SHG Report Central Asia 2007

From Self Help to a Wider Role in Society
A Review of Self Help Group Methodology in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan
Research study carried out with ECCA agencies and NGO partners by INTRACs Central Asia Programme
November 2007
Report by: Charles Buxton, Kazbek Abraliev, Maamatkul Aidaraliev, Anara Moldosheva, Matthew Naumann, Shoira Yusupova
November 2007
Cover photograph: Boys transport harvest near cotton growing area around Kurghon-Teppa in Tajikistan. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
From Self Help to Wider Role in Society
CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................... 7 MAIN CONCLUSIONS................................................................................................................................................. 7 RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................................................................ 9 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 10 1.1 BACKGROUND / CONTEXT................................................................................................................................. 10 1.2 ECCA AND INTRAC........................................................................................................................................ 11 1.3 THE FIRST SHG STUDY: GIVE FISH OR A FISHING ROD? .................................................................................. 12 1.4 OBJECTIVES OF THE SECOND STUDY ................................................................................................................. 12 CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY ......................................................................................................................... 14 2.1 FRAMEWORK FOR ANALYSIS ............................................................................................................................ 14 2.2 KEY TERMS FOR THE 2ND STUDY ....................................................................................................................... 15 2.3 CROSS-CUTTING THEMES ................................................................................................................................. 17 2.4 HOW THE STUDY WAS CARRIED OUT................................................................................................................ 17 2.5 STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT ............................................................................................................................. 18 CHAPTER 3. SELF-HELP ACTIVITIES FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT...................................... 20 3.1 MAIN AREAS OF SHG ACTIVITY IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN ............................................................. 20 3.2 SHGS IN TAJIKISTAN ........................................................................................................................................ 21 3.3 SHG LEADERS .................................................................................................................................................. 23 3.4 GENDER ROLES AND DIFFERENT TYPES OF SHGS .............................................................................................. 25 3.5 SELF HELP GROUPS AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT ................................................................................................ 27 3.6 SUMMING UP: SHG SUCCESSES IN COMMUNITY MOBILISATION....................................................................... 32 CHAPTER 4. SHG ASSOCIATIONS CLUSTERS, FEDERATIONS AND OTHER NETWORKS.......... 34 4.1 CLUSTERS / FEDERATIONS IN KAZAKHSTAN AND KYRGYZSTAN....................................................................... 34 4.2 CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS IN TAJIKISTAN ................................................................................................... 35 4.3 DEFINING THE TERMS: CLUSTER AND FEDERATION .......................................................................................... 36 4.4 OTHER GROUPS AND NETWORKS WHERE SHGS ARE ACTIVE .......................................................................... 38 4.4.1 Intermediate bodies................................................................................................................................... 38 4.4.2 Existing institutions................................................................................................................................... 39 4.4.3 Newly created bodies ................................................................................................................................ 40 4.5 MEMBERS AND LEADERS OF SHGS WHO BECOME LEADERS IN OTHER ORGANIZATIONS.................................... 41 4.6 SUMMING UP: SHGS IN LOCAL CIVIL SOCIETY ................................................................................................. 41 CHAPTER 5. LOOKING TO THE FUTURE THE AIMS, INDEPENDENCE AND SUSTAINABILITY OF SHGS, CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS .................................................................................................... 47 5.1 ECONOMICS OR POLITICS WHICH COMES FIRST? ........................................................................................... 47 5.2 GENDER ASPECTS OF SHG DEVELOPMENT ....................................................................................................... 51 5.3 NGO LOBBYING ACTIVITIES AT NATIONAL LEVEL .......................................................................................... 53 5.3.1 National level lobbying ............................................................................................................................. 54 5.3.2 Case Studies of Coalitions and Networks Associated with SHGs ............................................................. 55 5.3.3 How the political situation affects SHG lobbying activity ........................................................................ 56 5.4 SUSTAINABILITY OF SHGS, CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS ................................................................................ 57 5.4.1 Organisational and Financial Sustainability ........................................................................................... 57 5.4.2 Sustainability at Policy Level.................................................................................................................... 58 5.4.3 Sustainability: results from the opinion survey......................................................................................... 59 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS........................................................................ 62 6.1 MAIN FINDINGS FROM THE STUDY .................................................................................................................... 62 6.2 CONCEPT AND STRATEGY: THE FUTURE DEVELOPMENT OF SHGS .................................................................... 64 6.3 LINK TO ECCAS ADVOCACY AND CAPACITY BUILDING PROGRAMMES .......................................................... 66 6.3.1 ECCAs Advocacy Programme ................................................................................................................ 67 6.3.2 ECCAs Capacity Building Program ........................................................................................................ 68 6.4 SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS .................................................................................................................. 69
November 2007
LIST OF ATTACHMENTS
Attachment 1: Terms of Reference (excerpt) ............................................................................................... 72 Attachment 2: List of interviewees (Field Visits)......................................................................................... 73 Attachment 3: Example of Field Visits Questionnaire................................................................................. 76 Attachment 4: Opinion Survey Questionnaire............................................................................................. 77 Attachment 5: Country Fact files................................................................................................................. 78 Attachment 6: Political events 2002 2007 ................................................................................................ 79 Attachment 7: Diagram Showing Linkages Between Different Levels of Lobbying .................................... 80
LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

Figure 1: Diamond figure showing interlinked elements ............................................................................ 14 Table 1: Total SHGs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2004 / 2007 and Current Urban-Rural Breakdown .................................................................................................................................... 23 Table 2: SHGs Gender and Age Breakdown ............................................................................................ 26 Figure 2: Which is the most likely way you would approach the local administration? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007) .............................................................................................................. 27 Figure 3: Did you participate in elections? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007) ................................ 31 Table 3: Clusters and Federations .............................................................................................................. 36 Table 4: Characteristics and functions of SHGs, clusters and federations ................................................. 37 Figure 4: 3-sector and arena models of civil society .................................................................................. 42 Table 5: What is the Difference between an NGO and a CBO?.................................................................. 45 Figure 5: Which element of the work of Self-Help Groups is the most important for the empowerment of their members?.............................................................................................................................. 47 Figure 6: How do you assess the sustainability of SHG, Clusters and Federations? ................................ 59 Table 6: Future development of SHG Movement ........................................................................................ 60
Acknowledgements
Many thanks to the ECCA agencies whose funding and practical support made this study possible, also to the NGO partners and the member of self help groups, clusters and federations who generously gave information and time to the researchers. INTRAC would particularly like to thank the members of the writing team and local experts for this project: Maamatkul Aidarliev, Shoira Yusupova, Matthew Naumann, Anara Moldosheva, who completed their tasks efficiently and in a very helpful way. We must thank in a similar way the other staff from ECCA agencies and NGO partners who took part in the field visits: Pia Dyrhagen (DCA), Shashwat Saraf (CA), Bertien Bos (ICCO), Taalaibek Jakypov and Nurgul Alybaeva (Child Protection Centre), Margarita Zobnina (Moldir), Malika Sobirjonova (Mehrangez). Also Janice Giffen from INTRAC UK who led the preparation workshop. This was a large, mixed team but everyone worked well together (and without any complaint about the tough schedule of travel and meetings!). Finally, we thank Peter Kenny from Ecumenical News International who accompanied the researchers on their travels in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Peter wrote a series of nine articles for ENI and excerpts from six of them are included in this report, also a selection of his photographs. We are sure that they will give extra interest and colour to our text.
November 2007
List of Abbreviations
ABS ACT CA ASTI CA CAP CBO CS CSO DCA DCCA DWPS ECCA FED FSU ICCO INTRAC JR RCE MC MCA MDG NGO NVC PRA SHG UNDP Access to Basic Services Action of Churches Together Central Asia Association of Scientific and Technical Intelligentsia Christian Aid Central Asia Platform Community-Based Organisation Civil Society Civil Society Organizations DanChurch Aid Development and Cooperation in Central Asia (Kyrgyz NGO) Democracy and Widening of Political Space Ecumenical Consortium Central Asia Fair Economic Development Former Soviet Union Interchurch Organization for Development Co-operation The International NGO Training and Research Centre Japanese Railroad (Kyrgyz NGO) Resource Centre for Elderly (Kyrgyz NGO) Mahalla Committees Micro-Credit Agency Millennium Development Goals Non-Governmental Organisation National Volunteer Centre (Tajik NGO) Participatory Rural Appraisal Self-Help Group United Nations Development Program
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

This study is written for ECCA agencies and partner NGOs, also for the members of SHGs and their various associations and networks in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. Its aim is to assist discussion of the results of their work and to propose new ways forward to improve the livelihoods and life opportunities of communities and make a greater impact on society.
Main Conclusions
In all three countries, the research team got an overwhelmingly positive picture of the work of SHGs. In Tajikistan, groups are moving gradually through the establishment and consolidation stage. In Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, many SHGs are already mature and self-sufficient. SHGs have shown that they are a valuable tool for empowerment at both individual and group level. Group members attitude to life has become more optimistic and positive. Their understanding of local issues and their involvement in community decision-making has grown. Indeed, they are well-placed to work with other actors in the community to tackle economic and social problems. However, lobbying by SHGs seems to work best at this local level and there was little evidence that it is being done at higher levels without significant support from the parent NGO. Another way of putting this is to say that, in the main, SHGs are working with immediate rather than strategic issues. The social composition of SHGs varies according to location but is made up mainly of the poorer and middle layers of the population, with some individuals from the richer and poorest layers. The variety of SHGs is a definite plus (single and mixed sex, age variations, ethnic pluralism). There is a felt need for leadership development programs to help local leaders meet their responsibilities and take up emerging opportunities. The role of leaders at all levels is extremely important. Clusters have advanced in all locations as informal groupings of SHGs in an urban estate or kvartal, or in a village. Leaders and other activists meet in the cluster to share experience of managing groups and to discuss wider problems affecting the community. By contrast, federations (defined as a more formal body uniting several clusters, with more stable human or financial resources) have only been created in a few locations where the SHG programme is quite mature. Clusters and federations provide SHG members an opportunity to operate within a wider network, exchange information and experience at a higher level. However, in some cases they appear to have been created top-down by the NGOs with the eventual aim of transferring management tasks to them. Women are active and there are many female leaders in SHGs, clusters and federations. This is despite womens double burden of care for their children and families. Mens interests have been seen mainly on the economic side and in community leadership. In some SHG units and in particular in traditional community institutions where SHG members participate and NGOs also carry out a capacity building function (eg mahalla committees) women seem to be given secondary rather than leadership roles. Many SHG leaders and members are active during elections. The groups have increasing respect and visibility in the community, so they find it quite easy to put forward leaders and activists to fill different positions including as elected deputies. The attitude of the authorities to the activities of SHGs is generally positive. However, it was not clear, for example, what SHGs do when their relations with authorities get worse (eg after determined lobbying leads to conflict). In Tajikistan and Kazakhstan the problem in relations with government seemed to be lack of understanding or willingness by officials to
November 2007
work with CS. In Kyrgyzstan the problem was different - political instability and lack of coherence of government policies and systems. The economic aspect of SHG activity remains central and is one of the main themes for lobbying. Here the role of micro-credits and the new micro-credit agencies (MCAs) set up by the NGOs is very significant. The management of the credit program adds to the responsibilities of not only SHGs but also clusters and federations, and seems to determine the shape of the organizational structures being developed. If the NGOs SHGs are strong and numerous, the MCA will become stronger and accumulate a big credit portfolio. It was difficult to assess whether the MCAs or the different bodies managing credits could turn into a new local elite. The view of NGO representatives was that with the current percentages and the limited coverage of MCAs, they are unlikely to get rich.
Self help group near Lenin village, Khatlon oblast (Tajikistan) pose after meeting before heading for Friday prayers. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
The future sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations is seen by NGO staff as tied up with to the development of a self help movement or a common, regional strategy. The experience of the ECCA consortium, the Ishenim network and other attempts to bring together SHG actors shows the value of working together to create sustainable forms of liaison and shared management. But there are many questions which the movement needs to continue to pay attention to. The research team listed a number of these open questions of which some key ones are brought together below: From self to community. This is the theme of this report and it reflects a balance which needs to be maintained - how to ensure that the groups, while meeting their own needs, are also committed to a wider solidarity. Patriarchal traditions and modern self-help. Many NGO staff and SHG activists see a cultural foundation for their work in self-help institutions that have existed in Central Asia from ancient times. However there may be some elements of tradition which are negative and in contradiction with modern self-help with its focus on individual autonomy. For example it is essential to discuss the issues around gender inequality which have risen in the study. Role of the family or clan. As the study shows, it is very often family, clan or ethnic ties which bind the community together (especially in rural areas). The issue of what social, economic and political interests the SHG movement represents remains rather open. Links to other self-help associations. It would be wrong to see SHGs in their ECCA programme form as the only example of self-help in the region. The ASTI report on social institutes referred to in Chapter 4 describes several similar types of groups in Tajikistan. These comparisons are very useful for self-
definition and strategy development. The Ishenim network, as a self-managed discussion forum for the NGO partners, is well-placed to look at these issues and hence the study includes recommendations for Ishenim in the next section.
Recommendations
From the list of recommendation made in Chapter 6, some of the most important are: For SHGs, clusters and federations 1. Continue independent thinking around the self-help concept in Central Asia (linking to national and other traditions). Use own links and resources to extend the SHG movement in the region and to make links with similar community associations. Use the opportunities provided by exchange visits between NGOs to develop and implement new ideas, in a planned way 2. Strengthen the lobbying component within the SHG programme at local and district level. 3. Provide more information to the public on the activity of SHGs. Promote plurality of cultural and social activities in the community 4. Find ways for SHG members, especially women, to attend training for SHG leaders at a broader level. Create forums for more discussion and analysis by SHG members and leaders around issues relating to local governance, local economic policy, poverty reduction, gender equality. For partner NGOs 1. In questions of organisation and programme development, try to move to more open systems, for example: 1) Work more closely with other local NGOs; 2) Delegate SHG advice, training and monitoring responsibilities to clusters and federations; 3) Continue process of building MCAs 2. Provide training to SHGs on how to select themes, plan and conduct campaigns. 3. Avoid the danger of endless accumulation of SHGs and responsibilities to individual clients and supporters, or the temptation to appoint leaders for the clusters and federations 4. Continue work with intermediary groups (see Chapter 4) village councils, mahalla committees, social community councils, womens clubs and resource centres, jamoat and ayil okmotu committees (youth, health etc). They are a valuable interface with local government and other CSOs. Include representatives of local government in training and exchange programmes wherever possible 5. Organise a discussion around the strategy of building a peoples bank since this is very different from civil society activity. For ECCA agencies 1. Support NGOs and SHGs in the above mentioned areas. Continue the shared ECCA approach 2. Direct new resources to meet the needs of clusters, federations and networks and actions which they initiate 3. Support NGOs, SHGs and individuals to create a womens lobby within the ECCA 4. Develop a dialogue with national governments on the significance of self-help (and micro-credit) in their national strategies. 5. Support a comparison of the SHG experience with other agencies and programmes working in similar areas; avoid programme / geographical duplication wherever possible 6. Ensure that the ECCA advocacy and capacity building programme work within this general strategy (detailed recommendations for the capacity programme are given in Chapter 6). For Ishenim network 1. Undertake a strategic review in autumn 2007 - spring 2008. 2. Use the strategic review to discuss a possible move for Ishenim from an internal discussion role to a wider one with a focus on 1) SHG methodology; 2) community development; 3) poverty reduction, gender equality, and the rights based approach. 3. Widen its membership among ECCA NGO partners in Tajikistan
November 2007
CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background / Context
The experience of the Central Asian states since the break-up of the Soviet Union in 1991 is dramatic and contradictory. On the one hand there have been the excitement and advantages of independence the regaining of national identity, the promotion of traditional culture and norms, the adoption of elements of political pluralism and the market economy. On the other hand, there has been civic strife, the erection of boundaries between states and a collapse of living standards for the majority of the population. Members of SHGs, in whichever country and whether rural or urban, are part of the general population which lost their previous employment and suffered a catastrophic decline of education and health services. The rural population was reduced to subsistence family farming and 15 years later hundreds of thousands migrate for work to other countries because the conditions to make a proper livelihood in agriculture still do not exist. Larger towns and cities are flooded by internal migrants competing for land in which to put up makeshift housing and struggling with bureaucracy so as to place their children in school or access basic health facilities. The years since 1991 have seen the institution of presidency establish itself across Central Asia, to varying degrees softened by parliamentary or wider political activities and structures. The growth of civil society has been a positive factor and the NGOs described in this report are in the front line of social sector NGOs. Their role has been both to support vulnerable groups directly during the crisis years, and to press donors and government for more resources and better policies - more attention to the voice of poorer groups in the community. In 2005-06 a new political and economic stage seems to have begun in Central Asia. The March 2005 Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan extended to Central Asia the political turbulence which had been seen in Georgia and Ukraine but showed that the political forces and directions were significantly different from those ex-communist neighbours. The revolution brought down President Akaev, acclaimed as the most liberal post-independence leader in the region and ushered in a regime with a populist but more statist ideology. Countries such as Tajikistan and Kazakhstan saw a consolidation of power in the hands of Presidents Rahmonov and Nazarbaev. Opportunities for democratic debate or protest remained very restricted but the economy slightly improved. Indeed, economic growth has attained 8-9% rates across the region (contested by some commentators). The problem is that there is little evidence that this is being distributed among the poorer sections of the population. In all the countries there are conscious efforts by national government to engage with civil society through the creation of public forums or councils at national and local level and experiments with contracting social services. Here Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are ahead1. For basic facts on Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, see Attachment 5. For a summary of main political events in the three countries since 2002 with a particular focus on democracy issues, see Attachment 6.
1 A full regional assessment would include reference to the May 2005 uprising in Andijan by radical Islamists which was brutally put and led to the rupture of relations between the Uzbekistan government and the USA. This event brought Uzbekistan back into closer relations with Russia and confirmed the gradual re-grouping of the Central Asia states in a regional bloc with important contacts with Russia, China and other neighbours to the south. In 2007, after the death of President Niyazov, Turkmenistan also began a slow reintegration into the FSU bloc.
10
1.2 ECCA and INTRAC

The concept of Self Help Groups was introduced into Central Asia in 1998-99 by a number of international agencies, importing it initially from India and gradually adapting it to local conditions and drawing on similar traditions and approaches in Central Asia. In 2004-05, the same agencies, now united in the Ecumenical Consortium for Central Asia (ECCA), adopted a new joint strategy for their work in the region2. Five regional priorities or themes were identified, as well as lead agencies and countries where the themes would be pursued. Each of these themes or priorities has its own relation to lobbying and civil society networking. Three of the themes are particularly important to self-help groups and are being implemented widely across the three countries Democracy and Widening of Political Space (DWPS), Fair Economic Development (FED), and Access to Basic Services using a Rights Based Approach (ABS). The other two Faith Based Social Action and HIV-AIDS Awareness and Support also have a relation to this theme but exist more separately from the SHG programmes. Different agencies take the lead on particular themes and with a different focus in each country according to need and to resources available. If we look in more detail at ECCAs rationale and plans for the three programmes DWPS, FED and ABS, we can see from the table below that they differ quite widely as regards the needs and options for lobbying and CS networking:
Regional focus strategies Civil society players Community development activities SHGs, federations, village which promote a voice from below organisations Promoting independence and NGOs working with local authorities collaboration with local NGO sector Lobbying and human rights NGOs Fair economic Agricultural processing and Rural NGOs involved in product / development (FED) marketing value chain development Small and medium enterprise Urban NGOs working on SME development development Professional micro-finance activities Micro-credit agencies set up by NGOs Access to basic services Basic income generation activities Rural and urban partner NGOs, SHGs with rights based Securing access to services for and federations approach (ABS) vulnerable groups Community based hygiene and sanitation (Source: ECCA Regional Policy and Strategy Paper 2004-08 p14-23) Regional priorities Democratisation and widening political space (DWPS)
INTRAC (International NGO Training & Research Centre) has been working on issues of NGO development in Central Asia since the mid-1990s and on wider issues of civil society strengthening (including community development and relations with government) since 2000. In 2004 INTRAC began a series of external evaluations of ECCAs NGO partners in the three countries. In 2005-06, a pilot program focusing on strategic planning and organizational development was funded by ICCO for six NGOs in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan which had gone through the external evaluation process with INTRAC. This mini-program attempted to address the challenges faced by local NGOs trying to deepen their response to poverty and lack of rights, and at the same time to expand services and geographical reach. In 2007, INTRAC launched a 3-year capacity building program for ECCA entitled Strengthening NGOs to Support the Self-Help Movement, after a regional workshop involving NGOs from the three
The ECCA agencies are: Christian Aid (UK), DanChurch Aid (Denmark), ICCO (Interchurch Aid & Cooperation in Development, Holland), and Norwegian Church Aid
2
11
November 2007
countries which determined priorities and a general framework for the initiative. There were two new features of the new program: first, capacity building efforts were directed towards development of a self help movement; and second, the NGOs created a consultative group to guide INTRACs work. All this means that there was considerable interest from INTRACs side in the theme of the new SHG study. Its emphasis on the role of SHGs in community and civil society development was very close to the themes of the new capacity building program. So when ECCA suggested it, INTRAC was happy to pool resources and work together on the study.
1.3 The First SHG Study: Give Fish or a Fishing Rod?

