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China, Corporatism, and the East Asian Model Author(s): Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan Source: The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 33 (Jan., 1995), pp. 29-53 Published by: Contemporary China Center, Australian National University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2950087 . Accessed: 10/08/2011 17:55
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CHINA, CORPORATISM, AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL*
Jonathan Unger and AnitaChan
The social-science paradigms Chinascholars in former that decades employed do not adequately fitChina as of the 1990s. Western scholars todayfind themselves struggling to reconceptualize theworkings of a Party-state that no longer directly dominates and of an economy society that no longer can be classified as 'Leninist command'. Observers of Chinafind themselves faced witha system in free-fall transition to somesystem as yetunknown, to the that itoften point becomes difficult to analytically frame is occurring what at letaloneattempt present, ofChina'sprobable analyses future. A conceptthatis of considerable assistance in makingsense of the is 'corporatism'. ongoingshifts It does not providean all-encompassing framework foreverything occurring in Chinatoday, butit does seemto hold valueforsomeof themore strong explanatory trends. The concept important has already beenaired(almost in thepagesofthis entirely in relation journal) to a fewspecific of organization types in China,'butthemultifaceted nature of corporatism's Nor has the spreadin thePRC has notyetbeen analysed. emergence of corporatist associations in Chinabeen viewedin comparative
A considerably longerversionof thdspaper was presented in January 1993 at a conference at theAustralian NationalUniversity That fuller version includesa long section on micro-corporatist trendswithlnstate-owned enterprises. Considerably updated, thelonger paperwillappearin Barrett McCormick and Jonathan Unger(eds), ChinaAfter Socialism. In theFootsteps ofEastern Europeor East Asia? (forthcoming). Anita Chan, 'Revolution or Corporatism? Workers and Trade Unions in Post-Mao Chlna', The Australian Journal of ChineseAffairs, no 29 (January 1993), pp 31-61, GordonWhlte, 'Prospects forCivil Societyin China A Case Study of XiaoshanCity', no.29 (January 1993), pp.68-9,86; Margaret Pearson,'The JanusFace of Business Associations in Chlna: SocialistCorporatism in ForeignEnterpnses', no.31 (January 1994),pp.25-46
usuallyinvolvesmore thanjust a working betweenthe state and the associations relationship interest representing groups.2 Corporatism. politicalculture. thatthe organizations and exercisesome discipline control overtheir ownmemberships. noncompetitive. 'StilltheCentury ofCorporatismT'. and assumethatit necessarily entailsa voluntary tnangular capital/labour/state arrangement C Schmitter.p.of a national supersedes each sector.) . to the to dominate It leaves some degreeof autonomy attempt directly.at best. An actively therelations interventionist state often helpsto organize between thevarious It basesitsintervention as a grand sectoral organizations. warns that attached against anysuchdefinition or macrosocietal thatit becomes. themost eminent ofthetheorists Phllippe toa single is 'so narrowly ofcorporatism. arbiter or mediator on thepremise that thegovernment is theguardian of the theparochial of common interest that interests good.86 Schmitter has deviseda one-sentence coredefinition of corporatism thatis often quotedin paperson the topicand thatwill serveas the touchstone forourown use of theconcept 'Corporatism can be defined as a system of interest representation in which theconstituent units areorganized intoa limited number of singular.a business association.Yet within the statedoes not such a corporatist framework. regime-type configuration uniquelydescnptiverather than comparatively analytic' See Schmntter. enterprises or institutions thatcomprise that organization's assigned constituency. recognized or licensed (ifnotcreated) bythestate andgranted a deliberate representational monopoly their respective categories in exchange for withln observing certain on their and controls selection of leaders and articulation of demands supports' (Schmitter.30 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS perspective. hierarchically orderedand functionally differentiated categones. Most relevant in this latter respect would be the corporatist of the East Asian capitalist experiences statesthatChina increasingly is looking toward as development models. The state determineswhich organizations will be recognizedas legitimate and formsan unequal even ofsorts with The associations sometimes partnership suchorganizations. pp 93-4. 2 Many social scientists a Western have onlyemployed the term'corporatism' within liberalcapitalist context. a nationallabourunion. The New in theIbernan Dame University Corporatism Social-Political Structures World (Notre of Notre Dame Press. within each of their But to organizations respective spheres of operation. The NatureofCorporatism In an ideal-type corporatist system. 'Still the in FrednckB Pike and Thomas Stritch Century of Corporatism?'.compulsory.1974). at thenational levelthestate recognizes one and only one organization (say. moreover. get channelled intothepolicy-making and often processes help implement state on thegovernment's policy behalf. (eds). a farmers' association) as thesole representative of thesectoral interests of the individuals. ensure that thecompacts andagreements achieved at thetopgetimplemented it demands effectively.
state or called authoritarian is variously state the state. market and free has been decades. parliamentarian World ora liberal Third government. Theory Model and Socialism' [Romania]. authoritarian that comeunder arrangements of institutional types thedifferent Among suchas democracies that theside of thespectrum therubric of corporatism.4 rulein Romania. a politycan containcorporatist do not definea politicalsystem: short. Europe The Case of Poland'. and blatantly bothdemocratic of Communist certain to aspects even describe and America.CORPORATISM. Oftensuch 'representative of autonomous theemergence of pre-empting servea function organizations' control.9 (1980). pp 1-26.underthe veryactivist and conditions-of-employment ministers.EasternEuropeanPoliticsand Societies. SovietPoliticsin theBrezhnev Corporatism?'.5 a wider public for all tobe hadfrom lies what corporatism suchsocietal from endofthespectrum Attheother the of where weight corporatism. Corporatism Press. As just one example of what was clearlya corporatist and unionfederation thenational brought mostof the1980sthegovernment throughout wages national out a uniform to thetableto hammer associations thepeak employers' package called the Accord. 'Soviet Politicsin the BrezhnevEra.1990). Corporatist Polandand theSovietUnion.4.3.Ronald Dore sees this typeof the termsof agreement between consenting struck bargains institutionalized as involving corporatism andthegains interests owngroup their in an effort tobalancebetween parties interest. or Bunce and JohnM Echols III.1 (Winter in Colin Crouchand Ronald A NationMade forCorporatism?'. Party Communist be a dictatorial andat thesametime elements state. to their arebeholden of thepeakassociations theleaders in that corporatism. memberships. to dictate in a position is notdirectly andthestate notthestate.Valerie and Society.152-74. Pluralism Era (New York in Donald Kelley(ed ). betweensectors. is top-down corporatism Thewatchword ofstate organizations. 'Japan: PublicLife in British Interests Organized and Accountability Dore (eds).pp. ofgovernment coaxing 'The Corporatist Daniel Chirot. or an regime. 1980). Japan to Latin in mechanisms.corporatism the 1930s. Clarendon (Oxford: . and David Ost. Indeed. 'Towards a Corporatist vol.But in recent during governments governments under arrangements ofpolitical a broadvariety used to describe to Australia3 and from Britain undemocratic. corporatism include socialist on East European Writings no. RonaldDore.CHINA. in Australia arrangement. Solutionin PraegerPress. Eastern 1989).p. or societal to as liberal referred is often occupy and Japan Britain Australia. Under side of on the heavily lies very power decision-making may even take charge of creatingand the government corporatism.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 31 pluralism to democratic as counterpoised is usually depicted Corporatism with Fascist associated theterm was initially forces. thepower itself andmaygrant organizations all ofthecorporatist maintaining to assign and removetheirleaders at will. pp 363-81. no.
