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1995 China, Corporatism, And the East Asian Model

1995 China, Corporatism, And the East Asian Model

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1995 China, Corporatism, And the East Asian Model
1995 China, Corporatism, And the East Asian Model

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Contemporary China Center, Australian National University

China, Corporatism, and the East Asian Model Author(s): Jonathan Unger and Anita Chan Source: The Australian Journal of Chinese Affairs, No. 33 (Jan., 1995), pp. 29-53 Published by: Contemporary China Center, Australian National University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2950087 . Accessed: 10/08/2011 17:55
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CHINA, CORPORATISM, AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL*

Jonathan Unger and AnitaChan

The social-science paradigms Chinascholars in former that decades employed do not adequately fitChina as of the 1990s. Western scholars todayfind themselves struggling to reconceptualize theworkings of a Party-state that no longer directly dominates and of an economy society that no longer can be classified as 'Leninist command'. Observers of Chinafind themselves faced witha system in free-fall transition to somesystem as yetunknown, to the that itoften point becomes difficult to analytically frame is occurring what at letaloneattempt present, ofChina'sprobable analyses future. A conceptthatis of considerable assistance in makingsense of the is 'corporatism'. ongoingshifts It does not providean all-encompassing framework foreverything occurring in Chinatoday, butit does seemto hold valueforsomeof themore strong explanatory trends. The concept important has already beenaired(almost in thepagesofthis entirely in relation journal) to a fewspecific of organization types in China,'butthemultifaceted nature of corporatism's Nor has the spreadin thePRC has notyetbeen analysed. emergence of corporatist associations in Chinabeen viewedin comparative
A considerably longerversionof thdspaper was presented in January 1993 at a conference at theAustralian NationalUniversity That fuller version includesa long section on micro-corporatist trendswithlnstate-owned enterprises. Considerably updated, thelonger paperwillappearin Barrett McCormick and Jonathan Unger(eds), ChinaAfter Socialism. In theFootsteps ofEastern Europeor East Asia? (forthcoming). Anita Chan, 'Revolution or Corporatism? Workers and Trade Unions in Post-Mao Chlna', The Australian Journal of ChineseAffairs, no 29 (January 1993), pp 31-61, GordonWhlte, 'Prospects forCivil Societyin China A Case Study of XiaoshanCity', no.29 (January 1993), pp.68-9,86; Margaret Pearson,'The JanusFace of Business Associations in Chlna: SocialistCorporatism in ForeignEnterpnses', no.31 (January 1994),pp.25-46

Yet within the statedoes not such a corporatist framework.a business association. politicalculture.86 Schmitter has deviseda one-sentence coredefinition of corporatism thatis often quotedin paperson the topicand thatwill serveas the touchstone forourown use of theconcept 'Corporatism can be defined as a system of interest representation in which theconstituent units areorganized intoa limited number of singular. and assumethatit necessarily entailsa voluntary tnangular capital/labour/state arrangement C Schmitter. pp 93-4. arbiter or mediator on thepremise that thegovernment is theguardian of the theparochial of common interest that interests good. at thenational levelthestate recognizes one and only one organization (say. themost eminent ofthetheorists Phllippe toa single is 'so narrowly ofcorporatism. (eds). regime-type configuration uniquelydescnptiverather than comparatively analytic' See Schmntter. The New in theIbernan Dame University Corporatism Social-Political Structures World (Notre of Notre Dame Press. to the to dominate It leaves some degreeof autonomy attempt directly. hierarchically orderedand functionally differentiated categones. The state determineswhich organizations will be recognizedas legitimate and formsan unequal even ofsorts with The associations sometimes partnership suchorganizations.30 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS perspective. a nationallabourunion. get channelled intothepolicy-making and often processes help implement state on thegovernment's policy behalf.of a national supersedes each sector. noncompetitive. usuallyinvolvesmore thanjust a working betweenthe state and the associations relationship interest representing groups. ensure that thecompacts andagreements achieved at thetopgetimplemented it demands effectively.at best. within each of their But to organizations respective spheres of operation. An actively therelations interventionist state often helpsto organize between thevarious It basesitsintervention as a grand sectoral organizations. The NatureofCorporatism In an ideal-type corporatist system.2 Corporatism.1974). 'Still the in FrednckB Pike and Thomas Stritch Century of Corporatism?'. Most relevant in this latter respect would be the corporatist of the East Asian capitalist experiences statesthatChina increasingly is looking toward as development models. a farmers' association) as thesole representative of thesectoral interests of the individuals. moreover.) .p. thatthe organizations and exercisesome discipline control overtheir ownmemberships. 'StilltheCentury ofCorporatismT'. recognized or licensed (ifnotcreated) bythestate andgranted a deliberate representational monopoly their respective categories in exchange for withln observing certain on their and controls selection of leaders and articulation of demands supports' (Schmitter. enterprises or institutions thatcomprise that organization's assigned constituency. warns that attached against anysuchdefinition or macrosocietal thatit becomes.compulsory. 2 Many social scientists a Western have onlyemployed the term'corporatism' within liberalcapitalist context.

corporatism the 1930s.4 rulein Romania. Europe The Case of Poland'. 'Soviet Politicsin the BrezhnevEra. and David Ost. betweensectors.3. no. a politycan containcorporatist do not definea politicalsystem: short. pp 1-26. RonaldDore. parliamentarian World ora liberal Third government. state or called authoritarian is variously state the state.4. in Australia arrangement.1 (Winter in Colin Crouchand Ronald A NationMade forCorporatism?'.Ronald Dore sees this typeof the termsof agreement between consenting struck bargains institutionalized as involving corporatism andthegains interests owngroup their in an effort tobalancebetween parties interest.p. Oftensuch 'representative of autonomous theemergence of pre-empting servea function organizations' control. Eastern 1989).CORPORATISM. authoritarian that comeunder arrangements of institutional types thedifferent Among suchas democracies that theside of thespectrum therubric of corporatism. to their arebeholden of thepeakassociations theleaders in that corporatism. SovietPoliticsin theBrezhnev Corporatism?'. Under side of on the heavily lies very power decision-making may even take charge of creatingand the government corporatism.5 a wider public for all tobe hadfrom lies what corporatism suchsocietal from endofthespectrum Attheother the of where weight corporatism. 1980). is top-down corporatism Thewatchword ofstate organizations.Valerie and Society. and blatantly bothdemocratic of Communist certain to aspects even describe and America.152-74. Corporatist Polandand theSovietUnion. or an regime. market and free has been decades. As just one example of what was clearlya corporatist and unionfederation thenational brought mostof the1980sthegovernment throughout wages national out a uniform to thetableto hammer associations thepeak employers' package called the Accord.9 (1980). Clarendon (Oxford: . ofgovernment coaxing 'The Corporatist Daniel Chirot. Pluralism Era (New York in Donald Kelley(ed ).CHINA. Party Communist be a dictatorial andat thesametime elements state. to dictate in a position is notdirectly andthestate notthestate. thepower itself andmaygrant organizations all ofthecorporatist maintaining to assign and removetheirleaders at will.underthe veryactivist and conditions-of-employment ministers. corporatism include socialist on East European Writings no.But in recent during governments governments under arrangements ofpolitical a broadvariety used to describe to Australia3 and from Britain undemocratic.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 31 pluralism to democratic as counterpoised is usually depicted Corporatism with Fascist associated theterm was initially forces. or societal to as liberal referred is often occupy and Japan Britain Australia. pp 363-81. Indeed. Corporatism Press.EasternEuropeanPoliticsand Societies. 'Towards a Corporatist vol. Japan to Latin in mechanisms. memberships. or Bunce and JohnM Echols III.pp. Theory Model and Socialism' [Romania]. 'Japan: PublicLife in British Interests Organized and Accountability Dore (eds). Solutionin PraegerPress.1990).

