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SOAL UJIAN TENGAH SEMESTER Mata Kuliah Kode Matakuliah Jur/Prodi /Semester : Sociolinguistics : BIS 314 : Pend Bhs. Inggris S2 NAME NIM CLASS Hari/Tanggal /Jam Waktu Dosen Pengampu : Jumat, 17 Mei 2013 : 13.00 15.00 : Dr. Yan Mujiyanto


Test Items 1. Describe some aspects of your own speech which show how it varies from the speech of certain other people you know. Do you pronounce words differently, use different word forms, choose different words, or use different grammatical structures? How do you view, i.e., judge, the speech of those who speak differently from you? Answer, Some aspects of speech which show how it varies from the speech of certain other people are languages, dialects, accents, registers, styles or other sociolinguistic variation, as well as the standard variety itself. "Variety" stay away the terms language, which many people associate only with the standard language, and dialect, which is associated with non-standard varieties thought of as less prestigious or "correct" than the standard. Linguists speak of both standard and nonstandard varieties. Yes, pronounce words differently i.e. acquire; vehicle; celebrate / officiate at nuptials; micturate; your honor; attorney.

2. If men and women speak differently, is it because the common language they share has a gender bias, because boys and girls are brought up differently, or because part of gender marking is the linguistic choices one can indeed, must make? Answer, Women tend to use more standard language features than man it cause women feel secure and morel comfort to use it. Different than men, they feel have power and they want to diverge than the other, so they more comfort if they use casual language (vernacular form) in their speech.

3. For Labov and other sociolinguists the vernacular is very important. What do you understand by this term? When do you use such a variety? How easy or difficult is self-observation of that variety? Answer

The importance of using the vernacular is so that all people (regardless of their education) can understand what is being said. For example, vernacular refers to the native language of a country or a locality as opposed to "official" languages. In Western Europe up until the 17th century, most scholarly work had been written in Latin, which meant regular folks couldn't read the work. Works written in the native language of the people were said to be in the vernacular. Another example is that, until the 1960s, Roman Catholics masses were said in Latin rather than in local vernacular language, which meant that the "masses" of people (excuse the pun) could not understand what was being said. The reforms of the Second Vatican Council permitted the use of vernacular liturgies in Roman Catholicism which allowed the regular folks to understand what was being said. Another example: in Hindu culture, traditionally religious or scholarly works were written in Sanskrit long after its use as a spoken language. From the 1100s onwards, religious works started being written in the many, many other Indian languages throughout the different regions of India. The Ramayana, one of Hinduism's sacred epics in Sanskrit had vernacular versions so the work was available to more people.

4. Standard languages are usually based on an existing dialect of the language. For example, the British variety of English is based, historically at least, on the dialect of the area surrounding London. What can you find out about the difficulties of choosing a variety for standardization in Indonesia, Singapore, and East Timor? Answer, Nowadays, Malay is used mostly in Malaysia (officially called Bahasa Malaysia) and Brunei, and to a lesser extent in Singapore and various parts of Sumatra. One of Singapore's four official languages, the Malay language or 'Bahasa Melayu' was the lingua franca for Malays in Singapore prior to the introduction of English as a working and instructional language, and remains so for the elder generation. Indonesian, a language based on traditional Malay, but also influenced by various languages such as Dutch, Arabic, and Portuguese, serves as a lingua franca throughout Indonesia and East Timor (where it is considered a working language), areas that are home to over 700 indigenous languages. So, there are many difficulties that I found on variety for standardization among them, and Indonesia is a country which has Bahasa as language to communicate and Bahasa is perfect language which has many vocabularies than Malaya. I love Indonesia.