theearliest modelof East Asiandevelopment. and SouthKoreahadbeenintent. And it is very often a goal-oriented harmony. century Japan had brought a government to powerthat to anypowerful was notbeholden constituencies and thatwas determined to preserve Japanese independence through state-inspired modernization. Stateinvolvement a competitive edge forindustry . Fromthemid-1940s onward theexiled on Taiwanwas positively Kuomintang government hostile toward theisland's indigenous constituencies and interest groups.Over perceived as shallalso be seen. regardless of whether thisharmony is truly consensual or imposed from above. in East Asia Corporatism The capitalist states of East Asia fitthisscenario. guidedand spurred by a government simultaneously dedicated toenforcing political andsocialstability. Moreover. and laterTaiwan Japan. The . in adopting TheseEast Asiangovernments a common shared advantage solutions:every one of them alreadypossessed wellstate-corporatist with on theeve of organized bureaucracies established traditions. It sought to preserve its own political hegemony by keeping them weakand subordinate to thestate.including of theEast Asiancountnes Chinaof late. seekto answer is whether which thevery different of China. andexternal pressures havepushed morein thedirection of societal we will states A question that corporatism. to adopt some of the statecorporatist thathad been attnbutes beginning common to theseEast Asian neighbours. Harmony system.with systemsof thatwerelargely immune and relatively autonomous government from. And. each government in turn confronting the obstacles faced by late in securing industrializers. whether We will also investigate someof thefeatures ofsocietal that more haveemerged corporatism recently in within theEast Asiangenre of corporatism are also beginning to emerge Chinatoday.has made thiscentury has extended to thepoint of corporatism sense where the was not particular development strategy merely protectionist in nature toindustrial butaggressively export-ornented. orchestrated to servea national mission. Taiwanand South Japan.have development beenstrongly export-oriented.internal these time. hasinhented type is now authoritarianism thatis associated withCommunist Party regimes. uponrapiddevelopment.in contrast to the divisive competition andconflict entailed bypluralist of interest-group models is thecatchword ofa corporatist organization. likeChinatoday. The Meiji Restoration in nineteenth interest-group pressures. Koreaeacherected strongly structures authoritarian corporatist during periods of intensive development and amidst threats from abroad.which . their developmental pushes they were 'hard' states. solutions are aptto be sought Corporatist wartime or by regimes that during stressrapideconomicdevelopment. notably. to.32 THE AUSTRALLAN JOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS What both endsofthis corporatist spectrum holdincommon is thenotion thatorganized consensusand cooperation are needed. thepaths .
AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 33 to Koreanmilitary thatassumedpowerin Seoul in 1961 likewisesought frombelow. strategy has comprised herein their efforts to helda cultural advantage theEast Asiangovernments interests. common element of 'hardness'. Theorists as one ofthecore ofrelative state autonomy. So.see Lucian W Pye. giving primacy pervaded good was ideally to selfishness.pp 16-20 Without Labor? The Japanese T.'Corporatism Lehmbruch (eds). too. promote thesanctity ofnational heavilyfrom Japan's borrowed The East Asian modelof corporatism whentheJapanese statehad begunerecting experience earlier thiscentury. Andwhereas industrial labour unions hadbeenseenas a threat bythe weregranted formal recognition andbusiness alike.Sage.theChinese of corporatism list this a high measureof politicalautonomy. Schmitter Hills. good.as represented have not appeals. and provision of agricultural inputs. the within Chinaon theeve of theDengist Similarly. bias Justas important. The greater been viewed as equivalent of theleadership. J Pempel and Keiichi Tsunekawa.1968).CORPORATISM.250-3. the East Asian stateshave shareda cultural In the Confucianist teachingsthat to corporatist structures. with the of credit. frombecoming autonomously intheearly1900s established agricultural cooperatives government-controlled to handlethepurchase sales of produce. businesssectorwas organized through state-backed to control their memberships whichwere sanctioned decrees.someofthese government intothewar by thestatein 1941 at theexpenseof beingcooptedformally 'It was a classiccase ofstate-initiated effort: encorporatization'.CHINA. itcontrolled werehardly Communist ofChinaandthebureaucracies that Party interest groups.in PhilippeC. promotion of corporatist and sacrifice a common of state-corporatist regimes. favourable toprivate had interests all oftheEastAsiancultures. solutions. TrendsToward and Gerhard Anomaly'. Intermediation (LondonandBeverley Corporatist 7 . to sectoralpoliticalpressures remainabove and impervious economic revolution. in a consensus overseen by themoral authority manifested paternalism. them andcooptthelowerclasses.pp. 1979).to prevent corporatist structures to control the Japanese state organized. Press. can be successfully whether state corporatism ingredients determining imposed.6 reflected ina moralistic father-knows-best should be compromised and sectoral interests The notion that individual in was conducive forthegreater bya higher leadership. or non-governmental influenced by either social demands government enjoyed considerably more than in Taiwanor Korea.and East Asian governments the modemage to patriotic and'national interest' beenslowtowrap themselves inthegarb ofnationalism an appealto patriotic in their Worldwide.7 6 Mass. MIT On this.tyingthe peasantry relationship into a dependency the 1930s Japan'ssmallassociation. The Spint of ChinesePolitics(Cambridge. during government-assigned into government-aligned peak associations. For instance.
'the general managers appointed by theKMT government. The corporatist framework arguablywas least strongin termsof thebusiness sector. andbusinesspeople wereprovided withan official quotaof seatsin theNational Assembly and the Legislative Yuan. and religious exclusive and organizations. in the early 1950s enforced corporatist hierarchies upon the Taiwanese In particular populacebothas a political and economic control measure. All are registered withthe government. andconsequently associations at all levelsoperate moreas quasi-governmental institutions . the so-calledchaebols (the by a relative Tcnre. Majorgroupings suchas thefarmers.. the tookover the farmers' government associations thatthe Japanese colonial regime had established andtiedthepeasantry intoa dependency relationship withthe statethrough muchthe same provisions of servicesas had the with the farmers' in Japan.they havelittle needtolobby outside thegovernment administration' (p 57) 9 .The GreatTransition Politicaland Social Changein theRepublic of China(Stanford HooverInstitution Press.8 in regulating and controlling So.p 48 to Ibid. someof which havegrown intolargecorporations.n pniiiyl1pnt of 7nihntfrA muhncap nrtivitie.. 'Nearly all ofthese associations arehierarchical. once theyare non-competitive. p 46 Special regulatory agencieswereestablished at all levelsof government oversee these 'voluntary' the organizations As an additional measureof control.c i.9 toa tee. notto havethismultitude of independent firms coalesce in strong preferred peakassociations.9r9 fv1.rci.labour unions.n nf%rrlinite. cooperatives Theywerehierarchically structured. manyof whomwererequired to undertake regular retraining at Party schoolsto reinvigorate their loyaltyBut tight control was notthe government's The state'sadministrative treated only interest agenciessometimes the representative associations virtually as extensions ofthestate. has been controlling Taiwan'sexport-driven development spurred largely by smalland medium-sized enterprnses ownedby indigenous and thestate Taiwanese. their officeholders' input intopolicy formulation As Hung-mao Tien notes 'Many interest groupsin Taiwan thusassume quasi-governmental roles As longas thisrelation servestheassociations' interests well. these respects. In licensed other competitive groups inthesametrade arelegally prohibited'.near-powerless bodieswhosepurpose was to legitinmze ROC regime.1989). following theJapanese example. wentto considerable of the government lengths to ensurethatthe key officeholders associations wereKMT members. professionalassociations. theKuomintang government. relying on them toexecute and even soliciting government policydecisions. the statetookan activeinterest in other associations spheres of activity: Taiwan'sindustnal and commercial associations.34 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS In Taiwan. too. In contrast was powered to Taiwan. than as bodiesarticulating thefarmers' interests'. Korea'sexport-ornented development handful of largeconglomerates. workers.- 8 Hung-mao Tien. thecorporatist modeoforganization was adopted in Taiwan's legislative The state-corporatist ideal was also embedded processes.
