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On Cathars, Albigenses, and good men of Languedocଝ
Mark Gregory Pegg
Department of History, Washington University, Campus Box 1062, One Brookings Drive, St Louis, Missouri 63130-4899, USA
Abstract This essay proposes a re-evaluation of how Cathars, Albigenses, and the heresy of the good men are studied. It argues that some commonplace notions about the Cathars, virtually unaltered for over a hundred years, are far from settled — especially when inquisition records from Languedoc are taken into account. It is this historiography, supported by a tendency to see heresy in idealist and intellectualist bias, suggests how the history of the Cathars and the good men might be rethought. 2001 Published by Elsevier Science Ltd.
Keywords: Cathars; Albigenses; Good men; Languedoc; Heresy; Bogomils
The article on the ‘Cathars’ in the splendid 11th edition (1910) of the Encyclopædia Britannica, written with a kind of giddy elegance by Frederick Conybeare, begins ´ bris of an early Christianity’. The by noting that these medieval heretics ‘were the de Cathars were, and Conybeare had no doubts about this, the direct descendants of late antique Manicheans who, after a long and hidden diaspora, resurfaced between the tenth and fourteenth centuries as Paulicians and Bogomils in the Balkans and, with somewhat less discrimination in western Europe, as just about any heretic with vaguely dualist tendencies. Catharism, in this epic narrative, reached its apogee in the heresy of the good men (boni homines, bons omes) of Languedoc.1 No matter
ଝ This essay condenses, reﬁnes, and occasionally expands, some of the arguments made in M.G. Pegg, The corruption of angels: The great inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton, 2001), esp. 15–19, 141–151. 1 F. Conybeare, ‘Cathars’, Encyclopedia Britannica, 11th ed. (Cambridge, 1910), vol. 5, 515–517. Conybeare, in: The key of truth: A manual of the Paulician Church of Armenia (Oxford, 1898), argued on lv–lvi that the Paulicians were the direct ancestors of the Cathars. Indeed, he included a translation ´ dat in Le Nouveau Testament traduit on pp. 160–170 of the Provenc ¸ al Cathar ritual edited by Leon Cle ` cle en langue provenc au XIIIe sie ¸ ale, suivi d’un rituel cathare (Paris, 1897), 470–82. J.B. Bury discussed
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the anonymous author of the half-page entry on the ‘Cathari’ says almost exactly the same as Conybeare did eighty years earlier — but without the latter’s erudition or ﬂair. in an appendix to his edition of Edward Gibbon’s The history of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire (London. and sheer wrong-headedness. 3 (1899). see P. 10. Les ide ´ es morales chez les 329–330. esp.2 Conybeare and Alphande neatly abridged what was assumed about the Cathars. 191–214. Histoire et doctrine des Cathares (Bayonne. Now. with F. doctrine. and agreed with his notion of Paulician ancestry for the heretics of Languedoc. Again. 587–596. 27 (1967). Alphande on ‘Inquisition. consciously or not. in the century before them.. Alphande ´ ry. ‘Un initiateur: Charles Schmidt’. 98. and H. 14. 1887). Franciscan Studies. 3 See. 163–184 and B. 805–18. anticipated what a great many historians have thought since. ibid. ´ ry. Hamilton. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Historiographie du catharisme. 3. ‘BogomP. the heresy of the good men. 4. American Journal of Theology. Dossat. 173. 543. 119–120. 285 n. The great Frederic Maitland wrote a very revealing letter about his grandfather Samuel Roffey in The letters of Frederic William Maitland.. (Chicago. The Hibbert Journal. Schmidt. Lea. Journal of medieval history. Now see W. 229–230. argued for a broad chain of ideas. Brockhaus’ Konversations=Lexikon (Berlin. ‘Henry Charles Lea (1825– 1909)’. 2 vols). 1995). No. 1. ed. Peters. Maitland. 951. S. 92. to Selina Maitland. H. 5. and his La chre ´ te ´ rodoxes latins au de ´ but du XIIIe sie ´ tiente ´ et l’ide ´ e de croisade. 1891. vol. 5. and the Albigenses. see ‘Albigenses’. esp. 1983. 1898) vol.P. Encyclopædia Britannica. Zavadil (New York. Wakeﬁeld’s comments on Conybeare in ‘Notes on some antiheretical writings of the thirteenth century’. made the same connections through history and over geography as Conybeare (and the bibliography is a short but learned list of exemplary nineteenth-century scholarship). Mass. ﬁnally immi´ ry grated to the Toulousain in the early twelfth century.R. the inﬂuence of the Bogomils and Paulicians taken seriously. through time and over space. thought the Albigensians (as he called the good men) were descended from the Paulicians as well. 1901). Alphande ` cle (Paris. A history of the inquisition of the middle ages (New York. 24 (1998). vol. On Lea. all were one and the same heresy. Conybeare’s other publications which mentioned the Cathars: ‘A hitherto unpublished treatise against the Italian Manicheans’.H. 1. Moses Gaster’s pithy sketch of the ‘Bogomils’ as the heirs of the Manicheans and frequent tourists in northern ´ ry adopted a slightly Italy) the entry on the ‘Albigenses’ by Paul Daniel Alphande more restrained tone than Conybeare. esp.182 M. see Y. also wrote the balanced and learned entry ils’. see E. The Manicheans were ignored. 22 Nov. ed.G. Micropædia. Badham. ‘Fragments of an ancient (? Egyptian) Gospel used by the Cathars of Albi’. 1–54.4 A powerful intellectualist and idealist bias is what unites the historical assumptions of the last century with the techniques used. 1903). and rites of the ancient Albigenses and Waldenses (London. 15th ed. and M. C. vol. indeed all medieval heresies. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. 1849. who thought that the southern French Albigensians were Paulician immigrants. somewhat more surprisingly.S. vol. argued for similar continuities. at the start of this this work of Conybeare’s. 2 ´ ry.: Harvard University Press. 1. Fifoot (Cambridge. 124–5. vol.D. 1902). in a manner similar to Conybeare’s. 704–28 and. and ‘Bogomilen’ ibid. ibid. C. 1: history. vol. 1965). vol.) Brockhaus’ Konversations=Lexikon (Berlin. he Texte e ´ tabli par Alphonse Dupront (Paris. 505–506. the Albigenses. 11 (1913). 1954). as Catharist heretics. 14 (1979). vol. 89–100. 4 In the far from splendid The New Encyclopædia Britannica.C. 1832). no matter the place. 98. orig. Facts and documents illustrative of the history. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 the time. Damico and J. On Schmidt.D. 2. 285–321. 89–92.. ‘Albigenses’. in: Medieval scholarship. Gibbon himself. Five volumes earlier in the eleventh edition (skipping. erudition. for example. . though not ignoring. The’. B. initially appearing in the Limousin between 1012 and 1020. Gaster.3 Yet. these two Edwardian scholars in their verve. Biographical studies on the formation of a discipline. The anonymous author of the entry ‘Katharer’ in (what is usually considered to be the German equivalent of the 11th ed. 1987).
