segative preference scenarions. Philippos: Philippos is a gypsy and this also ―shows‖ (as marked in fieldnotes). modern. He is among those stidents who are acting out during class and give a hard time to the teacher. His best ―buddies‖ are two gypsies who do not attend school but he also has good relationships wi the other gypsy students in his school.only by Philippos (who is a gypsy and also amongst the most marginal kids in the whole school) and in the two negative scenarios he is among those most negatively marked. He comes to school only when he wants to or only when he wakes up early enough. He never participates in the lesson but ―does not cause ay problems in the school. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- an ethnographer to estrange oneself from these cultural readings.Sch visits the Municipal Theatre of Ayios Athanasion to watch the play ―The quilt maker‖ [ ‗Η παπινκαηνύ‘]. As shown in sociograms though. He is outspoken about his gypsy identidy. My gaze drops immediately on the face of Ali (from Persia). he is friends only with other migrant boys and the only Greek Cypriot boy who picks him is Tomis.for example.GEMIC. In all positive preference scenarions he is picked—one way-. of course—for she does not differ from Cypriot girls. who is also among the most marginalized kids of the class. Christakeio 10. In the positive preference scenarios (1-4) nobody picks him except Maria (also gypsy) who picks him only for the ―going together to the movies scenario‖. they said that they do not want to ruin their hair since later they would have school photos taken. intersectionalities. a Moslem I assume. Theater Day. good-looking Aysan‘s parents are from Persia (Iran) but she is not seen as Iranian. is Pontian (borh parents from Georgia). who finally makes the sign of cross and says prayer like the rest of the students. ―Why is it that Ali is perceived as Moslem and not Aysan?‖ or ―Why being moslem [Ali] and being modern [Aysan] are treated as mutually exclusionary identities‖. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Katerina and Vanessa are a very tied to each other. Aysan. The exception of Aysan: High-achiever. Kalipso. When I asked them why.2. Gorki H. This de-ethnicization of Aysan is both mentioned and re-instated in the fieldnotes: Today the girls of 6th Grade-A did not attend the gym class. He is fluent in Greek (Cypriot dialect) and an excellent football player (in our fieldwork we thought this has been a key factor for helping him having friends). The following excerpt from fieldnotes illustrates exactly the difficualty to avert the gaze of intercultural investigration in school settings from the ―other student‖ and how to start thinking critically on contexts. Christakeio El. Greece. Aysan is from Iran—her parents.‖ His parents are divorced and he lives with his mother.

As shown in positive scenarios socıograms (1-4). is that the students who ‗break‘ the same gender wall and express positive social preferences for both boys and girls are migrants. it would be interesting to compare sociograms of this particular class with those of other classes. 36 For example. For example.11. Her and her buddies (Katerina and Kalypso) engage all the time in little ―girl duels‖. She is thirtheen years old (a year olded than her peers) and pays particular attension to her appearance. Alexandros Konstantinos Stavri Stylianos Anna-Maria Leontios Katerina Dimitris Haridemos Denis Nino Elena Vasilissa Tomas Vlatislav Diagram 9: Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6 Finally. This phenomenon seems to be more dynamic than what class sociograms can show because sometimes very close friends of same gender and same ethnicity are in a different classroom or age cohort.36 Stefani Irinel Maria G.GEMIC. Classroom B) we will see that preferred social relationships are more polarized around ethnic clusters (see Diagram 9).2009 Aysan lives in Cyprus since she was two year old and she speaks out of her love for Cyprus.hop lessons ans she is very modern. One of the things we can trace in sociograms is whether a migrant student who becomes successfully integrated has relations with the other class migrants. Aysan picks only Greek Cypriots and not migrants (but is picked by migrant). What is interesting to notice with regards to these ethnically polarized class clusterings. a minority (only 4) all girls are migrants (Diagram 10). Maria M. It seems that in this case gender and ethnicity form a situation of ―antagonistic intersectionality‖. nymerically. 27. Kinnis (gym teacher) … Katerina has said that she will have Aysan as her bridesmaid. and participates in almost all school celebration events. Such relationshops are structerully impossible to map on class sociograms. Greece. very interestic class dynamics seem to develop in a Fourth grade classroom where where Greek Cypriots are. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- hip. preferences for peers of same ethnic background are strong enough to cross gender borders. if we compare Diagram 3 (Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. 124 . Classroom A) to Diagram 9 (Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 6. ethnicity and social dynamics in the particular 6th grade elementary school class. Friday. Before generalizing any conclusions about gender. a good student. She is exceptionally popular. That is. dances. as Mr. in his interview Gorki (Pontian/Georgian) names Elena (a year older) as his first and one of his closest school friends because the two of them spoke Georgian together.