dependent partners of what with Regardless thelaw states. 'Contradictions andLimits of a Developmental StateWithIllustrations from theSouthKorean Case'.actually 30 employees thebigger firms possesstradeunionbranches.and could easilybe induced intostatecorporatist inwhlch arrangements they wereclearly theweaker. no. LeroyP Jones Government.12 Similarly. Business. achieve this. andwas most concerned todo so with firms. 'corporatism 10 inEconomic andII Sakong.thegovernment has notbeeneagerto incorporate all suchworkers under itswing. Dragons in in Crisis(San FranciscoThe Institute of Food and Distress:Asia's MiracleEconomies Development Policy. 1990). Thatis to say. p. statist coalition. Social Problems (May 1993).221.1I andthestate madesurethat therecognized union was controlled from abovebytheKMT. andthus weredependent on government-owned in a muchweaker banks They weretherefore position thantheJapanese zaibatsu. giventhe 13In both tointervene intheir power thecorporatist operations.1980). in 1963 Korea introduced all unionsto be legislation requiring legallyrecognized by thegovernment and stipulating thattheywereto be unified under a single union eachindustrial with thestate for sector. labour was largely excluded from unlikethe populist variant of some Latin American representation. 'Bashiniandai de Taiwanlaodonggongyun de fenxi' [Taiwan'sLabourMovement inthe1980s. University of California Press. WorldPolitics. 'The Rise of Bureaucratic Authoritarianism in South Korea'. pp 293-6. Eun Mee Kim. Mass Harvard University Press.CHINA.National Taiwan University.p.thestatewas intent uponkeeping industrial labour docile.1990). corporatism.1989). 1991) l 12 FredericC. In theEast quiescent Asianmodelof state in short.307 The chaebols differed from Japan's zaibatsuin that they havenotcontrolled their ownbanks. Deyo. pp. Governing theMarket EconomicTheory and theRole of Government in East Asian Industrialization (PrincetonPrinceton University Press. In bothTaiwanand Korea.246-7.and in bothcountries turned principally to corporatist levers to In Taiwan.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 35 and orchestrated by government bureausin a system of statecorporatist 10 arrangements. 13 .vol 39. p 50. onlyabout one-third of theenterprises morethan . countries.Analysis andProcesses) ofStructures (MA thesis.118.CORPORATISM.p. See Li theworkforce ofthelargest .generally . Hung-mao Tien. peak unionfederations werekeptineffectually and inactive.also see RobertWade. also Hyug Baeg Im. states wherepre-existing labourunionswerevoluntarily incorporated intoa proIn contrast. theEast Asiannewly economies industrializing in themould ofwhat one analyst ofcorporatism describes (NIEs) werefirmly as common to the'bureaucratic-authoritarian where is the state'.jiegou yu guozheng Jian-chang. Walden Bello and StephanieRosenfeld. Beneath the Miracle: Labor Subordination in the New Asian Industrialism (Berkeley. andEntrepreneurship DevelopmentThe KoreanCase (Cambrndge. The Great Transition. thelabour oneandonlyoneunion lawsstipulated that was to operate in all enterprises with thirty ormore employees.2 (July1987).
14 In thepastdecade. Taiwan Beyondthe EconomicMiracle (ArmonkM E Sharpe. These complex arrangements depend upon a very stable long-term working relationship withthe statebureaucracy. In 'Japan.a number of unions werealso able topry themselves loose from thestate's grip . Similarly social and politicalchange duringthe 1970s and 1980s.In Taiwanrecently. The Kuomintang administration has beenseeking to emulate Japan's Liberal Democratic Party by actively shaping liberal-corporatist patronage systems tohelpsustain designed theKMT inpower inthefaceofrecurrent elections. combinedwithpressures fromincreasingly assertive constituencies. So.in the midstof rapideconomic. seeking greater autonomy all thewhilethat they wanted continued helpfrom thestateAndwith Korea'sentry into a semi-democratic era during thelatter halfof the1980s. progress withthesuspension of martial law in 1987. Authoritarianism and Corporatism in LatinAmerica(Pittsburgh of University Pittsburgh Press. the government had to compromise theauthoritarian nature ofthecorporatism it was imposing.' today the peak associations of thelargecorporations interact in a highly corporatist fashion with government ministries. A somewhat similar transition from state tosocietal corporatism is nowin in Taiwanand Korea.'Corporatism andtheQuestion M Malloy of theState'. independent New patterns of government control that areemerging takethisintoaccount. butwithin a largely voluntary framework.p. political for 'space' hasbeenopened sectoral toexert groups greater influence and to securegreater freedom from top-down government intervention. and trade associations.1977). 'The LaborMovement in Taiwan A Retrospective and Prospective Look'. It is a transformation that Japan effected almost half a century ago in the wake of the Second World War. and with the introduction of meaningful electionsfor the LegislativeYuan. esp pp 155-6. unions15increasingly are dependentupon membership support and stake outpositions increasingly from thesupervisory officialdom.in James (ed ). have combined to pushbothTaiwanand Koreain a decidedly societal corporatist direction. see Hsin-Huang MichaelHsiao.Inc. as well as theprior statecorporatist relationship. shifts in economic and political priorities. professional the peak industrial associations.'6 A newconservative similar toJapan's party 14 Guillermo O'Donnell.36 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS mainmechanism linking thestate to thepopular sector in order to guarantee itsexclusion'. 15 On thisshift toward societalcorporatism in union-state relations. accorded by Japan's de factostatus as a single-party state ruled from theearly1950suntil 1993bytheLiberal Democratic Party. both toward labour andthechaebols.69. too.with thesubsequent legalization ofopposition parties. until recently. in SouthKorea. in Dennis Simon and Michael Kau (eds).1992).166 16 The chaebolshad grown largeand prosperous enough to beginmanoeuvring to change thebalancein their corporatist relationship with government. and thiswas strengthened by the stability.however.
Mao finally lost patience manoeuvres andduring to putflesh on thebonesofthecorporatist structures. providing betweenthe Partycentreand the assignedconstituencies: by top-down of workers and peasants forincreased mobilization transmission. Taiwan's polity comprised a one-party state.as in Taiwan. Formost ofthis period. corporatist Duringthe periodof Lenin's rule in Russia. regardless of whether theyare of theauthoritarian or societalvariety. with today is governed by a powerful webof Party andgovernment officials.management andworkers. Therewas to be no 'space' for eventhesmalldegree . theyare instead institutional mechanisms in the service ofgovernments andparticular sectoral constituencies.and Japan was and is a parliamentary democracy. do notdefine any politicalsystem anywhere. corporatism toserve the purposesof the present Koreanand Taiwan governments better thanthe authoritarian corporatism ofearlier decades. China based. in thepages all thetrappings It should of a Leninist regime. leadership promptly slappedthem withthesesporadic dismissed theirleaderships. the last decade of his rule he dissolvedthe peak labourunionfederation of autonomy altogether.CORPORATISM. and by bottom-up transmission.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 37 LiberalDemocratic Party was cobbled together andnowholdspower. During periods whencorporatist federation to organizations suchas thepeakunion attempted their members' out their functions carry ostensible by transmitting upward downand Mao and theParty grievances. had followed suitwhenit came to and theChineseParty three Thisborrowed modelwas premised on the decadeslater. thismodel. that corporatist arrangements. production on behalfof the nation'scollective good.societalcorporatist linkages to variousconstituencies are being theruleof a democratically-elected cemented to perpetuate one-party state. corporatist sectoral agencies suchas industrial unions andpeasant associations weretoserve as 'transmission belts' a two-way conduit (or whatin China is called the 'mass line'). the into theframework of Bolshevik administration hadbuilt structures corporatist the Sovietstate. though.CHINA. ofcourse. wereall united toestablish a Within prosperous socialism. ofcomparative liberalization under up. opinion Mao during the1950s. Russian power notion thata harmony of interests in a socialist state:that prevailed leaders inthemission andled. Korea's was militaryFor itspart. directives camedownthrough butconstituent anddemands werenotallowedto percolate structure. articulation rights In reality. under both Stalin andMao thenotion ofsucha twothe waycorporatist structure becamea charade. ChineseStyle Corporatism era Chinaalready Even before theadvent of Deng and thereform possessed structures. and. be remembered are that followthat it is onlywithin thiscontext that mechanisms corporatist in Chinaas a meansto promote new political to be utilized and beginning economic goals. ofgrassroots andinterests. GiventheJapanese societal canbe expected example. It must be reiterated.