5. What are some other variants you are aware of for each of the following sentences: I havent any money, I aint done it yet, He be farmer, Give it me, It was me what told her? Who uses each variant? On what occasions? Answer, The forms aint and int may be derived (1) from variation in the Early Modern English pronunciation of the negative form of the verb have, and (2) from the negative form isnt. According 2

to Jespersen (1940: 431-433), the English language had two pronunciations for have, one with a short vowel and the other one with a long vowel; the former prevailed as [hv] in positive sentences, whereas the latter with - nt became [hent]. The spelling aint (h is dropped) occurred as a vulgarism. The aint, and the related int, for be in the present tense might be derived from isnt, as a result of the dropping of s [z]. In the 18th century the form was int, although there was variation in the initial vowel (e.g. ent). The OED (be.v. A.I.1) lists the forms nt, aint (for am not, is not, are not) and arnt, ant (for are not, am not) as colloquial and vulgar, found in dramatists and novels since the 17th century, and the forms int and int (OED int, int) as obscure abbreviations of isnt, is not. The form int can be illustrated with the example No indeed; it int worth while (Richardson Pamela IV.116. 1742). Ain't is a colloquialism and contraction for "am not", "is not", "are not", "has not", and "have not" in the common English language vernacular. In some dialects ain't is also used as a contraction of "do not", "does not", and "did not". The usage of ain't is a perennial subject of controversy in English. Widely used by many people, and found in most dictionaries,its use is often considered by prescriptionists to be informal, nonstandard, or improper.

6. The fact that Standard English can be spoken with a variety of accents often poses certain difficulties for the teaching of English in non-English speaking countries. What are some of the problems you might encounter and how might you try to solve them? Answer, Most countries treat English like a foreign language class, only with a lot more emphasis. I recently spoke with some exchange students and they all spoke two or three languages (javanish, sundanish and both of them, so I think other countries have a major emphasis on languages. some of the problem is when they couldnt understand well about my explanation, so, I usually use codemixing to explain material lesson, fifty present Indonesian and fifty present English, I cannot use code-mixing as our language. It must be clearly understood that we cannot teach English to our learners on the style followed for British or American or Australian or Canadian children whose mother tongue happens to be English and therefore they would understand everything a teacher says. Would it be the same with regard to Indonesian children? If anything they would see stars. So, we need a new method for them and do class room action research (PTK) to know their difficulties in English lesson.

7. What stylistic characteristics do you associate with each of the following activities: talking to a young child; writing an essay for a professor; playing a board game with a close friend; approaching a stranger on the street to ask for directions; attending a funeral; talking to yourself; getting stopped for speeding; burning your finger? Answer,

Stylistics attempts to establish principles capable of explaining the particular choices made by individuals and social groups in their use of language, such as socialization, the production and reception of meaning, critical discourse analysis and literary criticism. So if we are talking to a young child is different than if we talk with professor. Getting stopped for speeding someone, it has different way to say when we play a board game with a close friend. We should be know when we use formal and informal language.

8. Pidgins and creoles have been said to have the grammar of one language and the vocabulary of another. In what sense is such a statement true, false, or a bit of both? Answer: Pidgins are used in contact situations and therefore have restricted functions. Thus, pidgins are generally characterized by an absence of complex grammatical structures and a limited vocabulary. However it has been pointed out that pidgins do not simplify the grammars of their supersaturate and substrate languages, but also restructure them to produce a new linguistic system (Mc Mahon 1994: 254) Many theories describing the process of creolisation are similar to those used to describe pidginization, although both processes are usually distinguished it should be taken into account that pidgins and creoles are developing systems and as such may overlap in terms of structural complexity depending on their functions, therefore theories overlap as well. In my view, Pidgin and Creole are bit of both (grammar of one language and vocabulary of other).