The first SHG study, carried out by the Ishenim network in 2004, is a base document for the current study. It not only explained the core concept and methodology of Self Help Groups, but also collected valuable data on all the main areas of activity of SHGs, laying out the information for the partner NGOs in a series of accessible and easy-to-understand paragraphs, tables and case studies. This authors of this study hope that we can be as clear and logical in our analyses! The main emphasis of Give Fish or a Fishing Rod? is on the establishment of SHGs: how people join them, the organisation of the groups, and especially the training and economic activities of SHGs (savings and credits). This was connected to an analysis of poverty in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan (since the study did not cover Tajikistan). The new study has several key differences from the first: It covers Tajikistan where the SHG approach has made major steps forward since 2004; It focuses on civil society and external relations of SHGs more than on the economic side; It looks specially at clusters and federations (also much advanced since 2004); And finally, it takes a slightly more selective approach and does not attempt to chart all the activities or achievements of partner NGOs or the SHGs themselves. The focus is more on which way the movement is going - if indeed it can be called a SHG movement.
1.4 Objectives of the Second Study

The Terms of Reference created by ECCA in early 2007 defined the Purpose of the review as follows: 1. To inform a discussion based on experience among the ECCA agencies and its NGO partners about the potential of the SHG approach to socio-political empowerment of civil society in Central Asia in order to improve the impact of the support. 2. To contribute to a common knowledge base among the ECCA agencies on the impact of the SHG approach by identifying best case practice The review had four Key Questions: A. What lessons can be drawn from the effects of the SHG methodology on the wider community? To what extent does it contribute to social mobilisation and empowerment of civil society at local level? B. What lessons can be learned from the clusters and the SHG federations with regards to enhanced capacity to achieve solutions to the problems identified at regional and national level? What is their potential for empowerment at regional and national levels? C. What lessons can be learned about independence and sustainability of the SHGs, the clusters and the federations? D. What is the way forward?
12
Within this set of questions, the review was concerned to look at what has been achieved by SHGs and their clusters or federations, the internal and external factors affecting performance, and also the role of the NGO in supporting the groups. The focus on civil society and government relations meant that the study should look at other players in the community, and also at wider political issues and networking. And as in the first review, there should be an attempt to assess the impact of the programme and opportunities for its wider replication. The question about the way forward is very open it asks what adjustments are needed in the support from ECCA and the NGOs? What changes are needed in the way the SHGs, the clusters and the federations work?
Two farmers wearing Tajik caps stand proudly with family members near Kulob on their land cultivated from a barren patch with the aid of a self help group. An NGO official and an extension officer are in the lighter coloured shirts. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
Story 1. ECCA agencies support self-help along Asia's Old Silk Road If the main bridge across the Rhone River in central Geneva collapsed and repairs did not begin immediately, residents of the Swiss city would be up in arms, lobbying and harassing local, regional or federal authorities to act. Action would likely soon be taken. What would happen in a small south-western Tajikistan town, 12 kilometres from the biggest centre in the Khatlon region? In Qahramon, near the country's third largest city of Kurghon-Teppa (formerly Kurgan-Tyube) nothing happened for weeks when the residents' bridge collapsed during flooding a year ago. People seemed paralysed. They just did not know what to do. "People could not move their crops, nor could they access the nearby village where some worked," said school teacher Ruziev Habibjan, who also does a little farming like many of his neighbours. "When they decided to form a self-help group, it was then they began to find a solution." The self-help group raised its own funds, and then lobbied government authorities to repair their vital artery. The combined effort, along with a little international aid, got the bridge up again. Central Asia is associated in history with images of the Old Silk Road that linked West with East in the days before sailing ships opened up the sea routes in the mediaeval phase of globalisation. Colin Thubron writes in his book, Shadow of the Silk Road, "To follow the Silk Road is to follow a ghost. It flows through the heart of Asia, leaving behind it the patterns of its restlessness, counterfeit borders, untapped peoples. The road forks and wanders where you are. It is not a single way, but many: a web of choices." Many choices still face Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan. For many members of self help groups, every day there is the battle against unrelenting poverty, at the same time as they see around them others living in increasing wealth.
13
November 2007
CHAPTER 2. METHODOLOGY
2.1 Framework for Analysis
As noted in Chapter 1, this report follows on from the 2004 study of self help groups. So it may be useful to briefly summarize a number of key points from the first study which explain the approach and mechanisms used by the main players: First, the Ishenim network brings together NGOs which wish to empower and mobilise socially disadvantaged people to solve their own problems and improve their quality of life. One of the key activities for this purpose is creation and development of SHGs. Working with people with similar problems helps increase the self-confidence of members and hence enables them to start tackling their own problems and social problems of the community. Each NGO is developing its own mission and specialised area of work. Thus the NGOs have different activities and target groups (defined by factors such as place of residence, social group, and problems faced). In addition, methods of community mobilisation vary significantly. There are three main levels of SHG program management: 1) the NGO itself; 2) other facilitators (other NGOs, micro-credit agencies), and 3) SHGs (and their clusters and federations). SHGs are usually formed through mobilisation by an external actor (usually an NGO) but some established SHGs have also assisted in the creation of new SHGs locally. A key factor in implementing SHG activities is the NGOs own organisational structure and staff capacity. The 2004 study defined three groups of NGOs young, mid-age and mature organisations. The progress of SHGs from group formation to consolidation and sustainability is measured by the sponsoring NGOs using a gradation process. The interaction of these elements can be seen in the following framework presented in the first study: 1) SHG members needs; 2) SHG activity areas: 3) Interaction with the environment; 4) Structure of the groups; 5) Self-management3 Figure 1: Diamond figure showing interlinked elements
NGOs main aim (mission)
NGO Activity
Target group
NGO Capacity
Structure
TP3PT Give Fish or a Fishing Rod, Belloni et al, chart 3.2
14
The activities of SHGs are usually defined as belonging to four areas: economic, social, political, and cultural / psychological. Groups decide themselves which area or aspect to focus on; usually it is a combination of two or more areas. Though concentrating on SHG start-up, training of members, and the savings/credit side, the 2004 study also began to address the social and political side of SHGs. One interesting finding of the survey undertaken was that twice as many respondents saw the main benefit of group membership as resolving social problems rather than increasing family income. Most respondents (68%) indicated that the chance to work together to solve problems was the main reason for joining the group, rather than access to credit (20%). Some 25% of respondents noted that their SHGs were involved in lobbying on questions such as land, housing, residence permits, and medical and social problems. The authors suggested that the poor felt that they had more clout together, and that local authorities are often happy to compromise or give in when faced by constructive determination.4 It was also noted that other SHG members took more committed political positions. At the time of the first study, a few SHG members, particularly those connected with Mehr-Shavkat and Shoola in rural Kyrgyzstan, had stood as candidates in village elections, while others, predominantly in urban areas, had actively supported certain local politicians in elections.5
2.2 Key Terms for the 2nd Study

The current study From Self Help to a Wider Role in Society focuses on the social and political aspects of SHG activity. INTRAC drew the research teams attention to several key terms and questions which seemed to be important for the analysis. Civil society. INTRACs working definition of civil society organisations (CSOs) is of: Associations that exist outside of the state or market which maintain a degree of autonomy and independence, and have the potential to provide alternative views, policies and actions to those promoted by the state and market CSOs will have a variety of power relations with the state and market, according to context, the capacity of the associations themselves etc. INTRACs vision of civil society is as an arena where interactions between different actors exist. This is an inclusive approach that recognises informal associations alongside registered NGOs and includes traditional groups established long before the post-1991 transition in Former Soviet Union. These groups include professional and workers associations from the Soviet period and family or clan-based associations from the pre-Soviet period. However, this definition of civil society also recognises that not all groups may be on the side of development or democracy (which are quite contested terms in Central Asia as elsewhere). Like the ECCA agencies, INTRAC works at operational level with a variety of CSOs from self-help groups dedicated to service delivery, through to advocacy groups. While the first SHG study by Ishenim looked more at service delivery by SHGs (and gave a broad picture of the ECCA agencies NGO partners) this study will focus on advocacy and civil society strengthening at local and higher levels. A key question here is how far community development (via SHGs) contributes to civil society strengthening. INTRACs research and debates around the world in recent years leads us to conclude
TP4PT Give Fish or a Fishing Rod, Belloni et al, p 44, 63, 73 5 Belloni et al, 52
15
November 2007
that, quite often, community development may not lead to civil society development.6. (Indeed, this was borne out by the first SHG study where only an estimated 25% of SHGs were said to be involved in lobbying activities.) INTRACs own work on civil society in Central Asia has frequently raised the issue of instrumental as opposed to empowering approaches to community development.7 By instrumental we mean that international agencies use community development as a tool for programmes with other aims, such as poverty alleviation, without giving newly created community based organisations a chance to become autonomous or sustainable. Empowerment. Several definitions of this rather complex and broad term are used by INTRAC in capacity building for community development. One definition, which focuses on the political and institutional aspects, goes as follows: Empowerment is the expansion of assets and capabilities of people to participate in, negotiate with, influence, control, and hold accountable institutions that affect their lives. (World Bank) The first SHG study also looked at empowerment. For example, it defined a number of social-culture and political impact indicators. These remain very relevant for the current study: Development of self confidence Solution of social problems Solution of the problem of loneliness Creation of the atmosphere of trust in SHGs Strengthening the commonness of SHG members and the mutual enrichment of cultures Improvement of the conditions of life of nutrition Creation of new jobs Improved access to social infrastructure Lobbying of interests and participation in community life Changing personal behaviour and cultural values
It is notable that the list includes both internal and external aspects of empowerment (i.e. inside the individual and outside). Indeed without these internal strengths it is very hard for anyone to challenge the external powers and forces that so strongly influence their lives. Indeed, hijacking or co-optation of CBOs or social movements by local or national elites is a problem in all countries. Another point shown clearly by the list is how closely the different areas of the SHG diamond (economic - sociocultural psychological - political) are connected with each other. Ensuing sections of the report will assess to what extent SHGs are achieving empowerment in these areas. Capacity building. A third topic central to the study is capacity building. Here the focus has been on how NGOs can support the rapidly growing programs of SHGs, cluster and federations which they have helped bring into existence. A continuing commitment to moral support, advice and training of SHGs is unlikely to be enough given the rate of development of these bodies. The ECCA agencies and NGOs need to consider different structural / programme options which take into account the increasing independence of SHGs and potential for support from other facilitators.
The main source for these discussions is materials from INTRACs international conference in 2005 in Amman, Jordan, entitled Civil Society Support: Is Community Development the Way Forward?. This conference focused attention on one of the main questions posed by ECCAs SHG study ie does the promotion of SHG activities actually lead to gains in CS and democracy? See INTRAC website www.intrac.org . 7 For example, in the case studies Community Development in Rural Areas of Central Asia, INTRAC 2005.
16
2.3 Cross-Cutting Themes

Two cross cutting themes were identified for the study. One of these has been mentioned already this is the political aspect. The review team decided to focus on two areas where information might be more hard to collect and assess; first, areas of conflict that occur in SHG activities; second, the connection between the local level on which so many activities take place, and the national level of lobbying which is so important for policy change. The second cross-cutting theme was added to the ECCA study by INTRAC: gender. This theme was given some attention in the first study, and it is of course commonplace to note the leading role of women in the setting up and activities of self help groups. Indeed women have played a key role in CSOs across the region since 1991. The aim in the second study was defined as to look at gender on three levels: At the level of SHGs: how well do the aims and mechanisms of SHGs promote and enable new and wider opportunities for women and men? At the level of clusters and federations involved in lobbying: what is the gender regime (arrangement of work and roles) and the relative power of women and men in this activity? At the level of impact of SHG activities in lobbying: how well are the needs and rights of women and men represented?
Thus, the study attempts to make a short gender analysis of SHGs from the point of view of the 3 Rs representation, resources, results.
2.4 How the Study was Carried Out

The TOR for the study defined two main stages: 1) preparation work 2) self assessment by partner NGOs, 2) field visits to selected NGOs and SHGs, 4) discussion and dissemination of results. For INTRAC, a key aim was to involve both ECCA agencies and NGO partners as fully as possible. Meetings were held with both ECCA and Ishenim at the outset. A member of staff was allocated to the task of coordinating the work, in particular the complex liaison with NGO partners for the self assessment, secondary materials and field visit stages, plus data analysis and writing. It was decided to run two events at the beginning and end of the field visit stage: 1) a 2-day research methods workshop / planning session (to be led by a visiting INTRAC consultant); 2) a one-day debriefing workshop. The self assessment stage produced very good results. Questionnaires were sent to all NGOs working with SHGs and / or members of the Ishenim network, and 16 replied with full information about SHGs, clusters and federations, lobbying and networking activities and so on. The response was so positive that the review team decided to visit all partner NGOs, even though because of time constraints some visits were quite short. The field research stage was quite complex because of the need to combine the timetables of representatives from ICCO, DCA and ACT/Christian Aid who took part. In addition, INTRAC invited applications from NGO partners to join the research teams (one each from Kazakhstan and Tajikistan and two from Kyrgyzstan. ECCA and NGO representatives met at the research methods workshop and were divided into five teams which each covered NGOs in two countries. The field visit phase took two weeks
17
November 2007
and was followed immediately by the debriefing workshop. The aim here was to take the chance to build NGO capacity in research and analysis, as well as to get comment from the local CS point of view. The review team defined key players to be interviewed in each organisation: NGO director, senior staff, social workers (focus group), SHG leader, SHGs members (focus group), Cluster / Federation leader or members (focus group), SHG activists who have become leaders in other spheres (eg elected deputy, womens council chair), representatives of local and national government, representatives of other local NGOs and community groups, representatives of NGO micro-credit agencies. The NGOs were asked to make a choice of individuals and SHGs to meet the researchers, using these criteria. This approach meant that the researchers met experienced, confident informants but probably they were not completely representative of SHGs and their members. A small number of meetings were held with control groups for example, NGOs which do not work with SHGs, or SHGs which have not created clusters and federations. This was done so as to gain differing points of view and to set the SHG program in perspective. At the end of the face-to-face interviews, respondents were given a short questionnaire to fill out. The aim of this was to chart their views on key questions in a way that would allow the study team to compare opinion in the three countries and between 2004 and 2007. Attachments to his report provide more information on the methodology of this report: the original terms of reference, questionnaires, a list of interviewees, and some notes on the survey of views.
This pensioner from Balykchy was still able to smile despite problems with regular water supplies during summer for a third straight year. See story 2 on page 19.Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
2.5 Structure of the Report

The structure of this report follows closely the questions set by ECCA. (Introduction) and Chapter 2 (Methodology), there are four main sections. Following Chapter 1
Chapter 3 looks at SHG activities directed at community empowerment, briefly considering the country context and bringing in issues around SHG leaders, the relations between SHGs and local government, and the main areas of community mobilisation by SHGs. Chapter 4 moves up to the level of SHG associations whether clusters, federations or other forms such as cooperatives and CBO-NGO networks, discussing what stage the ECCA program has reached in the development of secondary bodies of this kind, and what role they play in local civil society. In the next section, Chapter 5, the review addresses the question about which way the SHG movement is going. It considers issues related to the growth of the economic side of the program and the role of NGOs and SHGs in lobbying and networking activities at national level. This section makes a gender analysis of the SHG program and looks at the sustainability of SHGs and their associations. Finally, in Chapter 6 the review makes a number of
18
conclusions and recommendations, linking to ECCA general strategy and its capacity building and advocacy programmes in particular. At the end of each chapter a short human interest story has been added with photographs taken during the field visits.
Story 2. Water, water everywhere, but for some there's not a drop to drink There should be plenty of water at the town of Balykchy, where property prices are booming for some. But the faces of the elderly at the local community centre look crestfallen. The town lies at the western tip of Lake Issyk-Kul, a sublimely beautiful piece of water in lying at an altitude of 1600 metres above sea level, with cool breezes blowing from the snowcapped mountains of Eastern Tien Shan even in the heat of summer. But some of the elderly Russian-speaking pensioners living in this rail junction town of 45,000 inhabitants are angry that for a third year running they cannot get water in their apartment blocks, despite having made strong efforts to do so. Pensioners from a federation of self-help groups attached to the Resource Centre to the Elderly gathered to discuss their activities early in July, and for many of them water was on their minds. Lyudmila, a self-help activist in her late 70s, explained, "This is especially a problem in summer time. We are charged for using 180 litres a day, but we don't get any water." The woman explains that such a problem would never have occurred before 1991, when Kyrgyzstan was part of the Soviet Union and local services worked. "We are using these groups of ours to lobby to get water flowing back in our apartments, says another elderly woman called Galina. The pensioners realise they have to push the already hard-pressed authorities to act on their behalf, but know this is not an easy task. Sitting in an office fronted by a big statue of Vladimir Illyich Lenin, the deputy-mayor of Balykchy, Mederrolov Taalaibek, explains that his resource-strapped council often does not have the resources to deal with residents' problems. He stresses that he works very closely with NGOs to solve the problems of vulnerable people. Taalaibek, who has been in his position for nine years, says, "Since the collective system stopped functioning, it has been difficult for many people We are trying to solve problems and listen to the self-help groups, and want to act on their concerns like the water problem. But how we can do it is not always an easy answer," says the deputy-mayor. "Sometimes I have to act like a psychologist, sometimes like a lawyer." Still, things are getting better, and despite bureaucracy from above, the town's revenue is increasing. Its budget was 25 percent higher in 2007 than the previous year. Balykchy's economy grew by 50 percent in 2006, but it does not all trickle down the poor yet, says the deputy-mayor. Galina Kovalenko, executive director at the Resource Centre for the Elderly comments, "We are lucky we have a very enlightened deputy-mayor here. We have developed the self-help groups and they are forming their own federations. They know how to lobby but still need help. What we really need in more employment to break the logjam."
19
November 2007
CHAPTER 3. SELF-HELP ACTIVITIES FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT
3.1 Main Areas of SHG Activity in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

Introduction Since the 2004 report, the number of Self Help Groups supported by ECCA NGO partners in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan has almost doubled. One NGO partner, ADRA Kyrgyzstan, has started supporting SHGs for elderly people in Bishkek, while another, Intersheriktesh, is seeking alternative funding to continue its work with SHGs. All partners have seen a rise in the number of SHGs supported. (See Table 1 on page 23 for full details.) The majority of NGOs work with SHGs in clearly defined localities (cities or rural districts), though DCCA and RCE (Umut) have a wider geographical spread and Moldir works in South Kazakhstan in addition to Almaty city and oblast. SHGs affiliated to DCCA have recently and independently of their parent NGO helped to establish new SHGs in regions of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan bordering their districts. Within Kyrgyzstan there is a tendency for ECCA donors to support SHGs in multi-ethnic areas especially Bishkek, the Fergana and Chui Valleys. An exception to this is the concentration of SHGs supported by Shoola on the south shore of Lake Issyk Kul. There appear to be no SHGs in Naryn Oblast, the poorest region of the country which is predominantly Kyrgyz, and just a few in Talas Oblast recently established by DCCA. Kazakhstan still has just two ECCA partners that support SHGs Baspana and Moldir. Both have seen a modest rise in the number of SHGs supported since the first study. Respondents from Kazakhstan have spoken of a general lack of donor interest in their country, perhaps on the mistaken assumption that the countrys oil wealth is being used by the government and private sector to reduce poverty. Composition of groups Within the two countries, SHGs range in size from 7-15 members8. Usually members of SHGs are 20 years of age and older, with the majority 30-50 years old. They are thus made up of the most employable part of the population (the exception are groups set up to support elderly people). SHGs are not usually differentiated by ethnicity - they are organized by social status and place of residence. In localities where various ethnic groups live side by side, SHGs are generally multi-ethnic. According to the SHG philosophy, leaders should rotate. In some cases having a strong, long-term has brought success to groups, but other SHGs stated that without rotation the groups become dependent on one person and in future, when the leader quits the group, they either disintegrate or become inactive. In either case SHGs benefit from good facilitation by their NGO partners. Role of groups In their early stages, SHGs concentrate on economic and social issues affecting their members for example, raising funds and providing or developing employment opportunities (opening trading points, sewing, tailoring and other activities). Interest in the problems of the wider community tends to increase as the groups mature, though in most of them economic activity continues to prevail. Usually SHGs are
In Kazakhstan the size of SHGs is slightly smaller. Respondents linked this to a concern about government restrictions on the amount of people who can gather together for unofficial meetings.
8
20
supported materially and psychologically by their founder / partner NGO. Lobbying by SHGs is mainly connected with issues at the local level. Members of SHGs noted that having been involved in the group helped them acquire a new interest in life. SHGs give collective support to their members. One SHG member stated that our groups are an island of well-being in a sea of troubles. But in order to achieve this more secure position, the groups need to go through several difficult stages of development. Representatives of local government interviewed for the study stated that they find SHGs supportive, because they tackle the common problems of citizens in a given area. Indeed the researchers found that there is a tendency in areas with strong SHGs for local government to hand over responsibility for certain tasks to the groups, which can then become an implementing mechanism (eg for social infrastructure improvements) which by right the government should provide. It is therefore important for SHGs to know their mandate clearly and to distinguish clearly between their obligations and responsibilities, and those of local government. For more on the relationship between SHGs and local government, see Section 3.4 below. Types of groups SHGs representing elderly or disabled people tend to be more dependent on NGOs. If for younger and middle aged people SHGs provide an opportunity to boost their economic and social conditions, for elderly people they often represent an escape from isolation and loneliness. Recently there has been a tendency for elderly peoples SHGs to reduce their age limit to attract people of working age into the groups and hence make them more economically sustainable. In the questionnaires, members of these groups stated that, unlike working-age people, they would find it difficult to operate without NGO support. There are instances where experienced adult groups have begun to set up childrens groups, or where children themselves decide to follow the example of their parents and create their own group. But there is limited experience as yet with childrens SHGs. One success story comes from Mehr-Shavkat, which works with a local childrens parliament in south Kyrgyzstan9. Sustainability Although members of SHG talked about self-sufficiency, almost all groups noted that they need outside assistance, including consultancy, training and financial support.
3.2 SHGs in Tajikistan