in works such as Lucifer. in: Persecution and liberty. und 13. Farmer and B. and moralising. esp.H. R. 2nd ed. in other words. 396ff. and A. In the wilderness. ‘Introduction’. Mundy. simply because Evans thought that there was some relation between the society in which heretics lived and their beliefs. though rather shrill. Jahrhundert und u ¨ ber die geschichtlichen Grundlagen der deutschen Mystik. 1976). (Oxford. Die Katharer. Nelli. 2nd ed. 1961. orig. by S. The irony here is not only that Russell’s observation is still correct but that the somewhat older Russell. that cultures are hammered together from discourses. den Bettelorden und der religio ¨ sen Frauenbewegung im 12. Brenon. for instance. 1935). esp. Duvernoy. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 183 one. The repression of Catharism at Toulouse (Toronto. Lerner. Douglas. Teil 1 Religio ¨ se Bewegungen (Stuttgart. under the confessed inﬂuence of Borst. with the historical foundations of German mysticism (Notre Dame. because the intellectualist bias takes it for granted that worlds are made from theories. Le vrai visage du Catharisme (Portet-sur-Garonne. restatement of the intellectualist approach to religion is B. ‘Rightness of categories’. 1995). 1988). le dualisme radical au XIIIe sie 1978). On the idealist bias generally in the study of religion. Africa. Rowan as Religious movements in the middle ages: the historical links between heresy. to refer. 1973). 1931). 26–29.G.M. Man.H. 1–15. ‘Introduction’. Nelson Goodman among the social sciences. 28 (1993). and the women’s religious movement in the twelfth and thirteenth century. R. ‘Comment: hunting the Pangolin’. 1977). in his The interpretation of cultures. 1–25. 1998). 1994). n. is assumed to follow an idea wherever it may go. n. Douglas. 57. like a habit or an action.s. 25 (1963). 342–352. J. are given in S. passionate. Cathares. see especially M. 6 This attitude governed Arno Borst’s important Die Katharer (Stuttgart. Selected essays (New York. 49. Douglas. Essays in honor of George Lincoln Burr (New York. 126. as the historians his younger self had once criticised. Some useful insights on Grundmann. Duvernoy. Horton. the mendicant orders. 87–125. Now see J. Borst discussed the life and work of Grundmann (it reveals much about both men) in ‘Herbert Grundmann (1902–1970)’ in: Herbert Grundmann Ausgewa ¨ hlte Aufsa ¨ tze. M. ahistorical.B. and that the elaboration of a philosophy is all the explanation a scholar need ever give. (Edinburgh. Russell. intellectually pure entities. Signiﬁcantly. 126. Rosenwein. favoured intellectual or moral reasons for medieval heresy and implicitly rejected any thesis that wanted to include the material world. 1999). M. sometimes kicking and screaming. n. Le catharisme: la religion des cathares (Toulouse. able to be cleanly sifted out from other less coherent ideas and. to Austin Evans’ not especially outlandish arguments about heresy as being based upon a ‘sozialistische These’. where he emphasised over thirty years ago that most modern writers. dissidents du pays d’Oc ` cle (Paris. Medieval Studies. Salvation at stake: Christian martyrdom in early modern Europe (Cambridge. ix–xxv]. most crucially. Vaudois et Beguins. and see esp. Hull. abstract doctrines. 93–116 and J. 1985). never contaminated by material existence or historical speciﬁcity. 503 [trans. 1976). 1993). Geertz. in: Monks and . Two much cited anthropological justiﬁcations of an intellectualist and idealist attitude towards religion (and so heresy) are R. Now see Evans. Malcolm Lambert’s revised Medieval heresy: popular movements from the Gregorian reform to the Reformation. either way it makes no difference. especially Grundmann. esp. The doctrine of deﬁlement in the Book of Numbers (Shefﬁeld. pristine representations. All heresies. ‘African conversion’. ed.6 The heresy of the good men. 1992.S. clear philosophies. as far as Catharism is concerned.5 Anything that is not the stuff of thoughts. ‘Religion as a cultural system’. The devil in the middle ages (Ithaca. is just as intellectualist. 1992). sometimes mute and passive. (Hildesheim. ‘Interpretations of the origins of medieval heresy’. A recent learned. 1984) or A history of heaven: the singing silence (Princeton. like all religions. are understood to be nothing more than distinctive attitudes. in: J. 161–164. 34. (Toulouse.. La philosophie du catharisme. 41 (1971). Gregory. 85–108 and C. Mass. ‘Social aspects of medieval heresy’. 1953) and. in: How classiﬁcation works. orig. and the study of medieval religion in general. 239–271. It is implicit. This guiding assumption caused Borst. elaborate discourses. M. becomes nothing more than a set 5 This view was explicitly stated by Herbert Grundmann throughout his inﬂuential Religio ¨ se Bewegungen im Mittelalter. Untersuchungen u ¨ ber die geschichtlichen Zusammenha ¨ nge zwischen der Ketzerei. a practice or a behaviour. rather weirdly.E. 49. Douglas and D.
and that heretics were never isolated. without reﬂection. all writings by intellectuals in the Middle Ages that seem to be describing dualist heresies. if those minds move. Essays in honor of Lester K. S. 300– 303. Itinerarium Willelmi de Rubruc. stays recognizably the same. 171–174. 232. V. or Catharism. especially with regard to religion and epitomised by idealist methods of Religionsgeschichte. polemics. and which always present the ideas of heretics as coherent and articulate. ed. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 of stable dualist ideas (good God. a realisation that the new was always revealed in the old. 1982. bad God. Jackson. orig. 1929). is a famous illustration of this assumption about being able to delineate original religious intent despite millennia and landscape. see P. 295 [trans. for the incident and a commentary on this Manichaean heresy]. 8 Sir Thomas Browne. It was for this reason that labelling men and women accused of heresy as ‘Manichaeans’ — like the Cistercian Caesarius of Heisterbach in the early thirteenth century who compared the Albigensians to them or. A study of the Christian dualist heresy (Cambridge. that.7 ‘Heresies’. 1994) and reissued. 1947). with excellent notes by him and David Morgan. never unconnected to each other. but like the River Arethusa. So ¨ derberg. esp. though they lose their currents in one place. The original heresy. argued for ´ et du moyen a Cathares: E such crystalline continuities. but always organised. and Bernard Gui. no matter how many different societies rose and fell through the decades. G. ed. Y. Runciman’s The medieval Manichee. Brown in ‘The rise and function of the holy man in late antiquity. H. 6 (1998). they rise up againe in another’.9 nuns. Sinica Franciscana I (Quaracchi. 9 Caesarius of Heisterbach. under the chapter De haeresi Albiensium. 2–3. as Sir Thomas Browne gracefully encapsulated this idealist tendency three and a half centuries ago. by P. 2000). 62.H. ﬁrst developing in the eleventh century and reaching fruition by the end of the thirteenth.184 M. ﬁfty years later. Journal of Early Christian Studies. J. in that the letters. the Franciscan William of Rubruck knowing that the theological idiocies of a false Armenian monk at the Mongol court were undoubtedly the dualist errors of Mani or. to exist across the centuries’. 1. as The other God: dualist religions from antiquity to the Cathar heresy (New Haven. Religio medici (1636) in: Selected writings. On not wishing ‘to get mired in the monotonous and undifferentiated continuities assumed. so too those vacuum-sealed beliefs. Keynes (London. 1851). exempla. A. 1990). xxi. 12. ‘perish not with their Authors. ed. sermons. C. benign spirit. actually demonstrate much more powerfully a rigid and inescapable anti-dualism. evil matter) lodged in the heads of people — which. Douais . how the Dominican inquisitor Bernard Gui had no reservations about renaming the good men of the Toulousain with this soubriquet — was. 87–88. that heresy had always lingered in the world. La Religion des ´ tude sur le Gnosticisme de la basse antiquite ˆ ge (Uppsala. whether Mahayana Buddhism. treatises. inquisitorial manuals. but heavily revised. rpr. saw the potential for heresy in almost anything that was vaguely dissenting from the Church. Stoyanov in his The hidden tradition in Europe: the secret history of medieval Christian heresy (London. Rosenwein (Ithaca. at one and the same time. always threatening. Dialogus miraculorum. as The mission of Friar William of Rubruck: his journey to the court of the Great Khan Mo ¨ ngke 1253–1255 (London.8 An important observation is warranted here. 1968). ﬁfty years later again. ed. no matter how great the geographical and cultural differences. 284–285. Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis. Van den Wyngaert. Little. saints and outcasts: religion in medieval society. 7 S. Farmer and B. 2000) assumes the same ability to follow dualist thought through time and space.G. William of Rubruck. 1971–1997’. Manichaeism. 375. ed. 1949). and which are used by historians to demonstrate all kinds of dualist heterodox connections. Bogomilism. Strange (Cologne. for want of a better phrase.