to notice that this ethnic cluster operates as an interface between boys and girls and. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- In this multicultural environment. though. the most distinct ethnic cluster is the one formed by the thee gypsy children. the Greek Cypriot minority does not form any ethnic clustering. Gerasimos and Spuridon (school faculty speaks of the Gypsies as the newcomer ‗other‘ others: they are also alloglossoi but they are considered to be vary different from the rest and expectations for their integration are very negative.GEMIC. an antagonistic intersectionality seems to develop between gender and ethnicity. In this classroom. Alex-John Stefan Gianna Gerasimos Giorgos Tasos Kamil Anna Cortney Styliana Timur Michalis Anthoula Spyridon Karolina Kymia Alexander Stelios Alina Diagram 10: Sociogram mapping Preferences for Break Time in Grade 4 125 . Greece. Anna. as in the case of 6th Grade class B. It is interesting.

account for cultural difference. all too meaningful. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 11. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. seeing culture were we should be seeing race.‖ commented another participant. framed and phrased in different ways. came up in our second thematic workshop (25 April 2010. It‘s the most silent look of 126 . come up with hypotheses of cultural meaning for their why questions. thus perceiving as natural limits we are supposed to see as borders of exclusion. bleak and overuse that emanate from these photographs. Klavdij Sluban‘s Transsibériades (2009)37 and Wim Wenders‘ Journey to Onomichi (2010)38 and introduced questions on representation: How does the ethnographer insulate herself from habits of vision or the ethnographic desire for the extraordinary in reckoning with new places and people? Is a realistic depiction possible or even desirable? The audience watched a slide presentation on Sluban‘s Transsibériades and commented on the sense of emptiness. Greece. Although these questions seem to question the ‗study of culture‘ they are all too familiar in the field of anthropology. the face of a woman with lips parted as if to kiss nothingness.‖ As researchers observe structures of meaning. cultural difference and cultural coherence. In this kind of neoorientalism it is the East rather than the West who is framed as the object of desire. She addresses herself to a point irredeemably separate from her. ―these photos fit my idea of East Europe … empty. seeing codes of comradership where we sould be seeing acts of violence? Are the interpretations we produce continuous with the webs of meaning we decode and our intimacy as researchers complicitous with the structures of power producing the effects which (including the effects of our presence) we are mistaking for expressions of intercultural contacts? Are we recording or inventing otherness? The questions above. photographs by Klavdij Sluban and text by Erri de Luca. Athens). emptied of power: One of the recent photographs amounts to a portrait of our time. looking to the West. doesn‘t giving up our otherness and becoming ‗insiders‘ implicate the possibility of seeing everything as all too familiar. Developing Research Reflexivity on the ethnographic gaze We exactly are we looking for when we do field work in multicultural schools? Can research in intercultural context defy the desire for the exotic? Are our epistemological frameworks for cultural interpretation disengaged from our desire for discovery. This is the East. however. Zavos presented slides from the works of two contemporary photographers. appeared simultaneously in five European countries in October 2009.GEMIC. published by Editions Actes Sud. a desire that is complicitous to some extent with the legacies of colonial travel writing in wild zones? In regards to a different problematic. 39 In Luca‘s Preface for the book Balkanism is recast as neo-orientalism. a place people want to leave from. an inhospitable place. with the desiring subject‘s look. inverted in a reflection. Addressing this problematic. looking rather than being looked. 38 Wim Wenders: Journey to Onomichi (2010) Photographs by Heiner Bastian and Wim Wenders. foggy. published by Schirmer/Mosel. noting how Sluban‘s representations are essentializing the ―bleakness of Balkans‖39 leaving unchallenged ‗ordinary‘ (but problematic) assumptions about 37Transsibériades (2009). with a slight difference: The other of the West is now within Europe. Alexandra Zavos discussed the example of ‗balkansim‘ in visual culture. Lila Abu-Lighod (1991) captures the geist of the problematic described above when she describes culture as ―the essential tool for making other. ecologically destroyed. The book won the European Publishers Award for Photography 2009. they simultaneously help construct culture as a discrete entity.‖ ―Who would like to remain in these places. As commented by one participant.