hasinhented type is now authoritarianism thatis associated withCommunist Party regimes.Over perceived as shallalso be seen. The . notably.in contrast to the divisive competition andconflict entailed bypluralist of interest-group models is thecatchword ofa corporatist organization. It sought to preserve its own political hegemony by keeping them weakand subordinate to thestate. whether We will also investigate someof thefeatures ofsocietal that more haveemerged corporatism recently in within theEast Asiangenre of corporatism are also beginning to emerge Chinatoday. regardless of whether thisharmony is truly consensual or imposed from above. Harmony system. likeChinatoday. seekto answer is whether which thevery different of China. And. century Japan had brought a government to powerthat to anypowerful was notbeholden constituencies and thatwas determined to preserve Japanese independence through state-inspired modernization. to adopt some of the statecorporatist thathad been attnbutes beginning common to theseEast Asian neighbours. uponrapiddevelopment. solutions are aptto be sought Corporatist wartime or by regimes that during stressrapideconomicdevelopment. Moreover. The Meiji Restoration in nineteenth interest-group pressures.32 THE AUSTRALLAN JOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS What both endsofthis corporatist spectrum holdincommon is thenotion thatorganized consensusand cooperation are needed. each government in turn confronting the obstacles faced by late in securing industrializers.has made thiscentury has extended to thepoint of corporatism sense where the was not particular development strategy merely protectionist in nature toindustrial butaggressively export-ornented. Taiwanand South Japan.with systemsof thatwerelargely immune and relatively autonomous government from. Stateinvolvement a competitive edge forindustry . And it is very often a goal-oriented harmony. guidedand spurred by a government simultaneously dedicated toenforcing political andsocialstability.internal these time. thepaths . to. theearliest modelof East Asiandevelopment. and SouthKoreahadbeenintent. andexternal pressures havepushed morein thedirection of societal we will states A question that corporatism. in adopting TheseEast Asiangovernments a common shared advantage solutions:every one of them alreadypossessed wellstate-corporatist with on theeve of organized bureaucracies established traditions. in East Asia Corporatism The capitalist states of East Asia fitthisscenario. and laterTaiwan Japan.have development beenstrongly export-oriented. Fromthemid-1940s onward theexiled on Taiwanwas positively Kuomintang government hostile toward theisland's indigenous constituencies and interest groups.including of theEast Asiancountnes Chinaof late. orchestrated to servea national mission. Koreaeacherected strongly structures authoritarian corporatist during periods of intensive development and amidst threats from abroad. their developmental pushes they were 'hard' states.which .

someofthese government intothewar by thestatein 1941 at theexpenseof beingcooptedformally 'It was a classiccase ofstate-initiated effort: encorporatization'. strategy has comprised herein their efforts to helda cultural advantage theEast Asiangovernments interests. Intermediation (LondonandBeverley Corporatist 7 . and provision of agricultural inputs. to sectoralpoliticalpressures remainabove and impervious economic revolution. 1979). during government-assigned into government-aligned peak associations. TrendsToward and Gerhard Anomaly'. So. giving primacy pervaded good was ideally to selfishness.'Corporatism Lehmbruch (eds).6 reflected ina moralistic father-knows-best should be compromised and sectoral interests The notion that individual in was conducive forthegreater bya higher leadership.pp 16-20 Without Labor? The Japanese T. the within Chinaon theeve of theDengist Similarly. solutions. promotion of corporatist and sacrifice a common of state-corporatist regimes. favourable toprivate had interests all oftheEastAsiancultures. too.tyingthe peasantry relationship into a dependency the 1930s Japan'ssmallassociation. them andcooptthelowerclasses.7 6 Mass. Schmitter Hills. J Pempel and Keiichi Tsunekawa. The Spint of ChinesePolitics(Cambridge.Sage.CHINA.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 33 to Koreanmilitary thatassumedpowerin Seoul in 1961 likewisesought frombelow. in a consensus overseen by themoral authority manifested paternalism. or non-governmental influenced by either social demands government enjoyed considerably more than in Taiwanor Korea.theChinese of corporatism list this a high measureof politicalautonomy.and East Asian governments the modemage to patriotic and'national interest' beenslowtowrap themselves inthegarb ofnationalism an appealto patriotic in their Worldwide. promote thesanctity ofnational heavilyfrom Japan's borrowed The East Asian modelof corporatism whentheJapanese statehad begunerecting experience earlier thiscentury. itcontrolled werehardly Communist ofChinaandthebureaucracies that Party interest groups. For instance.as represented have not appeals. can be successfully whether state corporatism ingredients determining imposed.CORPORATISM. The greater been viewed as equivalent of theleadership. the East Asian stateshave shareda cultural In the Confucianist teachingsthat to corporatist structures. frombecoming autonomously intheearly1900s established agricultural cooperatives government-controlled to handlethepurchase sales of produce. common element of 'hardness'.see Lucian W Pye. good. bias Justas important.to prevent corporatist structures to control the Japanese state organized. Theorists as one ofthecore ofrelative state autonomy.in PhilippeC.pp. businesssectorwas organized through state-backed to control their memberships whichwere sanctioned decrees. Andwhereas industrial labour unions hadbeenseenas a threat bythe weregranted formal recognition andbusiness alike. Press. with the of credit. MIT On this.1968).250-3.

too.labour unions. wentto considerable of the government lengths to ensurethatthe key officeholders associations wereKMT members.n pniiiyl1pnt of 7nihntfrA muhncap nrtivitie.c i.. has been controlling Taiwan'sexport-driven development spurred largely by smalland medium-sized enterprnses ownedby indigenous and thestate Taiwanese. in the early 1950s enforced corporatist hierarchies upon the Taiwanese In particular populacebothas a political and economic control measure. the statetookan activeinterest in other associations spheres of activity: Taiwan'sindustnal and commercial associations. All are registered withthe government. thecorporatist modeoforganization was adopted in Taiwan's legislative The state-corporatist ideal was also embedded processes. professionalassociations. theKuomintang government. following theJapanese example.9r9 fv1.8 in regulating and controlling So. once theyare non-competitive. In licensed other competitive groups inthesametrade arelegally prohibited'.p 48 to Ibid. notto havethismultitude of independent firms coalesce in strong preferred peakassociations.- 8 Hung-mao Tien. The corporatist framework arguablywas least strongin termsof thebusiness sector. manyof whomwererequired to undertake regular retraining at Party schoolsto reinvigorate their loyaltyBut tight control was notthe government's The state'sadministrative treated only interest agenciessometimes the representative associations virtually as extensions ofthestate. someof which havegrown intolargecorporations.n nf%rrlinite.. these respects. Majorgroupings suchas thefarmers.The GreatTransition Politicaland Social Changein theRepublic of China(Stanford HooverInstitution Press.rci. In contrast was powered to Taiwan.9 toa tee.34 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS In Taiwan. workers.1989). andbusinesspeople wereprovided withan official quotaof seatsin theNational Assembly and the Legislative Yuan. andconsequently associations at all levelsoperate moreas quasi-governmental institutions . cooperatives Theywerehierarchically structured. the tookover the farmers' government associations thatthe Japanese colonial regime had established andtiedthepeasantry intoa dependency relationship withthe statethrough muchthe same provisions of servicesas had the with the farmers' in Japan. the so-calledchaebols (the by a relative Tcnre. relying on them toexecute and even soliciting government policydecisions. their officeholders' input intopolicy formulation As Hung-mao Tien notes 'Many interest groupsin Taiwan thusassume quasi-governmental roles As longas thisrelation servestheassociations' interests well. Korea'sexport-ornented development handful of largeconglomerates. 'the general managers appointed by theKMT government.they havelittle needtolobby outside thegovernment administration' (p 57) 9 . p 46 Special regulatory agencieswereestablished at all levelsof government oversee these 'voluntary' the organizations As an additional measureof control. and religious exclusive and organizations. than as bodiesarticulating thefarmers' interests'.near-powerless bodieswhosepurpose was to legitinmze ROC regime. 'Nearly all ofthese associations arehierarchical.