Introduction When the first SHG study was carried out, no Tajik NGOs were members of the Ishenim network and so the country was not included in the report. ECCA support for SHGs in Tajikistan began in 2003 after a visit by Tajik partners to NGO Shoola in Kyrgyzstan. In March 2004, Christian Aid invited Jashree Mukherji, a consultant from India, to help develop this concept, and later that year five partner NGOs in Tajikistan began developing SHG programmes. Thus Tajikistan is still at a comparatively early stage where self-help groups are gradually transforming from members purely helping each other towards facilitating the development of a healthy and independent civil society. There are currently 87 SHGs in Tajikistan supported by ECCA partner NGOs of these just seven are located in urban areas.
Another example comes from SHGs for families of street children, organised by Child Protection Centre in Bishkek. But this falls outside the remit of this study.
21
November 2007
Like Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, SHGs in Tajikistan tend to be focused on economic activities perhaps even more so. Sometimes the understanding of NGO partner staff and SHG members as regards the meaning of self-help is significantly different. While NGO staff are positive about the participation of group members in lobbying activities, SHGs themselves are quite reluctant to get involved. They are more comfortable earning money for group members than in bringing up wider issues or lobbying the local authorities for better services. In Tajikistan fear and reluctance to lobby government structures can be traced back to the effects of the civil war and the rather restrictive, authoritarian nature of government since then. Composition and development of groups SHGs in Tajikistan are economically homogenous all their members are poor. However, members come from different ethnic backgrounds and the history of their communities can be quite different (eg communities that have relocated from one area of the country to another in the Soviet period or afterwards). The groups are prepared over a 6-month period by training and awareness-raising on the role and nature of SHGs. During these six months they learn about business plans, income generation activities analysis, teamwork, conflict resolution, gender and human rights. Also within this stage groups set certain principles and rules (on issues such as rotation of roles, leadership, and savings procedures). After six months almost all SHGs are ready to get group credits and loans. Role of groups Observation shows that the majority of groups are interested in the economic aspect of the SHG movement. Members are informed from the very beginning that it is expected that they will receive external funds to improve their earning potential. This basically encourages them to stay in groups and attend sessions. SHGs in Tajikistan see a role for community solving of infrastructure problems such as installation or repair of electricity transformers, road and bridge reconstruction. Existing mahalla committees and SHGs supported by the NGO build links with local authorities and work in social partnership. In some parts of southern and eastern Tajikistan where society is more conservative, religious figures are key in almost all decision making at community level. Indeed, mullahs are very effective in spreading the message the message, especially when it comes to convincing the male population to allow their women to attend community meetings or training, or girls to go to school. The sermons given by mullahs at Friday prayers in the mosque on issues such as equity or equality, or the importance of education, are an important potential mobiliser for SHGs. Thus NGO partners (eg Mehrangez) have tried their best to integrate a religious perspective within SHGs in spite of various problems they have faced in building these links. SHGs also play a role in reducing conflicts in society. In southern Tajikistan (Kurghon-Teppa zone of Khatlon) there are still hidden frictions between Gharmi people and the rest of the population. This is due to the countrys civil war, which pitted people originally from Gharm (East Tajikistan) against their neighbours. The SHG concept being developed by NGO partners (Ghamkhori and Mehrangez) in these areas is very vital in conflict prevention between these ethnic groups. In SHGs people come together and develop a sense of equality based on the use of set principles and regulations; minorities do not feel socially excluded and decision-making processes involve the majority of voices in the community. People feel diversity in their social lives and livelihoods; through the SHG movement they take part in a range of public events such as festivals, competitions, and exhibitions; and by using SHG savings and credits they generate new income and secure their livelihoods.
22
Table 1: Total SHGs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan in 2004 / 2007 and Current Urban-Rural Breakdown
NGO Total No. of SHGs (1st study, 2004)* Total No. of SHGs (2007) Urban/Rural Breakdown (2007) No. of Urban SHGs No. of Rural SHGs
ADRA-Kyrgyzstan 31 Agency Nau 38 Arysh 80 131 Baspana 38 62 DCCA 43 133 Gamkhori 3 Intersheriktesh 24 45 JR 12 40 Mehrangez 23 Mehr-Shavkat 56 136 Moldir 81 124 Nachoti Kudakhon 21 NVC 2 Shoola 54 117 RCE (Ymyt) 71 99 Ruhafzo 8 TOTAL: 469 1013 (Information from self-assessment questionnaires)
31 117 39 10 5 68 5 2 33 310
38 14 23 123 3 45 35 23 136 56 16 117 66 8 658
3.3 SHG Leaders

It would be difficult to overestimate the role of leaders in the development of SHGs. As noted by the respondents during the survey, leaders have a major influence when deciding what direction the group will take, what issues will be addressed, and on the level of success achieved. Good leaders foster solidarity, team spirit, confidence and mutual understanding all of which are vital for the sustainable development of groups. SHG leaders at the set-up stage In the early days of the programme, SHG formation and identification of leaders was mostly led by staff from the sponsoring NGOs, whereas now it is very often existing SHG and cluster leaders who do this. In either case the process is quite similar a person with initiative (or a person who has found out about SHGs) begins to tell people whom he/she knows about them. Gradually people who are confident and interested enough get together to form the groups core and to involve other acquaintances in its activities. Very often it is the initiators of this process who eventually get elected as leaders. Personal traits such as initiative and determination play a big role in the emergence of SHG leaders. These qualities are often passed on to other members of the SHG, who later become leaders by rotation. At the initial stage when SHG members are getting to know each other and the groups ethos is being formed, it is the responsibility of the partner NGO to provide a detailed explanation of the SHG method and in particular to ensure oversee compliance with the principle of leadership rotation. However in reality, some leaders remain in this role for life without giving the opportunity to other group members to try out their leadership skills. This can result in either the dissolution of the group or in the creation of a new group by another member with the ambition and ability to lead.
23
November 2007
Just as SHGs tend to be a reflection of the supporting NGO (as noted in the first SHG report), so the group members to some extent are reflections of the group leader, and the SHG leader is in turn a reflection of the NGO leader with whom she/he works. Rotation of Leaders If SHGs are to play a positive and dynamic role in civil society and in collaboration with government on key issues for the community, their internal governance is important. An open and democratic style will help the group to involve members and attract and convince supporters from outside. This is why the SHG concept puts great store by the principle of rotation of the positions of SHG leader, accountant and secretary. Rotation helps to build leadership skills, to foster individual responsibility, and to strengthen the capacity of the entire group. In theory, leaders should rotate approximately every 6 months by re-election of another group member. However, the survey showed that this does not happen in all groups. There appear to be two different opinions on the issue. The first opinion is that leadership rotation should be mandatory as outlined in the SHG principles. This point of view is based on the fact that rotation of leaders prevents concentration of power in one person and enables individuals to grow as they take on and try out the roles of leader, accountant or secretary. Supporters of this view argue that once having been in the leaders shoes, all members will recognize the difficulties and problems encountered by leaders, and also that mutual understanding and responsibility in the group will increase. Leaders, cashiers and accountants should rotate. When people know they will have to be leader, they try to improve their knowledge. Sometimes ordinary leaders can become outstanding leaders! Rotation within the SHG facilitates improvement of the leadership skills of SHG members Others think that rotation of leaders is unnecessary if the leader performs successfully, or that this should be up to the group itself to decide. Supporters of this view argued: It is difficult to rotate leadership if members do not have leadership skills (Moldir) Some SHGs are used to one leader, and when the leader is replaced the activity of the group is halted, or the groups begin to split into smaller groups depending on the number of leaders, Sometimes democracy leads to dissolution of SHG (Shoola) Personal ability and skills are very important in leadership. Even if all the members of the group are trained there may be failure to achieve the results (Baspana) The latter approach is less concerned to encourage the emergence of new leaders in the group, so the success and effectiveness of the group will depend on one leader only. There is the danger that over time SHG members will transfer all the responsibility for development of the group to just one person, thus increasing dependency. This in turn would lead to a decrease in the sense of ownership for the results of SHG activity, since and if all the work in the SHG is done by the leader, he/she will most likely have the decisive vote in the group. Empowerment of SHG leaders To prepare leaders and tackle the challenges of spreading leadership and responsibility within the groups, the partner NGOs have organized an ongoing programme of training, exchange visits and other activities to improve SHG members knowledge and skills and to ensure that they can apply in addressing community problems, protecting their rights and lobbying their interests. For instance, Mekhrangez developed a six month training program on leadership for women leaders of SHGs. As a result of the training program SHG women leaders not only gained knowledge but also managed to set up a SHG
24
Federation. Women leaders working with Agency Nau have established a string of village based Womens Resource/Development Centres where training is held for girls and women on various topics. Exchange visits are on of the most effective and popular methods for broadening experience of local leaders. Seeing for themselves the activity of more experienced groups has inspired SHG members and leaders to implement similar approaches in their own groups. Here the role of the more established NGOs such as Arysh, Resource Center for the Elderly (Umut), and Mehr-Shavkat has been very beneficial. Another opportunity for leaders to develop confidence and experience is with microcredits and stimulating grants for SHGs, clusters and federations. Economic and social activities of this kind give leaders valuable experience of project and finance management, and of work with local population and local self government bodies. Leaders noted that successful implementation of projects raises not only their self assessment and confidence but also improves trust among the population, thus increasing their influence on the decision making process.
3.4 Gender roles and different types of SHGs

In all three countries, the majority of SHG members are women. A variety of reasons have been outlined for this. Some respondents stated that men do not see SHG involvement as serious employment, somehow below their dignity. Others pointed out that women have more to worry about: in particular, raising children, household problems and community problems, and thus have more incentive to get involved in groups to try to change things. Thirdly, in many parts of Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, large proportions of the adult male population work abroad seasonally or permanently, and thus are unable to join groups. Fourthly, some believe that women are simply more active than men, and men are lazier. In Tajikistan, the idea of SHGs was initially seen by donors and partner NGOs as a way to help poor women from rural areas. Many respondents noted that women leaders more actively lobby their interests before local authorities. They specifically pointed out the role of women leaders in election processes, since they participate in the campaigns of candidates to be deputies (who in the majority of cases are men). There are differences between the roles of women of different status. In Tajikistan it was noted that SHGs with younger women members tend to be less active because of childcare, cotton working, and household duties such as cooking, fetching water, and cleaning. In contrast, older women play a bigger role and are active in SHG development. Nevertheless, there are often difficulties even for older women in taking on leadership functions. Many women SHG members lack the opportunity to participate fully in training programs implemented by NGO partners or to participate in exchange visits. Usually, husbands or mothers in law are very reluctant to allow women to go to training organized in other cities. However in the course of time when women begin to bring benefits to their families from participation in SHG in the form of micro credits and additional income, attitudes begin to change and they are more likely to be allowed to participate in various events. An example of development of the role of women in Tajikistan that came up in the study was the fact that women gain more initiative and become migrants (like Tajik men) leaving for other countries and working on construction sites. Women with good psychological support from their husbands and other family members when they help with family duties (such as cooking, washing, and care of children), feel more confident and secure
25
November 2007
leadership posts. In this case women have more time to participate in the work of the group, training and other activities. One of the women leaders from Kyrgyzstan said: It is pleasant when villagers accept you and respect you as a leader. It is clear that the status of women varies from country to country, regionally, and by urban or rural location. Women generally support the idea of mens SHGs, or the involvement of men in mixed groups, seeing a range of heavy physical tasks such as maintenance or construction as not suitable or impossible for women. Mens groups were created in Tajikistan to seek to help resolve this problem. However, migration pressures make these groups less sustainable. There has been a gradual change noticed across the region in mens attitudes to the groups they see women from their families earning and helping resolve problems in their communities, and are becoming more favourable to womens involvement in the groups. Women play a major leadership role in the SHGs 90% of the leaders of groups surveyed were women, including many from mixed gender groups. However, they are affected by the traditional attitude to women, particularly in rural areas. Respondents from Tajikistan noted that many women leaders remain unnoticed because they are shy and are afraid of taking leadership responsibility. The table below shows the breakdown of womens, mens and mixed SHGs; also groups set up specially for elderly people and children. It is interesting that mixed groups are now almost as numerous as women-only groups. In these groups the principle for association is usually the chosen activity agriculture, crafts, etc as well as geographical location. Some NGOs support family SHGs. The survey discovered that in family groups the leader tends to be an older person or the head of the family. This undoubtedly reflects the tradition of respect for elders; in these groups there is less rotation of leaders. Internal discussion or democracy is likely to be highly affected by the character and interests of the family or clan supplying its members. Table 2: SHGs Gender and Age Breakdown
Total No. of SHGs (2007) Gender and Age Breakdown No. of No. of No. of Mens Mixed Elderly SHGs SHGs SHGs
NGO
No. Of Womens SHGs
No. of Youth, Childrens SHGs
ADRA-Kyrgyzstan 31 31 Agency Nau 38 22 16 Arysh 131 76 9 Baspana 62 DCCA 133 41 12 Ghamkhori 3 Intersheriktesh 45 3 35 JR 40 15 1 Mehrangez 23 17 6 Mehr-Shavkat 136 33 10 Moldir 124 72 9 Nachoti Kudakhon 21 11 3 NVC 2 2 Shoola 117 RCE (Ymyt) 99 Ruhafzo 8 TOTAL: 1013 323 101 (Information from self-assessment questionnaires)
37 62 78 7 9 83 33 7 8 324
31
2 6 2 2 99 142
5 6 2 4 10 27
26
3.5 Self Help Groups and local government

This section brings together a wide range of examples of liaison between Self Help Groups and local authorities. SHGs employ a variety of strategies at the local government level to improve conditions in their communities. Five main strategies or levels of cooperation have been identified: Seeking permission from local authorities for social action Social partnership with local authorities Lobbying the local authorities for reallocation of funds Going over the head of unhelpful local authorities to a higher level Standing for election for local government positions
The method or methods used clearly depend on the local circumstances and the nature of the group, cluster or federation and its members. Longer established groups often are much more proactive in lobbying and local elections. The existence of clusters and federations, or otherwise high concentrations of SHGs can increase the effectiveness of actions. The most productive SHG-local authority relationships (to date) tend to be located in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan administered by elected ayil okmotus. In Bishkek, social partnership is more complex due to the large number of organizations competing for influence. Also there are no elections at the primary level district akims and the mayor are appointed, and the lowest level directly elected body is the Gorkenesh, or city council. The equivalent of the ayil okmotu in Bishkek is the TOS, the Territorial Social Council, which is largely appointed by local notables, often with considerable pressure from higher authorities. It is a similar picture in Almaty, where the Homeowners Consumer Cooperatives are made up in the same way, and in most of Tajikistan, where Mohalla Committees fulfill similar functions. Unlike ayil okmotus, none of these bodies have their own budgets, and hence they must rely on funds from higher levels of government. Figure 2: Which is the most likely way you would approach the local administration? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007)
2004
2007
4% 13%
14% Individually With my SHG / federation With other community members No

31%
13%
Individually With my SHG / federation With other community members

71%
69%
27
November 2007
The chart shows that over two-thirds of respondents prefer to raise issues collectively with other members of SHGs and federations. Interestingly, more respondents in 2007 than in 2004 would lobby with other community members too. This may indicate that SHGs are working more closely with other local CSOs10.
Seeking permission
This form of interaction with the local authorities is clearly the weakest. It is employed where either power balances are greatly weighed in favour of the authorities or where the authorities have no resources available to support the social initiatives of SHGs. In south Kazakhstan oblast, members of SHGs do not feel the political situation allows them to lobby the interests of the people. Rather, they seek permission from local akims for any activities carried out, including the holding of meetings. In southern Tajikistan, after several years of lobbying local government to repair a road, and being told that there were no finances available, a villages groups took it on themselves to secure funding from international donors, and organized villagers to contribute labour. They asked for permission from the Jamoat (local council) to carry out the project themselves, and the authorities were very happy to give their consent. A support NGO worker told researchers in Tajikistan its too early for achievements in lobbying. Instead, we need to think about unity of the people, income generation and mobilisation for labour. Social partnership Often, Self Help Groups and their clusters or federations work in partnership with local authorities to improve life in their neighbourhoods, deciding on priorities as more or less equal partners. Usually, these priorities include improving local social infrastructure (including, for example, roads, water supply, gas, electricity, health care, and childcare) and providing accommodation rent-free or at reduced rates for SHG activities. This form of partnership seems particularly prevalent in rural areas of Kyrgyzstan, for reasons enunciated above. Thus, on the one hand, the local administration has an electoral interest in meeting the perceived needs of the local community, as well as a personal interest in supporting initiatives to develop the local area. One ayil okmotu head from Jalalabat Oblast was effusive in his support: Self Help Groups are the best tool for bringing people to unity. Through SHGs social problems can be resolved and young people can be brought up properly. They help resolve conflict situations. They help strengthen the knowledge of agriculture among the population. Members of SHGs are more active than any other local institutions... On the other hand, SHGs can see real benefits of close links with the authorities for themselves and their communities. There has been widespread donor support in Kyrgyzstan for joint training of local groups and local government on social partnership. By contrast, NGO representatives from Kazakhstan expressed regret that similar activities had not taken place to a greater extent in their country one told researchers It is now difficult to cooperate with the authorities because they think SHGs are oppositional. Social partnership seems generally to be most effective where there is a high concentration of Self Help Groups. In the village of Alysh Bashy in Aravan raion, Osh Oblast, more than 50% of households are affiliated to the local SHG Federation. Likewise, there are strong clusters in certain villages on the south side of Issyk Kul. In such circumstances, clearly it is in the interest of the ayil okmotu to work closely with Federation or Cluster members. An example was given by the ayil okmotu head in Karabak village in Batken Oblast of southern Kyrgyzstan. He told the researchers that he has 156 SHG members in his territory. He phones them to ask for help in organising meetings and activities. Joint initiatives include
10
Comment: in some case respondents marked more than one answer (2007).
28
the opening of a new medical point, distribution of material support to poor children, and the organising of an oblast level workshop on the role of SHGs. Sometimes the ayil okmotu goes into social partnership with SHGs when it sees the benefits of group activities for their communities. Groups near Burana tower in the Chuy valley were offered a site at the historical landmark by the local head of government for a yurt to sell handicrafts, as well as help with materials and wool. The ayil okmotu head told SHG members that he was happy they were showing enterprise and setting a good example for local youth. The Sharbulak cluster at Issyk Kul was given a converted banya by the local authorities after working closely with the ayil okmotu. Social partnership depends on a good working relationship and respect between the parties involved. Sometimes this does not exist. SHGs gave a number of reasons for unfriendly relations with the local government. One SHG, made up of internal migrants in the Chuy valley, found the ayil okmotu unwilling to help because of their outsider status: according to SHG members the head only supported locals. Another SHG found its way blocked because of personal political rivalry between its leader and the ayil okmotu head. When the head of local government was replaced, partnership flourished. Social partnership can also be broken. Relationships built up over years can fail when changes in local government leadership occur. Another problem is faced by a Federation in Almaty. After developing close ties with the city district akimiat, their apartment blocks are to be demolished and residents dispersed. Even if Federation members are relocated to a single district or estate, the process of developing ties with local government will have to begin again from scratch. Lobbying Where SHGs do not work in close partnership with local authorities, the relationship is often based on lobbying of the interests of SHGs and society at the local level. This can be quite confrontational: one NGO interviewee told researchers that SHGs are like a fist ayil okmotus fear them because of their tight structures and mutual understanding between members. Generally, lobbying by more experienced SHGs is more effective one NGO contrasted the high level achievements of its SHG partners in southern Kyrgyzstan, some already 5 years old, with those of their newer partner SHGs in northern Kyrgyzstan, which have been working for less than 2 years. As with social partnership, social infrastructure is generally the focus of local lobbying. This is done in a variety of ways. Typically lobbying will begin with letter writing and visits to local government offices. Groups in northern Tajikistan find using references to Presidential decrees and speeches in their submissions to be helpful in eliciting favourable responses. A number of respondents commented on the enhanced effectiveness of multiple SHGs lobbying together. SHGs in Almaty have found that it is helpful for letters to the local akim to have as many signatures as possible, as local government is more likely to follow up requests. One ayil okmotu in southern Kyrgyzstan repaired a maternity house after lobbying by the village Federation. Seven SHGs in another southern Kyrgyz village mobilised to demand the renationalisation of the local bathhouse. According to an interviewee, this campaign was successful because the head of the local administration was afraid to see so many people and groups lobbying together. Some SHGs have found new ways to lobby the interests of their communities. Local budget hearings were introduced at Kyrgyzstans ayil okmotu level in a bilateral donor supported programme. NGO staff reported that initially these hearings were seen as remote and inaccessible by the majority of villagers. However, SHG training on budget hearings has resulted in much stronger bottom-up participation by local people to promote social interests. One village, for example, successfully reallocated money to
29
November 2007
work on a drinking water system. Another village secured money to send local children on holiday. Members of a cluster in a Bishkek new settlement were appointed to a committee with a mandate to audit local government spending. They discovered that local people were paying more for installation of telephones than had been officially budgeted for and were able to resolve this problem. In some cases, SHGs find allies in the local context who have greater access and opportunities than them for lobbying. In Kazakhstan, local self government (LSG) is generally controlled by appointed figures. These typically have very limited resources and no incentives for tackling local problems. However, in the new settlement Duman-1 in the outskirts of Almaty, when the authorities tried to impose a local government leader he was chased out by the population and replaced by a local activist who had worked for Baspana, the migrant support NGO, since 1995, and is now a member of a SHG. In 2006, despite opposition from the city district akimiat he was recognised as head of LSG by the Almaty city akimiat. He uses his position, and access to power structures, to actively lobby the needs of the settlements population at the district and city levels, consulting closely with the local SHGs and Federation. Lobbying can require a lot of tenacity and perseverance. One NGO in southern Kyrgyzstan suggested that some of its SHG partners are likely to give up after a first failed attempt at lobbying, such as not receiving a market stall to sell SHG produce. On the other hand, another SHG in southern Kyrgyzstan lobbied successfully for the introduction of a water pump, but were then told they would have to pay for the water. A further lobbying campaign was necessary to secure user control over the water supply. Lobbying sometimes does not work, or has unintended side effects. One SHG in northern Kyrgyzstan lobbied successfully for a local club to remain in village hands, when the head of the ayil okmotu wanted to sell it. Since this campaign, the relationship between local SHGs and the local government chief has soured to the point where they are not speaking. In Almaty, NGO staff note that new settlements with established and vibrant Self Help Groups and Federations have now much better social infrastructure than the majority of their neighbours. It is not clear whether resources are being diverted from more passive to more assertive settlements, or whether the money found would otherwise be squandered or pocketed by unscrupulous officials. Particular frustrations have been reported with regard to SHGs in Bishkek. An NGO worker supporting elderly peoples SHGs told interviewers that in general officials dont pay attention to the proposals of SHG members, saying that they are too busy with more important things, and that its impossible to sort out pensioners problems. Likewise, new settlement SHGs have found the lobbying process difficult, with few successes so far, though they are hopeful that things are changing. There are some high profile supporters of SHGs on Bishkeks city council -31 SHGs lobbying together in Bishkek managed to secured rent free kiosks from the city to sell their produce, and others were supported in their attempts to have a bridge built in the Botanical Gardens. Over the heads If attempts to solve problems through the local authorities do not work, SHGs can employ other strategies to get things done. One of these is using the media. In Almaty, SHGs call a local television station when the akimiat stalls on making social provision for their new settlements, to state that their needs are not being met by the authorities. Another approach used in Almaty is to bypass unhelpful tiers of government. When a commercial company was offered the chance to install telephones in a new settlement by the district authorities at commercial rates, the local Federation got together with their support NGO to lobby on these issues at higher levels. Eventually, the city akimiat decreed that telephones should be installed at a much lower rate. Now, almost all homes in the settlement have telephones.
30
In Kyrgyzstan, Self Help Groups have high level supporters. The Minister of Social Protection told an interviewer that some regional governors have seen the benefit of the SHG for society and have sent memos round lower tiers of government asking for the SHG movement to be supported. One vice mayor of a northern Kyrgyz town told researchers People come to me with many problems. I try to solve the problems and listen to them. Sometimes I give them advice on where to go and how to take the next step, because not all problems are within my mandate and authority. We try to help if we can we direct them to other structures. The policy should be flexible, but we have to stick to a general line. In principle we try to solve the problems ourselves. Referring to the Oblast level is an extra step and involves a lot of extra bureaucratic work. Another option if the local authorities are not resolving the concerns of the SHGs is to remove them. One ayil okmotu head in southern Kyrgyzstan was unable to solve a problem, and so local groups lobbied successfully for his dismissal. Elections All the SHG activities mentioned above were aimed at influencing the authorities. Another path to seek to improve village life is for SHG members to secure official positions for themselves. This can be with semi-official or official bodies, and with the local administration or with the elected body that supervises it. In general, a much higher proportion of male SHG members are interested in getting involved in electoral politics than female members. Figure 3: Did you participate in elections? Comparative analysis (2004 and 2007)
2004
2007
12%
19%
Yes No
Yes No 81%
88%
The chart above shows the high level of participation. It is slightly lower than in 2004 (81% rather than 88%) and this is because of the lower level in Tajikistan. Elected SHG members can facilitate much more successful social partnership, and better allocation and use of local government funds. In southern Kyrgyzstan, Federation members on village councils raise issues of concern to village and district people for government response, and often manage to leverage resources and funds from their ayil okmotus to meet the needs of the community. The Federation also mobilises the local population to contribute labour to local government projects, such as repairing roads. SHG members tend to be heavily represented politically in areas where they make up significant proportions of the local population. In Aravan district, an NGO worker gave a figure of 9 elected
31
November 2007
members of village councils. Another suggested They play a big role at election time, and know how to work with deputies. One member who is now a district councillor spoke to a researcher: The SHG members voted for me and that helped me become a village council deputy, after having being a SHG member for 4 years, including a spell as leader. I was elected this year to the district council. As an SHG member and leader I was aware of village problems better and this helped me get elected. As part of the SHG I raised the issues of community members, which were then resolved by local government. People realised I was responding to their needs as an SHG member, and thus was well placed to represent them. Another SHG member in Aravan district is a deputy head of village administration. In the Bokonbaev district in northern Kyrgyzstan there are likewise a number of SHG members on local councils and womens councils. Some are also village heads. One stood unsuccessfully for head of the ayil okmotu. They believe that local elections in 2008 or 2009 will see substantially more members elected as local deputies Some SHGs prefer to support external candidates in elections. In Almaty, many womens SHGs actively support primarily female candidates for the city council. One SHG in the process of formation in northern Kyrgyzstan is made up of supporters in a village of a failed parliamentary by-election candidate, who want to continue working together. SHGs also can be seen as guides at times of political crisis or dispute. At the time of the 2005 change of power in Kyrgyzstan, members of some SHGs in northern Kyrgyzstan turned to the leaders of their groups for guidance. SHGs have also helped to develop links between refugees from Andijon and local people in southern Kyrgyzstan, and to act as an honest broker in north western Kyrgyzstan when all other village structures were split through the middle on the question of whether to support a gold mining companys plans for the district. A Bishkek cluster was instrumental in resolving a conflict between Kyrgyz and local Turks over cattle going missing. Through their intervention, both sides agreed to go to arbitration by local elders.
3.6 Summing up: SHG Successes in Community Mobilisation