p.194-218 See. like the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce. 'Prospects forCivil Society'. to organizations fordifferent economicsectors. and public-affairs cultural organizations. fromthe opposite China in this sense approaches statecorporatism direction as the East Asian NIEs: not as a mechanism for yet further butrather thestate'sgripovertheeconomy and oversociety. 17 19 associations.esp pp 225-9 in Gordon On thenumbers within andrange one city.a sortof proto-corporatism did exist in place when.70-6. China's QuietRevolutionState New Interactions between and Society(Melbourne. ChinaDaily. too. RidingtheTiger The Politicsof Economic Reform in Post-MaoChina(Stanford Stanford University Press. quickly gaining a representative authority within government channels that they never hadbeenabletohopefor under Mao.1(October 1989).theunion federation othercorporatist bodies thathad not been functioning.pp 114-36 20 . mechanisms to bridge thegaps in control that werethereby created. pp. 'State and Peasant in Post-Revolution China'. in form if not in essence.Jonathan Unger.1. throughout Mao's rule. see GordonWhite.400national had been associations and branch approved by thegovernment. 1994).in addition totheproto-corporatist ofthecommand-economy organizations era.no. see thedetailed discussion White.600associations organizations were registered withprovincial authorities. and morethan 160.7 May 1993.thepaperalso appearsin David Goodman and Beverley Hooper(eds).18 registered These rangein naturefromscience & to technology associations.esp pp. Journal ofPeasantStudies.17. strengthening thereverse. to health.as the Chinesestatemovedfurther to freeup the economy and to relaxdirect Party it neededadditional controls oversociety. As of 1993.38 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS implied by statecorporatism. for example. thesystem loosened up sufficiently for thestate corporatist andthe organizations tobegin tooperate as such.a large number of new associations were createdto serve as corporatist intermediaries and agents.3 On thisphenomenon.17 were allowed to reviveas peak organizations. social welfare.1993). vol. Thus.The formal structures werealready after Mao's death. Duringthe 1980s. a mechanism couldbe loosened.000were at the countylevel. Onlythe'transmission belt' organizations that contained absolutely no potential for mischief-making wereallowedto persist in skeletal shape. 19. Yet. 18 19 This organization had been founded in 1953 as thecorporatist forprerepresentative 1949businessmen butsubsequently hadbecome under Mao During the1980s moribund itsmembership climbed sharply tomore than half a million. LongmanCheshire/New York St Martin'sPress. It which thestate's through grip a shift from a Party that represents command system dominated directly (for whichthatfreighted word'totalitarian' was arguably accurate)20 to one that In thlsearly dominates partly through surrogates (authoritarian corporatist).So. sports.
as time passesan increasing number ofassociations taking on an identity from thestate. similarly In noting ofassociations in the theemergence 'space' that they helptocreate.22 21 6 May 1993. it is necessary to drawa dividebetween theassociations andthegovernment so that they can function A problem normally'. organizations.morelocally. andordered one andonlyone couldbe legally soccerteamin the one national whenfansof a popular associationAnd. Renmin ribao[People'sDaily](domestic of that whentwoorganizations adhere to this regulation So rigidly does thegovernment emerged on thescenedunngthe 1980s.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 39 themainactors in theseassociations stage.Statecorporatism. a associational we contend. Thatis. PRC. (Bothexamples ) from Gordon White 22 . incharge official ofregistering China'snewassociations The topChinese has notedthat'on theone handtheestablishment of government organs to supervise theassociations ought tobe strengthened. need to be officially associations. majority ofthem currently bythestate much the same tightmanneras the state in Taiwan used to control All Chineseassociations. needtomerge. of all types. whether eventheterm 'state embrace hasbeenso tight as tocall into question Yet in a great other is warranted. andon theother. and onlyone organization each sectoral all ofthese wereestablished Almost associations constituency. Thiscan be observed incomparative theChinese associations byviewing in The great arecontrolled perspective. in order to realizethestate'smacro-control of associations. someChinaspecialists haveascribed thisgrandly to theriseof a civil in But suchan analytical assumes toomuch society. recognized andthat thetwoclubswouldaccordingly neededto be legally communication arefrom a personal sinceonlyone couldbe recognized. this creations through all-embracing interference.Beijingdecreedthat calligraphy connoisseurs merge into that they therefore registered. as sectoral representatives somewhat separate is nottheonlyframework thatsocial scientists in Corporatism employ that stand between examining thephenomenon of intermediate organizations as conceived and state andsociety. when instructed fromon-highto help establishcorporatist associations. provides more accurate description ofwhat hasbeenemerging there.p 3 edition). corporatism' many cases. framework independence lifein Deng's China. in many cases what is thecentre beingwitnessed is a gradual devolution ofpower from that widens theoperational spaceofsomeoftheexisting bureaucracies andso-called mass than rather theriseofindependent associations. often arebureaucracies that stake outclaimstorepresent assigned constituencies. byGramsci focuses on an intermediary levelof associations and on the others. organized themselves intotwofanclubsencompassing cityof Shenyang spontaneously thateven fan clubs demanded thecityauthorities two different social constituencies. as shallbe seen havebegun below. for is recognized as therepresentative registered. have sometimesbeen temperamentally inclinedto follow the government's autocratic traditions and their owncareer experience and to smother thenew In at least some cases.21 hereis that theParty and statebureaucracies.CORPORATISM.CHINA. The notion ofa 'civilsociety'.
In thislast respect. State- and level downwards. requisite business by theChinesestate. esp (Beijing pp 43-69 Also see White. Thus. As hadbeenthecase inTaiwan. government policylinesto their policyand in communicating thepolicyduring in thePRC evenhaveinputs Some specialist associations arm of a consultative making process. leaderships agencies.the appointed are selectedby the government. which was satisfied WangYing. they obtain their when Labourers' Association members oftheSelf-Employed ofall theoperations permit. efforts corporatist inChinathan hadbeentrue ofTaiwan. 'Prospects for CivilSociety'. corporatist is economy of theChinese Similar to Taiwan. toward industry. much as if they constitute stateIn all of these respects.23 organizations.Zhe Xiaoyeand Sun Bingyao. from thenational own initiative. their arecoming torecognize beensuggested. climate political Moreover.as shallbe seenin somedetailbelow. central state.muchof theexport towns. these are quintessentially government. too. Andas government postsin therelevant frequently holdconcurrent public in implementing assist thegovernment in Taiwan. these associations as has already clients oftheir assigned ownorganizational andthebottom-up wishes interests within these toward greater 'space' towork and. stronger newcorporatist geterected structures sametime that these Yet at thevery are at workthat and firmed forces simultaneously up by theChinesestate. county on in Koreahad centred from suchfirms. Whereas thecorporatist structures were which domination handful oflarge conglomerates thestate's ofa relative has been state theChinese theKorean economy. on thegovernment's membership is obligatory.as shallbe seen. of themoreimportant fora number become of small businessesautomatically the proprietors For instance. associations themoresuchcorporatist morethat theeconomy decentralizes. 23 corporatist linkages vis-a'-vis small and medium-sized industry. associations. of as the representatives number of the associations have been designated a market less andless is dominated constituencies that for that bythe produce in the looser ofthe1980sand 1990s. comprised boomderives and in Chinaas in Taiwan. thefastest growing sector locatedin of a multitude of smalland medium-sized often firms. though. esp pp 70-86 .the controls overtheeconomy.areobtaining thecorporatist framework. a For a start.40 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS are accordingly in intent if not effect. Zhongguo shehui zhongjian ceng. 1993).gaige yu Zhongguode shetuanzuzhi [The Intermediary Level of ChineseSociety Reform and China'sAssociational Organizations] Zhongguo fazhan chubanshe. as substitute get established weak relatively differs to maintain fromTaiwan. and weakenthecentral undermine state'spowersoverthem. much as hadTaiwan.theassociations memberships. allowedin turn to dominate a wide netsover very rangeof to cast a loose skeinof corporatist seeking state sectors. China control mechanisms.and their are subsidized associations of theimportant leaders Indeed.The Chinese andnon-economic economic in the midstof loosening its own directadministrative does so.