les Cathares occidentaux e ´ isme. is far less common than a century ago. Haskins. in: Trials and treatises: texts on heresy and inquisition. 11 See. R.H. tracing the origins of the heretical good men all the way back to the Manichaeans. and on its long journey. 1966) 1. eux-me ˆ mes he ´ ritiers chiesa in Italia. C. Before science: the invention of the Friars’ natural philosophy (Aldershot. 1976). link appears to be made between Catharism and Manichaeism. passim.). 440–441. Lea. C. 167. 65–96. 253. ed.. J. any (Paris. Schools of asceticism: ideology and organization in medieval religious communities (University Park. 1. see F. 175. ´ ennes’’..10 A subtle scholarly variation on this theme has the gnosis of Mani sneaking back into medieval western Europe through the Byzantine Bogomils who. Leurs origines. it is neither obvious nor irrefutable that such a liaison ever existed. and R. 317–319. The Bogomils: a study in Balkan neo-Manichaeism (Cambridge. is a good survey of this issue and many others relating to the historiography of Catharism. 194–195. ‘Die Enstehung des Manicha ¨ ismus im Abendland’. implies that a continuity may still be established between the Manichaeans and the Cathars. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 185 Admittedly. Jaffe already been written ‘that it is impossible to say anything new [ut nichil iam possit dici novum]’ and that even heretics ‘do not invent new things but repeat old ones [non nova inveniunt. ‘Aspects sociologiques des religions ‘maniche ´ langes offerts a ´ Crozet. Unger (Berlin. 472.’ On heresy and anti-dualism. when brought to trial. the prior of Steinfeld’s Premonstratensian abbey. thought there was no connection between the Cathars and the Manichees. Hamilton. Biller and C. and. xv and 137. Schmidt. P. 10 See. ‘La vision me 7 (1994). J.M. ed. Douais. Sidak. Sanjak. 1996). et permansisse in Graecia et quibusdam aliis terris]. that so much had he noted. Sanjak. 20 (1985). The yellow cross: the story of the last Cathars 1290–1329 (London. and confusing. Studije O. ‘Aux origines de l’he ´ taient ﬁls des Bogomils. esp. they went on to say that these hidden philosophies had apparently ‘persisted so in Greece and certain other lands [. 2000). chronologically and geographically.11 As for there being any genuine intimacy between the Bogomils and the heretical good men. the heresy has developed variations’.. vol. and Antoine Dondaine. were undoubtedly inﬂuenced by this late antique heresy. labelled as Cathars) seized in Cologne who. Obolensky. ‘Questions about questions: manuscript 609 and the great inquisition of 1245–1246’. ` cle (Paris.G. 33–46. 1971).12 For a start.G. L. 78. Heresis. in Ep. PL 182. 1998). Abel. Sproemberg. for example.. in a letter (Ep. for example. La Religion des Cathares. action de l’e 1–216. defended their beliefs by saying that their heresy had ‘lain concealed from the time of the martyrs even to our own day’. 235–355. ‘Robert le Bougre and the beginnings of the inquisition in northern France’.’ du lointain Maniche 12 ` cles On the Bogomils. 109–110. see M. Eberwin. 1879). F. Jimenez. forthcoming). ‘. ‘Dernie effacement du Catharisme? (XIIIe–XIVe S. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. though still found in all kinds of surprising places. even though the assumption of such a connection between the two heresies has become a truism in almost all studies of medieval heterodoxy.hanc haeresim usque ad haec tempora occultatam fuisse a temporibus martyrum. ´ re ´ sie me ´ dievale’. Part 5. where the ‘derivation of Catharism from Manicheeism is almost certainly correct. French and A. ´ glise au XIIe sie vol. 82. Bruschi (Woodbridge. So ¨ derberg. The Benedictine Wibald of Corvey. 1886). Pegg. H. ed. where a confused. Les Albigeois. for example. in: Me ` Rene 85–102. Gallais. 1869). ed. Sproemberg and M. Cunningham. 278. ´ die ´ vale du catharisme chez les historiens des anne ´ es 1950: un ne ´ o-maniche ´ isme’. Interestingly. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: (Brussels. described a group of heretics (usually. in the nineteenth century. and Y. esp. D. it is tacitly understood. in: Mittelalter und demokratische Geschichtsschreibung. In the twentieth and twentyﬁrst centuries see. 103.. Rion (Poitiers. 1864). set vetera replicant]. J. P. Rivista di storia della 1948). P. writing to Manegold of Paderborn in 1147. Crozet. 679) to Bernard of Clairvaux. 2. 92. Les chretiens bosniaques et le movement cathare XIIe–XVe sie ´ res traces de catharisme dans les Balkans’. esp. 6. intriguingly. Monumenta Corbeiensia. 1. American Historical Review. vol. deftly stated the guiding principle of this explanatory technique (medieval and modern) when ´ (Berlin. Histoire de France: moyen age (Paris. R. and incorrectly. Kaelber. A history of the inquisition of the middle ages. col. 265–268. 7 (1902). 119–134. 6 (1952). Weis.’ Three or four years earlier. P. Histoire et doctrine des Cathares. Michelet. esp.Crkvi Bosanskoj’ i . H. A.
ed. 272–308]. Jr. D. the Bogomils receive no mention. ed. 26 (2000). Lambert. ou le vrai proce l’he ´ re ´ sie?: discours pole ´ miques et pouvoirs avant l’inquisition.’ Indeed. 343–348. 196–198. Stock. 1980). Die Katharer. 989–1034 (Cambridge. W. see R. 179. 1976). 1963). 382–427 [translated by C. J. Sidak.A. 55 (1970). R. ‘Der Bogomilismus in Bulgarien’. Higgitt as The feudal transformation. to these opinions. Ademar of Chabannes. 1983). 1983). the arguments for Bogomil inﬂuence in western Europe before the twelfth century by Borst. 212–86. By contrast. Zerner (Nice.D. and C. Lourdaux and D. and his ‘Arras. and ‘The birth of popular heresy: A Millennial phenomenon?’ Journal of Religious History.). Dondaine. Mass. Morghen.A. 1977). M. repression. Fichtenau. 1976). ‘The Letter of He century Aquitaine’. The implications of literacy. (London. Revue Historique. Hamilton. on the historian simply perceiving a similarity between one set of ideas and another. Head and R. still condemns what he calls ‘reductionist’ arguments that dismiss the possibility of such Balkan visitors to western Europe. ‘Catharisme me ´ dieval et de l’he bogomilisme’. repeats his nuanced opposition. ‘The Chiaroscuro of heresy: early eleventh-century Aquitaine as seen from Auxerre’. and J. Bogomilism’s importance has been tremendously exaggerated in all historical works. 24–36. argues. 144–156. quite weakly. 21–36. Manselli. ‘Heresy. Bulgarian historical review. Diehl (Cambridge. ed. sources concerning the origins of medieval heresy’. Kaiser as Heretics and scholars in the high middle ages: 1000–1200 (University Park. 118–38. 1953). Landes. Morghen. in P. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 suggestion that Bogomil preachers were in Europe from the ﬁrst millennium onwards and that these Bosnian or Bulgarian seers were the cause of almost all eleventhcentury heresy is simply untenable because this argument rests. 1992). Medieval heresy: popular movements from Bogomil to Hus. 24 (2000). xe–xiie (Paris. Journal of Medieval History. in: Inventer (Ithaca. Frassetto. ﬁrst articulated in ‘The origins of medieval heresy’. Fine. ‘[I]f we are analyzing Bulgarian history as a whole and signiﬁcant movements and causes of historical developments in Bulgaria. Written language and models of interpretation in the eleventh and twelfth centuries (Princeton. Waugh and P. Other important arguments against Bogomil inﬂuence in the early Middle Ages were ` mes sur l’origine made by R. 117–18. in: Christendom and its discontents. 34–54. 