1990). See Li theworkforce ofthelargest .generally .246-7.CHINA. Governing theMarket EconomicTheory and theRole of Government in East Asian Industrialization (PrincetonPrinceton University Press. 1990). p 50. countries.and in bothcountries turned principally to corporatist levers to In Taiwan.CORPORATISM. Mass Harvard University Press. In theEast quiescent Asianmodelof state in short. labour was largely excluded from unlikethe populist variant of some Latin American representation. pp. Thatis to say.2 (July1987).307 The chaebols differed from Japan's zaibatsuin that they havenotcontrolled their ownbanks. corporatism.p. Dragons in in Crisis(San FranciscoThe Institute of Food and Distress:Asia's MiracleEconomies Development Policy. 'The Rise of Bureaucratic Authoritarianism in South Korea'.thegovernment has notbeeneagerto incorporate all suchworkers under itswing. 1991) l 12 FredericC. LeroyP Jones Government. achieve this. theEast Asiannewly economies industrializing in themould ofwhat one analyst ofcorporatism describes (NIEs) werefirmly as common to the'bureaucratic-authoritarian where is the state'. giventhe 13In both tointervene intheir power thecorporatist operations. 'Contradictions andLimits of a Developmental StateWithIllustrations from theSouthKorean Case'.vol 39.118.221. statist coalition. p. thelabour oneandonlyoneunion lawsstipulated that was to operate in all enterprises with thirty ormore employees. dependent partners of what with Regardless thelaw states. states wherepre-existing labourunionswerevoluntarily incorporated intoa proIn contrast. 'Bashiniandai de Taiwanlaodonggongyun de fenxi' [Taiwan'sLabourMovement inthe1980s.p.1I andthestate madesurethat therecognized union was controlled from abovebytheKMT.thestatewas intent uponkeeping industrial labour docile. 13 .1980). University of California Press. andwas most concerned todo so with firms. peak unionfederations werekeptineffectually and inactive. WorldPolitics.12 Similarly.National Taiwan University. 'corporatism 10 inEconomic andII Sakong. no. onlyabout one-third of theenterprises morethan .actually 30 employees thebigger firms possesstradeunionbranches. andthus weredependent on government-owned in a muchweaker banks They weretherefore position thantheJapanese zaibatsu. Hung-mao Tien. pp 293-6. The Great Transition. Eun Mee Kim. also Hyug Baeg Im. Deyo. andEntrepreneurship DevelopmentThe KoreanCase (Cambrndge. Social Problems (May 1993). Business. Walden Bello and StephanieRosenfeld.jiegou yu guozheng Jian-chang. in 1963 Korea introduced all unionsto be legislation requiring legallyrecognized by thegovernment and stipulating thattheywereto be unified under a single union eachindustrial with thestate for sector. In bothTaiwanand Korea.1989).and could easilybe induced intostatecorporatist inwhlch arrangements they wereclearly theweaker.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 35 and orchestrated by government bureausin a system of statecorporatist 10 arrangements.Analysis andProcesses) ofStructures (MA thesis. Beneath the Miracle: Labor Subordination in the New Asian Industrialism (Berkeley.also see RobertWade.

36 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS mainmechanism linking thestate to thepopular sector in order to guarantee itsexclusion'. the government had to compromise theauthoritarian nature ofthecorporatism it was imposing. see Hsin-Huang MichaelHsiao. as well as theprior statecorporatist relationship. Authoritarianism and Corporatism in LatinAmerica(Pittsburgh of University Pittsburgh Press. until recently. and thiswas strengthened by the stability. in SouthKorea.69. professional the peak industrial associations.14 In thepastdecade.p.Inc. Taiwan Beyondthe EconomicMiracle (ArmonkM E Sharpe. In 'Japan.'Corporatism andtheQuestion M Malloy of theState'. seeking greater autonomy all thewhilethat they wanted continued helpfrom thestateAndwith Korea'sentry into a semi-democratic era during thelatter halfof the1980s. too.'6 A newconservative similar toJapan's party 14 Guillermo O'Donnell. unions15increasingly are dependentupon membership support and stake outpositions increasingly from thesupervisory officialdom. So.1992).with thesubsequent legalization ofopposition parties.1977). The Kuomintang administration has beenseeking to emulate Japan's Liberal Democratic Party by actively shaping liberal-corporatist patronage systems tohelpsustain designed theKMT inpower inthefaceofrecurrent elections.166 16 The chaebolshad grown largeand prosperous enough to beginmanoeuvring to change thebalancein their corporatist relationship with government. both toward labour andthechaebols.in the midstof rapideconomic. shifts in economic and political priorities. combinedwithpressures fromincreasingly assertive constituencies. It is a transformation that Japan effected almost half a century ago in the wake of the Second World War. butwithin a largely voluntary framework. 15 On thisshift toward societalcorporatism in union-state relations. A somewhat similar transition from state tosocietal corporatism is nowin in Taiwanand Korea.however. accorded by Japan's de factostatus as a single-party state ruled from theearly1950suntil 1993bytheLiberal Democratic Party.In Taiwanrecently. in Dennis Simon and Michael Kau (eds). political for 'space' hasbeenopened sectoral toexert groups greater influence and to securegreater freedom from top-down government intervention. independent New patterns of government control that areemerging takethisintoaccount.in James (ed ). progress withthesuspension of martial law in 1987. and with the introduction of meaningful electionsfor the LegislativeYuan.a number of unions werealso able topry themselves loose from thestate's grip .' today the peak associations of thelargecorporations interact in a highly corporatist fashion with government ministries. esp pp 155-6. and trade associations. Similarly social and politicalchange duringthe 1970s and 1980s. have combined to pushbothTaiwanand Koreain a decidedly societal corporatist direction. These complex arrangements depend upon a very stable long-term working relationship withthe statebureaucracy. 'The LaborMovement in Taiwan A Retrospective and Prospective Look'.

Therewas to be no 'space' for eventhesmalldegree . corporatist sectoral agencies suchas industrial unions andpeasant associations weretoserve as 'transmission belts' a two-way conduit (or whatin China is called the 'mass line'). the into theframework of Bolshevik administration hadbuilt structures corporatist the Sovietstate. Mao finally lost patience manoeuvres andduring to putflesh on thebonesofthecorporatist structures.CORPORATISM. It must be reiterated. providing betweenthe Partycentreand the assignedconstituencies: by top-down of workers and peasants forincreased mobilization transmission. articulation rights In reality.CHINA. China based. ChineseStyle Corporatism era Chinaalready Even before theadvent of Deng and thereform possessed structures. the last decade of his rule he dissolvedthe peak labourunionfederation of autonomy altogether. Russian power notion thata harmony of interests in a socialist state:that prevailed leaders inthemission andled. Formost ofthis period.and Japan was and is a parliamentary democracy. wereall united toestablish a Within prosperous socialism. theyare instead institutional mechanisms in the service ofgovernments andparticular sectoral constituencies.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 37 LiberalDemocratic Party was cobbled together andnowholdspower. leadership promptly slappedthem withthesesporadic dismissed theirleaderships. Taiwan's polity comprised a one-party state. corporatism toserve the purposesof the present Koreanand Taiwan governments better thanthe authoritarian corporatism ofearlier decades. with today is governed by a powerful webof Party andgovernment officials. be remembered are that followthat it is onlywithin thiscontext that mechanisms corporatist in Chinaas a meansto promote new political to be utilized and beginning economic goals.societalcorporatist linkages to variousconstituencies are being theruleof a democratically-elected cemented to perpetuate one-party state. Korea's was militaryFor itspart. directives camedownthrough butconstituent anddemands werenotallowedto percolate structure. under both Stalin andMao thenotion ofsucha twothe waycorporatist structure becamea charade. had followed suitwhenit came to and theChineseParty three Thisborrowed modelwas premised on the decadeslater. ofgrassroots andinterests. though. thismodel. corporatist Duringthe periodof Lenin's rule in Russia. During periods whencorporatist federation to organizations suchas thepeakunion attempted their members' out their functions carry ostensible by transmitting upward downand Mao and theParty grievances. and by bottom-up transmission. ofcomparative liberalization under up. GiventheJapanese societal canbe expected example. opinion Mao during the1950s. ofcourse. production on behalfof the nation'scollective good.as in Taiwan. in thepages all thetrappings It should of a Leninist regime. do notdefine any politicalsystem anywhere. and.management andworkers. regardless of whether theyare of theauthoritarian or societalvariety. that corporatist arrangements.