At the self assessment stage of the SHG study, NGOs were asked to give some examples of social mobilisation activities their SHGs are involved in. Below are the results for Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, arranged according to the main themes of lobby and civil society work which the respondents themselves identified: Themes for social mobilisation Local physical infrastructure (water, roads..) Social services (medical, childrens, state benefits) Access to water and land, offices for clusters Housing built or repaired Legal questions (tax, privatisation) Local budget hearings Election mobilisation Avoidance of conflict (refugees, migrants) Other (campaigns, cultural) Total Percent of cases provided 13 % 23.9 % 15.2 % 4.3 % 17.4 % 6.5 % 2.2 % 6.5 % 10.8 % 100 %
The cases provided by Tajikistan NGOs were mainly in the first three categories, though with some interesting examples of campaigning, such as on domestic violence. The Kyrgyzstan cases included several on gaining access to land and water, including through reversal of earlier privatisation decisions,
32
and also some cases of conflict resolution. Legal questions such as those around propiska (registration of official place of residence with the authorities) are important for urban NGOs representing internal migrants in both Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan. This picture is different from the data collected during the field visits in one or two areas. Thus it became clear that SHG members are much more involved in election activities but this is often on a personal, informal basis. Also cultural events probably have a greater weight. The fact that the results of this mini-survey were slightly different for the countries of the region is not surprising. In part, they reflect the external environment, in part the stage of development of the SHG programs for example, as noted above, Tajikistan SHGs are all less than 5 years old.
Story 3. Kazakhstan women met to combat loneliness, then tackled government Margarita Zobnina, a medical biologist in the nursing profession, joined a women's group in her native Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union, at a time when women faced not only increasing impoverishment but also loneliness. Zobnina, now a social worker, lives in Almaty, a city that today is booming with the trappings of modern Asian success glass skyscrapers and motor exhaust fumes. Some residents are cashing in on the oil wealth of a country the size of western Europe, and one that has the highest-known hydrocarbon deposits in the Caspian region of Central Asia. Many aid agencies, however, report a growing gap between rich and poor. "A friend of mine told me about an NGO (non-governmental organization) for lonely women. In the Soviet days we didn't have NGOs and some people might shun such a group. But I don't believe there's any shame in being lonely," says 58-year-old Zobnina. Kazakhstan is made up of about 54 percent Kazakhs, plus a 30 percent Russian minority, to which Zobnina belongs. At the beginning, Zobnina explains, the group for lonely women was called "The voluntary organization of single mothers. For us who had everything organized for us in Soviet times, such a thing as involvement in a self-help group was a big step into the unknown. She recalls with delight one of the associations early successes. In Soviet days female cotton factory employees were given hostel accommodation in post office apartments. After independence, however, they had to begin paying fees for services to post office heads. "The problem was the women could not afford to pay their employers on the salaries they were receiving," says Zobnina. "We had to take it to the top management and tell them what they were doing was unfair and wrong, and that they would put their own employees out on the streets." Now, the cotton factory workers can afford to live in their accommodation as the rates are in line with their salaries.
Kazakhstan has a constitution that states, "No one shall be subject to any discrimination for reasons of origin, social, property status, occupation, sex, race, nationality, language, attitude towards religion, convictions, place of residence or any other circumstances." The International Women's Rights Action Watch says that in practice, however, distinctions made on the basis of gender lead to women's greater representation among the unemployed, and thus an increased risk of them living in poverty, and lower representation in high political office. Women also bear the bulk of the burden of household responsibilities. The rights action group also notes that, as in other countries in the region, domestic violence is a major problem in Kazakhstan.
Margarita Zobnina, a medical biologist turned social worker, supports self help groups in Kazakhstan. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
33
November 2007
CHAPTER 4. NETWORKS
SHG ASSOCIATIONS CLUSTERS, FEDERATIONS
AND
OTHER
In this chapter the character and activities of SHG clusters and federations are examined, first for Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan together, then for Tajikistan, with a short section on their leaders. The analysis then moves to other associations and networks which NGOs and SHGs are involved with at local level, also a range of intermediate bodies occupying the space between civil society and local government. The chapter concludes with a short analysis of the roles of NGOs and CBOs (community based organizations) in local civil society.
4.1 Clusters / Federations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

Once SHG members begin work in the community, people start acknowledging their worth. Over the course of time non-members begin to go to the SHG for advice. Thus they begin to accept active members and the groups themselves as community leaders. This process is accelerated with the creation of clusters and federations of SHGs. During the research it became clear that the terms cluster and federation are used differently in different locations. In general, however, clusters consist of five or more SHGs located close to each other (in one village, block or street). They are unregistered associations, and they meet to exchange information and implement community projects which could not be carried out by a single SHG or to do occasional lobbying. A federation, by contrast, is an association of SHGs that may take on a variety of wider lobbying activities and thus strengthen its power. SHG Federations are more formal, usually registered associations. There are SHG Federations which unite just five groups and others which include more than 35 SHGs. The SHG study showed that while at the level of individual groups there is usually a focus on economic issues, at the level of clusters / federations more emphasis is given to lobbying of other organizations or government structures. Clusters and federations have shown that they can liaise effectively with both traditional and non-traditional forms of community organization. Although many of them are still at an early stage of development, they have begun to understand the importance of joint lobbying. In most clusters and federations the leaders are women. In several interviews leaders drew attention to their increasingly heavy workloads. They not only have to attend their own SHG meetings but also meetings at the secondary level (ie cluster or federation), as well as conducting monitoring and evaluation of other SHGs and lobbying local government representatives and others. Nonetheless, all the interviewees mentioned that uniting into wider associations had made them feel more powerful. Here the advice, support and facilitation received from the partner NGO are vitally important. SHGs cannot individually resolve the wider issues and problems affecting communities, so it is natural that they get together to solve them. In this way clusters or federations have come to be seen as a natural development of SHGs. In active communities, clusters and federations are able involve a wide range of other people in lobbying. They can help SHGs members in their attempts to gain positions in local government bodies. At the same time, SHGs begin consolidating in other ways for example, to form rural cooperatives or village councils (Mehr-Shavkat and Shoola). However, consolidation at the rayon and city levels is more
34
difficult to achieve, for reasons including the long distances between SHGs, the absence of meeting places, age and health problems. NGOs not only provide advice and training for the newly created clusters and federations, many of them also offer a degree of financial assistance. Stimulating grants are issued to help SHGs become more self-sufficient. Clusters and federations are in this way encouraged and enabled to form new groups, to facilitate meetings, train SHG members, and to carry out other relevant activities. In some cases stimulating grants are issued for purchase of equipment. During the survey it was noticed that disputes have occasionally occurred between SHG members and leaders from the federations particularly when the latter were appointed in a top-down manner by the partner NGOs. There has been much talk of empowerment of clusters and federations by NGOs, but many of the parent organizations are reluctant to let them operate independently. In rural areas clusters and federations are often registered with the local government (like Cluster DCCA), however, the researchers were told by cluster leaders in Bishkek that in urban areas it is more difficult. Many clusters and federations believe that registration will make it easier for them to work with other donor organizations, while at the same time they will still need consultancy and training support from their partner NGO. The researchers noted that when NGOs have tried to speed up the creation of clusters or federations, there were cases not just the new association disintegrated but also the SHGs which had been brought together so abruptly. Considering the negative experience of artificial creation of Federations, partner NGOs now let SHGs make the decision whether to join the Federation or not.
4.2 Clusters and federations in Tajikistan

In Tajikistan clusters and federations are a relatively new approach for ECCA partners. What is a cluster for one partner may be a federation for another. In most cases the clusters and federations have been created by NGOs to make joint activities easier. These activities may include managing larger loans, collective work, more voices for lobbying, closer ties between SHGs with similar income activities, hasher (voluntary labour) and so on. The committee of a cluster or federation is made up of two people from each SHG the SHG leader and an activist or accountant. Women comprise around 40% of their members, though almost all are maleheaded. Activists explained to the research team that this is because in Tajikistan the process of decisionmaking at a higher level than the immediate community is seen as a mans preserve. It is generally men who get involved in politics and questions around infrastructure improvements in the community. Women are given secondary roles, for example, coordinating information campaigns on new laws and regulations (eg the recent law limiting spending on weddings or funerals). Although women members of clusters and federations said that they agree with this division of labour, it still reveals and even promotes a lack of proactiveness and inclusion of women in major political processes. If this continues the secondary status of women in community development will be perpetuated. Clusters and federation are also active in solving intra-SHG and/or intra-household conflicts. They are not always able to raise issues directly with Jamoats (the self-government level) since this intermediary role is generally carried out by mahalla committees (MCs). This means that clusters and federations have not fully found their place in the lobbying process and continue to give the more important role to the traditional mahalla committees (see section 4.4.2 below).
35
November 2007
Almost all of the groups expressed views that they were not yet mature and independent enough to act without NGO support. Some even said that NGOs should give constant guidance and funding for a period of 6 to 10 years. At the same time their long-term vision is to become independent legal entities, possibly registering as a NGO or cooperative. These thoughts seem to be welcomed and encouraged by NGO partners. In general Jamoats and Hukumats are positive about self-help associations in their areas. However due to a lack of direct contact and information about their role and potential, local authorities sometimes regard such groups as a threat and / or competitors. Partners should therefore spend more time and effort informing local authorities of such developments through regular meetings and reports. Table 3: Clusters and Federations
NGO Total No. of SHGs (2007) No. of Clusters No. Of Federations Other
ADRA-Kyrgyzstan 31 Agency Nau 38 2 Arysh 131 15 Baspana 62 DCCA 133 Ghamkhori 3 Intersheriktesh 45 JR 40 Mehrangez 23 Mehr-Shavkat 136 Moldir 124 10 Nachoti Kudakhon 21 4 NVC 2 Shoola 117 4 RCE (Ymyt) 99 24 Ruhafzo 8 TOTAL: 1013 59 (Information from self-assessment questionnaires)
3 2 1 18 3 2 29
36 local NGO partners
22 cooperatives
4 cooperatives
4.3 Defining the terms: Cluster and Federation

As noted at the start of this Chapter, the terms cluster and federation are used differently in different situations. According to the methodology used by ECCA partners, once SHGs have been created and consolidated, the next stage of development is unification into clusters and federations. Group members understand that this is progression to a new level. Clusters are generally informal groupings of SHGs, while the term federation implies a more structured, representative association. The federation can also focus on other activities, for instance, taking over responsibilities with regard to credits or the marketing and sale of the products of SHG members. SHG federations are usually registered bodies, with up to 35 member groups. Their legal status enables them to operate as NGOs in compliance with national legislation, receive grants and engage in income generating activity11. One of the problems with federations has been the under-collection of membership
11 There are basically three options for registration within the general category which we simplify as NGO: obshestvennoe obedinenie (public association membership based); obshestvenniy fond (public foundation limited membership), uchrezhdenie (institution, establishment) - with only slight variations between the three countries. The key issue in registration is probably the groups the approach to membership.
36
contributions. While in groups the collection rate for membership fees is usually very high, in federations it is disappointingly low. As mentioned by one of the respondents, leaders of federations are intermediaries between SHGs and the NGO. Their regular contact with the NGO gives them more authority from dissemination of information, through identification and creation of groups to organization of training. For instance MehrShavkat has delegated decisions on credits to SHGs to the federations. Federations can design project proposals and approach different donor organizations. They help to resolve problems that SHG members have failed to resolve by themselves. In Tajikistan there is a weaker understanding of the functions of clusters and federations. According to respondents, SHG leaders are not yet ready to take on the added responsibilities of organizing and running a cluster or federation. The creation of federations has often been seen as critical to the development of a wider SHG movement. However, the feedback received from the study shows that while both clusters and federations are developing, albeit unevenly, the degree of legitimacy and power which SHG members want to give them is strictly limited. As one of the interviewees said: People do not trust leaders of big unions, since they are afraid of working in the interests of one person. The table below sums up key features of the analysis of SHGs, clusters and federations that has been offered in previous sections, though it should be noted that there are many variations in the roles of these grassroots bodies, working effectively and reflecting local needs and interests. Table 4: Characteristics and functions of SHGs, clusters and federations
Characteristics (ideal or actual) Aim SHG Help each other and the community 7-20 individual members Cluster Mutual support of SHGs Consider wider community issues on ad hoc basis Typically leaders or activists of 3-5 SHGs Women and mens groups working together. Some SHGs may not be represented. Meetings of leaders as needed (usually at least once a month) Share information, experience Plan joint actions eg cultural events, lobbying Village or small urban area (not fully representative) Federation Take over functions of the NGO for SHG support and community mobilization All SHGs and clusters within the NGOs program Representation is formal eg two persons per SHG May be a fee to join Regular, structured meetings for leaders Share information, experience Plan joint actions eg cultural events, lobbying District or oblast level in most cases (representing SHGs only) If at lower/village level, then may aspire to represent the whole area not just SHGs Regular contributions from SHGs Stimulating grant from NGO or outside agencies Income from credit activities 1-2 paid staff Office or room rented or received free of charge from local selfgovernment, school, or other sources
Membership
Activities
Economic-socialcultural-political, by choice of the members
Location
Members usually live in one geographical area
Financial resources
Savings fund created Credits taken out
Small, irregular contributions from SHGs
Non-financial resources
Group dynamism, trust, accumulating skills etc
Part or full use of an office or room free of charge from local self-government, school, or
37
November 2007
Use members houses for meetings Responsibilities to members Responsibilities to others SHG rules and procedures Group lending To members families Feeling of dependency on NGO
other sources Strength derives from SHGs 1-2 unpaid staff Informal working pattern Advice and training to SHGs (free) Information provided to NGO staff Informal link to other social institutes Feeling of dependency on NGO
Strength derives from SHGs
Legal basis
Unregistered
Unregistered
Formal rules Beginnings of paid services to SHGs or other CBOs Carry out SHG set-up and monitoring for NGO Participate in proposing and monitoring credits Informal link to other social institutes Feeling of dependency on NGO Registered as NGO
4.4 Other Groups and Networks Where SHGs are Active

The preceding section has looked in detail at clusters and federations, but these are very far from the only bodies through which SHGs and their members promote community interests. First we look at three kinds of groups which are very close to the NGO. Councils of Leaders NGO Moldir facilitates Councils of Leaders of SHGs that meet on a regular basis to exchange information and jointly plan lobbying. At the initial stage, meetings of the Council of Leaders were facilitated by the NGO, but once the SHGs had consolidated into clusters and federations, they were able to hold the meeting of leaders by themselves. Now a new kind of Leaders Council has been created. This is a forum which brings together leaders of Moldirs SHG Federations and local partner NGOs working with SHGs. This once again shows the importance of facilitating meetings between those responsible for the development of SHGs at secondary and higher levels. Cooperatives Cooperatives are another form of association of SHGs (see table 4 above for the number of cooperatives created). Self help groups which unite into cooperatives are seeking to promote their economic interests. Membership is voluntary. For example the practice of NGO Shoola shows that only some members will be ready to join other members are free to opt out. This report does not examine cooperatives further but clearly this is another very important development. Local NGO partners It is worth noting that several ECCA partners have adopted the practice of working through other local NGOs. These smaller NGOs (sometime newly created, sometime more experienced) create and develop SHGs on behalf or of in association with the ECCA partner NGO. This method of working through other NGOs is practiced by DCCA, Moldir and JR. The local NGO is usually an association with a mission and membership of its own. Like the leaders councils and the cooperatives, it works closely with the ECCA partner NGO and in some cases under its wing.
4.4.1 Intermediate bodies
Many NGOs partners in the ECCA programme have taken the decision to work with intermediate bodies that provide better access to local or public authorities than is available even with clusters or federations.
38
These bodies fall into two groups: 1) existing social or community institutions; 2) committees set up by the NGO itself. Existing institutions include, for example, Kvartal Committees (Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan), Territorial Community Councils (TOS - Kyrgyzstan), Home Owners Cooperatives (Kazakhstan), Jamoats (Tajikistan), Mahalla Committees (Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan), and Womens Councils (all countries). Previous sections of this report have given examples of the work of these bodies. Among the newly created bodies, there are Village Committees (Osh oblast), Social Community Councils (Southern Kyrgyzstan, using the model from French NGO partners ACTED), community development committees (set up by Swiss NGO Caritas in Southern Tajikistan) and a variety of more short-term or ad hoc committees. These existing and new intermediate institutions are described in detail in the next two sections.
4.4.2 Existing institutions
Mahalla committees The advantages of working with the Mahalla Committee are defended by almost all NGO partners in Tajikistan whether in Khatlon or Sogdh regions. For example, in Aini district high up in the Pamir Mountains, an ex-mahalla chair listed areas where the NGO and his committee had collaborated: 1) assisting the creation of a furniture workshop and coal delivery to remote villages; 2) creation of the womens development centre in a disused school building; 3) irrigation projects and 4) taking on a local vet to help with the Angora goats project set up by SHGs. He said that five years ago the MC existed only on paper. One person formally had the role of chair. Now there are 11 people on the committee, each year they are elected at a general meeting. They divide up the duties both development issues and the more ceremonial or ritual side.12 The NGOs role in building the committee had been very significant. Respondents from South Tajikistan told interviewers for the SHG study that the mahalla committee is best placed for lobbying. One interviewee explained it in the following way: Because the mahalla committee has the rich and the powerful in its fold, they are much better placed to lobby with government than the poor who form the SHGs... There is no direct relationship between the SHG federation and the local authorities. The federation would reach out to local authorities, if need be, through the mahalla committees Lobbying is primarily the role of the mahalla committees, which extends to the entire village and is not limited to members (as is the case with SHGs). In villages in southern Tajikistan, there are a number of SHG women active in mahalla committees once again, the NGO is helping to build it. In one village, women are also represented on the Community Development Committee at district level, which oversees school construction, food aid for poor households, canal drainage and so on. One woman stated that the training they have received has made it much easier for them to express their opinions. Urban self-government units The examples given above were all from rural areas. Many of the same issues occur in the cities of Almaty and Bishkek, but in a significantly different political and administrative structure (as was indicated in section 3.5 above). An interesting instance of urban political activism was given to the study
12
The mahalla committee has a traditional role in organising funerals and weddings, as well as in adjudicating in family conflicts.
39
November 2007
team by a SHG member in a new settlement who is chairperson of the kvartalnyi komitet in Bishkek and as such represents her block at the Territorial Social Council (TOS) level. This activist sees her post as a bridge between the authorities and the population. She told the research team: At the beginning I contacted the TOS from the SHG about various issues. Until I became Kvartalnaya I didnt know anything about the local budget... A mutual exchange of experience is needed between SHGs and the Kvartalnie Komitety... In general there is a better relationship between SHGs, clusters and local society at the TOS level. Before, the authorities were against or didnt notice SHGs, but now seven Kvartalnie Komitety want to form SHGs. The cluster initiates public discussions in the community and takes issues to the TOS level. TOSs in turn take the issues up to parliament. Her cluster has also played a role in public pressure that led to changing the chair of the TOS a number of times. These examples, of course, raise complex issues about power and different or competing interests within a village or urban community (eg rich and poor, men and women)13. We will return to these issues in Chapters 5 and 6. But what is not in doubt is that local self governing bodies are often considered by local people including NGO representatives to be part of civil society, as well as being government structures.14
4.4.3 Newly created bodies
Village councils Some of these complexities (e.g. issues around gender, power) may seem to be avoided in committees set up specifically by development programmes. Thus, the leader of a village council in South Kyrgyzstan explained the advantages of a committee where public authorities are directly represented: I tackle the communitys social problems such as tax issues, electricity supply, health, and schools, in cooperation with SHGs. In our Village Committee we have all the necessary expert representatives (engineers, health workers, teachers, etc). SHGs federation leaders are also members of the Village Committee We actively use a social partnership approach, we call it a triangle Community + NGO + Ayil Okmotu. However, it is likely that political and power issues remain close to the surface. Local NGO Networks Here we provide short information on three local networks set up with the assistance of ECCA partner NGOs in Kyrgyzstan to develop and extend the SHG methodology. 1. The Saturn-Yug Network unites 13 NGOs in Southern Kyrgyzstan using the same principles and methodology as the Ishenim network to set up and develop SHGs in Osh, Jalalabad and Batken oblasts. The network itself was set up in 2003-04 by DCCA and receives professional and financial support by DCCA. NGO members of the network fulfill the same roles in relation to SHGs as clusters and federations for other ECCA NGOs. 2. The mission of the Erep Network is to support and develop the squatters movement in and around the city of Bishkek through use of the SHG methodology. NGO Arysh was one of the founders. In 2006 the network achieved official registration. It has six NGO members and works on economic and infrastructure problems in 18 urban estates, is active in disseminating information and has plans to set up its own micro-credit agency. 80% of Ereps staff live in these estates.
13
INTRAC materials on community and civil society development raise the question of hijacking of development programs by political or other elites. By this we mean the improper use of resources by groups of people; the building of power bases by groups who do not share the original ideas or values of the programs. See for example materials of the conference Civil Society and Community Development, 2005. 14 See Giffen, Earle and Buxton, The Development of Civil Society in Central Asia, 2005 p166
40
3. The Kemenger network was set up in 2004 and brings together six NGOs four from Issyk-Kul oblast and two from Chui oblast. Its aim is to disseminate the SHG methodology through training, conferences, lobbying. The initiator of the network was NGO Shoola whose social work staff play a key facilitation role. 4. The FEVAC (Fergana Valley Consortium) network was set up in 2006 by NGOs DCCA, MehrShavkat and JR to coordinate their activities and maximise efficient use resources in the three oblasts of Osh, Jalalabad and Batken.
4.5 Members and leaders of SHGs who become leaders in other organizations
The survey identified a large number of cases where members of SHGs moved forward in their career and become employees within the ECCA NGOs (social workers, coordinators etc), leaders of clusters and federations, or heads of other NGOs. In Tajikistan, respondents stated that in order to become leaders in other organizations it is necessary to have a higher education degree. However there are examples of successful SHG leaders without higher education qualifications becoming social workers in NGOs, progressing along a career path on the basis of their community experience. Examples have been referred to in previous sections where SHG activists have taken up positions in mahalla and kvartal (urban block) committees. The researchers heard of other leaders who became village heads (aiyl bashchy), chairs of the territorial investment committees (TIC, ICS created by the ARIS World Bank project), AWU and other urban and rural public structures in Kyrgyzstan, and chairs of cooperatives of house owners (CCHO), and members of village public councils in Kazakhstan. They were able to achieve this because of the good reputation and practical achievements of their SHGs, as well as their energy, openness and willingness to participate in public life at community level. The impressive number of SHG leaders elected as local deputies in Kyrgyzstan was noted in the previous chapter. This includes a significant number of women. Summing up, it is clear that the hard work of leaders and members of groups provides a good platform for councillors to be elected at least at local level.
4.6 Summing up: SHGs in Local Civil Society