andWing1990.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 41 (i) levelsof organization: at twodifferent thesetrends We shallanalyse organizedat a national level.CHINA. the essay also appearsin Goodmanand or Corporatism9'.p 3. locallevels.16 April1988. in Taiwanandin Korea.162-93. Trade Chinese in Participation'.p. and Unionsin China's Market yue Leung.taking interests.25 their welfare state of weekfortheemployees fora 5-dayworking channels government within in sharp contrast totheEastAsianmodel stand Theseefforts state enterprises. of the in other of industry remain underthe ownership sectors enterprises ministries and thediktat of theindustrial and stillcome under central state.24 to workers' new legislation thatpertain the ChineseState Councildecreedthat proposalby the unionfederation.pp 2-4. based on a interests.CORPORATISM. example.which in pre-war as observed Japan.'Chinese ribao. Resource Socialism(Hong Kong Asia Monitor proposed also unsuccessfully thefederation of livingby inflation. peak mechanisms corporatist and on theregional thatcentre institutions and (ii) corporatist corporatism.To counteract Centre.is large a third vital participant. bureaus of a socialist thedirect from in favour this offreeing industry thegovernment levelswithin corporatist it intoa moreindirect and of shifting gripof the bureaucracy 24 in Beijingin 1991. Smashingthe Iron Rice Pot: Workers the 1988). China'sQuietRevolution. Chan. Progress TradeUnionsMakeFresh Wei Feng. were administrative organs itself andall relevant theStateCouncil henceforth to on matters relating meetings to permit the unionsto takepartin their status. besides unionfederations andjustaboutall ofthelargest industry Almost all ofChina'sheavy industry. to protect designed As of theearly1990sit was pushing withln enterprises. of corporatism. that is. of itscorporatist advantage further In 1987. (i) Peak Corporatism is evident at the constituency to an assigned to seemresponsive The effort had existed that level amongsome of theold 'mass' organizations national the unionfederation. erosionof standards from to inflation. Hooper. See Anita withACFTU officials based on interviews Information p. be indexed (Information incomes during the 1980sthat severaltimes Committee of theExecutive a member August 1991with in Beijingduring an interview ) TradeUnionFederation oftheAll-China 25 . anxiousbothto retain in the to participate in its requests has been increasingly assertive status. 'Revolution pp. way at high command But a pushis under economy.121.Also see Gongren November Unions.53. thepeak trade under Mao. representation economies inWestern ofthecorporatist arrangements In most discussions and the state. workers' ofproposals a wholeseries to theStateCouncil theunion tendered federation to protect legislation workers' including specific nghts. up and in drawing directives that goes intoadministrative internal bargaining In 1985. them from in order to exclude anygenuine unions had incorporated industrial orinput. As one important itsown belowand to enhance support from ACFTU.
including domestic and foreign trade.7.a powerful body underthe State Council.p. Zhu Rongjireportedly declared that he had MITI explicitly in mind. Ji. p46 In an addressto the Shanghai delegation at theCongress. theState Commission for Reform ofthe EconomicSystem(Tigaiwei). . proposedin 1992 thatthe industrial ministries be abolished.5 (1992) (We are indebted to Dr You Ji forshanng have this largely journalwithus ) Whilediscussions been proceeding behind closed doors. The steelmillswouldno longer be to theminutiae of government decrees butrather to indirect guidance subject plans emanating a government from agencysimilar to Japan'sMinistry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) [arguably the Tigaiweiitself] and mediated bytheSteelIndustry Association.29 January 1993.26 As one example. mostspecifically 'an economicplanning commission and trade commission'[read MITI].Deputy who holds special responsibility for economicreform. Party Congress 1992.(This latter information derives from an interview conducted by Dr You Ji in Beijing. with their responsibilities and leadingpersonnel shifted to an association for each industry.) . and thereare no industrial ministries and in none of the cities are thereindustrial bureaus .27 Atthe14th inOctober Premier ZhuRongji.42 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS relationship with government. thepresent leaders oftheIronandSteelMinistry wouldbe shifted overinstead to filltheleadership ranks oftheSteelIndustry Association.28 The PartyCongress 26 This information denvesfrom interviews conducted in Beijingin late 1992 by Dr You ofCanterbury.University New Zealand. February 1993. no. province to have severaltensof industrial The management of each industry ought to be gradually shifted from the handsof stateorgansand intothehandsof non-state [minjian] associations oftrade/industrial organs . towhom we areindebted One strong indication thatthisproposalwas explicitly modelledon MITI and the in a policypaperby theChineseEnterpnse Japanese tradeassociations is contained Reform and Development Research Bureau(Zhongguo qiye gaige yu fazhan yanjiuhui xueshu bu). It needsto be considered it is necessary forour whether central government to possessseveraltensof industrial departments and forevery bureaus . 27 28 Jiushiniandai [The Nineties].a government think-tank closelyalliedtotheTigaiwei In Japan. likethevanouskinds This quote denves froma classified for the Chinese journal publishedexpressly leadership. In fact. Enterprise Reform Communique (Qiye gaigetongxun). that 'government bureaus be abolished and replaced by commissions' (san bu she wei).advocacyfortheproposalalso appeared in the in an article in Jingl rnbao trademinister publicmedia. themanagement of industry.mostforcefully by a former [Economic Daily]. . whose executive committee would also includethe heads of or so largest Chlna's fifteen steelfirms.all falls underthe responsibility of MITI. accordingly. openlyproposed.
theMinistry of . China News Digest.with theannouncement that sevenof China'sindustrial ministries wereto be abolished. the Henceforth. abolished fourteen in their industrial bureaus and installed place fourteen corporatist industnal associations.CORPORATISM. recent private entrepreneurs The most activity sponsored all three on collective towhich bytheILO was a workshop bargaining parties in equal numbers. officially is to represent LabourBureauis to represent thestate. this type ofschema was adopted at thenational level. It was apparent that theofficials felt they werespeaking toan in-group. withthe in control but firmly Yet it has already government indirectly of affairs. withall three But interviews speak from organizations Beijingdunng1994enableus to detect three distinct voices. Jingjiribao. Thisinformation comesfrom visits totheILO Beijing andthe office. absorb in thefuture. and at leasttwoof these.citing Japan midEconomicTimes. in recent stateenterprises have been becomeapparent yearsthatprofitable theleverage of their own interests. and when gaining to be moreprotective in industrial it can be expected that willbe bandedtogether associations they and thattop-down better to collectively assertthemselves state positioned willsteadily controls diminish. information also basedon ourown interviews in Beijingduring 1993. Zhu Rongji'spolitical bastion. 17 March 1993. during 1992 thecityof Shanghai.12 October 1992.The interviews with thesevarious officialswere quite frankand open. rather than toan out-group. theLabourBureau.but the proponents of this system of commissionsand corporatist associations were already their implementing organizational plansat lowerlevels. seeking thelatter's advice the unionfederation the workers. and a newly-created government's known as theChlnese Association organization Enterpnse Directors' (CEDA) is to represent Chinese in CEDA for thetime employers. national unionand CEDA headquarters in May 1994.Thiscan bestbe 29 Jingji ribao.in a major pushforward.CHINA. 'to enabletheenterprises to provide forthemselves within their own associations andto takeon theresponsibility andcapacity to coordinate their ownindustry'. 30 31 . whoaskedthequestions. in that we were accompaniedby academic researchers from thePRC. all three sentrepresentatives wouldsay that Cynics parties in thesame mouth.AND THE EAST ASLANMODEL 43 cautiously endedup deferring such a decision.29 In March1993.30 federations This is clearly intended to be a state-corporatist arrangement.31 Membership being is heldmainly of big state butCEDA has plansto by managers enterpnses.p 2. corporatist without the Chinesegovernment Already. 11 March 1993.were Light Industries andtheMinistry ofTextiles transformed into directly ofassociations. It has established tripartite corporatist working relationship with theILO's Beijing office. any publicity actuallyhas theInternational of a LabourOrganization's basic principle quietly accepted in industrial a structure relations.p 2.For example.