38 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS implied by statecorporatism.The formal structures werealready after Mao's death. strengthening thereverse. see thedetailed discussion White.1993).600associations organizations were registered withprovincial authorities. pp.3 On thisphenomenon.thepaperalso appearsin David Goodman and Beverley Hooper(eds). 17 19 associations.in addition totheproto-corporatist ofthecommand-economy organizations era. social welfare. Journal ofPeasantStudies.400national had been associations and branch approved by thegovernment. and public-affairs cultural organizations.17. RidingtheTiger The Politicsof Economic Reform in Post-MaoChina(Stanford Stanford University Press.1(October 1989). a mechanism couldbe loosened. see GordonWhite.esp pp. 'State and Peasant in Post-Revolution China'. to health.000were at the countylevel.Jonathan Unger. for example. quickly gaining a representative authority within government channels that they never hadbeenabletohopefor under Mao. throughout Mao's rule. fromthe opposite China in this sense approaches statecorporatism direction as the East Asian NIEs: not as a mechanism for yet further butrather thestate'sgripovertheeconomy and oversociety.17 were allowed to reviveas peak organizations. vol. Duringthe 1980s.a large number of new associations were createdto serve as corporatist intermediaries and agents. to organizations fordifferent economicsectors. Thus.theunion federation othercorporatist bodies thathad not been functioning.esp pp 225-9 in Gordon On thenumbers within andrange one city. Yet. Onlythe'transmission belt' organizations that contained absolutely no potential for mischief-making wereallowedto persist in skeletal shape. thesystem loosened up sufficiently for thestate corporatist andthe organizations tobegin tooperate as such.as the Chinesestatemovedfurther to freeup the economy and to relaxdirect Party it neededadditional controls oversociety. As of 1993.18 registered These rangein naturefromscience & to technology associations. like the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce.So.a sortof proto-corporatism did exist in place when. 18 19 This organization had been founded in 1953 as thecorporatist forprerepresentative 1949businessmen butsubsequently hadbecome under Mao During the1980s moribund itsmembership climbed sharply tomore than half a million. mechanisms to bridge thegaps in control that werethereby created. It which thestate's through grip a shift from a Party that represents command system dominated directly (for whichthatfreighted word'totalitarian' was arguably accurate)20 to one that In thlsearly dominates partly through surrogates (authoritarian corporatist).no. too. China's QuietRevolutionState New Interactions between and Society(Melbourne.70-6. 1994). 19. ChinaDaily. LongmanCheshire/New York St Martin'sPress. 'Prospects forCivil Society'.p. sports.1.7 May 1993.pp 114-36 20 . in form if not in essence. and morethan 160.194-218 See.

of all types.Beijingdecreedthat calligraphy connoisseurs merge into that they therefore registered. often arebureaucracies that stake outclaimstorepresent assigned constituencies. as sectoral representatives somewhat separate is nottheonlyframework thatsocial scientists in Corporatism employ that stand between examining thephenomenon of intermediate organizations as conceived and state andsociety. incharge official ofregistering China'snewassociations The topChinese has notedthat'on theone handtheestablishment of government organs to supervise theassociations ought tobe strengthened. as shallbe seen havebegun below.Statecorporatism. organizations.as time passesan increasing number ofassociations taking on an identity from thestate.22 21 6 May 1993. this creations through all-embracing interference. in order to realizethestate'smacro-control of associations.21 hereis that theParty and statebureaucracies. andordered one andonlyone couldbe legally soccerteamin the one national whenfansof a popular associationAnd. similarly In noting ofassociations in the theemergence 'space' that they helptocreate. byGramsci focuses on an intermediary levelof associations and on the others.p 3 edition). when instructed fromon-highto help establishcorporatist associations. and onlyone organization each sectoral all ofthese wereestablished Almost associations constituency. majority ofthem currently bythestate much the same tightmanneras the state in Taiwan used to control All Chineseassociations. have sometimesbeen temperamentally inclinedto follow the government's autocratic traditions and their owncareer experience and to smother thenew In at least some cases.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 39 themainactors in theseassociations stage. whether eventheterm 'state embrace hasbeenso tight as tocall into question Yet in a great other is warranted. (Bothexamples ) from Gordon White 22 . Thiscan be observed incomparative theChinese associations byviewing in The great arecontrolled perspective. corporatism' many cases. need to be officially associations. recognized andthat thetwoclubswouldaccordingly neededto be legally communication arefrom a personal sinceonlyone couldbe recognized. framework independence lifein Deng's China.CORPORATISM. PRC. a associational we contend. organized themselves intotwofanclubsencompassing cityof Shenyang spontaneously thateven fan clubs demanded thecityauthorities two different social constituencies. Thatis. The notion ofa 'civilsociety'. someChinaspecialists haveascribed thisgrandly to theriseof a civil in But suchan analytical assumes toomuch society. in many cases what is thecentre beingwitnessed is a gradual devolution ofpower from that widens theoperational spaceofsomeoftheexisting bureaucracies andso-called mass than rather theriseofindependent associations. andon theother. provides more accurate description ofwhat hasbeenemerging there. for is recognized as therepresentative registered. needtomerge.CHINA.morelocally. Renmin ribao[People'sDaily](domestic of that whentwoorganizations adhere to this regulation So rigidly does thegovernment emerged on thescenedunngthe 1980s. it is necessary to drawa dividebetween theassociations andthegovernment so that they can function A problem normally'.

State- and level downwards. on thegovernment's membership is obligatory. a For a start. these associations as has already clients oftheir assigned ownorganizational andthebottom-up wishes interests within these toward greater 'space' towork and. Zhongguo shehui zhongjian ceng.as shallbe seenin somedetailbelow. leaderships agencies. associations themoresuchcorporatist morethat theeconomy decentralizes. Thus. these are quintessentially government. climate political Moreover. central state.areobtaining thecorporatist framework. and weakenthecentral undermine state'spowersoverthem. esp (Beijing pp 43-69 Also see White.the appointed are selectedby the government. much as hadTaiwan. esp pp 70-86 .as shallbe seen. comprised boomderives and in Chinaas in Taiwan.and their are subsidized associations of theimportant leaders Indeed. In thislast respect. much as if they constitute stateIn all of these respects.muchof theexport towns. efforts corporatist inChinathan hadbeentrue ofTaiwan. corporatist is economy of theChinese Similar to Taiwan. they obtain their when Labourers' Association members oftheSelf-Employed ofall theoperations permit.theassociations memberships.the controls overtheeconomy. China control mechanisms.23 organizations.gaige yu Zhongguode shetuanzuzhi [The Intermediary Level of ChineseSociety Reform and China'sAssociational Organizations] Zhongguo fazhan chubanshe. toward industry. Whereas thecorporatist structures were which domination handful oflarge conglomerates thestate's ofa relative has been state theChinese theKorean economy. of as the representatives number of the associations have been designated a market less andless is dominated constituencies that for that bythe produce in the looser ofthe1980sand 1990s. 'Prospects for CivilSociety'. of themoreimportant fora number become of small businessesautomatically the proprietors For instance. associations. as substitute get established weak relatively differs to maintain fromTaiwan. county on in Koreahad centred from suchfirms. 1993).The Chinese andnon-economic economic in the midstof loosening its own directadministrative does so. too. thefastest growing sector locatedin of a multitude of smalland medium-sized often firms. As hadbeenthecase inTaiwan. 23 corporatist linkages vis-a'-vis small and medium-sized industry. requisite business by theChinesestate. stronger newcorporatist geterected structures sametime that these Yet at thevery are at workthat and firmed forces simultaneously up by theChinesestate. from thenational own initiative. their arecoming torecognize beensuggested. Andas government postsin therelevant frequently holdconcurrent public in implementing assist thegovernment in Taiwan.40 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS are accordingly in intent if not effect. allowedin turn to dominate a wide netsover very rangeof to cast a loose skeinof corporatist seeking state sectors. though.Zhe Xiaoyeand Sun Bingyao. government policylinesto their policyand in communicating thepolicyduring in thePRC evenhaveinputs Some specialist associations arm of a consultative making process. which was satisfied WangYing.