the animalization of the natives and their ( animalizing or background-ing against the foregrounding of a heroic. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus. are replicated by Erri de Luca in his Preface: Klavdij Sluban crosses abandoned Far Eastern towns on foot — what happened to their inhabitants? A few are still here. Zelia Gregoriou shared the following excerpt from filed notes:  I am sitting in the teacher‘s smoking room which is like a pre-hall for the non smoking teacher‘s room which is literally a glass room. perhaps the logo of his soccer team. A student passes by. Mongolia. a voice. reminiscent of 19th century colonial travel narratives. in search of anything that could tell me something of him. the ―ordinary‖ has almost the opposite. Greece. like most boys in school. a de-essentializing. What if our subjects do not want to be read? Do we record this as a statement. penetrating into Asia. and there. effect as there is nothing ―Japanese‖ to his depictions of ordinary scenes and landscapes of the Japanese village. Everywhere. the extruding pocket of the back of his backpack becomes the ultimate screen for me to see. offering and demanding salvation.GEMIC. He wears his hood. Macedonia) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- the nature of East to West immigration in Europe. China.. the photographer travelled outside Europe. Likewise. like fleeing animals or with their backs to the wall. albeit its commitment to realism b. I am trying the get a good look at him. and creating a silence in those who look at it (cited from online magazine lensculture). There I can focus. 127 . but he moves fast. My eyes are stuck on him as he walks away and his backpack becomes an evanescent point for my desire. penetrating traveller. Possible reversals of the quest for the exotic: from thick descriptions of the extraordinary (in order to understand the other) to thick descriptions of the ordinary Applying insight from lessons ‗on seeing‘ towards a reflective analysis of the ethnographic gaze. 40 The tropisms of the ―empty landascape‖. wrapped up in the fog. ethnographic accounts and interviewing do not have to be driven by a desire to discover the ―extraordinary‖ and ―thick descriptions‖ do not always have to be descriptions of ―thick‖ scenarios (some of the codifications our informants are asked to analyze and other visual probes used for the purpose of eliciting cultural accounts could actually be ordinary). Two points were made with reference to the ethnographic gaze: Photography doesn‘t have to be a photo of the monumental. His passage stirs up my attention. i. the physicality of the land has taken over and rendered negligible the human species (ibid). on the Trans-Siberian railway. the ―empty‖. opens up the door and makes his way to the glass room. Searching for people. which is very unusual since access to teacher‘s ‗quarters‘ is a restricted area.e. a sign of resistance or a symptom of teen age subculture? Are we bound by this sign as if it the whole series. ethnography is never a depiction of reality. The latter‘s depiction of the ―banal‖. What impact do assumptions of difference have on the ways we study multicultural schools? There is always a risk that descriptive accounts of situations can slide into causal accounts of ethnicity and gender. yet he never encountered a density of population. a. Russia.40 The bleak emptiness of Sluban‘s Transsibériades was compared with the ordinary emptiness of Wenders‘ Onomichi. I read what he has handwritten: ―I fuck the curious‖ (From Technical School Field Notes).

GEMIC. WP5 Synthesis Report (Cyprus, Greece, Macedonia) --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

were a ―warning‖ to stay back, since we are positioned with the regime of adult/teacher authority or are we hailed by this, as is it were a confession of his having been already the victim of intrusion, to record this intrusion? Are there ways to record violence in schools without becoming complicitous with the processes of subjection and subjectification that produce these forms of violence? Ana Blazeva, transferring the problematic of ―dealing with the ordinary‖ to her field work in the school in Skopje, shared the following experience: She is in a classroom when she hears gunshots outside … Some kids point out that ―it‘s just fire-crackers!‖ and that ―this‖ is very usual to happen. ―Are you not scared?‖ she asks them, to hear again that ―this‖ is ―ordinary‖ for them. She has found out that students carry guns in schools and that they feel safe in schools. ―If they feel safe,‖ she reflects, ―why they have to carry guns?‖ ―Do they feel safe because they carry guns?‖ ―We are used to it,‖ the students say. ―It should not be usual,‖ Blazeva exclaims. Abu-Lughod provides some suggestions which seem to counter this tendency for producing coherence (inherent in cultural research in general and research like ours which is already biased towards recording interactions between culturally different ‗others‘). Researchers in intercultural contacts zones should look for ―contradictions and misunderstandings, strategies interests, and improvisations, and the play of shifting and competing statements with practical implications‖ (Hannerz, 1996: p. 31). Another way to subvert connotations of homogeneity, coherence and timelessness is to refuse to tell stories about particular individuals in time and in place: ―As real people are portrayed agonizing over decisions, enduring tragedies and losses, trying to make themselves look good, suffering humiliations, or finding moments of happiness, a sense of recognition and familiarity can replace that of distance‖ (ibid., p. 32). Boundaries and Borders The class that researchers observed has students from different ethnic backgrounds – Albanians, Macedonians, Roma and Bosnians. The ethnic identity of the researchers and the language barrier were the challenges of this research and a barrier in making contact with Albanian students. This excerpt from reflexive field notes of the researchers from an interview with two Albanian boys can illustrate how researchers experienced the distance and difficulty in making contact:

…‖We talked about the difference of this conversation in relation to other interviews, the restlessness of the boys, their nonverbal signs and the distance we felt. G almost constantly was looking through the window and C although was more present seemed so distanced, keeping his hands crossed all the time. We talked that maybe it is a reaction to the questions we asked openly about relationships and love, which may be taboo and unpleasant for them, but as well the fact that we are women and Macedonian has to do with the detachment‖. (Field Notes _AB_9)

Researchers also didn‘t make contact or interview with Albanian girls due to the small number of Albanian girls in the class, but also because of the language barrier. The only Albanian girl researchers met in the classroom was very silent and withdrawn and hardly spoke Macedonian language.


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Ethnic identity for students is closely related to the religious identity and sometimes confused with it. Students think that if you are Albanian you must be Muslim, or if you are Macedonian you must be Christian.

…He found interesting the case of Darko. It started when he read the name of present and absent students, and when he read Darko, the boy said Darko is not here, he is Mohamed now. And then the conversation went on about him. He told them that from the first year of school he wanted to become Albanian –Muslim. And told stories how it is bad to die like Macedonian. The professor asked him if he would like to be Albanian or Muslim, and he answered that you can not be Albanian if you are not Muslim. He thought that boy couldn‘t make difference between Albanian and Muslim. (Field notes_ VB_11)

12. Conclusions and recommendations


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13. References
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