while to them a mechanism granting sectors incorporating theeliteofthese To channels. on behalf oftheir within corporatist constituencies provide input of access to in addition further to thenormal 'transmission belt' routes thls.esp. aretheso-called Democratic associations under the 'united handmaidens to theParty timesthathad been powerless Party was. of theinterests future decades. 1987). have also been white-collar the high-level constituencies Separately.1989). Kuomnntang Chinese. of these The most important representation. Chinaat Forty (Oxford: Oxford University Press. peasants orsoldiers.Each Democratic for one to serveas a representative a specific socialgrouping: to recruit from and scientists.'The Challenge to theSocial Fabric'.before finally beingpassed in 1994. another the doctors. specifically the technocrats another high-level intellectuals. arestill vetted bytheCommunist andpurposes their leaderships and ofcoopting thememberships arekept selective. AnitaChan.andtheeighth.33 recruiting workers. assigned front' policyof Mao's day.chs7 & 8. E. theEconomic on behalf arguing developing theeconomy charged with other bureaucracies an and theLabourBureautaking of enterpnse management. their sectoral theofficialdom.the Taiwaneseand people withformer the inall. viewsby wayof consultative hadexisted on Taiwan. and James Seymour. with theintention highly . Party. areallowedto promote Parties theDemocratic selection corporatist which employ assemblies. China'sSatellite Parties (Armonk M. lesserextent 32 theLabourLaw had gonethrough some One consequence of suchnegotiating was that thirty drafts during a fifteen-year process. under state industry.In both similar to what in thelegislatures mechanisms Conference (CPPCC) and to a the ChinesePeople's PoliticalConsultative of a disproportionate number theNational People's Congress.in David Goodman andGeraldSegal (eds). 33 . the overseas and yet others another school teachers. connections.81-3.32 anda peaktrade-union industnal associations corporatist possible to envisage in theconditions ofwork negotiating theaegisofthestate. restricted from all intents Butfor Under havebeenreinvigorated. Deng. This information is basedon a 1994 interview with a national union official whoserved as a representative fortheunionon theLabourLaw Drafting Committee. National Construction Democratic areall specifically Parties TheseDemocratic industrialists andbusinesspeople.and stillis. organization.44 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS thedrafting during in thethree that wereadopted different positions illustrated having successfully of theLabourLaw of 1994. assigned peak corporatist residues from pre-revolution Parties. His account was draft of the confirmed by theLabourBureauofficial who was responsible forthefirst law.pp. theTradeCommission Planning benefits.theeight parties In turn.withtheunionfederation an uphillbattleto securelegal protection forworkers' rights and fought andthe Commission.it becomes toward Lookingforward intermediary position. Sharpe. areeight Democratic Parties There ofthese so-called for private is reserved Association.
000members 4 per morethan levels. 34 News]. Democratic of China's eight Parties.fear that anysystem ofdemocratic elections wouldputChina'sdestiny intothehandsof a peasant majority illequippedto vote sensibly: farbetter to open government channels to the .105-30. As of 1986.itseems. Chinain theNinetiesCrisisManagement theProtest Unger.n 47.CHINA. Nor.1991). Movement Class Accents and Class Tensions'. are the greatmajority of Chlna's intellectuals and students. If thatwas the pro-'democratic' the mostpopularcounterposition.4-7.8 March Conference Consultative zhengxie bao [People'sPolitical See Renmin this.generally educated elitist to thecore.their adviceand influence of thewell educated own kind.also The Pro-Democracy in China(Armonk: Protests pp.35 China's urban .meaning that andprovincial andCPPCC deputies at thenational members had been assignedas delegatesto high-level Party cent of all Democratic 1986 (Beijing: Xinhua officialforumsSee People's Republicof China Yearbook. the All-ChlnaFederation of Industry & Commerce joined the Democratic Partiesas a constituent member of the Most of the intellectuals and entrepreneurs who occupysuch seats as delegates from thesecorporatist associations support further economicand . rather weredemanding government that and recognition peoplecould form control their ownrepresentative The protesters associations. fora listof thenumbers p 131. 6.p.forinstance.outof the also see James Seymour.butthey political reforms usually arenotpro-democracy.'The Social oftheintellectuals andstudents see. in Jonathan in Chongqing: Unger(ed. 'Voices from and AnitaChanandJonathan Press. pp.1.). chubanshe). M. sectoral representation to China'sgrowing body of pnvate entrepreneurs. to a societal corporatism inwhich they couldchoosetheir ownleadership andsettheir ownagendas. E Sharpe.900 sat as People's Congress 160. whichits adherents argument the late Eighties. the thattheyinitiated: Beijing Autonomous Students'Association and the Beijing Autonomous Workers' Federation.1991).pp. To theextent a structural thattheyweredemanding in thepolitical itwas toeffect a shift change system.CORPORATISM. student in theso-calledDemocracy protesters Movement of 1989 werenot of multi-party callingfora system basedon universal but elections suffrage.pp 106-26.On ofdelegates to theCPPCC from 1988.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 45 seatsgetreserved therepresentatives for ofthese Democratic Parties.142-3. 35 . this encapsulated desirein the verytitlesof thegroups forexample.through an expansion ofthepower andprestige ofcorporatist forums suchas theCPPCC and through Even the greater independence for theirown organizations. China's Satellite Partlies.in David Goodmanand Gerald of theTiananmen Originsand Consequences Clarendon and Beyond (Oxford: Segal (eds). amongintellectuals during CPPCC.34 In the in a bidto givefurther mnd-1980s. On thebeliefs Anita Chan. each group. Crisis'.
much operate as thecentral a holdoverthe state retains A county-level peak associations. thecounty branch oftheWomen's Federation is also administratively beholden to thehigher levels of theFederation. During someperiods thelocal association branches werepredominantly under theswayofthetop-down hierarchy that culminates in thepeak-level associations. city. The provincial government or.byputting a powerand promote stability together theLDP hadachieved societal-corporatist structure similar to what patronage inJapan and. Women'sFederation forinstance. instructions from Overthepastseveral therelative decades. theParty itself national on a newbasis. balanceinthis system of 'dualleadershlp'. In it receives twosetsof masters short. Beijingjingjixueyuan . 1989).the lower layerof regionalgovernment a small province. when theproper distant time came to shift away from wouldbe able to retain authoritarianism. comesunder thedirect leadership ofthecounty government andcounty-level committee. Party Butat thevery sametime. what TaiwanandSouth Koreahadaccomplished Each successively in China .46 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS entitled 'newauthoritarianism'. 'New authoritananism' explicitly lookedeastward to theexpenence ofTaiwanand SouthKoreaand southward to Singapore and proclaimed thatChlna needed a transitional 'developmental' periodof strong government (albeit one thatwould pay serious attention to the corporatist forumsof specialists and other intellectuals). as theChinese call it. whichin turn werecontrolled by thecentral (it) Regional Corporatism 36 'New authoritarianism' hadbeenpushed hard dunng1988-89byintellectuals associated with think-tanks that the'reformist' Party Secretary Zhao Ziyanghadestablished But it also won supporters amongsomeof theliberal dissidents (suchas thewriter Dai Qing) and amongsomemembers of theParty's 'conservative' whoin theaftermath faction. Xin quanweizhuyi contained [New Authoritananism] (Beijing: chubanshe. of the Beijing massacre pushed a similar platform that its critics dubbed 'new conservatism' A goodselection ofarticles on 'newauthoritarianism' both proandcon is in Liu Junet al (eds). Thisphasewouldlastuntil Chlna'seconomic development had progressed to thepoint that and a wellthe'peasant problem' was resolved educated urban middle in this classhadgrown numerically important Implicit 'newauthoritarianism' argument was that.has been in flux.at a lowerlevel.more recently. branch.36 posited that China'seconomic development was at tooearly a stageto warrant suchliberalization.thecityor overtheassociations county government currently holdscorporatist leverage that at itsownlevel. andvillage increasingly county. townshlp comprises empire that holdslevers ofcontrol andactivities overtheorganizations withln its own borders.