19–46. The medieval Manichee. Louvain May 13–16. The early medieval Balkans. Proceedings of the International Conference. Revue Be ´ ribert of Pe ´ rigord as a source for dualist heresy in the society of early eleventhTaylor. Journal of Religious History. ‘The birth of heresy: a millennial phenomenon’. La Mutation fe ´ odale. persecution. L’eresia del male (Naples. 80–103.V. H-C. T. In fact … one would be justiﬁed in writing a history of medieval Bulgaria without the Bogomils at all. 8–25. R. 1995). 188–189. J-P. 17–53 [trans.L. 1998). Ketzer und Professoren: Ha ¨ resie un Vernunftglaube im Hochmittelalter (Munich.13 A Bogumilstvu (Zagreb. and social change in the age of Gregorian reform’. Now.186 M. 13 See. Relics. 1996). 1st l’he ed. 313–349. 1025. Landes. 395–427. Medioevo Cristiano (Bari. and the deceits of history. B. in his Sur le Manicheisme et autres essais (Paris. 900–1200 (New York. ‘Aux origines de ´ re ´ sie me ´ dievale’. Landes ` s d’une fausse accusation’. A critical survey from the sixth to the late twelfth century (Ann Arbor. Runciman. 67–85. Furthermore. in: The peace of God: social violence and religious response in France around the year 1000. 26–43 (which is also a rather angry reply to Moore’s ‘The birth of popular heresy: a millennial phenomenon?’). 2000). History. 1992). 98–99. ‘The sermons of Ademar of Chabannes and the letter of Heribert: new ´ ne ´ dictine. 71–80. 324–340. in: The concept of heresy in the middle ages (11th–13th C. 1998). R. ed. D. ‘Ursprung und Wesen des Bogomilentums’. 336 (1966). Bournazel.I. without going into the ephemeral problem of millennialism around 1000. notes. 1000–1500. 109 (1999). Lobrichon. S. ‘Proble ´ re ´ sie au moyen-a ˆ ge’. ‘The state of research: the legacy of Charles Schmidt to the study of Christian dualism’. Angelov. 13–51]. 1–16. 102–103. while not openly suggesting Bogomil missionaries before the twelfth century. somewhat inconclusively. M.. which really only exists if one has an intellectualist bias. Verhelst (The Hague. apocalypse. 43–78. searching within the handful of reported (and persecuted) incidents of heresy in western Europe before the middle of the twelfth century for pre-Catharism or proto-Catharism by simply unearthing what appear to be dualist . 1991).G. Exclusion. 1973. that heretics in the early Middle Ages suffered from this ‘Manichaean scapegoating’ because such scapegoating ‘made sense of a confusing and disappointing world’. Stephenson’s recent Byzantium’s Balkan frontier: a political study of the northern Balkans.. H. 24 (2000). 1979). 2 (1975). G. Puech. and rebellion. for example. Moore. R. Poly and E. 900–1204 (Cambridge.
It has also been argued that Bogomil dualism was secretly carried back by crusaders returning from twelfth-century Outremer. M. 1–26. This ´ a marquis de Gothie. in: Companion to historiography. 45–59. opens by stating that ‘[n]o reputable scholar now doubts that Catharism was an offshoot of medieval eastern dualism…’. Biller. it should be pointed out. 1–28. ‘Les heresies de l’an mil: nouvelles perspectives sur les origines du catharisme’. Hamilton. 1990). 70–119 [Heretics and Scholars. autrement appellez princes des Goths. Christian dualist heresies in the Byzantine world c. as well as nuanced. ducs de Septimanie. ‘A ´ lix: les Milingues’. 21–22. 3. Heresis. ed. 23–53. Bentley (London. Lambert. Caseneuue. ‘Wisdom from the East: the reception by the Cathars of eastern dualist texts’. or through recognizing an inherent sameness about heretical anti-clericism between one century ` me des origines and the next. 650–c. where it is argued that Besse’s document was a seventeenth-century forgery (and probably forged by Besse). given to Besse by ‘M. M. Fichtenau. is generally assumed to have proven the historical validity of Besse’s appendix. P. B. Still. Hudson (Cambridge. especially. and her. and B. The Cathars (Oxford. 2000). The Cathars: dualist heretics in Languedoc in the high middle ages (Harlow. is probably (at best) a mid-thirteenth-century forgery by some good men or their followers rather than a seventeenth-century forgery or a late thirteenth-century collation of a number of disparate documents by an inquisitor in Toulouse. in: Women preachers and prophets through two millennia of Christianity. in his Cathare. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Cathares en Languedoc. Biller and A. 48 (1978). 1998). et ` Monseigneur l’Archevesque duc de Narbonne (Paris. 39–52. despite some allusions to wisdom arriving from the east in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. J. which. 1660). Heresis. and A. The visit by the supposed Bogomil bishop of ´ lix-de-Caraman in the Lauragais happened in 1167. the efforts to truly link the Bogomils and the good men remain unconvincing. for example. and M. recent summaries of the evidence (and scholarship) for missionary and doctrinal connections between the Cathars and the Bogomils. 1997). Also. 29–59. vol. who lean heavily toward searching for. 570–571. ‘Popular religion Charte de Niquinta — 2) Sens et porte in the central and late middle ages’. 70–126]. propos du concile cathare de Saint-Fe 3 (1968). for the present. 201–214. 6–33. Fe Archivum fratrum praedicatorum. 21–36. Hamilton. 1998). Walker (Berkeley. and Barber. Hamilton. and because one needs to already believe in connections between Cathars and Bogomils to see the evidence within the text (even though the text itself is the foundational proof underlying this belief about Catharism and Bogomilism). ‘The voice of the good women: an essay on the pastoral and sacerdotal role of women in the Cathar Church’. ed. In support of Hamilton. 23 (1994). Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 187 more nuanced (and more persuasive) vision imagines Balkan missionaries only coming to Europe in the twelfth century. marquis et comtes de Narbonne. 483–486. B. . Cf. en l’an 1652’. ‘The Cathar council of S. Brenon. Rottenwo Honnef. Prebendier au chapitre de l’eglisle de Sainct Estienne de Tolose. 74–114. in: Heresy and literacy. Dedie document. it is more prudent. 14 ¨ hrer. Barber.M. inquisitors in the late thirteenth century.J. esp. P. 1994). The Cathars. On such heretical transmissions from the Levant. Brenon. 1–55. 1450 (Manchester. Heresis. 22 (1994). The Cathars. southwestern Languedoc with the apocryphal papa Nicetas distributing dualist doctrine in the Lauragais. Der Katherismus: Die Herkunft der Katharer nach Theologie und Geschichte (Bad G. and believing in. Yves Dossat. to remain unconvinced about its historical veracity. A. 38–60. Ketzer und Professoren. Kienzle and P. 115–116. because so much about this document resembles a story by Jorge Luis Borges. 1994). northern Italy and. Pilar Jimenez. 239–240. as well as the small number of questionable references to heretical holy men journeying from the Byzantine empire to northern France. Now. 24 (1995).14 Paulician inﬂuence images. are more exercises in the quixotic than in quiddity. 483. ‘Relire la Niquinta — 1) Origine et proble ´ e de la charte’.M. see. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. papa Nicetas. it probably was preserved until the seventeenth century in the Dominican inquisitorial archives at Toulouse or Carcassonne. proto-Catharism in earlier European heresies. ed. 1998) is a remarkable collection of translated sources on dualism and has a useful ‘Historical introduction’. 71–73. Lambert. J. Vaudois et Beguines. where a number of other apocryphal documents supposedly demonstrating eastern links were ﬁled away by ´ lix reconsidered’. to Saint-Fe ment that records Nicetas’ journey is lost and only exists as an appendix to Guillaume Besse’s Histoire des ducs. if it really existed. B.G. 1000–1530. are all good. The docuConstantinople. ‘Le proble du catharisme’. ‘Relire la Charte de ´ matique de la Charte’. Duvernoy.