9. Some communities regard bilingualism as a serious threat; it has even been referred to as a Trojan horse, initially attractive but ultimately fatal. Why might this be so? (Consider the experience of migration and also the sorry state of many minority languages in the world.) Answer, Because in many parts of the world an ability to speak more than one language is not at all remarkable. In fact, a monolingual individual would be regarded as a misfit, lacking an important skill in society, the skill of being able to interact freely with the speakers of other languages with whom regular contact is made in the ordinary business of living. Not only that, the differences in competence in the various languages (bilingualism) might range from command of a few lexical items, formulaic expressions such as greetings, and rudimentary conversational skills all the way to excellent command of the grammar and vocabulary and specialized register and styles 10. Code-switching and borrowing are different phenomena. Try to distinguish between the two. Answer Code-switching is distinct from other language contact phenomena, such as borrowing, pidgins and creoles, loan translation (calques), and language transfer (language interference). Borrowing 4

affects the lexicon, the words that make up a language, while code-switching takes place in individual utterances. Speakers form and establish a pidgin language when two or more speakers who do not speak a common language form an intermediate, third language. On the other hand, speakers practice code-switching when they are each fluent in both languages. Code mixing is a thematically related term, but the usage of the terms code-switching and code-mixing varies. Some scholars use either term to denote the same practice, while others apply code-mixing to denote the formal linguistic properties of said language-contact phenomena, and code-switching to denote the actual, spoken usages by multilingual persons.

11. Describe the linguistic uses of some bilinguals with whom you are familiar. When do they use each of the languages? If you are bilingual yourself, in what ways do you identify with people who show the same range of linguistic abilities? Answer,

12. Most of us know someone who has a repertoire of linguistic abilities that we admire, possibly envy. Try to specify some of these abilities that you yourself seem to lack. Why does the other have these abilities and you do not? Answer,

13. Which linguistic variables might be usefully investigated in the part of the world in which you live; that is, what kinds of variation have you noticed around you, and how might you characterize the variation using the concept of the linguistic variable? Answer, The variables might be usefully investigated in the part of the world in which my live are using (ing) than (in) For example, words like singing and fishing are sometimes pronounced as singin and fishin.There are major problems which make pronunciation variables harder to study than might be expected. The current state of disarray in phonological theory, where, for instance, the status of phonemes and the nature of underlying forms of words is still in doubt, gives rise to one such problem. Is one justified, for example, in treating the [r] sound in cart as an instance of the same phoneme as that in car? Could one use the difference which Labov found in his New York study as evidence that they are different phonemes (assuming that phonemes is a meaningful term)? Is it justifiable to postulate phonemes such as /h/ in the underlying forms of words like house when speakers nearly always leave the sound out in ordinary speech? If not, by what right do we assume that such speakers are illustrating the same variable in choosing between house with and without [h] as others speakers who normally have the [h], but sometimes drop it.

14. Labovs major study of New York City is based on a sample from the Lower East Side. Labov (1966) claims that this area exemplifies the complexity of New York City as a whole with all its variability and apparent inconsistencies. Try to assess this claim. Answer, New York is the most populous city in the United States and the center of the New York Metropolitan Area, one of the most populous urban agglomerations in the world. The city is referred to as New York City or the City of New York to distinguish it from the State of New York, of which it is a part. A global power city, New York exerts a significant impact upon commerce, finance, media, art, fashion, research, technology, education, and entertainment. The home of the United Nations Headquarters, New York is an important center for international diplomacy and has been described as the cultural capital of the world. The reasons why William labovs major study of New York City are classified by: a. Their location (Saks Fifth Avenue, Macys, and S. Klein) b. The number of pages of advertising in the New York Times and in the Daily news. c. The prices of comparable items (e.g. in 1962 womens coat averaged $90 in sacks, $79.85 in Macys and $ 23 in Klein). d. The size and layout of the store.

15. Hypercorrect linguistic behavior is not at all unusual. What examples do you know of? Who gives evidence of such behavior, and on what occasions? Answer,

An example of using Hypercorrect in my country is when a villager comes to capital city (Jakarta), he/she will try to imitate how language that used the Jakarta people, for example, Aku arep teng pasar will be changed Gue mau ke pasar,coy. villagers sometimes use prestige features at a greater rate than townsman speakers .Because the villager wish to achieve the next higher level of status, they attempt to talk like members of the next higher class, but they go too far.