His in Yunnanprovince dunngfieldwork ruraltownship wealthy incomefromthe was gaininga verysubstantial township administration in new investing was actively and from thlsincome of mnnerals. framework.pp 15-45 no 18 (July Affairs.37 (March 1992).was greater organizations.CHINA. In short. Also see JeanOi's excellent Press).CORPORATISM. Mixed Economyin China'. ofChinese Journal TheAustralian Reform'.And in this and tax revenues. upon higher and become less dependent theirown economicresources operations. government tohistownship overwhelmingly rural Theheadofan impoverished a second illustration. Administrative Rural China titled book.38 their littlecorporatist constituencies thatlie within there existfewor no major thecase in regions and localeswhere especially government.Int-c nrivnte entrenr&-neirc and Il cAlllctivae eniternrises havi their own 37 in Jonathan of seesawing shifts is contained Unger.Property Transition of Market Dynamics 'Organizational vol. Thls at the expenseof hlgher balliwicks in their associations of a secretary by theParty terms messagewas dnvenhometo us in explicit in 1988. In contrast stands within services all of thepublic in Yunnan noted to us that almost township For that levelsof government.they levels for financinglocal government government controlover the have been gaininggreatercorporatist simultaneously authorities. rivalsto it: for Butthey are also at times state. he said. ownedandoperated by thecentral directly industrial enterpnses The. within a corporatist On this alliance of local interests and Rights. of thecentral and surrogates forexample. the including services. andParty leadership. neweducational endowing generously very enterpnses. Science Quarterly.'The An analysisof thissystem of Branchesvs Areas vs The Conflict to DictateChina's Administration. by higher thetownship had to be subsidized ofthese the over personnel organs higher government theinfluence of reason. HybndForms.although secretary and thenext ofboththetownship the'dual control' cameunder associations looked all of thelocal organizations in reality levelsof government. associations activitiesof the corporatist the personnel of the technically was adamantthat. he who than hls own influence.3. during other state.37 direct power ofthelocalareas'government of decentralized policies in support state'spresent Underthe central control over greater have gamned as local leaderships economicinitiatives. paysthepiper are andregions in thewealthier districts associations Thatthecorporatist oflittle is sometimes orlocalauthonties to theregional beholden increasingly serveas agents normally administrations in that thelocal government import. and of the associations and connivance depend upon the solid support This seems empires. government of other theexpansion and bankrolling The Party withinits terntory. ofCalifornia University (Berkeley: forIndustrialization Incentives TakesOff: 38 . higher for guidance. see VictorNee.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 47 the camemore under thelocalassociation branches periods. exploitation andwelfare facilities. callsthetune.tentatively forthcoming esp p. Struggle 1987). control of economic resources seem able to normally the regionalor local authorities toing-and-froing.
ina little butitis also engaging . therefore. and new tensions (as well as new patronage/dependency relationships) areemerging between suchconstituencies andthelocalpolitical authorities whooversee them.plustheICB's justpolitical in promoting interest has often economic reform. With economicliberalization. citiessomeofthe local branches oftheSelf-Employed Labourers' Association (theorganization for small and mediumbusinesspeople) reportedly have begun reacting albeit to theseexpectations and pressures of their positively memberships. the ICB is indeed implementing policy. nationaland local corporatist arrangements uneasilyco-exist. in thesmaller associations As justone example. itis notlikely to entail a coherent setofcorporatist machinery that can be readily coordinated at thetopin Beijingthrough a webofpeaknational associations. at inopposite times pulling directions. This positive bureaucratic responseis reinforced by the desiresof the organization's administrators to widentheir own organizational and interests prerogatives vis-a-vis higher-level authorities. empire-building The ICB uses [theSelf-Employed Labourers' Association] topublicize government of private and to assist in the policingand taxation policies and regulations. in the considerable amount of private initiative is emerging and semi-private richerdistricts. similarto some of the peak corporatist in Beijing. that localgovernments havetheroom topursue their own interests. who has conducted and Commerce research a local branch of theIndustry grassroots involving Bureau (ICB) and the local Self-Employed Labourers' Associationit observes: established. At thevery sametime. the associations are branches under from belowtorepresent andlobby on behalf coming increasing pressure of theirassignedconstituencies. totheextent Rather. At times. As Susan Young. In short. theassociation has to offer morethan education This. has meant that theAssociation . thecurrent scenario is further complicated bythe fact that a local or regional its government notonlymanoeuvres to safeguard is prerogatives and resources thestateabove it. it appearsthatlocal corporatism works against thestate andagainst thepeaklevelcorporatist associations. The ICB has beenright behind reforms which divert steadily moreactivity to the market In manyof its theplan (its own sphereof junsdiction) away from activitiesto develop the privatesector .butsimultaneously vis-ai-vis also wrestling to retain its powersand control overresources vis-a'-visthe a very enterpnses and citizenry below it. evenifcorporatist instruments continue todevelop in China. to some extent.it is dependent on pnvate entrepreneurs themselves to assistit in controlling to attract thepnvatesector In order them. thetiesofsubordination Thus. businesses Thus.48 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS reasons to support theirlocal associations and governments againstthe encroachments of thecentral state: an allianceof interests on behalf of local protectionism. within the constraints imposed by thecorporatist framework.notwithstanding thatbind association to the local authorities.
In June intervention. and the Self-Employed Association remains totally a top-down play-thing of themunicipal-district Bureau. during May-June 1993 This information derives from our own extensive interviewing with Bureauofficials andpnvate Beijingshopkeepers. in Goodmanand Susan Young. China'sQuietRevolution. of from theBeijingbranch Information based on interviews in mid-1993 with officials theFederation. of 1993. 'PrivateEntrepreneurs and Evolutionary 'Entrepreneurs and Hooper.andother major newspapers. Also see Ole Odgaard.TheAustralian Journal of Chinese Affairs. thesenew will be one degreefurther from direct removed organizations government it bothlocal and state. thecorporatist in the 1950s forpre-revolution association thatinitially had been founded For example. The inaugural convention in Taiyuan.and thecity-level launched them in People's It wroteand successfully inserted articles behalf. and brought together wealthy businesspeople and Federation officials fromthroughout the country. . theAll-China An dominance. as theonlyforeign asked to addresstheassemblage The new association plansto of a hundred delegates. was theinauguration and.pp.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL is potential actedas a genuine advocate for private entrepreneurs. lauding Daily. [T]here forit . Withthe Federation as intermediary. 1992). it owns 28 profit-making companiesand publishesits own successful newspaper.42 Under sympathetic government auspices. as a deliberate strategy.41 Federation of Industry and Of all of China'sassociations. One of us attended personage present. 39 Change'. come underits umbrella. of a nationalPrivateEnterprise Research sponsoredthe establishment Association.Economic Daily. a delegation of newly richBeijingentrepreneurs businessmen. thestatus entrepreneurs for them to have any similarinfluence on the Bureau's city-level officials. Shanxi.40 But havebeenabletoturn totheBeijingcity-level thelarger private entrepreneurs oftheAll-China ofIndustry offices Federation andCommerce.99-100.CHINA.39 tobecomequitea significant lobby for private sector interests 49 In themunicipality of Beijing. pp 117-18. They are Labourers' treated withcondescension. is the most independent of local government Commerce is that inthis from important factor growing independence government strings theFederation on itsownsources offunding: can rely increasingly nationally. along with some central theFederation's officials. filled as it is with high-level government ofthesmallprivate is toolowly personnel.28 (July EliteFormation in RuralChina'. was financed by wealthy Shanxientrepreneurs. recently approached theFederation tourge that steps be taken toimprove their office a mediacampaign on their publicimage. no. The All-ChinaFederation of Industry and Commerceis currently will in establishing other associations that engaged.as just one example.CORPORATISM. 40 41 42 .
Zhe Xiaoye and Sun Bingyao. In a parallelvein.Zhongguo shehuizhongjianceng. ofthewagebillofstateincome basedupona fixed upona secure percentage ownedenterprises. Thiswas thecase.the city's union and had introduced had gainedcontrol over two periodicals organization intheprocedures for elections. particular Hubeicity anditssurrounding thetrade Women'sFederation county. Lookingsouthward toward Guangdong andFujian. White. city whose associations have been studiedin depth. onlyone setof associations establish a 'foreigners advisory board'as a meansof asserting itsrelative independence from thegovernment 43 Wang Ying.43 greater freedom localunion havealso been Energetic corporatist associations suchas thislocal union even if that taking theinitiative to enlarge thebase of their constituencies. ruled that was to be allowed.44 In a parallel fashion. havebegun theencouragement directly manoeuvring (with of higher for union from the levelsoftheunion federation) greater autonomy in a provincial inHubei local officialdom. overleapingregional governmental administrations. Bureauappealed in true tothecentral authorities. the Commerce Bureau'sSelf-Employed Labourers' Association.officials of theAll-China Federation of Industry and of Commerce Commerce toldus thattheyare establishing local Chambers from one stepfurther removed (ShangHui) thatare similarly government oversight. unionorganization and themunicipal withthe union ended up contesting some of the same constituency turf. andthecentral government.for example. 'Prospects CivilSociety'.There. theAll-China Federation of Commerce forprivate of a new local association sponsored thefounding and that themunicipal entrepreneurs was in direct competition with Industry In thiscase. withthe intent thatit would lobbyforworkers' rights to an extent thatthe union We weretoldby Shanghai federation as a government-aligned organ cannot. p 74 44 . and withboththe establishing women-workers' committees in Women'sFederation women andtheunion toorganize competing working inthis rural issueof communities. corporatist fashion. can be recognized entails testing thecorporatist rulethat onlyone association as representing In this a given sector. new directcross-provincial organizational linkages among thebusinesspeople are beingcemented. DavidWank'spaper The Australian detailhow in the cityof Journal disclosesin fascinating ofIndustry andCommerce's localChamber Xiamen. in enterprises. in Chinasomeofthelocalunion which can rely Elsewhere organizations.'Prospects pp 73-4 This unionhad also sought to acquirean additional independent income byestablishing itsowntravel agency for White.50 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS in the guise of this 'research'association. also forCivil Society'.the Shanghai municipal tradeunionfederation has sought to establish a financially independent research association. an intervening union leaders in mid-1993 that theexplicit is to create strategy from themunicipal layerof sponsorship so as to buffer thenew association andnational governments' writ.