Revue d’Histoire Eccle Christine Thouzellier. at best. 446. ‘He ´ siastique. 1994). then even with the same words. esp. 4th ed. 5–25. as the one she rejects. Goodman. should never be confused with (or assumed to be the same as) the certainties that men and women in the thirteenth century knew (or attempted to know) about their world. Nelson Goodman among the social sciences. Stalker (Chicago. Goodman. ‘The new riddle of induction’. 855–872. also. Elgin. ‘Seven strictures against similarity’. 59–83. as though ideas wander over landscapes and centuries like loose hot-air balloons.16 Piecing together the similar in time and space may be. 446. either in the eleventh century or in the twelfth. 15 On the Paulicians see. 1988).15 All in all. I. See. in his Problems and projects (Indianapolis. Two apparently similar Indo-European symbols. whether through missionaries or through immigration. philosophical. Goodman. 18–21. N. Garso¨ ıan. ed. 6 (1974). the similarity would be. Eastern Churches Review. ‘Entrenchment’. As such. See also N. so that the trick is to catch ´ re ´ sie et croisade au XIIe sie ` cle’. Goodman with C. The Paulician heresy. superﬁcial. and his Christian dualist heresies in the Byzantine world c. two popular mentalite ´ s. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 upon the good men and good women. anthropological) essays in: How classiﬁcation works. two dualist discourses. arguments about the speciﬁc inﬂuence of the Bogomils upon western European heresy. D. ostensibly matching heresies from the thirteenth century in the very same region in the eleventh. 1984). esp. and certainly just as unprovable. 1972). the collected (philosophical) essays on the problem of ‘grue’ put forward in Goodman’s ‘The new riddle of induction’ in: The new riddle of induction. . N. 115–124. has never been championed in the same way as Bogomilism. also strongly rejects the Paulicians as descendants of Manichees. rely upon detecting likenesses between ideas irrespective of time and place. rather. (Cambridge. prove nothing conclusive in themselves about heresy in the Middle Ages. To study heresy. 186–230. N. for example. especially. in the end. Karl Heisig in ‘Ein gnostische Sekte im abendlandischen Mittelalter’. though undeniably interesting. as is often assumed. Garso¨ ıan. ed. beliefs. she considers the original Paulicians to be nothing more than Armenian Old Believers — an argument that is perhaps as unconvincing. suggested that crusaders brought ancient Gnostic practices back from the East to the Rhineland. Hacking. was the ﬁrst to strongly suggest the importation of dualist beliefs by returning crusaders. but it is only the beginning of an explanation about the past and not. 1992). and the collected (historical. cannot account for former predictive or inductive practices. 16 The ideas in this paragraph were derived from N. 271–74. and symbols. all that the historian actually does. ﬁction. two religious Zusammenha ¨ nge. where she argues against Paulician inﬂuence in western Europe in the Middle Ages. in any case. 49 (1954). Hull (Edinburgh. Bernard Hamilton cannot let go of the notion that there must be some connection between the Paulicians and the Cathars despite the dearth of evidence in his ‘The origins of the dualist church of Drugunthia’. in his Fact. 1967). 1983). Zeitschrift fu ¨ r Religions und Geistesgeschichte. and forecast. Douglas and D. the concluding proof. Along similar lines to Thouzellier. while the meaning. 193–224. The reasons why someone in the early twentyﬁrst century believes that two things truly resemble each other. in and of itself.188 M. his ‘Wisdom from the East’. 1450. 50–51.G. M. if one were to ﬁnd. or between les vastes espaces. 16 (1964). 650–c. representations. Mass: Harvard University Press. Searching for what seems similar over the longue dure ´ e. therefore. A study of the origin and development of Paulicianism in Armenia and the eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire (The Hague– Paris. about why a particular society once thought certain ideas worth thinking. Of mind and other matters (Cambridge. Reconceptions in philosophy and other arts and sciences (Indianapolis. or can safely predict certain continuities from today to tomorrow. could not be the same.
is crucial to his brillant. 7 (1994). Koch. ed. then the beliefs concerned with that world are assumed to be unchanging as well. Werner. not unlike something from the revolutions of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. esp. Malecsek. for example. Ideologische Probleme des MittelalterReformpapsttums (Leipzig. Le Roy Ladurie. explanations which treat heresy as solely a manifestation of purely economic or material problems. 196–202. E. See. Das kommende Reich des Friedens. M. sincere anti-Marxists. although this time . and resistance in Languedoc (Ithaca. 1981)]. mostly using the same texts as Le Roy Ladurie. 1960). P. On this (especially former East German. ‘Le ricerche eresiologiche in area germanica’. 75–81. and Kaelber. Ketzer und Heilige: Das religio ¨ se Leben im Hochmittelalter (Vienna. B. is that if the material world is thought to be unchanging. P. 1984). Fraser as Heretics in the Middle Ages (Leipzig. promotes the same image of an unchanging rural landscape. in: Medieval theology and the natural body. Montaillou. James Given. For further discussions about German historians and heresy. an erudite zepplin-chaser so chooses. if wayward. 1964). To ¨ pfer. 115– 119].18 Rural communi17 For example. especially Karl-Marx University of Leipzig) way with history that. 64–93. see O.J. Minnis (Woodbridge. It was also this East German treatment of medieval heresy and spirituality that Borst and Grundmann. and so elevating both above the level of just curiosity value. M. has adopted a subtle neo-Marxist approach in his Inquisition and medieval society: power. 1984) [trans. Studien zu sozial-religio ¨ sen Bewegungen im Zeitalter des ¨ sser and E. W. indeed an irony permeating much historical thinking about the Middle Ages. 110–113 [Heretics and scholars. Schools of asceticism. as an expression of social or class discontent. ‘Cathars and material women’. and M. and for German historians and the Middle Ages. consciously reacted against. 1972) E ´ de Foix (1308–1309). whatever intellectual continuity. Fichtenau. as physical existence in the medieval countryside is especially thought to be. 1957). Biller and A.G. see D. and additional Corrections. village occitan de 1294 a 1975) [translated and condensed by B. 1997). Erbsto lichen Plebejertums: Die freigeistige Ha ¨ resie und ihre sozialen Wurzeln (Berlin. A. 1984)]. G. esp. 91–92. xxii–xxv. 1965. 1986). Pauperes Christi. Likewise. despite the Marxist materialism. Kpngreßakten des 6. G. allows for whatever ideal contextualisation.G. ‘Die Moderne und ihr Mittelalter — eine folgenreiche Problemgeschichte’. stepping outside of this historiographic debate. in: Eretici ed eresie medievali nella storiograﬁa contemporanea: atti del XXXII Convegno du studi seilla Riforma e i movimenti religiosi in Italia. 68–75. had many afﬁnities with the medieval vision of a Jules Michelet. 1994). Weis. see Andreas Dorpalen. J. ed. ‘La perspective de l’historiographie allemande’. working within the idealist Religionsgeschichte tradition. ed. and to see it as possessing unchanging qualities. Segl (Sigmaringen. Werner. P. Erbsto ¨ sser and E. Symposiums des Media ¨ vistenverbandes in Bayreuth 1995. 1962). Bray as Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French village 1294–1324 (Harmondsworth. are just as limited as the more prevalent arguments from the similarity of ideas. 1985).M.G. and trans. Oexle.74–76. where a tendency to romanticise life in the Occitan countryside. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 189 those drifting beliefs which look similar to each other. namely Le Registre d’Inquisition de Jacques Fournier. 47–64. ¨ sser. Werner. Merlo (Torre Pellice. discipline. in: Mittelalter und Moderne: Entdeckung und Rekonstruktion der mittelalterlichen Welt. 1993. Ketzer und Professoren. tying such dated Cold War Marxist–Leninist approaches to equally dated Victorian Romantic notions. The yellow cross. Palesand L’inquisitor Geoffroy d’Ablis et les Cathares du Comte Gobilliard (Paris.17 A peculiar irony about these theses. 1997). 307–364. evocation of rural existence from a late-thirteenth–early-fourteenth-century inquisitorial register. German history in Marxist perspective: The East German approach (Detroit. An informed observation on this issue is made by Lerner in his introduction to Grundmann. 18 ` 1324 (Paris. Erbsto Ketzer im Mittelalter (Stuttgart. and West Germans after World War II. zur Entwicklung chiliasticscher Zukunftshoffnungen im Hochmittelalter (Berlin. Mu ¨ ller. Jean Duvernoy (Toulouse. orig. E. ed. Religious movements in the middle ages. 1997). ´ ve ˆ que de Pamiers (1318–1325) ed. Frauenfrage und Ketzertum in Mittelalter (Berlin. Heresis. Biller.