24 to workers' new legislation thatpertain the ChineseState Councildecreedthat proposalby the unionfederation. based on a interests.pp 2-4.is large a third vital participant. locallevels.Also see Gongren November Unions. andWing1990. Smashingthe Iron Rice Pot: Workers the 1988). example.CHINA. peak mechanisms corporatist and on theregional thatcentre institutions and (ii) corporatist corporatism. As one important itsown belowand to enhance support from ACFTU.p 3. thepeak trade under Mao. way at high command But a pushis under economy. of corporatism. (i) Peak Corporatism is evident at the constituency to an assigned to seemresponsive The effort had existed that level amongsome of theold 'mass' organizations national the unionfederation.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 41 (i) levelsof organization: at twodifferent thesetrends We shallanalyse organizedat a national level. them from in order to exclude anygenuine unions had incorporated industrial orinput.which in pre-war as observed Japan. of the in other of industry remain underthe ownership sectors enterprises ministries and thediktat of theindustrial and stillcome under central state. besides unionfederations andjustaboutall ofthelargest industry Almost all ofChina'sheavy industry.CORPORATISM.121. erosionof standards from to inflation. were administrative organs itself andall relevant theStateCouncil henceforth to on matters relating meetings to permit the unionsto takepartin their status. China'sQuietRevolution. in Taiwanandin Korea. Progress TradeUnionsMakeFresh Wei Feng. See Anita withACFTU officials based on interviews Information p. 'Revolution pp.p.16 April1988. to protect designed As of theearly1990sit was pushing withln enterprises.162-93. Hooper. bureaus of a socialist thedirect from in favour this offreeing industry thegovernment levelswithin corporatist it intoa moreindirect and of shifting gripof the bureaucracy 24 in Beijingin 1991.25 their welfare state of weekfortheemployees fora 5-dayworking channels government within in sharp contrast totheEastAsianmodel stand Theseefforts state enterprises. the essay also appearsin Goodmanand or Corporatism9'. Trade Chinese in Participation'. representation economies inWestern ofthecorporatist arrangements In most discussions and the state. anxiousbothto retain in the to participate in its requests has been increasingly assertive status.To counteract Centre. that is.'Chinese ribao.53. of itscorporatist advantage further In 1987. Chan. workers' ofproposals a wholeseries to theStateCouncil theunion tendered federation to protect legislation workers' including specific nghts. Resource Socialism(Hong Kong Asia Monitor proposed also unsuccessfully thefederation of livingby inflation.taking interests. be indexed (Information incomes during the 1980sthat severaltimes Committee of theExecutive a member August 1991with in Beijingduring an interview ) TradeUnionFederation oftheAll-China 25 . up and in drawing directives that goes intoadministrative internal bargaining In 1985. and Unionsin China's Market yue Leung.

Party Congress 1992. that 'government bureaus be abolished and replaced by commissions' (san bu she wei).a government think-tank closelyalliedtotheTigaiwei In Japan.University New Zealand.) . themanagement of industry. accordingly. proposedin 1992 thatthe industrial ministries be abolished.28 The PartyCongress 26 This information denvesfrom interviews conducted in Beijingin late 1992 by Dr You ofCanterbury.7. 27 28 Jiushiniandai [The Nineties].Deputy who holds special responsibility for economicreform. p46 In an addressto the Shanghai delegation at theCongress. Zhu Rongjireportedly declared that he had MITI explicitly in mind. Ji. .advocacyfortheproposalalso appeared in the in an article in Jingl rnbao trademinister publicmedia. thepresent leaders oftheIronandSteelMinistry wouldbe shifted overinstead to filltheleadership ranks oftheSteelIndustry Association.42 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS relationship with government.29 January 1993. The steelmillswouldno longer be to theminutiae of government decrees butrather to indirect guidance subject plans emanating a government from agencysimilar to Japan'sMinistry of International Trade and Industry (MITI) [arguably the Tigaiweiitself] and mediated bytheSteelIndustry Association. with their responsibilities and leadingpersonnel shifted to an association for each industry. and thereare no industrial ministries and in none of the cities are thereindustrial bureaus .all falls underthe responsibility of MITI. no.26 As one example. openlyproposed. Enterprise Reform Communique (Qiye gaigetongxun). February 1993.a powerful body underthe State Council. In fact.mostforcefully by a former [Economic Daily]. province to have severaltensof industrial The management of each industry ought to be gradually shifted from the handsof stateorgansand intothehandsof non-state [minjian] associations oftrade/industrial organs .(This latter information derives from an interview conducted by Dr You Ji in Beijing. likethevanouskinds This quote denves froma classified for the Chinese journal publishedexpressly leadership. . towhom we areindebted One strong indication thatthisproposalwas explicitly modelledon MITI and the in a policypaperby theChineseEnterpnse Japanese tradeassociations is contained Reform and Development Research Bureau(Zhongguo qiye gaige yu fazhan yanjiuhui xueshu bu).p. theState Commission for Reform ofthe EconomicSystem(Tigaiwei). including domestic and foreign trade.5 (1992) (We are indebted to Dr You Ji forshanng have this largely journalwithus ) Whilediscussions been proceeding behind closed doors. mostspecifically 'an economicplanning commission and trade commission'[read MITI]. It needsto be considered it is necessary forour whether central government to possessseveraltensof industrial departments and forevery bureaus . whose executive committee would also includethe heads of or so largest Chlna's fifteen steelfirms.27 Atthe14th inOctober Premier ZhuRongji.

29 In March1993. 30 31 . 17 March 1993. Zhu Rongji'spolitical bastion.31 Membership being is heldmainly of big state butCEDA has plansto by managers enterpnses. and a newly-created government's known as theChlnese Association organization Enterpnse Directors' (CEDA) is to represent Chinese in CEDA for thetime employers. this type ofschema was adopted at thenational level. It was apparent that theofficials felt they werespeaking toan in-group.CHINA. in recent stateenterprises have been becomeapparent yearsthatprofitable theleverage of their own interests. whoaskedthequestions. withthe in control but firmly Yet it has already government indirectly of affairs. theLabourBureau. withall three But interviews speak from organizations Beijingdunng1994enableus to detect three distinct voices.with theannouncement that sevenof China'sindustrial ministries wereto be abolished. Jingjiribao. Thisinformation comesfrom visits totheILO Beijing andthe office. absorb in thefuture.12 October 1992. corporatist without the Chinesegovernment Already.citing Japan midEconomicTimes. all three sentrepresentatives wouldsay that Cynics parties in thesame mouth. and when gaining to be moreprotective in industrial it can be expected that willbe bandedtogether associations they and thattop-down better to collectively assertthemselves state positioned willsteadily controls diminish. 11 March 1993.p 2. rather than toan out-group. in that we were accompaniedby academic researchers from thePRC. during 1992 thecityof Shanghai.AND THE EAST ASLANMODEL 43 cautiously endedup deferring such a decision. China News Digest.For example. the Henceforth.CORPORATISM.30 federations This is clearly intended to be a state-corporatist arrangement. officially is to represent LabourBureauis to represent thestate. and at leasttwoof these.but the proponents of this system of commissionsand corporatist associations were already their implementing organizational plansat lowerlevels. recent private entrepreneurs The most activity sponsored all three on collective towhich bytheILO was a workshop bargaining parties in equal numbers. 'to enabletheenterprises to provide forthemselves within their own associations andto takeon theresponsibility andcapacity to coordinate their ownindustry'. abolished fourteen in their industrial bureaus and installed place fourteen corporatist industnal associations.in a major pushforward.were Light Industries andtheMinistry ofTextiles transformed into directly ofassociations. national unionand CEDA headquarters in May 1994.The interviews with thesevarious officialswere quite frankand open. information also basedon ourown interviews in Beijingduring 1993.Thiscan bestbe 29 Jingji ribao. any publicity actuallyhas theInternational of a LabourOrganization's basic principle quietly accepted in industrial a structure relations. It has established tripartite corporatist working relationship with theILO's Beijing office.theMinistry of . seeking thelatter's advice the unionfederation the workers.p 2.