We have described above the lobbying activities of SHGs, clusters and federations, and also the character, aims and influence of their leaders, along with the wide variety of relations and interactions that they and SHG members generally have with local government. In this section the study considers the implications of all this for local civil society. Analysis of civil society is often presented in a particular way using a three-sector model of government, business and NGO interrelations. This is given below. However, there is another image which INTRAC often uses that of the arena. In the next paragraphs the aim is to consider how SHGs, clusters and federations operate as actors in civil society, using the two models as an aid to analysis. Indeed, several ideas and questions may be raised by these figures. For example, the 3-sector model shows the three sectors (government, business and NGOs) which operate even at the most local level of society (the village or mahalla). But should the circles really be equal in size (i.e. are the sectors equal in power and resources)? And do the three circles really show all the players and tensions which are involved? Probably not.
41
November 2007
Figure 4: 3-sector and arena models of civil society15
The arena model used by INTRAC is different from the 3-sector model in several ways: first, it shows civil society as a space, stage or arena. When SHGs start lobbying activities, they will often feel that they are taking their place on a more public stage than they are used to. Second, the arena model has not three elements, but also a fourth one where new and different players are recognised. This is the area where family and clan associations, often informal, are important (clearly a major factor in Central Asia). Thirdly, in this model the lines which delineate the arena of civil society are broken or blurred indicating that they are unclear, uneven and moving. When applied to the SHG analysis which has been presented in previous sections, this model indicates several things. For example, it helps to explain the family and ethnic ties that hold together many SHGs. Indeed such ties increase the understanding and trust on which the group relies. When deciding in which village or which kvartal or mahalla to set up new SHGs, the NGO will undoubtedly consider family, clan and ethnic/nationality factors. In the Fergana Valley, villages are often dominated by one ethnic group, neighboring villages by another group and this has to be taken into account by NGOs. Some SHGs here are Kyrgyz in composition, others Uzbek. This is fine however, the question remains how such groups will relate to other communities in local civil society? Will they support friendly, open and constructive relations with other family and ethnic groups? As the SHG study has shown, conflict cannot always be avoided. Second, the size (resources, power) of the three sectors varies according to location. In all three countries government remains the most powerful sector. In Chapter 3, several examples were given to show how in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan government control can limit the arena for CS activity. By contrast, in Kyrgyzstan the confusion and instability which followed the March 2005 revolution saw all levels of government weakened as officials were repeated sacked or moved with relatively inexperienced people replacing them. In many rural areas the business sector is very weak and generally made up of small producers. This sector is crucial for the relations being developed in ECCAs local market development program. Interviews in North and South Kyrgyzstan showed some important early
15
For each of the four sectors entering the arena, key players can be identified. 1. Public sector: academic and educational institutions, law agencies, public services and organisations, the police and army. 2. Business sector: trade unions, mutual help groups, cooperatives, local companies, national and transnational corporations. 3. Political sector / regime: political activists, lobby groups public service user groups, political parties, legislature. 4. Family sector: traditional systems of mutual help, formal and informal support systems.
42
successes for SHGs in developing production and marketing activities with new commercial partners, for example, with new specialized products like dried tomatoes. Representatives of NGOs commented on the challenges of finding new markets for traditional crafts made by NGO members. As for the arena itself, the space for civil society can be quite large for example, in urban areas where there are many active CSOs and types of media available. Or it can be quite restricted - as in rural areas where the population also suffers from an information vacuum. Thus, in Dushanbe SHGs working with older people commented on the difficulty of getting space or approval for small scale production activities (making cakes, pies or pelmeni) from the local government and health authorities. Their voice remains almost unheard in the clamour of organizations trying to gain attention for themselves and their activities in the Tajik capital. By contrast, in rural areas in Kyrgyzstan, in the Fergana Valley and IssykKul, it was clear that SHG members are key players in economic and political life in their villages. They meet key government and business leaders regularly, are able arrange meetings, lobby their interests or get appointed or elected to key bodies at village or district level. Does SHG development lead to civil society strengthening? Or are SHGs, clusters and federations simply being used as tools for poverty alleviation and socio-economic projects of different kinds? These questions were posed in Chapter 2 and now some kind of an answer can be given. Here our study makes use of a research paper produced by a group of ECCA partner NGOs in Tajikistan, led by the Association of Scientific and Technical Intelligentsia (ASTI). The study came out in 2006, entitled Social Institutions and the Development of Rural Communities in Tajikistan.16 This is a very important and useful piece of research, challenging international and development agencies to look again at their work and consider the traditions, community and governance structures of the country they are working in. The ASTI study looked at a wide number of community groups set up by international agencies within (mainly) poverty reduction programs in Tajikistan. These included womens clubs, initiative groups, micro-credit groups, land committees, water committees, Jamoat development committees, mahalla committees, work brigades and others.17 Often several such groups can be found within one quite small village ASTI gave an example of one village in Sogdh region where 28 different CBOs were active! The overall question here is what role they have in civil society. This can be broken down into a number of more detailed issues. Social composition and representation First, there is the question of how the newly created groups were set up representing which social groups in the village and by which mechanism. The ASTI report suggests that while almost all groups have a valuable purpose (to repair the water system, support local women, repair the schools roof and so on) their legitimacy to represent the whole community is more doubtful. Even where a village meeting has been held to elect the committee, it may be that the real decisions were taken by the agencys project group beforehand. Can this be said to apply to SHGs? And what are the distinctive characteristics of SHGs compared to the CBOs given in the list above? The analysis given in Chapter 3 of this report suggests that SHGs are different in that: 1) they usually bring together people living on one street or in one mahalla (i.e. neighbours or near neighbours), 2) these are tight groups which have to trust each other with shared
16 Participants in the study team included staff from ACT Central Asia NGO partners Najoti Kudakon, Gamhory and Mehrangez. This study itself grew out of an earlier ASTI report, The Role and Place of Social Institutes in the Process of Development of Rural Communities (2004) which focused more narrowly on traditional associations such as the mahalla. 17 The earlier ASTI report gives an interesting and simple classification for social institutes according to their aims and activities: 1) Associations helping participants to acquire and develop decision-making skills; 2) associations set up to rehabilitate and control social infrastructure; 3) associations established for income-generation activities. (ASTI, 2004, p15)
43
November 2007
savings etc, 3) the SHG often gets together to pursue an economic activity (eg fruit or vegetable growing, development of handicrafts) and this common purpose is supported by training from the NGO. Of course some of these characteristics are shared with other CBOs, but they seem to be distinctive in SHGs. Five SHGs were established and associated. Two of them are engaged with bee-keeping, some 8 young boys were trained on this job and they are now helping other groups. SHG leader, South Tajikistan People are selected according to their age not younger than 16 years old, selection is based on types of activities- sewing, embroidery, animal breeding. There are no economic status restrictions. Mainly members are women but there are also some men. NGO Director, Issyk Kul The difference between self-help groups and other initiative groups is that the SHGs create work in the village. Jamoat head, South Tajikistan This means that while SHGs are specially equipped to focus on a useful activity, they are not likely to be representative of the community as a whole. The very fact that they bring together people of similar social status, from a limited number of families, often of one age or sex, limits them as community representatives. Nor would we expect SHG members to be elected at a whole village meeting.
Former school head teacher Abdullo Turdaliev and teacher Safarmat Zabitov point to their school. See story 4 on page 46. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
Relation to traditional community associations A second question raised by the Tajikistan study is the danger that newly established CBOs will duplicate the roles of traditional social institutions or indeed be used to bypass or sideline them. From the information and case studies presented in previous sections of this report we can say with confidence that usually SHGs initiate new activity. They do not simply duplicate the work of traditional associations: aksakal courts, womens councils, the jamoat or mahalla, the mosque. In many cases the social or cultural activities promoted by SHG members have in fact helped to reinvigorate social institutions or traditions (eg national festivals) for the benefit of the wider community. In doing this, SHGs may pose a challenge to the authority or leadership position of traditional groups, but this would appear to be more positive than negative.
44
Level of community participation A further question raised by ASTI is the degree of community participation in newly established groups. Womens participation in groups is rated fairly highly. However, a problem remains that within a village some part of the population is not served by the new community group; and there are whole villages which are excluded too, because they too are not covered by the development intervention.18 And this is undoubtedly a problem for the ECCA programme too: in almost all meetings with NGO staff and SHG activists, the researchers could hear the constant complaint: there are more people who want to join SHGs than the NGO staff can cope with, more people want credits, more want training etc. So the closed nature of the SHG is a problem it does not by itself meet the whole villages (or urban communitys) needs. Without the cluster, federation, mahalla committee, village council etc, there is a sense in which other people and social groups are excluded. SHGs also tend to be highly localized, particularly in Kazakhstan, in whose vast territory there are just two ECCA partner organizations. More resources are devoted to less people than in some other development approaches. Added to which the poorest groups, as we will discuss in the next chapter, do not always participate in SHGs. The Role and Aims of NGOs and CBOs Finally, it is clear that one of the most important things for any organization working in the community is to know who it represents and what its aims are. The table below presents this information in a generic way for NGOs and CBOs.19 This is particularly relevant in considering not just the well-established relation of supporting NGO to newly established SHGs, but also the emerging roles of clusters, federations, and the other organizational supporters, intermediaries and allies described in this chapter. Table 5: What is the Difference between an NGO and a CBO?
NGO Characteristics and roles Shared characteristics and roles Work in social sphere Mobilise people community from the CBO characteristics and roles
Mission to help others Registration as Association, Fund or Institution Some NGOs are well established Largely funding dependent on donor
Unite people from one geographical area, to address common concerns Often unregistered
Partner with government and international donor programmes
Can work in economic sphere eg self-help groups, micro-credit activity Can represent traditional groups or interests Increasing role in socio-economic development, especially at local level
Often present new issues or approaches to social problems Civil society role in promoting and deepening democracy
Need for more information and capacity building
Key here is the difference between organizations which work for their members and those who work for others; and between organizations with a social or an economic emphasis. But it must be admitted that there is a lot of overlap between the characteristics and roles of NGOs and CBOs.
18 19
ASTI 2006, p36-45. The table was developed by INTRAC during its study Strengthening CBO Capacity to Empower Communities for More Effective Participation in Poverty Reduction Strategies at Local and National Levels carried out in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Georgia for UNDP Regional Office, Bratislava, 2004. One of the findings was that the term CBO itself is not very well understood in the region and is translated in a multitude of different ways.
45
November 2007
Thus, in the SHG study there were many examples of the following where an organisation is: both an NGO and a CBO eg a womens or childrens support NGO in a village, a SHG federation which has gained legal registration, an NGO but not a CBO eg a national level NGO, a Civil Society Support Centre a CBO but not an NGO eg a mahalla committee, an aksakal council, an initiative group repairing the local school These similarities and differences will be considered in more detail when looking at the strategy and sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations in the next chapter.
Story 4. Tajikistan school has president's portrait in each room, but no paint The yard is immaculately swept, the corridor floors are polished a pristine red. The government has money to provide for a picture of President Emomali Rahmon in every classroom of School No. 16, but the walls need painting, the pupils' seats have no backs to them any longer, and the wooden classroom floors are cracked. Safarmat Zabitov is 49 years of age, so he remembers the time when Tajikistan was within the Soviet Union and "we had paint flowing like rivers". But these days Zabitov, who is in charge of school maintenance and teaches handwork to the 1,075 pupils, has no money allocated by the authorities to stop the problem of peeling paint and dilapidated school furniture. Zabitov is standing in the schoolyard with 65-year-old Turdaliev Abdullo, who was director of the school 32 years ago and has returned from working in Russia to retire nearby. The two men look at the school and shake their heads. "They should be paying attention to education, it is key to the development of human potential," says Abdullo. "This school was built in 1972 and in those days getting the materials for the school upkeep was like two and two. If something needed fixing a labour brigade would be called in to repair it." Zobitov agrees: "We write letters to the education department, stand in queues, but nothing is done. How long can we wait?" says Zabitov. "I think we are just going to have to get these things done ourselves." Later, he tells us: "If we can get some training and some help in starting these self-help groups, I'm all in favour of it. Waiting for the authorities to step in is like waiting for paint to dry when you have no paint."
46
CHAPTER 5. LOOKING TO THE FUTURE THE AIMS, INDEPENDENCE SUSTAINABILITY OF SHGS, CLUSTERS AND FEDERATIONS
AND
This chapter brings together a number of key issues for the SHG programme in Central Asia. First, the relations of lobbying and civil society networking activities to the economic side of the programme are discussed. Next, the analysis returns to the issue of gender and the work of SHGs, clusters and federations in promoting equality of opportunity for women and men. After this, the survey moves to the national level to examine SHG lobbying of national government and policy. Finally, the fourth section raises the issue of sustainability which will be extended in Chapter 6 with a section on key issues for SHGs and their associations if they are to become some kind of a more coherent national / regional coalition or movement.
5.1 Economics or Politics Which Comes First?

The current primacy of the economic element The first SHG study presented a short but clear account of the economic activities of SHGs from the creation of an internal savings fund to the distribution of internal and external credits, the organisation of training courses on vocational topics, the start of income generation activities, and so on. There were significant early successes in these activities. In 2004, just over 66% of SHG members considered that their economic situation had improved since joining the group; access to finance was noted by 22% as the most important benefit received. In the 2007 study, the researchers repeated the question to SHG members: what is the most important aspect of SHG activities for you? Again, the economic side was seen as central, along with the social side (and with respondents refusing to acknowledge the political side!) as the figure below shows. Figure 5: Which element of the work of Self-Help Groups is the most important for the empowerment of their members?
Kazakhstan
80% 71%
Kyrgyzstan
80% 80%
Tajikistan
67%
60%
60% 53%
60%
40%
40%
36%
40%
27%
19% 20% 10%
20% 10%
20%
7%
0% 0%
0% 0%
ia l
0% 0%
So cia l /p sh yc ho lo gi ca l al iti ca l Po l
al
cia
ch ol og ica
ic a
on im
im
liti c
So c
liti c
al
ic
ic
ra l/
ra l
/p sy
ps
Ec on om ic
So
Ec on
lo g
yc ho
Po
Ec
Po
C ul tu
tu
C ul
47
Cu
ltu
ra l
November 2007
So it is clear that the economic aspect of the programme is just as important as in 2004. Indeed, many of the lobbying and networking activities mentioned at the end of the previous chapter relate directly or indirectly to the economic side. Improving physical infrastructure such as water or road systems, access to land, lobbying around legal and tax questions all this is related to the economic side of life. As noted in earlier sections, in interviews respondents often declared that economic questions come first, both for individuals afflicted by poverty (ie gaining food security or some, however meager, paid income), and for the SHG programme as a whole as the team was told in Tajikistan (see Chapter 34)20. Maslows hierarchy of needs was mentioned several times according to which basic needs (food, housing etc) must be satisfied before higher order needs like democracy can be posed. Economic activities of SHGs, clusters and federations The questions asked in the 2007 study did not focus on economic activities. However, many interviewees provided interesting information about income generation activities. In Issyk-Kul and Fergana Valley, NGOs and SHGs were highly involved in ECCAs Fair Economic Development component and local market development. Four cooperatives had been set up in Issyk-Kul and no less than 22 cooperatives in Osh around the dried tomatoes initiative. SHG representatives talked enthusiastically about new contacts with processing companies. NGO leaders spoke about the needs to support marketing for the produce from both individual plots and collectively worked land. In more remote communities such as Aini district in the Pamir Mountains, the economic priority is also felt. A typical example was a SHG set up in Tuda village to improve fruit growing (apricots and apples) and tackle the Turkestan pest which was ruining trees in the village. In three years, harvests have improved greatly and the pest has been driven back through better organised collective efforts. The SHG sewing workshop run by women in the same village means that in this remote area women can produce clothes for themselves and other village members. In these remote areas not all groups feel that they need to take credits. A wider benefit to the community is seen in the development of agricultural skills and the ability to package and sell produce more effectively in the local market. Staff from the NGO have helped develop marketing links; SHG members distributed equipment to tackle the Turkestan pest in the different mahallas. The federations, too, engage in economic activity. One of the earliest attempts to launch businesses on the base of a federation was in the town of Balykchy, Issyk-Kul. But as the director of Umut admitted, We have had problems with developing the use of the facilities which we gave to the federation - the baths and the hairdresser which we opened for example. It is just a small town and it is hard to maintain such facilities. However, income generation activities continue in all member NGOs. Micro-finance The micro-credit programme is the engine driving ECCAs economic activities. In fact out of the 15 NGOs visited for the study, over half now possess their own micro-credit agency21. The setting up and expansion of these agencies has been a major development since 200422 - perhaps the biggest single change organisationally and institutionally within the programme. What is more, the micro-credit program increasingly targets different clients the so-called economic rather than social clients who can take out larger loans and make more business use of them.
20 This echoes some thing which is quite often said by governments in the region that is, we need to achieve economic development first, then we can think about political reforms or democracy. 21 The two which do not possess their own agency are Intersheriktesh and DCCA. The former has plans to create an agency; the latter has taken a decision to work through ACTEDs agency. 22 A separate study is being conducted by INTRAC with the ECCA partners into NGO-micro-credit agency relations in 2007. Three case studies, one each in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, will provide material to examine the programme and management implications of the setting up and growth of the agencies.
48
The question about how well micro-finance aims and activities complement or match the socio-political aspect of the NGOs work is a delicate one which comes up at many levels. For example: Beneficiaries: What is the effect of the different focus of the micro-finance programme from the other parts of the programme? Staffing: Does the formal division of roles between NGO and MCA staff (in preparing and managing clients) suit both sides? Does it reflect the reality of staff inputs and responsibilities? Program strategy: Have the NGO programs become over-dependant on offering credits? Organisational structure and roles: Is the complex constellation of SHGs, clusters, federations and MCAs (plus cooperatives, village councils etc) coherent and sustainable? Especially in governance and management terms. Final aim: How far is the aim espoused by some partner NGOs of creating a peoples bank compatible with lobbying and CS activities? Clearly a bank is a rather different kind of institution from a NGO23.
These are big questions, which this chapter can only partially answer. To begin the analysis, we present a number of points which emerge from the written and interview evidence given to the SHG study. Credits would appear to have the following main effects on the activities and structure of SHGs and clusters or federations: SHGs and credit activities Credits increase the mutual interdependence of SHG members. The group makes decisions on which individuals to lend to; sometimes it will take on group credits. Credits offer more benefits to the financially strong than to the weak. While small credits are available to all SHG members (provided they can create a decent proposal), the stronger members can apply for more and bigger credits. Credits give an incentive to both individuals and SHGs to try new economic activities (building on the original rationale for many groups to develop a new line of income-generation activities). Credits underline the need for formality and control at SHG level (accounting, decision-making and reporting procedures). SHGs earn interest from loans to other families/groups in the community, which has an effect on the way in which they will be perceived by the community at large. Clusters / federations and credit activities Credits are increasingly offered to clusters and federations for cooperative ventures (giving an added incentive for these secondary level organisations to grow). Clusters and federations are increasingly asked to recommend or monitor the credit activities of SHGs within their remit. Credits require a formal organisational structure and systems for monitoring of increasingly extensive and complex financial operations forcing informal clusters to adopt tighter systems. The interest from credits may become an increasingly important part of the income for clusters and federations given the difficulty of funding their work from other sources. Thus the SHGs, clusters and federations are increasingly locked into a system which is quite different from the other intermediary/mixed bodies which have been mentioned in this study the village council, mahalla committee, kvartal committee, social community council etc. The SHG bodies are owned by the ECCA program and its partner NGOs , whereas the mixed bodies are more distant. Some are
23
The example usually given, of Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, is an impressive one but the situation in Central Asia is rather different. This is obviously a question which requires a separate analysis.
49
November 2007
subordinate to local governance structures (eg mahalla committee), others (eg village council, social community council) occupy a temporary space, perhaps with a project-related lifetime but with potentially a wider accountability. One way to describe this accelerating financial machine is as a form of empire building. The concern is that, first, the process is going very fast; second, that money relations and accountability will increasingly determine relationships and decisions within the structure24. Probably, the only viable strategy is the one advocated by ICCO that is, to Members of SHG Cluster organised by NGO Shoola on the southern shore continue the process of of Issyk-Kul lake in Kyrgyzstan. separating the MCAs from Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI the parent NGOs. But this may be difficult to do while preserving the unity of social, political and economic areas which is the distinctive feature of the SHG model25. These questions are explored further in the next three sections. The constituency of the SHG programme The paragraphs above may suggest that the micro-credit programme is targeting different needs and benefiting different social groups than the social programme. Indeed, the choice of clients is particularly sharp for credit officers, pressed on one side to support SHG members whatever their credit status or business record, and on the other hand, forced to think about the financial risk and sustainability of the credit agency itself. But the evidence of the study does not at present suggest that there is a big difference between the clients of the economic programme and those involved in lobbying. This is because at the present time the interests of the community are presented by most respondents as being unified and more or less the same. Members come from the middle and poorer social strata (poorer in Tajikistan as noted in Chapter 3) with a few more wealthy supporters and a few from the poorest sections too. Defining the exact social composition of SHGs is a complex issue, but perhaps the quotations from interviews given below give an idea about how SHG members and other local informants see it - and how similar this constituency is for both economic and lobbying activities: Our SHG was set up in 2004. There are 10 members, each one is responsible for a section of the villageThe SHG members come from the middle and poorer population. Age 30-55. All are linked by family ties. SHG leader, North Tajikistan
24 As a control group, the research met staff from an ECCA NGO partner which engages in lobbying and does not create SHGs. We discovered a very different programme / partnership structure. Relationships with local NGOs and CBOs were less long-term, more flexible and reactive. We respond to requests from organisations, help them to make an action plan for lobbying a theme. NGOs see us as a supporter and advocate at the higher levelsWe need to have the flexibility to react quickly to such requestsWhen (we) initiate our own campaigns, less NGOs join in. Some may not understand, others may not fully trust us, or have the experience in advocacy. 25 In summer 2005, INTRAC began a mini-research project into NGO-MCA relations, based on case studies in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan.
50
The social status of the SHG members was from the poor layers, but now they are on the higher levels. Other families ask them for help. The SHGs do sewing orders for other villagers (eg for weddings) and get paid for their services. Ayil okmotu head, South Kyrgyzstan SHG members come from the middle or poor levels of the population. The SHG is not for rich people, they would not be interested. It helps women and vulnerable groups to develop, to start off some economic activity. There are no paid jobs at all in this area, so sewing and animal husbandry activities are very valuable. NGO leader (not in ECCA programme), South Kyrgyzstan People have respect for SHG members because they have savings. They can lend money out to outsiders for lower interest. NGO leader (working with ECCA NGO partner), South Kyrgyzstan Its my understanding that SHGs are created on the base of the community (mahalla) and I think this is the right approach. Besides its not only poor, but also middle-income and wealthier people, because we think that all people regardless of status should live together in the community. In general we dont have any really rich people frankly speaking. Head of village committee, South Kyrgyzstan. SHGs help people work closely together to help solve their own problems. Our groups assets have increased from a bazaar place to a container to a shop to a trading centre. As people work together, trust increases, and so money they borrow can increase proportionately when they pay it back. In the SHGs people know how to work. The NGO provide services teaching how to work at different levels, write proposals and so on. SHG leader, Almaty. Women are more vocal and active, although the success of lobbying comes from social status (either men or women who have higher political influence and are respected widely). NGO advocacy manager, Bishkek.
5.2 Gender Aspects of SHG Development