and has wholly in some districts. twolarge groups havebeenexcluded almost .andHainanprovince.) Guizhou. in the early 1980s had freedpeasant Even though de-collectivization householdsto engage in independent family farming.buttheseessentially . for the affordable directly purchase ofagricultural inputs suchas fertilizers andhybrid seeds. abandon it. too. Significantly. havebeenestablished Specialist associations Further. A state-dominated intermediation of a corporatist organization.andthishas giventhelocal officialdom a continued holdoverthepeasantry.The Federation-backed was forced association tocease operations.45 just as Japanese peasants becausein forced to do through their state-corporatist co-op.notto thegreat bulk 'specialized households' hu. Exclusionfrom Corporatist Representation Whereas associations suchas theseare seekhng to expandand to corporatist lobby inbehalf ofconstituencies.thebulkoftheblue-collar pnvate factories thatare spnnging collective-sector up locallyall over China are thisnon-state For themostpart.46 The peasants face a government disappeared policyof in place at thelocal and national without a farmers' association exclusion. 1993. and the chicken farmers. China all of thesemechanisms from the periodof are surviving remnants theofficialdom collective has feltno need to dependuponthe agriculture.CORPORATISM. who have been assigned representation bytheincreasingly active union federation. excludedfrom thecorporatist mechanisms. circumstances are entirely unlikethoseof the the peasantry's workers in China's state-owned industry. 1991.andfor the sale of muchof their Chinese were produce. and in theburgeoning workers So. they tendto be outreach organizations are technical like. a number of the economiccontrol mechanisms of theprioragricultural command economy haveremained in place.thewealthy openonlytozhuanye in Yunnanand in ruralcounties (Information frominterviews of ordinary farmers. Up through 1992most peasants evenmandated to sell muchof their other basic cropsto the riceandcertain stateat below-market after 1938 hadbeen prices. This pastdecadeChinesefarmers have lhad to turn to statechannelsfor the provision of credit. hadbeenpolitically active onbehalf oftheParty but it has become almostentirely inactivesince then.thepeasantry from entirely accessto corporatist structures andworkers in thenon-state industrial sector. peasant association under Mao's rule.CHINA. thisrespect. 46 . In levelsthrough which societal-corporatist patterns couldpotentially develop. forpig breeders. that hadpowered sector thesametypes oflabour-intensive comprises industry and theAsian in theinitial economic thrust of post-war highgrowth Japan 45 sales program government declaredin 1992 thatthismandatory The Chinesecentral havenotmadeanymoveto of theprovinces buttodatea largenumber wouldbe halted.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 51 and thatthiswas to be the government Bureau's.
pp 75-82. 'The Wenzhou Model forEconomic Development'.52 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS NIEs. and a freemarket in labourensures that in thissector.as has beenseen.As first-generation workers.ch.3 (spnng1991). ChinaInformation. still dominated bythecentral state orbythelocal that at initiated them. 28 April1992. it is far more likelyto involvesuch incremental shifts intosocietal corporatism rather than theintroduction of any form ofpolitical democracy. shifting gradually in a 'societalcorporatist' perceptibly direction.3 (winter 1990-91). to an exclusion of suchlabour. most ofthem consider industrial an improvement employment. generally notto intervene in thissector to enableunionbranches to be installed or to enforce thelabour statutes that areon thebooks. Some of them are. To the extent thatChina continues to loosen up politically. Forthebulkofthepopulace tobe kept outsidethe emerging without for their structures. overa livelihood tiedto theland. government leastsomeoftheold 'massorganizations' andnewassociations aregradually comingunder the influence of. todaytotalling close to halfof China's industrial workforce.and eagerto further thestate chooses develop China'scheap-labour export boom. It is theavailability of cheaplabourthatmakesthesesmallChinese firms internationally competitive. similar to theexclusion ofmuch ofthepeasantry from eventoken corporatist representation. and beginning to speakon behalfof. theFuture Tracking Other in China. in short. 'PRC Workers under"Capitalism withChineseCharactenstics"'.in short.As of 1992.pp 53-64.3. Parties andPolitical Consultative Conference.thus far. AnitaChan. any such mechanisms 47 Therehave been numerous reports of horrific working conditions and ill-treatment of workers and widespread employment of childlabour See.1 per cent of the county-town and ruralfirms contained trade-union branches.p 1 48 . within Thesedifferent ofcorporatist all stilloperate genres organizations the'state corporatist' mould.increasingly important groups are tiedinto and other corporatist modesof operation: through theunionfederation peak organizations. But yearby year.48 This non-intervention by the state amounts.as has been discussed. receive low pay. their but designated constituencies.of the farming andofmost ofthenon-state-sector workforce as a industrial stands population worrying counterpoint tothis scenario. China Information. no. no. Renmin ribao(domestic edition). even underDickensian working conditions. mostof theworkers drawn to their jobs outof thecountryside. vol 5. forexample.nationwide only 0. and through a myriad of branch associations thatare locally that arebeginning to supplant oriented. KeithForster. vol 5. Smashing theIronRicePot. The exclusionfromthe corporatist arena.47 Takingadvantage of this. through thenewindustry associations thecommand-economy and through theDemocratic ministries and bureaus.and Leung Wing-yue.
% Language (1984) A/US$900 John Fincher and Pan Cheng-lieh. ChinaTheAustralian Talking Labor Party Visit andPeking's Foreign Policy.China in Burma'sForeign Policy.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 53 to be articulated interests andweighed. 64pp (1972) A/US$400 Amateur Coln Mackerras.126pp (1977) A/US$500 Fred Teiwes. 190 pp Beverley Hong. StephenFitzGerald eds.97 pp (1976) A/US$700 andthe China Stephen FitzGerald. vi. Theatre in China1946-1966. World. thesuccess them. . CORPORATISM. LocalPolitics ina Rural Chinese Cultural A Field Setting Taiwan.42 Economic Reforms pp (1981) A/US$350 i. with ChinaPlanning eds. EliteDiscipline in China.1950-1953. ed. AustralianNational University. political Canberra October 1994 The Australian National University - ' ' China Papers 2 4 5 7 8 9 11 12 14 15 16 18 19 Contemp orary J it Limited stocks ofthefollowing areavailable Robert O'Neill.247pp (1980) A/US$700 and Pamela Hewitt. NewPapers on Chinese Use. Canberra ACT 0200 Australia.In Business andManaging Sino-Australian Economic Cooperation. xxiii. is a recipe for a build-up ofsocialand politicaltension. Chinain theSeventies Australian Perspectives. 284pp (1986) A/US$19 95 Address cheques and orders to: Contemporary China Centre. Study ofMazuTownship.Peking-Hanoi Relations in1970. The Taching A MaoistModelfor Economic Oilfield Development.56 pp (1973) A/US$400 Leslie W Chan. x. xx. iv.187pp (1980) A/US$300 Centre-Provincial Audrey Donnithome. 50 pp (1973) A/US$400 Ralph Pettman. x.ThePolitics ofClassand Class Origin TheCase of the Cultural Revolution. 216 pp (1978) A/US$700 J BruceJacobs.CHINA. Whether China establishes structures to incorporate these or deliberately excludes constituencies. inChitna. maywelldetermine ofChina'songoing or failure transformation. xii. RSPAS. 28 pp (1974) A/US$300 GordonWhite.30 pp (1971) A/US$400 with Stephen FitzGerald.
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