Or Hamilton. justiﬁes the lack of gravity in Ginzburg’s universe. Fentress and C. and not through making doubtful deductions. The same is true for C. as referring to the ‘‘Bonosii’. in his A zone of engagement (London. is only one kind of summary of the data. Campbell (London. never change the way they do things. but severely. esp. Collection Doat 25. with revised trans. Northern Europe in the early fourteenth century (Princeton. all these often unwitting biases. misreading et hoc in vulgari (about a book) in a seventeenth-century copy of an inquisition record ` que nationale. The Cathars. 1985). ‘[A]n [historical] explanation as an hypothesis of the development. We can equally well see the data in their relations to one another and make a summary of them in a general picture without putting it in the form of an hypothesis regarding temporal development’. Gurevitch. R. J.L. never change the way they think things.20 it is populated with more individuals possessing many more anachronistic attitudes.19 The overt materialist. The answers to the whys and wherefores of the heresy of the good men must be sought within these speciﬁc communities. 13. from century to ´ ne ´ es. in the end. ed. 32. 62. Rosenthal. The records of the inquisition. and Medieval popular culture: problems of belief and perception. preconceived notions about what a testimony really was saying even if it did not say it (as in mistaking a scribal variation of bons omes for ‘Bosnians’ and misreading et hoc in vulgari in a seventeenthcentury copy of an inquisition record as et hoc in Bulgaria). 1976). that is Bosnians’. and the consequent downplaying of historical change and speciﬁcity. and trans. 1991)]. fol. has expressed these views in his Categories of medieval culture. about timeless verities. where Ludwig Wittgenstein’s notion of ‘seeing connections’ — from Bemerkungen u ¨ ber Frazers Golden Bough [Remarks on Frazer’s Golden Bough]. and so the Cathars. where one can jump about all over the place. Coincidently. 57 and n. 98. Ecstacies. Hollingsworth (Cambridge–Paris. 207–229. and which provide the most detailed documentation about the heresy of the good men and good women. do not support the general historiographic tendency. Cf.190 M. 1989) [translated by R. tied to the soil. for instance. presuppose a deeply unconvincing passivity on the part of medieval men and women. are thrown into high relief when the records of the thirteenth-and-fourteenth-century inquisition in Languedoc are taken into account. heretical or not. ed. Chronica Magistri Guillelmi de Podio Laurentii. trapped in the cyclical movement of the seasons. Duvernoy (Paris. of their synopsis. trans. numbering in the thousands. 1979). has attacked the general prevalence of such timeless notions about the tempo of rural life in the middle ages. Bak and P. 93. 99. Testimonies given to the inquisitors into heretical depravity. who dismiss such views of time and memory in rural communities. Rees (Alantic Highlands. all too often just get concertinaed to ﬁt a priori Cathar-templates. trans. the worlds in which the heretics actually dwelt. though clean and neat. 1996). 8–8e. but supremely ahistorical. involving scores of rural communities. Social memory (Oxford. P. reinforces the idealist bias. All these assumptions. Wickham. J. frequently a string of fragmentary confessions interspersed with a handful of longer narratives. G. about outside causes. Ginzburg’s remarkable. ‘Nocturnal enquiry: Carlo Ginzburg’. W. Such equations. once more. 100. from the Balkans to the Pyre in the proving of a point. 19 A. 20 As in Lambert. (in Paris. forever dwelling in an eternal present and so denied the virtues of linear time. Deciphering the witches’ sabbath (Harmondsworth. ignoring temporal and cultural speciﬁcity century. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 ties. Bibliothe . thoughtfully. 217r. 1992). J. 1992). founded upon intellectualist predilections.G. mistaking bonomios sive bonosios in Guilhem de Puylaurens. reviews Ginzburg’s unchanging rural world and the materialist assumptions such an idea embraces. Anderson. Storia Notturna (Turin. ‘Wisdom from the east’. and. Jordan in his The great famine. 1992).C.) as et hoc in Bulgaria. an anti-gravity world of long duration is imagined.
M. The Cathars. ‘Resistence and the problem of ethnographic refusal’.B. is to retreat from attempting an historical explanation about previous rhythms of existence. Spiegel has to say in her inﬂuential ‘History. is that ideas and habits never hibernate. never changing. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 191 What is so fascinating about inquisition records. and U. This means turning aside from the intellectualist bias and so recognizing that communities actively survive. 1994). ed. 529. the Toulousain. in: The attraction of opposites. and P. symbols. ‘Introduction. ever used the noun ‘Cathar’ to describe heretics in. 1997). language. 3. and the social logic of the text in the middle ages’. 173–193. towards any particular theories. if an attempt is made to evoke the world in which they were created. D. what is being suggested. Thought and society in the dualist mode. Lambert. they only come alive. faults Duvernoy for the same misreading of Doat 25.M. because of an interweaving of thoughts and actions. Individuals and their societies possess no inherent tendencies.29. is that they only make any sense. Boyer. inert.23 ‘Cathar’ (apparently ﬁrst used in the middle of the twelfth century by a group of heretics from Cologne. that the relations a person (or thing) maintains in the material realm entrenches the relations he or she (or it) maintains in the metaphoric. What is being argued here is not that metaphors. her ﬁnal argument that texts mirror society. ideas. women. immobile. lie dormant. 3–28. at once collective and particular. 23 Pegg. historicism. so individually intimate. D. tenwo 21 Despite agreeing with much of what G.G. merely mirror social structures. vol. Instead. behaviours. towards any particular actions. Maybury-Lewis. habits. so communally strengthening. where each one argues (under the inﬂuence of Claude Levi-Strauss) that dualism is inherent in the human perception of the world. Comparative studies in history and society. no fundamental hot-wiring. one must never approach inquisition documents from Languedoc with the Cathari in hand. Dual organization reconsidered’. More prosaically. or in the pays de Foix. routines. bone femine. see S. whether mendicant inquisitor or the men. or that language mirrors social locations. for instance. texts. The past as text: the theory and practice of medieval historiography (Baltimore. Almagor. bons omes. 1–18. bonas femnas. 19–32. 22 For example. it was always. from one decade to another. Ortner. 1989). but what usually relegates them to be strip-mined for footnotes. Maybury-Lewis and U. ‘Introduction. The quest for harmony’. 55 n. No person. and vice versa. for a discussion on how frequently inherent (and far from theoretical) assumptions often underwrite overtly theoretical scholarship. while the good men and good women themselves frequently referred to each other as ‘the friends of God’. with no exceptions. Almagor (Ann Arbor. and one set of (often dull and unchanging) practices. whether they be six hundred years old or a mere six weeks. See also Rot¨ hrer. . and children they questioned. and so forth. where religion is natural and innate to human thought. boni homines. The corruption of angels. 37 (1995). good men and good women.22 To begin any meditation upon the past with an assumption that some things simply are universal in humans or are always just there in human society. because this would be no more than the historian simply noting what he or she ﬁnds similar between one set of (usually lively) discourses. 95–97. Now. To grasp this deep intimacy. or remain buried in eternal folkways. the Lauragais. from one day to the next. Der Katherismus: Die Herkunft der Katharer nach Theologie und Geschichte.21 Equally. The naturalness of religious ideas: a cognitive theory of religion (Berkeley. and such like. is to grasp the meaning of heresy in the Middle Ages.