Gender aspects ie the roles of men and women in SHGs have been described in some detail already in this report, notably in sections 3.4 and 4.3. This section attempts to bring key observations and analysis together on the following issues: On equality policy: 1) How is gender equality understood and interpreted in the SHG concept? 2) Are appropriate policies being adopted to promote gender equality? On equality practice: 1) Are opportunities being extended? 2) Is the status of women and men changing as a result of the growth of the SHG movement? The approach adopted here is that gender development in the ECCA programme and work of NGOs and SHGs is determined by a combination of elements: 1) the ideology of the main players; 2) programme implementation strategies; 3) the practice of gender relations in the region and at community level. Equality policy. The study did not get full information on the existence of formal gender equality policies in NGOs or SHGs. In most cases the respondents believed that having a particular gender, educational background or religion is not important as far as membership and activity in SHGs in concerned. The general view received is that there is no gender inequality in the practice of SHGs. Equality issues, as a rule, are understood in a traditional angle female things for women, male things for men, i.e. the traditional differentiation of areas between men and women is maintained. This is not surprising if (as we suspect) few organizations possess an officially established definition of gender
51
November 2007
equality which would reflect or determine the general perception of the issue26. In respondents views there was a clear distinction of female and male problems / interests. Thus female issues included provision of the territory with water, kindergartens, sports and play grounds, cultural and educational centers, sanitary and hygiene aspects. Male issues included unemployment, migration. Also in Tajikistan there was a case when a male SHG lobbied issues related to the local mosque. Interestingly, this example was viewed by the respondents as showing that men tend to find more important issues for lobbying than women who as a rule tend to focus on social issues. Among the active measures on promotion of gender equality in SHGs a significant role is played by specific thematic training modules. In fact, all the SHG associations visited for the study hold workshops and trainings on the subject of gender equality. In Tajikistan special programs have been created to attract young girls to SHGs. The combination of SHG activity and training programs for women is typical for Tajikistan since many women have no basic education, particularly in rural areas. Our slogan: women should be free and educated (womens focus group, Tajikistan). Equality practice - representation issues: As noted in Chapter 3, womens SHGs are very widespread in the ECCA programme and from the beginning there were more women in SHGs than men27. Section 3 listed some of the reasons suggested by respondents for the low representation of men in SHGs eg migration, the need to earn money in the wage employment sector, or men are simply not aware of SHGs. On the other hand, the opinion was heard that men are inactive, lazy, less concerned with family problems. It was suggested that men are held back by pride and they are not interested in working on petty things. Small credits are no use for men (representative of international NGO, man, Tajikistan). From this list, migration of men in search of work can perhaps be considered as one of the most objective reasons for the small number of male SHGs. However, so-called male pride may be an equally significant factor affecting the attitudes of men. It can be interpreted as a metaphor for the traditional type of masculinity prevailing in this region which identifies itself as a strong, materially well-off type of man. By contrast, the self-help methodology is aimed at support of low income, vulnerable, poor people, and is mainly associated with the female groups. Section 3.4 detailed different attitudes adopted by men in relation to womens SHGs. Thus, some men support wives who have joined SHGs28; others pressurize women to enter SHG in order to access money to support the family business; others again complain bitterly when their wives attend SHG meetings For women it is problematic to meet in the evening because their men swear at them (Cluster leader, woman, Kyrgyzstan). Many male SHGs have been initiated following the example of wives active in female SHGs. We decided we can do it too and opened our own SHG (SHG leader, man) Now there is better consciousness, mixed SHGs should be created (Cluster leader, man, Kyrgyzstan).
An exception is the SHG concept and guidelines developed by NGO Arysh. Here it is noted that the gender is an important aspect of SHG cultural activity. Gender equality is primarily interpreted in terms of the availability of appropriate laws. The authors of the guidelines conclude that women in Kyrgyzstan have equal rights with men since there are no laws restricting womens rights. It is interesting that womens increasing responsibility for support of the family is considered as an example of gender equality. In general, equality issues are addressed in a traditional way as consideration of issues of arranging relations between men and women which have existed since their creation by God. Self-Help? Self-Help. Self-Help! Bishkek, 2004, p. 50-51 27 According to the 2004 survey, female groups made in average about 70% of the total number of SHGs. It is necessary to consider that statistics on certain SHG associations significantly differ from average indicators. For instance according to this survey, among SHGs with which Arysh is working, female SHGs make up 54%, male - 7%, the rest SHG are mixed and for children. At the same time there are SHG associations in which female groups are more than 90% (eg those facilitated by NGOs Mehr Shavkat, Moldir). As a rule the gender composition of SHG is determined by specifics of the target groups. Thus, Arysh mainly works with urban population migrants, arbitrary builders, more mixed group. Unlike Arysh, Mehr Shavkat operates in rural areas with high level of labor migration of men, while, for instance, in Moldir one of the main target groups are single mothers living in dormitories. 28 It was suggested that men join SHG as financial assistants for their wives, when the group is already becoming sustainable with stable income. Some women respondents believe that male members of SHGs are better at book-keeping, writing business projects, negotiating with representatives of authorities.
26
52
The survey did not collect formal statistical data on the social composition of SHGs. However a study of the interviews shows that one of the significant differences in the social composition of female and male SHGs is that among women creating SHG there are more divorced women, single mothers, widows; while in male groups the majority of members are married men. However, this aspect requires additional research. Extension of opportunities. Almost all respondents noted that women in SHGs are very active. In the words of NGO director, women see SHGs as an instrument through which they can make their voice heard. The groups are very important for self-realisation and the development of womens identity. They make decisions in the groups and their role in them is recognised by men. So the SHGs offer a counterbalance to the situation in the family where women dont have an equal role. However, despite the low level of representation and inactivity of male SHGs, in some areas men have been more successful in gaining promotion to different positions of responsibility and power than women. The statistics provided by NGO Arysh are indicative in this respect. During the period of operation of Arysh, seven members of SHGs have become chairmen of block (kvartal) committees, including three men and four women. However, in comparing the successes of men and women, we should take into account that there just 100 men in the NGOs male SHGs, compared to about 800 women in its female SHGs. What is more, the male SHGs were organized much later than the womens ones. The danger of women not attempting to push themselves forward in mixed groups or more traditional associations such as the mahalla was mentioned above in relation to Tajikistan. The same was said by women leaders in Kyrgyzstan: It is too early for me to be nominated to the post of chairman of the Territorial community council I am not sure that I can cope. In general womens opinion is not always considered (SHG leader, now chair of a kvartal committee, Kyrgyzstan) When women are successful in elections (like for example the new female deputies in Aravan rayon) or when they are appointed as social workers, this is not without its negative side. Several respondents noted that the general workload has increased on women members of SHGs. They now have to deal with administering a business at the same time as carrying out the traditional responsibility of women for management of the home, care of children, elderly relatives and so on. In such circumstances it is no coincidence that for many SHGs, particularly female ones, one of the priorities is how to increase access to pre-school facilities and schools, also the improvement of local health and transport services. A final point concerns younger women. According to respondents, for young married women who have joined SHGs the situation is aggravated the fact that, as a rule, daughters-in-law are under double control by their husband, and by their mother-in-law (and other elder relatives of their husband). This control extends to use of credits received by young women as part of their SHG activity.29 However, younger or newly married women are probably outnumbered in the programme by women in the 40-60 age group who have daughters-in-law in their household and who are freer for this reason to take part themselves in SHG activity.
5.3 NGO Lobbying Activities at National Level

If the self-help associations are to become a movement, clearly they will need to create a strong, selfconscious social or political constituency and eventually move up to the national level. After all, this is the level at which social and economic policy is decided and where political life is concentrated. So this
In the first survey 2005 it was also noted that often in SHG women were becoming only the formal recipients of credits, while use of such credits is totally controlled by husbands and other elder members of family.
29
53
November 2007
section looks at the range of experience of national level lobbying and at what vehicles have been formed by NGOs and SHGs for taking these activities forward.
5.3.1 National level lobbying
As illustrated in earlier sections, the vast majority of SHG influence is at the local level. However, there have been a number of cases when NGOs, backed up by SHGs, clusters and federations, have brought about changes in national government policy or legislation. Legislation. First, there are some examples of SHG pressure bringing about changes in legislation. For example, SHGs of ethnic Kyrgyz migrants from Tajikistan in northern Kyrgyzstan organised a letter writing campaign to parliamentary deputies to seek help in revoking their Tajikistan citizenship and becoming Kyrgyzstan citizens. The letter gave the deputies a clear signal that they needed to make a decision on the issue and impetus to do so. A Tajikistani Kyrgyzstan agreement simplifying the transfer of citizenship was signed in November 2005, ratified by Kyrgyzstans parliament on 3 April 2006 and soon after signed into law by the President. Border communities in southern Kyrgyzstan were suffering because of restrictive visa requirements for visits to Uzbekistan. SHGs raised this issue at a round table in Osh organised by DCCA with representatives of various government agencies, international organisations and other NGOs. This pressure from civil society was a factor in an agreement for a 60 day visa free regime between Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan signed in October 2006 and ratified by Kyrgyzstans parliament in December 2006. SHGs support NGOs also work at the legislative level to support their partners. Thus, RCE (Umut) is represented on a Kyrgyzstan government working group developing a new law on the elderly. They are hoping that the law will include provision for government support for elderly peoples SHGs. NCVT in Tajikistan also lobbies for changes in laws, pensions and benefits which will be useful for SHG members. Policy changes. There have been cases where government policy has been changed as a result of pressure from SHGs. A good example of this comes from Balykchy, in northern Kyrgyzstan. Members of SHGs were having problems with their internal passports. The authorities were reclaiming the passports as they passed their expiry dates, and were asked to pay sums they could not afford for new passports, given the extremely low levels of their pensions. Not having internal passports can lead to many bureaucratic problems. The SHGs took the question to their Federations monthly meeting. Because it related to the Passport Agency, a national level body, the issue was passed on to the partner NGO Umuts tri-monthly Large Social Council. In turn this body took the issue to the national government, and after a month a decree was passed to forbid the practice. The Passport Agency could not or did not want to issue new passports free of charge, and so they changed their policy to allow the elderly to keep their old documents. Access to government. A few SHGs have national level government access. Thus, ethnic Kyrgyz immigrants at a conference organised by ACT Central Asia and Intersheriktesh made contact with the Office of Visas and Registration and the Social Fund, both of which later visited the village to help sort out migrants pension problems. Representatives of ethnic Kyrgyz SHGs are now given an open door at the office of the Chair of the State Committee on Labour and Migration. Troubleshooting. The research collected several instances where local level problems have been solved at the national level due to the intervention of SHG Federations. A cotton factory closed in Almaty with
54
eight months of salaries unpaid. Individual appeals yielded no response, so an SHG Federation wrote a letter with a hundred signatures to the Ministry of Social Protection; and NGO Moldir took the letter to Astana. In response, a Commission was sent to the plant, checked the facts and punished the administration. In a village in southern Kyrgyzstan, land was being distributed by the local authorities in an arbitrary way, often disadvantageously to members of SHGs. A television programme highlighted the problems, and this led to an intervention at the government level, and resolution of seventy per cent of the disputes. A village in Tajikistan saw its irrigation canal destroyed in heavy rains. Lobbying from local SHGs, channeled through the mahalla committee and the villages Members of Parliament, led to the Ministry of Water Resources repairing the canal and its branches. What is the role of SHGs, clusters, federations and their NGO supporters in these actions? Clearly the NGOs role is crucial for higher level lobbying. Thus, interviewees from an NGO supporting newer SHGs suggested that their groups may be able to lobby for reduction in taxes or changes in legislation in the future - but they are not ready yet. Similarly, a Federation leader in Almaty currently has no plans to lobby at the national level, but may write proposals for funding there in the future. The Federation is happy with the national lobbying carried out by their support NGO.
5.3.2 Case Studies of Coalitions and Networks Associated with SHGs
The SHG study did not reveal the existence of a single or coherent national self-help movement. Clearly the SHG concept is important and has resonance and support in many different communities in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. However, despite exchange visits, conferences and workshops, dissemination of information, it is too early to speak of a single social movement. What we have instead is a number of separate associations, alliances and coalitions, organized by NGOs, which draw directly or indirectly on the work and support of SHGs. Short descriptions are given for some of these. Child Rights Network. A national network launched by three ECCA partner NGOs: (Center Interbilim (CIB), Pokolenie Support Centre (Generation), and Child Protection Centre (CPC). Among these organizations, only CPC organizes self-help groups (among parents of street children)30. The main goal is to protect childrens rights more effectively through lobbying legislative change, raising public interest in childrens issues and empowerment of children. The main accomplishment of the network to date is its participation in the work group on developing Kyrgyzstans new Childrens Code. The network involved 10 NGOs, a childrens lobbying group, several parliamentary deputies and the secretariat of the national program New Generation in the consultation process. As a result of this work, four amendments were suggested to the Code. In future the network plans to widen its membership base. AgeNet Central Asia No Borders. AgeNet was set up in 2004 and currently has more than 30 members from around Central Asia, plus other organisations associated in work to improve the situation of older people in the region. The networks coordinator is NGO Umut / Resource Centre for the Elderly, Kyrgyzstan. Agenet offers a good example of how NGO networks can offer SHG representatives access to politicians which would otherwise be almost impossible for them. Thus pensioners SHGs at a regional conference organized by RCE (Umut) Kyrgyzstan government ministers and Prime Ministerial staff, and had an input into the national document on the Madrid Plan on Ageing. For the last two years network members have run a publicity and fundraising campaign on International Day of the Elderly on 1st October. In future the network would like to create a multi-level network and various specialist committees, also to raise the capacity of its members. PRS Working Group in Tajikistan. A working group set up to unite CSOs for participation in developing Tajikistans new national strategy and PRS-2, to gain experience of coalition work, and to identify
30
The SHG study did not cover CPCs small SHG programme, though staff from CPC took part in the research.
55
November 2007
opportunities for advocacy. During a years intensive work in 2005-06, the working group brought together 20 local NGOs and six international NGOs in various forums and working meetings, helped by financial support from C Central Asia. ECCA partners ASTI, Gamkhori, Mehrangez and Najoti Khudakon were among those active. The working group created a two-level discussion mechanism for CSOs and other partners at national level and in two regions, Khatlon and Sogdh. Close relations were established members of the presidents monitoring unit. As a result of lobbying, a number of indicators, clauses etc were changed in the strategy document. Baspana and Arysh National Revival Model. NGOs Baspana and Arysh organize ethnic Kazak and Kyrgyz migrants to the cities of Almaty and Bishkek respectively. Previous sections have described briefly the national cultural emphasis of Aryshs work. These organizations have sought to bring together an important social constituency which was restricted by propiska to the collective farms / rural areas in Soviet times. They support the 1990s tendency to national revival in political and cultural life but represent citizens who are still deprived and disadvantaged in years of great difficulty trying to establish themselves and their families after moving to the towns. NGO Arysh is active in dissemination work and the leadership makes no secret of its political ambitions. Both Baspana and Arysh can mobilize large numbers of SHG members for community causes and the authorities know that they need to take account of them. Central Asia Platform. The Central Asia Platform was set up in 2005 with the aim of bringing together NGOs and other stakeholders to lobby for changes in European Union policy towards the region. There are a dozen NGO members of the platform representing Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, coordinated by DCCA with funding from development association Aprodev. Most NGO members are ECCA partners. This gives good understanding, shared identity, and links to sectoral networks (eg on child rights or older people). Through Aprodev, CAP has lobbied with CONCORD, an association of 150 European NGOs involved in international development. The platforms priority is to raise awareness on EU policy issues, develop partnership with representatives from the government and private sectors, and to prepare an initiative aimed at monitoring of PCAs partnership & cooperation agreements between the EU and the Central Asia countries/governments. Ishenim network The Ishenim networks unites 11 NGOs 3 from Kazakhstan, 7 from Kyrgyzstan, 1from Tajikistan all of which are working in poverty alleviation and social development programs using the SHG concept. Coordination of the network is rotated each year. The network has an informal, clubbish character; exchange of ideas and experience is seen as valuable but so far there havent been, for example, attempts at joint lobbying of government or liaison with other international or local NGOs.
5.3.3 How the political situation affects SHG lobbying activity
Finally, it is important to note that national level developments clearly have an impact on the activities of SHGs and NGOs in the political field. As part of this reports research process, NGOs that support SHGs in the three countries were asked in which ways the political situations in their countries had influenced their work. NGOs in Tajikistan, while noting the social and economic vulnerability of their target groups, stressed the positive effect that stability in the country is having. It is clear that these NGOs value the relative political calm in their country particularly highly in light of the civil war of the 1990s. NGOs in Kazakhstan, by contrast, highlighted the negative perception of NGOs among government structures, and the tendency to characterise them as oppositional. A law on mandatory registration of any group with more than 10 members has meant that SHG sizes have decreased. Both NGOs make special efforts not to intervene in opposition politics, despite sharing some concerns highlighted by the opposition about inequality and
56
corruption. Offers from opposition politicians to join their campaigns have been declined as going against the ethos and mandate of one of the NGOs. In Kyrgyzstan, which has seen the greatest political changes since the creation of SHGs in the region, the NGOs gave a range of views about the impact of politics on their activities. During the course of the interview process, the differences in the political cultures of the different NGOs became clear. Some said that, as they were not political organisations and do not aspire to power, the political situation does not affect them. Others were more negative about political developments. Some gave technical answers meetings, training, field visits and monitoring has had to be suspended due to instability and ongoing demonstrations, and preparations had to be made for potential difficulties in the country. One NGO suggested that SHGs have lost their trust in local government since the March 2005 events, and have decided to postpone attempts to work with such bodies until the situation stabilizes. They felt that the participation of citizens and local politicians in the wider political process distracts them from the problems of their communities. Another NGO implied that the current polity is less favourable to nonKyrgyz and immigrants. On the other hand, some NGOs apparently encouraged their staff to participate in demonstrations. Anecdotal evidence from the research teams suggests that many SHGs have participated corporately in various demonstrations and counter-demonstrations since February 2005. One NGO feels that the political changes have stimulated their organisation to search for alternative solutions to the countrys problems.
5.4 Sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations

The impact and sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations is a key issue for this study. In Tajikistan, the study by ASTI into social institutions working in rural communities (see Chapter 4) for poverty reduction came up with five main indicators of sustainability. Strengthening of skills of individuals (members or supporters) Continued existence of social institutions (after the donors project is completed) Prolonged functioning as a legal entity Funding (type and range) received Expansion of membership These elements will be considered in the next section on organisational and financial sustainability. The analysis will then focus briefly on the policy side and finally bring in the view of the actors themselves, as expressed in the opinion survey carried out during the field visits.
5.4.1 Organisational and Financial Sustainability
Achieving the organizational sustainability of SHGs has always been a big priority for partner NGOs. For this purpose they have held a multitude of trainings, exchange visits and other activities; they have created microcredit agencies, thereby providing the prospect of financial sustainability; in most cases NGO acted as initiators and in some cases founders of Federations of SHGs. And like many parents, NGOs are sometimes reluctant to set their children free. The survey revealed a range of successful activities by the groups and federations that have achieved a measure of financial sustainability through their Internal Saving Funds, as well as sufficient human capital in the form of knowledge and skills. According to SHG members, acquiring new knowledge increases their confidence, and with the help of micro credits the economic well-being of families has
57
November 2007
also improved. Change of attitude of husbands and families to women enables them to participate more freely in the activities of SHG and federations. Currently there is no common understanding of sustainability and the way to assess it within the programme. Indeed NGO carry out regular gradation of the groups activity, but this assessment is more related to credits and economic activities than to the social-political side. The creation of cooperatives is an indicator of sustainability, but cooperatives are not usually interested in advocacy activity unless it relates directly to their economic interests. SHGs focusing on social issues, by contrast, always feel a lack of funds and seem to be less financially sustainable, even if they have acquired good skills in the development and management of the projects. Respondents noted that group achievement and sustainability also depends on the leaders of SHGs or Federations, and to what extent they have been able to create a team of like-minded persons. Many leaders noted that they could work independently of the NGO, but they always want to be able apply to NGO for advice in case of problems. The sustainability of SHGs in different countries also depends on how long the programme has been working. There has been little time to consolidate in Tajikistan, and the turnover of group members ensures their continued dependence on the NGOs; while in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan SHGs and Federations are becoming more independent, indeed are being delegated the power to create and develop new groups. Another indicator of sustainability of groups is their formalization through legal registration. The registration of federations as new NGOs theoretically gives them access to other donor resources. But as noted above, unlike SHGs the federations struggle to collect membership contributions. It is difficult to make general statements about the sustainability of SHGs and federations because they are so different in composition, purpose and character. For instance, groups of elderly people may not be sustainable, even if they have subsidiary land holdings. The NGOs are trying to increase the sustainability of these groups through including younger, more able-bodied members in them. There is much to think about in this area. NGOs need to develop a system for evaluation of sustainability, as well as their exit strategy ie how long they should work with the groups and how to release them.
5.4.2 Sustainability at Policy Level
Indeed, this question is a complex one. There are diverging views among development agencies in Central Asia as to what sustainability means31. In fact, the question of sustainability can hardly be answered without reference to the philosophy / ideology and intervention approach of the agencies involved. Here are some of the questions which international and development agencies answer in significantly different ways - the approach of the ECCA Programme is given in italics: How far should state structures be involved in projects promoted by the donor? The ECCA agencies clearly work through CSOs rather than government When facilities are built or repaired, who should have ownership or control of them CBOs or local government? A variety of ownership arrangements operate, but very often SHGs are helping to repair public property Is it important for CBOs to get formal / legal registration? Some efforts have been made to lobby SHG registration and this issue remains on the agenda
31 See INTRACs 2005 study of CBO Sustainability for the Community Empowerment Network in Kyrgyzstan. This canvassed opinion and results among a variety of international and local agencies from UNDP and DFID programmes to international and local NGOs and local government.
58
Can rural CBOs be content to work just with the people directly involved with their own project, or should they try to work with the whole village? Which section of the village population is it most important to work with (the most active, the poorest etc)? This issue is central to the current study self-help or the whole community. How far is it appropriate for NGOs to be involved in commercial or income-generation activity? The ECCA programme is promoting income-generation activity and this study has suggested that some aspects of this could become problematic.
The SHG study found that for all groups of respondents donors, local authorities, and members of community groups the question of sustainability of SHGs is very much an open one. Which is to say that it is worth continuing the debate at a wider level not just within ECCA.
5.4.3 Sustainability: results from the opinion survey
To gain the opinion of interviewees on sustainability, two questions were asked. The first question asked them to rate the sustainability of SHGs, clusters and federations. The second question asked about how the SHG movement might develop in the future. Figure 6: How do you assess the sustainability of SHG, Clusters and Federations?
SHGs (KG)
60%
60%
Clusters and Federations (KG)

56%
51%
50%
45%
50%
40%
40%
40%
30%
30%
20%
20%
10%
10%
3%
0%
0%
5%
high
medium
low
high
medium
low
SHGs (KZ)
70%
Clusters and Federations (KZ)

70%
67%
60%
60%
52%
50% 50%
48%
40%
33%
40%
30%
30%
20% 20% 10%
0%
0%
10%
0%
high
medium
low
0%
high
medium
low
59
November 2007
SHGs (TJ)
60%
Clusters and Federations (TJ)

60%
53%
50%
50% 40% 40%
40%
40%
30%
27% 20%
30% 20% 20%
20%
10%
10%
0%
0%
high
medium
low
high
medium
low
The results show a confident and optimistic outlook in Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan, with a more cautious view predominating in Tajikistan especially as regards clusters and federations. The second question was presented as a multi-choice answer respondents were asked to mark up to two statements which they agreed with. The results are given below, again differentiated for the three countries. Table 6: Future development of SHG Movement
Questions 1. Most members will continue to focus on economic activities for their families 2. The clusters and federations will become even more important in making changes in the community 3. Soon the SHGs movement will grow stronger and eventually become independent from the NGOs which set them up originally 4. Networking with other organizations (eg water user committees, NGOs, professional and business associations, government bodies) is the main strategy to get a wider impact 5. There sustainability of the SHG movement will be very hard to achieve 6. Clusters and federations duplicate other local institutions and are unlikely to establish themselves in our region Total responds 40 52 64 KZ 7 12 13 KG 25 36 44 TJ 8 4 7
39
10
23
18 6
2 2
12 3
4 1
Comments: 1) Once again, the optimists who indicated statements 1-4 predominated over the pessimists who opted for statements 5-6; 2) The organizational and institutional development potential of SHGs and their associations (statements 2,3) was noted by the highest number of people quite a remarkable result. Here the Tajikistan respondents had a slightly different view, more focused on the economic side. 3) The importance of lobbying and networking has definitely been understood by SHG members (statement 4). All in all, this was a very encouraging response.
60
NGO director Kurbongul Kosimova and Tajikistani student Umedjon Sharifov who shows videos against domestic violence. Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
Story 5. Tajik student uses blow-up doll and shows videos against violence Umedjon Sharifov is an activist in a Tajikistani non-governmental organization in the country's third-largest city Kulob. The 21-year-old student in the Faculty of Foreign Languages at the State University of Kulob, in the south of the country near Afghanistan, was brought up in a single-parent family. Their father died when he was two years old. "I study English, Russian and now Chinese and sometimes it's been a struggle, but I especially love my volunteer work in the evenings at the Najoti Kudakon NGO," says Sharifov, who uses a blow-up doll for his work with the NGO in first aid training. "I'm the leader of a group helping young people with first aid and natural disaster preparedness. I also assist the director and her staff showing this video depicting domestic violence and explaining about women's rights." NGO Director Kurbongul Kosimova explains in an interview: "One of the main aspects of conflict in our community is between men and women." She says it occurs at many levels and cites the high suicide rate of women due to depression. When women get married, they become virtually house servants for their husband's family. Members of the self-help group gave examples of how they help local women. When one young woman started attending our seminars, she learned that she could question her treatment at home challenged her father-in-law," said Kosimova. "It took some time, but he eventually accepted it and this put her on a better footing in the home. "Another example was a flax mill where there are mostly women workers. One female worker in a self-help group wanted to get a gynaecologist to come to help the women," explained Kosimova. "At first it wasn't accepted, but later the men did accept it. It seems to be the case often. In the beginning, the men did not want to work with women, but eventually they realise they have to work with each other." Umedjon Sharifov laughs. "I'm interested with self help because I want to participate in the development of my country. I want to help the people. This is my happiness and fulfilment."
61
November 2007
CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

In this chapter we begin with conclusions drawing directly on the feedback from the research teams and their discussions with ECCA representatives at the workshop in July 2007. Next we raise a number of issues for the future, returning to fundamental questions posed by INTRAC at the start of the study (see Chapters 1-2). These issues are posed as questions for further discussion; they are basic to the development of a true self-help movement in Central Asia. Finally a link is made with ECCAs advocacy and capacity building programs and a set of practical recommendations address to the key stakeholders concludes the report.
6.1 Main Findings from the Study

Self Help Groups The research team received an overwhelmingly positive picture of the work of SHGs in Central Asia. The atmosphere and level of motivation seemed to be very good, both in individual groups and among the staff of the supporting NGOs. SHGs in Tajikistan are moving gradually through the establishment and consolidation stage. In Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, many SHGs are in the mature stage and do not need organisational support from NGO staff; the clusters and federations can deal with any problems. What they may need is more specialist technical support regarding the economic activities, or assistance in lobbying at a higher level for the community or within society as a whole. SHGs have shown that they are a useful tool for empowerment at individual and group level. Members feel that their understanding of local issues, their involvement in decision-making has improved. They have had an opportunity to tackle economic and social problems. Their attitude to life has become more positive, and for isolated groups like the elderly people SHG membership has been a way out of loneliness. Leaders play a crucial role in SHGs. However, the approach to internal decision-making and leadership varies widely, as was seen by differing views of rotation. The groups provide a base for skills development, agricultural diversification and specialisation, small trading and business start-up. Communities generally respect the opinion of SHG members because they are united and serious in their efforts. Lobbying by SHGs seems to work best at this local level. There was little evidence that lobbying can be done at higher levels without significant support from the NGO. If SHG activity goes beyond the local level, that is a big achievement. Another way of putting this is to say that, in the main, SHGs are working with immediate rather than strategic issues The social composition of SHGs varies according to location but is made up mainly of the poorer and middle layers, with some individuals from the richer and poorest layers. The variety of SHGs is a plus (single and mixed sex, age variety, ethnic pluralism). There were many good examples of groups with mixed sex, age, ethnic composition. In many NGOs there is a conscious attempt to revive and celebrate national traditions and develop patriotism. The open sharing of the positive or negative experience depends on the level of development of the SHG, as well as the NGO with which it cooperates Clusters and Federations Clusters have advanced in all locations as informal/formal groupings of SHGs in an urban estate or kvartal, or in a village. Leaders and other activists meet in the cluster to share
62
experience of managing groups and to discuss wider problems of the community. By contrast, federations (defined as a body uniting several clusters, with formal and significant staff or financial resources) have only been created in a few locations where the SHG programme is quite mature. Most NGO and SHG activists remain doubtful about the need for these more formal associations, or their sustainability. Clusters and federations provide SHG members an opportunity to operate within a wider network, exchange information and experience at a higher level. There is a felt need for leadership development programs to help local leaders meet their responsibilities and take up emerging opportunities; see, for example, the creation of leaders councils in several locations. Clusters and federations enhance the ability for SHGs to access grants and credits. There is a big contrast between the three countries in relation to donor activity and opportunities: in Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan a multitude of donor activities, in Kazakhstan lack of donor funds. They take social mobilization to a new level and strengthening the communitys capacity for lobbying. However, in some cases these associations appear to have been created top-down by the NGOs with the eventual aim of transferring management tasks to them. While some activists welcome this and are keen to take on the extra responsibilities, in other cases this development has been seen as artificial or over-bureaucratic, and the federation has collapsed. In some associations or traditional community institutions where SHG members participate, women are given secondary rather than leadership roles.
Gender and political aspects Women are active and there are many female leaders in SHGs, clusters and federations. This is despite womens double burden of care for their children, families, and home. Men and women activists have different strengths, different attitudes to problems. Mens interests have been seen mainly on the economic side and in community leadership .There were cases of manipulation of women SHG members by their husbands (eg for credits), or where they have hampered them from attending meetings or training. NGOs and CBOs do not address gender equality issues in the deeper sense. The attitude to womens and mens roes is based on traditional models of behaviour. SHG leaders and members are active during elections. Their leaders have increasing respect and visibility in the community. SHGs find it quite easy to put forward their activists to different positions including as elected deputies. The attitude of the authorities to the activity of SHG is generally positive but depends a lot on personal contacts. The respondents in the study were reluctant to talk about bad experience of work with authorities. Probably more lessons could be drawn out with further research. It was not clear, for example, what SHGs do when their relations with authorities get worse (eg after determined lobbying leads to conflict). In general, there was a need for training on lobbying and advocacy: how to select themes, plan and conduct campaigns. In Tajikistan there were cases when SHG had been afraid of bringing the issue to attention of the authorities. In Tajikistan and Kazakhstan the problem in relations with government is lack of understanding or willingness by officials to work with CS. In Kyrgyzstan the problem is political instability and lack of coherence of government policies and systems. It sometimes seems that local self-government bodies are becoming dependant on CSOs. Lobbying is often confused with social partnership. Often SHGs help local government to repair social installations which are usually within governments sphere of responsibility (eg water systems, schools, public bath-houses). This is better described as social partnership rather than lobbying. Lobbying is often facilitated by the NGO, to the extent where it can be difficult to identify to what extent success was due to the SHGs or the NGO.
63
November 2007
Economic side and credits Collecting information about the economic activity of SHG was not the task of the survey. However, the economic aspect predominates and cannot be seen as entirely separate. The role of microcrediting in strengthening of SHGs is very significant. The question was raised: what do members of SHG really want when they join? To receive credit? What else? The management of the credit program has a big effect on the responsibilities of not only SHGs but clusters and federations, and seems to determine the shape of the structures being developed. The creation of microcredit agencies (MCAs) is another important development. If the NGOs SHGs are strong and numerous, the MCA will become stronger and accumulate a big credit portfolio. For MCAs it is advantageous to work with existing SHGs created by the NGO (because the groups guarantee repayment of credits). It was difficult to assess whether the MCAs or the different bodies managing credits could become rich (ie a new local elite). The view of local NGO representatives in the research team was that with the current percentages and the limited coverage of MCAs, this is not likely at the present time. However, this economic factor is bound to affect the political position of the NGO and SHGs.
6.2 Concept and Strategy: the future development of SHGs

As the survey demonstrated, the future of SHGs is seen by NGO activists as tied up with the development of a common strategy. The discussions held during the two workshops organized by INTRAC to plan and review the field visits showed that the development of a SHG movement is seen as a regional aim. The experience of the ECCA consortium, the Ishenim network and other attempts to bring together SHG actors shows the need to create sustainable forms of liaison and shared management of these processes. Below we suggest some topics for future discussion in such forums: SHGs as civil society organizations. In the context of the post-Soviet liberalization of social relations, SHGs reflect the need for public bodies to help create conditions for the extension of freedom, solidarity and participation / inclusion of the population on a voluntary basis in the process of social change. This study has examined SHGs as an institution of civil society enabling individuals to acquire confidence and responsibility for their own lives through collective action. The study shows that community development can indeed lead to civil society strengthening but individual CBOs can only do a limited amount without associating with each other, working with local and national NGOs etc. Patriarchal traditions and modern self-help. Almost everywhere SHG and NGO activists believe that the cultural foundation for their work is self-support/ self-help institutions which have existed in Central Asia since ancient times. However this attempt to refer to past traditions is not without contradictions or potential conflicts. These forms were developed in patriarchal, medieval societies and on support given to the poor by rich people. Charitable actions and associations (whether secular or religious) clearly have an important place in civil society in the FSU region as in other countries (many NGOs in the ECCA However, charity is one thing and programme carry out well supported charitable actions32). demanding your rights is another. Modern self-help models have the task of individual and collective mobilization through development of knowledge and skills of individuals to make independent, responsible decisions with respect to their lives. One of the basic values here is egalitarianism, another the challenge to traditional hierarchies, power and stereotypes. These ideas are all in the ECCA strategy but how much are they discussed by local partners?
32
1 Typical examples: fundraising campaigns for old people, summer camps for poor children.
64
From self to community. A common vision of self-help from the point of view of SHG members is as a means to get access to funds; and for the NGO and MCA self-help means a collective way of guaranteeing the return of credits. This is of course a very narrow perception of self-help and the question is how to ensure that the groups are truly committed to a wider solidarity ie serving the interests of the community. SHG activists recognize the importance of cultural work, in terms of change of values and norms of behavior. However without acknowledgement that the self-help association is a unification of people into groups not for the sake of a private formation family, tribe, nation, religion or ideological movement, but for the sake of sociality as such33, cultural work can be reduced to reproduction of self-centricity of the group and exclusion of those not belonging to it. Role of the family or clan. In the arena of local civil society, the role of the family and clan has been shown as central. NGO and SHG activists struggled to define the socio-economic and gender composition of their groups, and (with the exception of SHGs representing older people who rightly note their own exclusion) were uncomfortable speaking about different interests in the community. There is little other conclusion than that it is family, clan or ethnic ties which are binding the community together in this way. Therefore the danger of capture of the SHG programme and assets by narrow interest groups or local elites is a danger. While INTRACs includes family-type groupings within civil society, there is an essential proviso: not all civil society groups are positive, pro-poor, or pro-development. Some are just for themselves. Links to other movements. The generation of a perception of oneself as a member of a SHG should result from discussion around the concept of modern self-help rather than an idealized past when our ancestors supposedly lived by such principles. The SHG movement needs to be more aware of other similar currents of thinking and practice. The ASTI report gave examples for Tajikistan, and in Kyrgyzstan there was been a major attempt to create mutual help groups, promoted by UNDP and taken up by the government during the year of social mobilization in 2004. It would be useful to study the similarities and differences between self help and mutual help groups at the level of objectives, directions, training provided, types of guidance and role of facilitators34. This could help SHG and NGO leaders, social workers, and activists working in the intermediary structures and associated networks to reflect on their own roles and find new ways of doing things. Adaptation of concept to Central Asia conditions. One of the major areas of interest from the outset of the ECCA SHG programme in 1998-99 has been to assess the applicability of South Asia experience to the very different environment of post-Soviet Central Asia. Many NGO leaders and activists have been funded by ECCA agencies to visit South Asia and study SHGs there. During the current study, NGO leaders commented once again on their achievements in tailoring the SHG concept to local conditions. A Kyrgyzstan NGO noted: the organisation does not use any more a blind copying of elements of the concept. Two key elements emerged: 1) the importance of better needs analysis; 2) greater efforts in capacity building of the target group and their own staff. SHGs in the regional financial services system. As in India, self help groups in Central Asia play an important role in credit and banking. However, according to the first SHG study, the original Indian model of SHG credit activity was developed at state level within a large scale banking program35; whereas at the present time, SHG development in Central Asia seems to be run by external agents international development agencies who are creating their own SHG networks through NGOfacilitators. This fact reinforces the need for discussions at a high (national) level with the government about the SHG model so that some form of national ownership is achieved in each country.
M.Valtser. Quote by P. Salustovich. European socium in the transition context: civil society and social work http://www.soc.pu.ru/publications/pts/salustovich.shtml (last revision on 21.08.2007 ) 34 For instance if one accepts that SHGs are created for development of skills of self-monitoring, control of oneself and of the environment, and MSG are created for exchange of experience and adaptation, then it is clear the this should be reflected in identification of activities of the groups. For SHG it is control of behaviour / habits, and for MSG it is inclusion in social life. Ways of work will also differ. For SHG it is adherence, and for MSG it is social assessment, activism and exchange of information. 35 Report on the impact of the SHG method, p.20
33
65
November 2007
Dialogue with government. At present, despite positive signals which the research team heard during the 2007 study, the overall position of the state with regard to the SHG movement is unclear. There are examples when at the government level special structures have been created for micro-credit programs (eg in Kyrgyzstan - the Agricultural Financial Corporation). But it is quite possible that the governments vision of the development of SHGs differs significantly from the strategies of international agencies and NGOs. Correspondingly the next logical step would be to discuss future strategy from the point of view of each of the parties, also the prospects and patterns of future interaction and implementation. Empires and networks. In an earlier section, this study referred to the danger of creating over-extensive empires of SHGs, clusters and federations. There is a tendency for the formation of hierarchical, dependent relations between SHGs and NGOs, which is obviously caused by the NGO having large amounts of funds and of access to other resources (knowledge, contacts etc). NGOs may feel driven by the donors (that is, ECCA) to increase the number of SHGs they support. There is no easy answer to this problem but this study has placed major emphasis on 1) the development of networks (some open, some more specialized); 2) the emphasis on voluntary action and local initiative; 3) the importance of intermediaries of different kinds and in general on pluralism and diversity of approach. Gender inequality. The SHG study reinforces the widely held view that SHG membership encourages participation in tackling mens and womens practical needs. However it is a long way from fully meeting strategic needs empowerment of women, changes in the traditional roles of women and men. Civil society activists are proud of the leading role of women in NGOs and CBOs around the region but a contrary, radical conclusion can also be argued: that within SHGs (as within NGOs) a marginalization of womens activity is taking place, focused in the area of social issues. In fact the activity of women in SHGs aiming at generation of income, primarily for the family, can be seen as an extension of the reproductive functions of women in the family. In this respect participation in SHG could be described as not a kind of new public space opening up opportunities, but simply an extra responsibility in the list of old, traditional female roles. Fair economic relations. Two issues are critical to the economic programme and at the same time to everything else. First, how far are economic activities able to go beyond the lower levels of the Maslow hierarchy of need? Ie do they do more than assure survival? From interviews it is clear that sometimes SHGs are operating at quite a basic level when savings are spent mainly on consumer goods and services or essential individual needs. Really the issue with economics is the same as with gender how to move from daily issues and understanding to strategic issues which pose the possibility of achieving a change in the person or groups position in society. Second, there is the issue of fair economic development. Loan activities promote a capitalistic type of behavior which may contradict modern concepts of self-help as a new type of social movement, breaking with the more negative traits of the capitalistic society and seeking other attitudes to work, consumption, reality in general.
6.3 Link to ECCAs Advocacy and Capacity Building Programmes