This information is basedon a 1994 interview with a national union official whoserved as a representative fortheunionon theLabourLaw Drafting Committee.33 recruiting workers. viewsby wayof consultative hadexisted on Taiwan. with theintention highly . organization.it becomes toward Lookingforward intermediary position. of theinterests future decades.withtheunionfederation an uphillbattleto securelegal protection forworkers' rights and fought andthe Commission. theTradeCommission Planning benefits. of these The most important representation.while to them a mechanism granting sectors incorporating theeliteofthese To channels.chs7 & 8. His account was draft of the confirmed by theLabourBureauofficial who was responsible forthefirst law.before finally beingpassed in 1994. assigned peak corporatist residues from pre-revolution Parties. areallowedto promote Parties theDemocratic selection corporatist which employ assemblies. AnitaChan. areeight Democratic Parties There ofthese so-called for private is reserved Association. aretheso-called Democratic associations under the 'united handmaidens to theParty timesthathad been powerless Party was. Kuomnntang Chinese. restricted from all intents Butfor Under havebeenreinvigorated. 1987). on behalf oftheir within corporatist constituencies provide input of access to in addition further to thenormal 'transmission belt' routes thls.1989). have also been white-collar the high-level constituencies Separately. specifically the technocrats another high-level intellectuals. under state industry.44 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS thedrafting during in thethree that wereadopted different positions illustrated having successfully of theLabourLaw of 1994.In both similar to what in thelegislatures mechanisms Conference (CPPCC) and to a the ChinesePeople's PoliticalConsultative of a disproportionate number theNational People's Congress. and James Seymour. Sharpe.in David Goodman andGeraldSegal (eds).and stillis. China'sSatellite Parties (Armonk M.'The Challenge to theSocial Fabric'. National Construction Democratic areall specifically Parties TheseDemocratic industrialists andbusinesspeople. peasants orsoldiers.32 anda peaktrade-union industnal associations corporatist possible to envisage in theconditions ofwork negotiating theaegisofthestate.theeight parties In turn.Each Democratic for one to serveas a representative a specific socialgrouping: to recruit from and scientists. theEconomic on behalf arguing developing theeconomy charged with other bureaucracies an and theLabourBureautaking of enterpnse management.the Taiwaneseand people withformer the inall. their sectoral theofficialdom.pp.81-3. assigned front' policyof Mao's day. the overseas and yet others another school teachers. arestill vetted bytheCommunist andpurposes their leaderships and ofcoopting thememberships arekept selective. Chinaat Forty (Oxford: Oxford University Press. another the doctors. E. Deng. 33 . lesserextent 32 theLabourLaw had gonethrough some One consequence of suchnegotiating was that thirty drafts during a fifteen-year process. Party.esp. connections.andtheeighth.

in Jonathan in Chongqing: Unger(ed. Democratic of China's eight Parties.pp. amongintellectuals during CPPCC. whichits adherents argument the late Eighties.34 In the in a bidto givefurther mnd-1980s. Chinain theNinetiesCrisisManagement theProtest Unger. E Sharpe.000members 4 per morethan levels. pp.On ofdelegates to theCPPCC from 1988. As of 1986. 34 News].1.35 China's urban .142-3.n 47. 35 . China's Satellite Partlies. the All-ChlnaFederation of Industry & Commerce joined the Democratic Partiesas a constituent member of the Most of the intellectuals and entrepreneurs who occupysuch seats as delegates from thesecorporatist associations support further economicand .outof the also see James Seymour. 6. 'Voices from and AnitaChanandJonathan Press.900 sat as People's Congress 160.'The Social oftheintellectuals andstudents see.CHINA.through an expansion ofthepower andprestige ofcorporatist forums suchas theCPPCC and through Even the greater independence for theirown organizations.4-7. fora listof thenumbers p 131. chubanshe). rather weredemanding government that and recognition peoplecould form control their ownrepresentative The protesters associations. to a societal corporatism inwhich they couldchoosetheir ownleadership andsettheir ownagendas.meaning that andprovincial andCPPCC deputies at thenational members had been assignedas delegatesto high-level Party cent of all Democratic 1986 (Beijing: Xinhua officialforumsSee People's Republicof China Yearbook.generally educated elitist to thecore. are the greatmajority of Chlna's intellectuals and students. Crisis'.in David Goodmanand Gerald of theTiananmen Originsand Consequences Clarendon and Beyond (Oxford: Segal (eds).1991). this encapsulated desirein the verytitlesof thegroups forexample.pp 106-26.105-30. student in theso-calledDemocracy protesters Movement of 1989 werenot of multi-party callingfora system basedon universal but elections suffrage.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 45 seatsgetreserved therepresentatives for ofthese Democratic Parties. Movement Class Accents and Class Tensions'. If thatwas the pro-'democratic' the mostpopularcounterposition.their adviceand influence of thewell educated own kind.itseems.forinstance. sectoral representation to China'sgrowing body of pnvate entrepreneurs. Nor.also The Pro-Democracy in China(Armonk: Protests pp.p. the thattheyinitiated: Beijing Autonomous Students'Association and the Beijing Autonomous Workers' Federation. On thebeliefs Anita Chan. M.).fear that anysystem ofdemocratic elections wouldputChina'sdestiny intothehandsof a peasant majority illequippedto vote sensibly: farbetter to open government channels to the .1991).8 March Conference Consultative zhengxie bao [People'sPolitical See Renmin this.butthey political reforms usually arenotpro-democracy.CORPORATISM. To theextent a structural thattheyweredemanding in thepolitical itwas toeffect a shift change system. each group.

instructions from Overthepastseveral therelative decades.the lower layerof regionalgovernment a small province.byputting a powerand promote stability together theLDP hadachieved societal-corporatist structure similar to what patronage inJapan and.thecityor overtheassociations county government currently holdscorporatist leverage that at itsownlevel. of the Beijing massacre pushed a similar platform that its critics dubbed 'new conservatism' A goodselection ofarticles on 'newauthoritarianism' both proandcon is in Liu Junet al (eds). 1989).more recently. Women'sFederation forinstance. The provincial government or. andvillage increasingly county. branch. whichin turn werecontrolled by thecentral (it) Regional Corporatism 36 'New authoritarianism' hadbeenpushed hard dunng1988-89byintellectuals associated with think-tanks that the'reformist' Party Secretary Zhao Ziyanghadestablished But it also won supporters amongsomeof theliberal dissidents (suchas thewriter Dai Qing) and amongsomemembers of theParty's 'conservative' whoin theaftermath faction. balanceinthis system of 'dualleadershlp'. theParty itself national on a newbasis. townshlp comprises empire that holdslevers ofcontrol andactivities overtheorganizations withln its own borders. as theChinese call it. 'New authoritananism' explicitly lookedeastward to theexpenence ofTaiwanand SouthKoreaand southward to Singapore and proclaimed thatChlna needed a transitional 'developmental' periodof strong government (albeit one thatwould pay serious attention to the corporatist forumsof specialists and other intellectuals).46 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS entitled 'newauthoritarianism'.36 posited that China'seconomic development was at tooearly a stageto warrant suchliberalization. During someperiods thelocal association branches werepredominantly under theswayofthetop-down hierarchy that culminates in thepeak-level associations. Xin quanweizhuyi contained [New Authoritananism] (Beijing: chubanshe. thecounty branch oftheWomen's Federation is also administratively beholden to thehigher levels of theFederation. Beijingjingjixueyuan . Party Butat thevery sametime. city.much operate as thecentral a holdoverthe state retains A county-level peak associations. In it receives twosetsof masters short. when theproper distant time came to shift away from wouldbe able to retain authoritarianism. what TaiwanandSouth Koreahadaccomplished Each successively in China . Thisphasewouldlastuntil Chlna'seconomic development had progressed to thepoint that and a wellthe'peasant problem' was resolved educated urban middle in this classhadgrown numerically important Implicit 'newauthoritarianism' argument was that.at a lowerlevel.has been in flux. comesunder thedirect leadership ofthecounty government andcounty-level committee.