1988). A. The yellow cross. northern Italy. and this is Del Col’s only evidence. Barber. where the ideas of that sixteenth-century miller from Friuli. Del Col. Cartelleri (Leipzig. 1909).G. and Languedoc. it is a designation not found in the original records of the Languedocian inquisition. ‘Inquisition and the prosecution of heresy: misconceptions and abuses’. ‘perfect’. 1. as a Cathar. in what can only be called a self-fulﬁlling prophecy. The corruption of angels.25 This relentless naming of almost all heretics. see Peters. passim. as a respectful title for a good man. for their warnings about not confusing the medieval inquisition with the institutional early modern Inquisition. 1989). historians convinced of Catharism as an institution usually accept that the medieval inquisition was much more institutional than ever was the case. Frauen vor der Inquisition: Lebensform. heresy. with no evidence at all.)27 This remorseless relabelling also applies to perfectus. but. England. Lea’s admission is in his A history of the inquisition of the middle ages. see R. 397ff. 287–292. where a group of inﬁdeles were examined and burnt in 1204. The Cathars. by tagging one of them.26 (Intriguingly. It seems that perfectus. and the evidence that does not warrant such usage. Ginzburg in Il formaggio e i vermi: Il cosmo di un mugnaio del 500 (Turin. Mu ¨ ller. particularly in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 25 For example. glosses the Chronicon universale anonymi Laudunensis (1154–1219). as ‘Cathars’ (with the exception of the Waldensians) is not only the product of. On Lea’s thoughts about the medieval inquisition. Kelly. The word is thrown about as though it were Cathar-confetti. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 or so Eckbert of Scho ¨ nau wrote in his Sermones contra Catharos of 1163)24 is. Or A. is a nuanced study marred by a tension (largely between footnotes and text) between using terminology like ‘perfect’. Dobson (Woodbridge. 62–63. Dominico Scandella detto Mennocchio: I processi dell’Inquisizione (1583–1599) (Pordenone. 31: ‘Catharos. 1999). ‘The ofﬁce of inquisition and medieval heresy: the transition from personal to institutional jurisdiction’. Camille. 1977). id est mundos. are at best problematic. PL 195. and H. vol. and always has been. in that if the word is used enough times by enough scholars to describe enough heretics in enough places then. the intellectualist approach.A. a great heretical ‘Cathar Church’ with a systematically similar doctrine comes into being. they were so similar. Now. 1981) argues for the existence of a medieval inquisition. 1976) — were clearly derived from Catharism because. 18. has only survived in the Collection . Hamilton. 26 For example. deeply misleading and applied in such an indiscriminate way by modern historians as to make it. 439–451.C. Biller and B. whose connections with one another. ‘Henry Charles Lea (1825–1909)’.28 Simi24 Eckbert of Scho ¨ nau. 46 (1995). for all intents and purposes. Sermones contra Catharos. 56–57. a useless term. eds. Church history 58 (1989). 211. 89–100 and his Inquisition (New York. and the religious life: essays in honour of Gordon Leff. a ‘Nicholas. Journal of Ecclesiastical History. 176–182. Moore. and taken for granted by modern scholarship. 28 Pegg.’ Now. where the fact that Jacques Fournier’s inquisition did not record this title is put down to spite on the part of the bishop-inquisitor. see Richard Kieckhefer. from the eleventh to the sixteenth centuries. col. with all that this implies. the famous painter in all of France’. 36–61. liii–lxxvi. in The medieval church: universities. Lea admitted that there was no comprehensive institutional ‘Inquisition’ throughout the European middle ages. 1990). P. The origins of European dissent (London.I. Glaubenszeugnis und Arburteilung der Deutschen un Franzo ¨ sischen Katharerinnen (Mainz. 5–23. ‘The Cathars and Christian perfection’. Mennocchio — the same Mennocchio made famous by C. and B.192 M. Weis. though worth pondering. D. 27 B. 2. M. Even H. in his The Medieval inquisition (New York. ed. brightly decorating all sorts of individuals and groups accused of heresy in the Rhineland. if it was transcribed. stress the existence of a ‘Cathar Church’. The Gothic idol: ideology and image-making in medieval art (Cambridge. for example. northern France. Hamilton. once again. Catalonia. 1996). but the very justiﬁcation for.
and the more general discussion of Italian heresy (and one which assumes a strong. in histories and encyclopedias until the beginning of the last century. and his.31 Only ﬁve years earlier. in everything and anything. Ad Capiendas de 1663 a Vulpes. and obvious. and J-L. 286–336. 77 (1916). 1868). Francia. ‘La Collection Doat a ` la Impe ´ riale. illustrate this terminological shift from the somewhat inappropriate Albigenses (though still with some sense of speciﬁcity) to the incredibly inappropriate Cathari (with its wildly imperial and immigrant connotations). not only was ‘Cathar’ never uttered. ‘Albigensi´ ry. 1. Die Ketzerbeka ¨ mpfung in Su ¨ d-frankreich in der ersten Ha ¨ lfte des 13. ins. is in the preface of Antoine Dondai` cle: Le Liber de duobus principiis suivi d’un fragment ´ ne ´ o-maniche ´ en du XIIIe sie ne’s edition of Un Traite ´ isme en Languedoc. see L. oaths. 4–5. Jahrhunderts und die Ausbildung des Inquisitionsverfahrens (Bonn. the heretici were never called Albigenses in the registers of the inquisition. On Jean-Baptiste ` que Colbert’s commission and Doat’s copying. ‘Colbert und die Entstehung der Collection Doat’. communal decisions. Biget. H. Zerner (Nice. two other Dominican inquisitors. 29 ´ re ´ sie et He ´ retiques: Vaudois. Kolmer. in the largest inquisition of the middle ages.M. should shake our complaisancy about using ‘Cathar’ and suggest that research into the speciﬁc communities questioned by the inquisition will reveal a very different world than the one now taken for granted. p. vol. 95. de rituel cathare (Rome. in stark contrast to original manuscripts surviving from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. if nothing else. Yet. Bernart de Caux and Joan de SantPeire.30 This fact. prozomes. fol. and those of Albi and Carcassonne’ towards the end of his detailed treatise about the Cathari of Lombardy. 258r–259r). 223–262. or in any of the testimonies Doat (e. L. should suggest that the seventeenth-century copyists employed by Jean de Doat perhaps took more transcribing liberties than is often realised. He ´ nomination’. as boni homines and probi homines in Latin. 31 Rainier Sacconi. 7 (1979).G. in: Inventer l’He 219–256. 1982). This is terribly important because all men. Catharisme et Valde 19–26. 1969). Albigeois (Rome. 463–489. ed.29 On the other hand. PatarOn the meaning of Albigenses. connection to the heretics of Languedoc) in: C. see Thouzellier. Delisle. court appearances. Omont. while in Occitan they were bons omes. Power and purity: Cathar heresy in medieval Italy (New York. Conybeare and Alphande their respective ways. esp. 15–16. 37–39. To be sure. 30 Pegg. but there is nothing in this brief afterthought except an opinion that the langue d’oc heretics were obviously connected to the langue de si dualists. Le Cabinet des manuscrits de la Bibliothe ´ ne ´ rale de Paris (Paris.g. were described in charters. wills. 77. in a sharp and rather telling contrast. especially in the ﬁrst half of the thirteenth century in the Toulousain and the Lauragais. where almost six thousand men and women from the Toulousain and the Lauragais were questioned in two hundred and one days. Lansing. Doat 26. see C. 1998). heretical or not. in an’ was almost always the term for the good men. 1939). 1998). Cathares. what will be consistently found in inquisition registers is the epithet ‘good man’ for a heretic. the Dominican inquisitor (and former ‘heresiarch’ at Piacenza) Rainier Sacconi in his Summa de Catharis et Pauperibus de Lugduno of 1250 did add a tiny appendix about the ‘Cathars of the Toulousain church. Summa de Catharis et Pauperibus de Lugduno. The corruption of angels. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 193 larly. ‘‘Les Albigeois’: remarques sur une de ´ re ´ sie?: Discours pole ´ miques et pouvoirs avant l’inquisition. This apparent fact. . Histoire ge ` que Nationale: Documents sur les recherches de Doat dans les archives du sud-ouest de la France Bibliothe ` 1670’. Now. Bibliothe ` que de l’Ecole des Chartes. 188–190. Thouzellier. 441–442. M. 12–15. and prodomes.
even documents a fascinating case of an English woman who was convinced that she had experienced a past life as a crezen in the early thirteenth-century Lauragais. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. 34 J. ‘Medieval heretics or forerunners of the Reformation: the Protestant rewriting of the history of medieval heresy’. 1960). Paul. On Roche ´ also had a curious correspondence with Simon Weil. ´ ne ´ rales et les manuels scolaires du XVIe au XVIIIe sie ` cle’. such views were quite common amongst Catholic and Protestant thinkers. 15–38. and the odd Otto Rahn. whose gift for Pegg. A. despite a good bibliography.33 Occasionally. On Weil. is good on Weil. inﬂuencing everything and anything. As for Catharism and the Holy Grail. esp. Duvernoy. 174 (1952). Vaudois et Beguines. 14 (1979). 308–310. these occult fantasies are grafted onto the related. see. no ‘Cathar Church’. ´ tudes Cathares at Carcassonne. and rather unashamedly. A. and just as anachronistic. is profoundly seductive. and ‘En quoi l’inspiration occitanienin her ‘L’agonie d’une civilisation vue a ´ crits historiques et politiques (Paris. 53–62. ‘Albigeisme ou Catharisme’. Boase. 77–81. ` re Vaudois et Beguines. 2000). Biget. 14 (1979). of course. 1952) and R. Roche ´ tudes was the founder of a neo-Cathar group at the turn of this century and of the journal Cahiers d’E ´ . The Centre d’E Duvernoy. for phie du catharisme. basically sees the Cathars as proto-Protestants in ‘Cathares et vaudois sont-ils ´ curseurs de la Re ´ forme?’ in his Cathare. Roche example. 1977). for example. des pre 1994). The perfect heresy: The revolutionary life and death of the medieval Cathars (New York. 1999). P. On the innumerable (and usually rather odd) theories about courtly love. Duvernoy. not surprisingly. to the magical lodges of late-nineteenth-century mysticism. need to see the good men and good women as Protestants before their time34 — like the irrepressible Conybeare. 130. forever waiting to be found. The Cathars. 1978). see M. and the Cathars. Chasing the heretics: A modern journey through the medieval Languedoc (St. see the excellent critical survey of R. A southern French travelogue. hundreds of references to heretici and boni homines are persistently. Amour courtois. is really about the Albignesian Crusade and. Roche Guirdham. The Cathars and reincarnation: The record of a past life in 13th century France (London. was discovered by them or. E ´ ennes et See. in his Cathare. H. have been tied to the Holy Grail.32 This desire to believe that secret heretical knowledge. ‘The just balance’ (Cambridge. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. still keeps. On these early modern ideas about the Cathars. but no elaborate international heretical organization. and this can never be emphasized enough. in: E Winch. Friesen. 66–74 and 75–84. especially D. Histoire secre ` te du Languedoc (Paris: Albin Michel. S. and even to the veracity of reincarnation. in The 33 32 . wrong on just about everything. to courtly love. out of a vast and extremely popular literature. ‘Albigeisme ou Catharisme’. 203–212. Roquebert. heavily laced with Cathar fact and fancy. is R. ‘Neue Funde und Forschungen zur Geschichte der Katharer’. he even argues for Catharism to be the offspring of Gnosticism because (and this is his only evidence) ‘of a ´ . ‘Mythographie du Catharisme’. perhaps unintentionally. 1994). 369. Roche ´ Cathares (Paris. translated as referring to ‘Cathars’ and ‘perfects’). 1970). Today. The Cathars. 85–118. The origin and meaning of courtly love: A critical study of European scholarship (Manchester.194 M. Nelli. 1989). The corruption of angels. was. 15 — that Catharism was ‘la dernie ´ pre ´ -romaine …’ Weil had more to say about Catharism and Occitanism expression vivante de l’antiquite ` travers une poe ` me e ´ pique’. ne’. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 was an elaborate dualist theology expounded. see J-L. Historische Zeitschrift.G. will such an entity be unearthed by historians (unless. Les Cathares et le graal (Toulouse. where he considers Weil’s notion that Catharism was a descendant of late antique neo-Platonic Christianity to be historically correct. ‘Les Albigeois dans les histoires ge Cahiers de Fanjeaux: Historiographie du catharisme. and still is. Barber. the latter once wrote — and cited by J. for one. 17. Duranton. Klawinski. forever ready to rise and shine when things are just right. see A. dissidents du pays d’Oc (Toulouse. O’Shea. Now see alive. Cahiers de Fanjeaux: HistoriograCathares. Simone Weil. similarity of ideas’. the neo-Cathar ﬂame the Centre d’E ´ tudes Cathares also publishes the serious and learned journal Heresis. Borst. ´ tudes Maniche ´. to the hidden secrets of the Knights-Templars. 1994). that a hidden Church.
Russell. once more. Nevertheless. and still is.M. questions about apparent continuities and similarities immediately present themselves — that the fact. The scholarship on the Cathars. just as one may admire the longevity of the erudite assumptions of ´ ry. devil.G. the ﬁrst edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica or. the Albigenses. to see these supposed heretics as not only having a ‘Church’ but also possessing what can only be called a distinct ethnicity along with their beliefs.’ 35 F. 1. in the end. vol. Ferreiro (Leiden. by Roman Catholics. heresy. What has been attempted here is a rethinking of the Cathars and the good men that. 212–225. and witchcraft in the middle ages: Essays in honor of Jeffrey B. on the Cathars and the Holocaust. 36 For example. ‘In the footsteps of the Cathars’. Mark Gregory Pegg is Assistant Professor of History at Washington University in St. say. particularly for Languedoc. on the killing of the Albigensians and the massacres in Bosnia. under ‘Albigenses’. 27. Conybeare. Slaughterhouse: Bosnia and the failure of the West (New York. Pegg / Journal of Medieval History 27 (2001) 181–195 195 seeing the Cathars wherever he happened to look that day. rarely equalled in the historical study of the Middle Ages. and the good men. ‘Anabaptists’. A dictionary of arts and sciences (Edinburgh. 1997). this Edwardian historiographic stillness. 904. Albigenses. fantasy. the Manicheans. those of the Albigenses who remained embraced Calvinism. life and thought (Oxford. Encyclopædia Britannica. Louis. 1771). ed. 1998). A. the systematic destruction of European Jews during the Holocaust or the genocidal violence in the former Yugoslavia. mistaken notions about the Cathars have led a number of historians. 1. allowed him to observe in his portrait of the ‘Anabaptists’ for the eleventh edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica that their sixteenth-century zeal clearly had ‘an afﬁnity to the Cathari and other medieval sects’. 2001) was recently published. and ﬁction about the Cathars.36 It is because such comparisons are so important to historical research — though. see G. Lerner. and. 1995). in her Why history matters. one that therefore makes them a useful past analogy to. and Barber. though with some limitations … At the time of the Reformation. 19–32. who are not medievalists. see David Rieff. The Cathars. Interestingly. His The corruption of angels: the Great Inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton. rests upon almost three centuries of extraordinary learning in a way that has been. if only for a moment. and the good men. do suggest an intellectual languor whose apparent calm is much more stiﬂing to the historical imagination than might at ﬁrst appear. deserves to be rethought.35 Further. hopes to shake. from which charge Protestants generally acquit them. though not quite ready to be pensioned Conybeare and Alphande off just yet. He is currently researching and writing a study on heresy throughout the middle ages. 165–190. . 75. their arguments. noted this: ‘… They [the Albigenses] are ranked among the grossest heretics.
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