Int-c nrivnte entrenr&-neirc and Il cAlllctivae eniternrises havi their own 37 in Jonathan of seesawing shifts is contained Unger.37 (March 1992). Thls at the expenseof hlgher balliwicks in their associations of a secretary by theParty terms messagewas dnvenhometo us in explicit in 1988. upon higher and become less dependent theirown economicresources operations.37 direct power ofthelocalareas'government of decentralized policies in support state'spresent Underthe central control over greater have gamned as local leaderships economicinitiatives. he who than hls own influence.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 47 the camemore under thelocalassociation branches periods. see VictorNee. he said. His in Yunnanprovince dunngfieldwork ruraltownship wealthy incomefromthe was gaininga verysubstantial township administration in new investing was actively and from thlsincome of mnnerals.3.tentatively forthcoming esp p. ofChinese Journal TheAustralian Reform'. higher for guidance. ownedandoperated by thecentral directly industrial enterpnses The. Administrative Rural China titled book. by higher thetownship had to be subsidized ofthese the over personnel organs higher government theinfluence of reason.CORPORATISM.was greater organizations.they levels for financinglocal government government controlover the have been gaininggreatercorporatist simultaneously authorities. government of other theexpansion and bankrolling The Party withinits terntory. government tohistownship overwhelmingly rural Theheadofan impoverished a second illustration. rivalsto it: for Butthey are also at times state. associations activitiesof the corporatist the personnel of the technically was adamantthat.although secretary and thenext ofboththetownship the'dual control' cameunder associations looked all of thelocal organizations in reality levelsof government. Struggle 1987). HybndForms. andParty leadership. Also see JeanOi's excellent Press).Property Transition of Market Dynamics 'Organizational vol.38 their littlecorporatist constituencies thatlie within there existfewor no major thecase in regions and localeswhere especially government. exploitation andwelfare facilities. during other state.'The An analysisof thissystem of Branchesvs Areas vs The Conflict to DictateChina's Administration.pp 15-45 no 18 (July Affairs. within a corporatist On this alliance of local interests and Rights.CHINA. neweducational endowing generously very enterpnses. Science Quarterly. of thecentral and surrogates forexample. In short. the including services. In contrast stands within services all of thepublic in Yunnan noted to us that almost township For that levelsof government. paysthepiper are andregions in thewealthier districts associations Thatthecorporatist oflittle is sometimes orlocalauthonties to theregional beholden increasingly serveas agents normally administrations in that thelocal government import. framework. callsthetune.And in this and tax revenues. control of economic resources seem able to normally the regionalor local authorities toing-and-froing. Mixed Economyin China'. and of the associations and connivance depend upon the solid support This seems empires. ofCalifornia University (Berkeley: forIndustrialization Incentives TakesOff: 38 .

In short.it is dependent on pnvate entrepreneurs themselves to assistit in controlling to attract thepnvatesector In order them. citiessomeofthe local branches oftheSelf-Employed Labourers' Association (theorganization for small and mediumbusinesspeople) reportedly have begun reacting albeit to theseexpectations and pressures of their positively memberships. empire-building The ICB uses [theSelf-Employed Labourers' Association] topublicize government of private and to assist in the policingand taxation policies and regulations. As Susan Young. At times. the associations are branches under from belowtorepresent andlobby on behalf coming increasing pressure of theirassignedconstituencies. thetiesofsubordination Thus. nationaland local corporatist arrangements uneasilyco-exist. theassociation has to offer morethan education This. it appearsthatlocal corporatism works against thestate andagainst thepeaklevelcorporatist associations. evenifcorporatist instruments continue todevelop in China. that localgovernments havetheroom topursue their own interests. ina little butitis also engaging . itis notlikely to entail a coherent setofcorporatist machinery that can be readily coordinated at thetopin Beijingthrough a webofpeaknational associations. at inopposite times pulling directions. At thevery sametime.plustheICB's justpolitical in promoting interest has often economic reform. to some extent. and new tensions (as well as new patronage/dependency relationships) areemerging between suchconstituencies andthelocalpolitical authorities whooversee them. in the considerable amount of private initiative is emerging and semi-private richerdistricts. similarto some of the peak corporatist in Beijing. businesses Thus. within the constraints imposed by thecorporatist framework. With economicliberalization.butsimultaneously vis-ai-vis also wrestling to retain its powersand control overresources vis-a'-visthe a very enterpnses and citizenry below it. totheextent Rather. who has conducted and Commerce research a local branch of theIndustry grassroots involving Bureau (ICB) and the local Self-Employed Labourers' Associationit observes: established. the ICB is indeed implementing policy. The ICB has beenright behind reforms which divert steadily moreactivity to the market In manyof its theplan (its own sphereof junsdiction) away from activitiesto develop the privatesector .notwithstanding thatbind association to the local authorities. thecurrent scenario is further complicated bythe fact that a local or regional its government notonlymanoeuvres to safeguard is prerogatives and resources thestateabove it. has meant that theAssociation .48 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS reasons to support theirlocal associations and governments againstthe encroachments of thecentral state: an allianceof interests on behalf of local protectionism. therefore. in thesmaller associations As justone example. This positive bureaucratic responseis reinforced by the desiresof the organization's administrators to widentheir own organizational and interests prerogatives vis-a-vis higher-level authorities.

28 (July EliteFormation in RuralChina'. theAll-China An dominance. and brought together wealthy businesspeople and Federation officials fromthroughout the country.41 Federation of Industry and Of all of China'sassociations.as just one example.Economic Daily. . recently approached theFederation tourge that steps be taken toimprove their office a mediacampaign on their publicimage. One of us attended personage present.CORPORATISM. Also see Ole Odgaard. 1992). no. during May-June 1993 This information derives from our own extensive interviewing with Bureauofficials andpnvate Beijingshopkeepers. 39 Change'.andother major newspapers. as a deliberate strategy. of a nationalPrivateEnterprise Research sponsoredthe establishment Association. 40 41 42 . a delegation of newly richBeijingentrepreneurs businessmen.TheAustralian Journal of Chinese Affairs.and thecity-level launched them in People's It wroteand successfully inserted articles behalf. thestatus entrepreneurs for them to have any similarinfluence on the Bureau's city-level officials.39 tobecomequitea significant lobby for private sector interests 49 In themunicipality of Beijing. was theinauguration and. The All-ChinaFederation of Industry and Commerceis currently will in establishing other associations that engaged.CHINA. [T]here forit . of 1993. come underits umbrella. China'sQuietRevolution. 'PrivateEntrepreneurs and Evolutionary 'Entrepreneurs and Hooper. along with some central theFederation's officials. in Goodmanand Susan Young. Withthe Federation as intermediary. thecorporatist in the 1950s forpre-revolution association thatinitially had been founded For example. filled as it is with high-level government ofthesmallprivate is toolowly personnel.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL is potential actedas a genuine advocate for private entrepreneurs. and the Self-Employed Association remains totally a top-down play-thing of themunicipal-district Bureau.42 Under sympathetic government auspices. of from theBeijingbranch Information based on interviews in mid-1993 with officials theFederation.99-100.In June intervention. as theonlyforeign asked to addresstheassemblage The new association plansto of a hundred delegates.pp. it owns 28 profit-making companiesand publishesits own successful newspaper. lauding Daily.40 But havebeenabletoturn totheBeijingcity-level thelarger private entrepreneurs oftheAll-China ofIndustry offices Federation andCommerce. pp 117-18. They are Labourers' treated withcondescension. was financed by wealthy Shanxientrepreneurs. thesenew will be one degreefurther from direct removed organizations government it bothlocal and state. is the most independent of local government Commerce is that inthis from important factor growing independence government strings theFederation on itsownsources offunding: can rely increasingly nationally. Shanxi. The inaugural convention in Taiyuan.

White.'Prospects pp 73-4 This unionhad also sought to acquirean additional independent income byestablishing itsowntravel agency for White. DavidWank'spaper The Australian detailhow in the cityof Journal disclosesin fascinating ofIndustry andCommerce's localChamber Xiamen. in Chinasomeofthelocalunion which can rely Elsewhere organizations. particular Hubeicity anditssurrounding thetrade Women'sFederation county. and withboththe establishing women-workers' committees in Women'sFederation women andtheunion toorganize competing working inthis rural issueof communities. Lookingsouthward toward Guangdong andFujian. new directcross-provincial organizational linkages among thebusinesspeople are beingcemented. 'Prospects CivilSociety'. can be recognized entails testing thecorporatist rulethat onlyone association as representing In this a given sector. unionorganization and themunicipal withthe union ended up contesting some of the same constituency turf. corporatist fashion.Zhongguo shehuizhongjianceng.50 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS in the guise of this 'research'association. onlyone setof associations establish a 'foreigners advisory board'as a meansof asserting itsrelative independence from thegovernment 43 Wang Ying.44 In a parallel fashion. the Commerce Bureau'sSelf-Employed Labourers' Association. also forCivil Society'. theAll-China Federation of Commerce forprivate of a new local association sponsored thefounding and that themunicipal entrepreneurs was in direct competition with Industry In thiscase.for example. havebegun theencouragement directly manoeuvring (with of higher for union from the levelsoftheunion federation) greater autonomy in a provincial inHubei local officialdom. overleapingregional governmental administrations.There. p 74 44 . city whose associations have been studiedin depth. andthecentral government. ofthewagebillofstateincome basedupona fixed upona secure percentage ownedenterprises. ruled that was to be allowed.the city's union and had introduced had gainedcontrol over two periodicals organization intheprocedures for elections. in enterprises. Bureauappealed in true tothecentral authorities. withthe intent thatit would lobbyforworkers' rights to an extent thatthe union We weretoldby Shanghai federation as a government-aligned organ cannot. In a parallelvein.the Shanghai municipal tradeunionfederation has sought to establish a financially independent research association. Thiswas thecase. Zhe Xiaoye and Sun Bingyao.officials of theAll-China Federation of Industry and of Commerce Commerce toldus thattheyare establishing local Chambers from one stepfurther removed (ShangHui) thatare similarly government oversight. an intervening union leaders in mid-1993 that theexplicit is to create strategy from themunicipal layerof sponsorship so as to buffer thenew association andnational governments' writ.43 greater freedom localunion havealso been Energetic corporatist associations suchas thislocal union even if that taking theinitiative to enlarge thebase of their constituencies.

for the affordable directly purchase ofagricultural inputs suchas fertilizers andhybrid seeds.andfor the sale of muchof their Chinese were produce. who have been assigned representation bytheincreasingly active union federation. 1993.46 The peasants face a government disappeared policyof in place at thelocal and national without a farmers' association exclusion. thisrespect.andHainanprovince. 46 .The Federation-backed was forced association tocease operations. This pastdecadeChinesefarmers have lhad to turn to statechannelsfor the provision of credit. that hadpowered sector thesametypes oflabour-intensive comprises industry and theAsian in theinitial economic thrust of post-war highgrowth Japan 45 sales program government declaredin 1992 thatthismandatory The Chinesecentral havenotmadeanymoveto of theprovinces buttodatea largenumber wouldbe halted. circumstances are entirely unlikethoseof the the peasantry's workers in China's state-owned industry.buttheseessentially .and has wholly in some districts. Up through 1992most peasants evenmandated to sell muchof their other basic cropsto the riceandcertain stateat below-market after 1938 hadbeen prices. abandon it.AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 51 and thatthiswas to be the government Bureau's.) Guizhou. hadbeenpolitically active onbehalf oftheParty but it has become almostentirely inactivesince then. Significantly. excludedfrom thecorporatist mechanisms. In levelsthrough which societal-corporatist patterns couldpotentially develop. peasant association under Mao's rule. A state-dominated intermediation of a corporatist organization.thebulkoftheblue-collar pnvate factories thatare spnnging collective-sector up locallyall over China are thisnon-state For themostpart.45 just as Japanese peasants becausein forced to do through their state-corporatist co-op. 1991. forpig breeders.CORPORATISM. and the chicken farmers. and in theburgeoning workers So. twolarge groups havebeenexcluded almost .andthishas giventhelocal officialdom a continued holdoverthepeasantry. China all of thesemechanisms from the periodof are surviving remnants theofficialdom collective has feltno need to dependuponthe agriculture. too. in the early 1980s had freedpeasant Even though de-collectivization householdsto engage in independent family farming.thepeasantry from entirely accessto corporatist structures andworkers in thenon-state industrial sector.thewealthy openonlytozhuanye in Yunnanand in ruralcounties (Information frominterviews of ordinary farmers. Exclusionfrom Corporatist Representation Whereas associations suchas theseare seekhng to expandand to corporatist lobby inbehalf ofconstituencies.CHINA. havebeenestablished Specialist associations Further. they tendto be outreach organizations are technical like. a number of the economiccontrol mechanisms of theprioragricultural command economy haveremained in place.notto thegreat bulk 'specialized households' hu.

Forthebulkofthepopulace tobe kept outsidethe emerging without for their structures.as has beenseen. shifting gradually in a 'societalcorporatist' perceptibly direction.48 This non-intervention by the state amounts.52 THE AUSTRALIANJOURNALOF CHINESE AFFAIRS NIEs.3 (winter 1990-91). Smashing theIronRicePot. overa livelihood tiedto theland.as has been discussed. theFuture Tracking Other in China.pp 53-64. and a freemarket in labourensures that in thissector. similar to theexclusion ofmuch ofthepeasantry from eventoken corporatist representation. Parties andPolitical Consultative Conference.ch.in short. AnitaChan. China Information. It is theavailability of cheaplabourthatmakesthesesmallChinese firms internationally competitive. Renmin ribao(domestic edition). in short.3 (spnng1991). still dominated bythecentral state orbythelocal that at initiated them.47 Takingadvantage of this. their but designated constituencies.increasingly important groups are tiedinto and other corporatist modesof operation: through theunionfederation peak organizations.pp 75-82. even underDickensian working conditions.of the farming andofmost ofthenon-state-sector workforce as a industrial stands population worrying counterpoint tothis scenario. within Thesedifferent ofcorporatist all stilloperate genres organizations the'state corporatist' mould. receive low pay. generally notto intervene in thissector to enableunionbranches to be installed or to enforce thelabour statutes that areon thebooks.1 per cent of the county-town and ruralfirms contained trade-union branches. no. vol 5. and through a myriad of branch associations thatare locally that arebeginning to supplant oriented. to an exclusion of suchlabour.and eagerto further thestate chooses develop China'scheap-labour export boom.As of 1992. any such mechanisms 47 Therehave been numerous reports of horrific working conditions and ill-treatment of workers and widespread employment of childlabour See. no. it is far more likelyto involvesuch incremental shifts intosocietal corporatism rather than theintroduction of any form ofpolitical democracy. government leastsomeoftheold 'massorganizations' andnewassociations aregradually comingunder the influence of.nationwide only 0.3. mostof theworkers drawn to their jobs outof thecountryside. 'The Wenzhou Model forEconomic Development'. through thenewindustry associations thecommand-economy and through theDemocratic ministries and bureaus. To the extent thatChina continues to loosen up politically. ChinaInformation. The exclusionfromthe corporatist arena. 'PRC Workers under"Capitalism withChineseCharactenstics"'.p 1 48 . 28 April1992. But yearby year. vol 5. most ofthem consider industrial an improvement employment. and beginning to speakon behalfof.As first-generation workers.thus far.and Leung Wing-yue. KeithForster. Some of them are. todaytotalling close to halfof China's industrial workforce. forexample.

ThePolitics ofClassand Class Origin TheCase of the Cultural Revolution. EliteDiscipline in China. xx. political Canberra October 1994 The Australian National University - ' ' China Papers 2 4 5 7 8 9 11 12 14 15 16 18 19 Contemp orary J it Limited stocks ofthefollowing areavailable Robert O'Neill. maywelldetermine ofChina'songoing or failure transformation. Study ofMazuTownship.30 pp (1971) A/US$400 with Stephen FitzGerald. 190 pp Beverley Hong. RSPAS. xii. 284pp (1986) A/US$19 95 Address cheques and orders to: Contemporary China Centre. StephenFitzGerald eds. 28 pp (1974) A/US$300 GordonWhite. xxiii.China in Burma'sForeign Policy. ed.1950-1953. CORPORATISM. .AND THE EAST ASIAN MODEL 53 to be articulated interests andweighed. 216 pp (1978) A/US$700 J BruceJacobs. ChinaTheAustralian Talking Labor Party Visit andPeking's Foreign Policy.CHINA. 64pp (1972) A/US$400 Amateur Coln Mackerras. iv.247pp (1980) A/US$700 and Pamela Hewitt. Chinain theSeventies Australian Perspectives. with ChinaPlanning eds.% Language (1984) A/US$900 John Fincher and Pan Cheng-lieh. thesuccess them. 50 pp (1973) A/US$400 Ralph Pettman.In Business andManaging Sino-Australian Economic Cooperation.42 Economic Reforms pp (1981) A/US$350 i.126pp (1977) A/US$500 Fred Teiwes. LocalPolitics ina Rural Chinese Cultural A Field Setting Taiwan. Whether China establishes structures to incorporate these or deliberately excludes constituencies. Theatre in China1946-1966.187pp (1980) A/US$300 Centre-Provincial Audrey Donnithome.97 pp (1976) A/US$700 andthe China Stephen FitzGerald. x. World. AustralianNational University. inChitna.Peking-Hanoi Relations in1970.56 pp (1973) A/US$400 Leslie W Chan. NewPapers on Chinese Use. is a recipe for a build-up ofsocialand politicaltension. vi. The Taching A MaoistModelfor Economic Oilfield Development. x. Canberra ACT 0200 Australia.

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