At the beginning of this report, we noted the five themes of ECCAs strategy for Central Asia, three of which are particularly relevant to SHGs Democracy and Widening of Political Space (DWPS), Fair Economic Development (FED), and Access to Basic Services using a Rights Based Approach (ABS). These themes have been joined by two cross-cutting programmes: for advocacy and capacity building. The authors of this report naturally hope that it will be of use and interest to the ECCA staff and consultative groups of NGO partners working in these programmes and to the ECCA consortium itself. Below is a short account of where the report seems to fits within this ongoing work.
66
6.3.1 ECCAs Advocacy Programme
The Advocacy36 group created by developed a joint strategy at the beginning of 2006, which was updated a year later. This document shows how will assist local NGO partners in addressing problems in the field through advocacy and capacity building of partners for implementation of advocacy campaigns. The strategy includes work at two levels: European and national. At the European level this means advocacy work by the agencies themselves to represent the interests of Central Asia with national governments and at the European Parliament. The national level means activity by local NGOs in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan at the level of their governments. The three main issues highlighted in the Advocacy Strategy37 are as follows: The need to highlight the levels of poverty level in CA to Western development policy makers The importance of developing appropriate aid policies for the region that are sufficiently budgeted Development of local civil society and an independent NGO sector
The agencies themselves have limited experience of southern advocacy activity, although they have lots of northern experience. For instance, Christian Aid has lobbied for an increase in financial aid to CA region and the importance of long-term support for capacity building of the NGO sector in the British Parliament. According to ECCA one of the main tasks is capacity building of local NGO partners for advocacy activities by providing technical and financial assistance in this area. This report has provided new arguments for this, especially at the level of clusters, federations, local and national networks. Many NGO partners have considerable experience in advocacy and have carried out various public campaigns, educational programs, lobbying of government and surveys of policies on various issues. The variety of themes covered by NGO activities38 rather complicates the initiative on capacity building for advocacy. Kyrgyz NGOs have more experience and have moved further in advocacy than their Kazakh and Tajik partners. Good experience in advocacy among the ECCA partners was noted in NGOs working with elderly people and children. This work as been highlighted in this report. Thus the NGO network AgeNet Central Asia No Borders addresses the problems of old people (supported by Christian Aid), there is the smaller Kyrgyzstan-based network for protection of children rights (supported by DanChurchAid), and the Ishenim network (supported by ICCO) unites NGOs from the three countries working on the Self Help Group method. The updated Strategy on Advocacy for 2007 shows a narrowing of the topics for advocacy and the topic Social Reform was selected, also a focus on children rights. A regional advocacy campaign is planned on childrens rights. Attachment 7 shows how the different levels of lobbying work at present (using examples from the NGOs self-assessment); and how it could work in future if more connections are made between the different levels of activity. In the advocacy strategy the SHG topic was not considered as a separate theme, although many NGO partners of cooperate with SHGs. This is probably connected with lack of experience of NGOs in lobbying SHG issues at the national level, unlike the problems of elderly people and children. The Ishenim network was not considered as a strategic partner in implementation of advocacy campaigns and this is connected with the fact that Ishenim has focused its activity on internal issues raised by partners
The advocacy group includes 6 people one representative from each agency, the program advocacy officer, and the coordinator of Central Asia Platform 37 See the ECCA strategy for 2006-2007 for more details. 38 Eg gender, cotton and land reform, rights of pensioners, rights of orphans and children, poverty reduction strategy, environment, self support groups and political reform.
36
67
November 2007
and has made little attempt to influence broader society or national governments. The opinion of the authors of this report is that Ishenim should switch its focus to wider discussions, alliances and lobbying. Since the main topic of the advocacy strategy is Social Reform, Ishenim could make a regional input around the role and place of SHGs in poverty reduction (and gender equality). This is a central topic for achievement of the Millennium Development Goals. The MDGs are accorded an important place in ECCAs strategy and national governments could hardy avoid supporting this kind of an initiative.
6.3.2 ECCAs Capacity Building Program
The strategy of empowerment implies that ECCAs partner NGOs will, first, successfully impart new knowledge and skills to SHGs, clusters and federations; and second, gradually delegate responsibilities for mobilisation, management and external relations to them. This process of NGOs moving from project and program implementation to the role of facilitator and back-up means becoming more of a NGO Support Organisation (NGOSO). This is the main theme of the ECCA capacity building program Strengthening NGOs to Support the Self Help Movement. The program aims to move in a trajectory through three main objectives - 1. Capacity building of NGO partners to become sustainable support organizations for their SHG and federations; 2. Strengthening the SHG movement, its collective identity and purpose, on all levels (SHGs, clusters and federations, links between federations); 3. Supporting and promoting the interests of the SHG movement in the wider social and economic spheres (including local and national government levels) The main needs for the NGOs in moving to a support role were identified as follows: Individual level human resource management (motivating, supporting and appraising / developing staff); strategic and operational planning; M&E, leadership skills; personal skills (stress regulation, conflict management, tolerance). Organisational level building the SHG Federations, support for the NGOs newly independent micro-credit agencies (MCAs); development of the parent NGOs organisational structure and governance (eg Board of Directors), distribution of functional responsibilities and workload; improving financial / organisational sustainability of the NGO and its subsidiary / associated parts. Institutional level negotiating and lobbying with outside organisations; effective networking an coalition building; improved understanding of social partnership and local economic and social development programs; better understanding of own role as a NGO support organisation (for the federations, MCAs, SHGs, other local NGOs). Training of local consultants, trainers and facilitators - making use of the skills of local experts who have been exposed to new / international knowledge and approaches; encouraging NGOs to call upon regional experts to assist with the range of support and training functions with their federations, SHGs etc. In the first year (2007) of the capacity building programme, the focus was on capacity building of NGO partners. This will continue through training workshops and a new programme of action learning sets to support new skills and knowledge, focused on middle level staff and activists. The current study is of direct relevance to the theme of the second year strengthening the SHG movement, its identity and purpose. The authors would expect to see a large number of questions and recommendations from this report taken up in 2008. In particular, there must be some effort to address the development needs of clusters and federations (working through the NGOs); an element of support must go to wider networks (to the extent that they are components of, and help to build, the SHG movement); and INTRAC has already offered to work with Ishenim on a new strategy (for the same reason).
68
6.4 Summary of Recommendations

For SHGs, clusters and federations 1. Continue independent thinking around the self-help concept in Central Asia and Kazakhstan (linking to national and other traditions) 2. Use own links and resources to extend the SHG movement in the region and to make links with similar community associations 3. Use the opportunities provided for exchange visits between NGOs to develop and implement new ideas and approaches, in a planned way 4. Strengthen the lobby component of the SHG programme at local and district level. Provide more information to the public on the activity of SHGs 5. Promote plurality of cultural and social activities in the community 6. Find ways for SHG members to attend training of leaders of the SHG movement at a broader level, taking into account both mens and womens availability and responsibilities 7. Create forums for more discussion and analysis by SHG members and leaders of issues relating to local governance, local economic policy, poverty reduction, gender equality. 8. Review rules / practices for the creation and work of the clusters and federations, since they are not always realistic or functional, and explain the stages of development more clearly for new members For partner NGOs 1. In questions of organisation and programme development, try to move to more open systems, for example: 1) Work more closely with other local NGOs; 2) Delegate SHG advice, training and monitoring responsibilities to clusters and federations; 3) Continue process of building MCAs able to take decisions on credit issues (under overall policy direction from the NGO/founders) 2. Avoid the danger of endless accumulation of SHGs and responsibilities to individual clients and supporters 3. Develop a mechanism for ceasing direct support to mature SHGs (and the individuals in them) which records the successes in setting up the groups and developing their activities; and which leaves them with alternative partners and / or sources of future support 4. Share experience and improve systems for checking the work of local NGOs, clusters and federations which have been delegated the responsibility of supporting SHGs. Development of written case studies could be a useful tool for sharing learning 5. Avoid the temptation to appoint leaders for the clusters and federations or to control the election of leaders 6. Continue the discussion on how to develop the leadership capacity of members and leaders of SHGs, and on what kind of knowledge and skills need to be improved. NGOs and SHGs should decide what they want to achieve by leadership rotation human resource development or other aims. Build on current initiatives to help local leaders meet their responsibilities and take up emerging opportunities - eg the leaders councils which have been set up in some locations 7. Continue work with intermediary groups village councils, mahalla committees, social community councils, womens clubs and resource centres, jamoat and aiyl okmutu committees (youth, health etc). These provide a valuable interface with local government and other CSOs 8. Include representatives of local government in training and exchange programmes wherever possible 9. Organise a discussion around the strategy of building a peoples bank or a large financial services company within or close to the parent NGO. Be aware that banking activities are quite different from lobbying and CS activities 10. Promote plurality of cultural and social activities in the community through creation of special cultural development programmes
69
November 2007
11. Consider problems of exclusion caused by the activities of the program eg the effect on neighbouring areas where there are no SHGs and therefore no financial or other support from the NGO. Try to ensure that this does not cause problems, by making linkages with organisations and activists For ECCA agencies 1. Support NGOs and SHGs in the above mentioned areas. Continue work around the shared / integrated ECCA approach 2. Direct new resources to meet the needs of clusters, federations and networks and actions which they initiate, rather than on creating more SHGs 3. Support NGOs, SHGs and individuals to create a womens lobby within the ECCA programme to challenge the re-traditionalizing of womens roles in Central Asia 4. Develop a dialogue with national governments on the significane of self-help (and micro-credit) in their national strategies 5. Support comparison of the SHG experience with other agencies and programmes working in similar areas and search for opportunities for mutual learning; avoid programme / geographical duplication wherever possible 6. Liaise with other international agencies to strengthen the loan portfolio capacity of micro crediting agencies (MCA) for support of poorer clients / members of SHGs 7. Feed the results of this study into the Advocacy and Capacity Building Programmes For Ishenim network 1. Undertake a strategic review in autumn 2007 spring 2008 2. Use the strategic review to discuss a possible move for Ishenim from an internal discussion role to a wider one with a focus on, eg: 1) SHG methodology; 2) community development approaches; 3) poverty reduction, gender equality, and the rights based approach. 3. Consider joint project work with INTRAC in the second year of the ECCA capacity building program (2008) in one of these areas 4. Widen its membership among ECCA NGO partners in Tajikistan For INTRAC / ECCA capacity building program 1. Discuss with ECCA agencies carrying out a review of PRA methodologies used in the programme with a working group of NGO / SHG practitioners. This is suggested so as to help NGOs with better needs analysis and to tackle the problem of defining the social and gender particularities of SHGs and the communities they belong to 2. Provide for wide discussions and debates for NGO staff and SHG activists within the planned Community of Practice (COP) and Analytical Skills Training programme, currently planned to be lunched in early 2008 3. Build on examples of special capacity building activities for women and men, where their different needs have been identified 4. Continue mini-research studies into 1) impact of grass-roots leaders; 2) what happens when SHG activists become elected deputies (ie what links continue and what is the impact); 3) relation between gender or household roles and leadership activities 5. Work with NGO partners on new leadership development initiatives to help local leaders meet their responsibilities and take up new opportunities. These programmes should focus on issues like local governance and local economic development, to give leaders a forum to discuss important political developments in each country 6. While the capacity building programme focuses on NGOs and local trainers and consultants, ensure that it reaches the final beneficiaries SHG activists
70
7. Find ways to strengthen the range of associations and coalitions which are emerging from NGOSHG activity rather than try to find a single coherent movement to support 8. Respond to requests that may come from NGOs regarding the organisational development of SHG federations (the model of a successful / sustainable SHG federation in Central Asia is still only partially developed)
Paiza Balthabeva lead a self help group in Kyrgyzstan with her husband Avazbek Photo: Peter Kenny/ENI
Story 6. Husband and wife team up in Kyrgyzstan self help group In Central Asian countries there are many examples of women fighting to strengthen their rights and move closer to full partnership with men. One example of such partnership in Kyrgyzstan is Avazbek Balthabaev and his wife Paiza Balthabaeva, who work as a team in both business and in self-help groups in their community. "We have 18 people in our self help group - nine men and nine women," says Balthabaeva, who is the leader of an association of self-help groups that receive backing from NGO Development and Cooperation in Central Asia. They're assessing recent progress in their town of 20,000 residents, about 30 kilometres from Jalalabad in south-western Kyrgyzstan. The area around here is steeped in history as one of the many branches of the famed Silk Road, the channel for globalisation before intercontinental shipping began. She hands out bottles of Jalalabad's famed water from its mineral springs on a summer day when the temperature rises above 40 degrees Celsius. The water is so rich and tasty it is sold throughout Kyrgyzstan, and also exported. The businesses that belong to the self-help groups around here use micro-credits from DCCA to buy stock from Kazakhstan," she says as she and her husband confer about a new issue for the group, to which she has been elected leader by rotation. The group is also engaged in small scale farming of wheat and sunflowers in an area famed for its farming output. "We also negotiate for small scale credit for people from outside the self-help group, but they have to pay higher interest than members," says Balthabaeva explaining that peer pressure is so great there is very little defaulting on loans. Asel Aidarova, community development officer in DCCA, describes success in developing leadership skills, including the election of people from self-help groups to village, town or district governments. This is something that seems to be acceptable to many government officials in Kyrgyzstan, but makes some officials in neighbouring Tajikistan nervous about potential challenges to their authority. DCCA has also gained the support of religious leaders in community development activities both from the minority Russian Orthodox Church and from the Muslim faith community, who are an overwhelming majority in this area, for example in health issues. "This is very important because of the influence that religious leaders exert over the community. For example, we need their help to fight HIV and AIDS which are growing in our country."
71
November 2007
Attachment 1: Terms of Reference (excerpt)
Joint ECCA review of the SHG methodology in Central Asia

REVIEW PURPOSE The purpose of the review is: to inform a discussion based on experience among the ECCA agencies and its NGO partners about the potential of the SHG approach to socio-political empowerment of civil society in Central Asia in order to improve the impact of the support. to contribute to a common knowledge base among the ECCA agencies on the impact of the SHG approach by identifying best case practice KEY QUESTIONS: A. What lessons can be drawn from the effects of the SHG methodology on the wider community? To what extent does it contribute to social mobilisation and empowerment of civil society at local level? Subquestions: What was achieved in terms of getting financial or other assistance to address the wider community priorities? What were the main factors internal and external to the SHG that made it happen? This includes but is not limited to the approach and the type of support from the NGO, the selection of SHGs (inclusion/exclusion), the individual capacities of the SHG members, the relation of the SHG to other local forms of community organization and how its affects local traditions such as aksakal, hasher, Mahalla, etc. Could the experience be replicated elsewhere? B. What lessons can be learned from the clusters and the SHG federations with regards to enhanced capacity to achieve solutions to the problems identified at regional and national level? What is their potential for empowerment at regional and national levels? Subquestions: What was achieved in terms of influencing decision making and resource allocation at regional and national level? What were the main factors, internal and external that made it happen? This includes but is not limited to the approach and the type of support from the NGO, the process of formation of the clusters and federations, the characteristics and capacity of the clusters and federations, and their relation to the socio-political actors in the environment such as the local authorities, and other existing traditional forms of social organizations like the Mahallas in Tajikistan etc.? Could the experience be replicated elsewhere? C. What lessons can be learned about independency and sustainability of the SHGs, the clusters and the federations? Subquestions: What are the characteristics of the SHGs, clusters and federations that find themselves ready to continue without the support of the NGOs? This includes but is not limited to the formation process, the support received including capacity building, the integration into the socio-political environment, the individual capacity of the SHGs, clusters and federations. Can this be replicated elsewhere? D. What is the way forward? Subquestions: To what extent can the lessons learned about the SHG approach to empowerment be replicated generally in order to improve the impact of the support? What adjustments are needed in the support from ECCA and the Ngos? What adjustments are needed in the way the SHGs, the clusters and the federations work?
72
Attachment 2: List of interviewees (Field Visits) KAZAKHSTAN 1. Association of Women Moldir 1. Galina Meermanova, Director of NGO Moldir, Almaty city 2. Margarita Kopytina, Social worker, NGO Moldir, Almaty city 3. Maya Rhanovna, Leader of SHG Federation Dostar, Almaty city 4. Jannat Janova, Leader of SHG Margarita, Almaty city 5. Galina Alzhanova, Director of NGO Women Support Center, Djambul rayion 6. Olga Urazova, Director of NGO Children Protection Center, Almaty city 7. Tatiana Lapina, Chairwoman PKSK and Leader of SHG Karlygash, Almaty city 8. Gulsym Shayakhmetova, Leader of SHG Federation Karlygash, Shymyr vill. 9. Focus group with SHG Federation members (9 women), Shymyr vill. TaldyKorgan obl. 10. Focus group with members of SHG Federation Karagoz, Almaty city 2. Association Baspana 1. Yernar Malikov, Director of Baspana, Almaty city 2. Ludmila Kintenko, Manager for External Relations, Baspana, Almaty 3. Baurzhan Daukhanov, Coordinator of Dpt for Community Social Development, Baspana 4. Bakhytzhan Ibraysadykov, Credit Inspector, MCA Baspana-Credit, Almaty 5. Inna Tulenbaeva, Member of Aksakal Council, Shanyrak/Almaty 6. Kamal , Chair of LSG Duman, Duman/Almaty 7. Chairman of PKSD, Almaty city 8. Noyabr Kurzhakmetov, Chair of SHG Federation Duman, Duman/Almaty 9. Focus group with members of Duman Federation (3 male, 5 female), Almaty 10. Focus group with members of SHG Federation Shanyrak-2 (7 female), Shanyrak-2/Almaty KYRGYZSTAN 3. Public Fund Development and Cooperation in Central Asia (DCCA) 1. Emil Sultanbaev, Director of DCCA, Bishkek 2. Focus group with Senior Program Officers (6 persons), Bishkek 3. Chinara Abdullaeva, Advocacy Coordinator, DCCA-South, Osh city 4. Asel Aidarova, Community Development Coordinator, DCCA-South, Osh city 5. Maksat Amanova, Director of NGO Tyan, Ak-Bulak vil. 6. Asomitin Jienbekov, Director of NGO Kyak, Jalalabat oblast 7. Ominakhon Yuldashova, SHG Leader, Ghuzal, Uch-Korgon vil. 8. Torkun Duyshebaeva, Leader of SHG Maksat, Zharake vill. 9. Ayzikan Mamanova, Leader of SHG Ak Tilek, Koshtorgon vill. 10. Sydykbek Samidinov, Leader of SHG Nazira, Kolot vill. 11. Gulayim Anipaeva, Batma Eranova, Leader of SHG Ariet, Orto Kyshtak vill. 12. Abbaszhan Madazimov, Head of Uch-Korgon Ayil Okmoty, Uch Korgon vil. 13. Focus group with SHG members (6 women), Onbirjylga vil. 14. Focus group with NGO/SHG Leaders and members (16 women), NGO Tyan, Thelek vil. 15. Focus group with SHG members (15 persons), NGO Kyak, Kelechek vil. 16. Focus group with SHG members (3 men, 12 women), NGO Tyan, Uch-Korgon vil. 4. NGO Mehr Shavkat 1. Makharam Tilavoldieva, Director of Mehr Shavkat, Aravan vill. 2. Focus group with social workers (1 men, 3 women), Mehr-Shavkat, Aravan vill. 3. Maryam Nurmanova, Leader of Rural Development Committee (RDC), Chekabad Ayil Okmoty, Aravan rayion 4. Gulshod Amidova, Social worker, Mehr-Shavkat, Aravan vill. 5. Mukhtar Mamirov, Head of Chek-Abad Ayil Okmoty, Aravan vill 6. Husan Holmatov, Deputy, 7. Ekhtiborikhon Tishebaeva, Leader of Federation Birimdik, Alysh-Bashy vill. 8. Focus group with leaders of Federations (8 women, 2 men), Aravan vill.
73
November 2007
9. Focus group with members of Youth committee, Berlyk vill. 10. Focus group with members of SHG (2 women, 10 men), Aravan vill. 5. NGO Shoola 1. Venera Makaeva, Chairperson of Board, NGO Shoola 2. Indira Baigazieva, Project director, NGO Shoola 3. Focus group with social workers and program coordinators (3 men, 4 women), NGO Shoola 4. Zuura Omurkamova, Leader of SHG Delmige, Bokonbaevo vill. 5. Altyn Bulakirnova, Cluster leader, Shorbulak vill. 6. Doktorbai Ryskuliev, Social worker and Director of NGO Jetiogyz Ayimy, Darhan vill. 7. Talant Imankulov, Director of MCA Ak-Shoola, Bokonbaevo vill. 8. Razhapova Symbat, President of NGO Onor Kenchi Bokonbaevo vill. 9. Ryspaev Bakyt, President of NGO Attan, Ton vill. 10. Kanat Arpachiev, Head of Tortkul Ayil Okmotu, Bokonbaevo vill. 11. Focus group with SHGs leaders and heads of the villages (3 men, 1 women), Bokonbaevo vill. 12. Focus group with SHG and cluster members (15 women, 1 man), Shor-Bulak vill. 13. Focus group with SHG leaders (9 women, 1 man), Darkhan vill. 14. Ryskul Kylymbaeva, Leader of SHG Shirin, Bokonbaevo vill. 6. NGO Resource Center for Elderly (RCE / Ymyt-Balykchy) 1. Svetlana Bashtovenko, Director of RCE, Bishkek 2. Aida Arykbaeva, Social worker of RCE, Balykchy town 3. Bekkuluev Kamchibek, Executive Director of MCA ETO, Balykchy town 4. Abdullaeva Uktomkhan, Minister of Social Protection of KR, Bishkek 5. Valeria Antonovna, Social Policy Advisor, Ministry of Social Protection, Bishkek 6. Taalaibek Mederov, Vice Mayor of Balykchy Municipality, Balykchy town 7. Tamara Asankozhoeva, Leader of SHG Nur, Dong Aryk vill. 8. Focus group with Program coordinators (RCE, AgeNet, Babushka Adopt, ADRA), Bishkek 9. Focus group with SHG Leaders and members (2 male, 13 female), Ivanovka vill. 10. Focus group with SHG members (23 women), Dong Aryk vill. 11. Focus group with SHG Federation members (2 men, 10 women), Balykchy town 7. NGO Arysh 1. Jumagazy Sadyr uulu, Director of NGO Arysh 2. Zamira Sagynalieva and Dinara Baimatova , Social workers, NGO Arysh 3. Nurgazy Musaev , PR Specialist of NGO Arysh, Bishkek 4. Gulbara Turdumatova , Director of MCA Arysh Kench, Bishkek city 5. Onol Toktobolotova, Chairwoman of Ayil Court, settlement around Bishkek 6. Boldukan Urmanbetova, Leader of Ak-Dil Cluster, settlement 7. Bazarkan Jusupbekova and Dinara Adylova, Novopavlovka Cluster 8. Gulnara Abdraeva, SHG Leader, Cluster Ak-Bosogo, Ak-Bosogo Settlement 9. Makhabat Kasymbekova , House Committee Chairwoman, SHG Altyn Kazyk, Pole-Chudes Settlement 10. Focus group with members of Ozgorysh Federation, (1 men, 4 women), settlement 11. Focus group with SHG Leaders, Cluster Birimdik, Archa Beshik Settlement 12. Focus group with members of SHG Altyn Kazyk (6 men, 4 women), Pole-Chudes Settlement 8. ADRA-Kyrgyzstan 1. Igor Litvinov, Program Coordinator of ADRA, Bishkek 2. Focus group with members of SHG Edelveis (1 man, 7 woman), 10 mkr, Bishkek 3. Focus group with member of SHGs (1 man, 9 women, 70-80 years old) 10 mkr, Bishkek 4. Focus group with leaders of SHGs (5 men, 19 women, 65-75 years old), Bishkek 9. NGO JR 1. Arzykan Aikynova, Director; Bazarbai Maaseyitov, Program Manager; Uulbubu Nishanbaeva, corrdinator, NGO JR, Batken town 2. Akmyrza Tagaev Head of Karabak Ayil Okmotu, Karabak vill. 3. M. Tashbolotova, Leader of NGO Ayalzat, Batken town 4. Focus group with members of SHG Altyn Beshik (10 women, 50-60 years old) 5. Focus group with members of SHG Yntymak (10 women (in their middle ages) Karabak village
74
6. Focus group with members of Altyn Kul Federation (6 women) Karabak vill. 10. NGO Intersheriktesh 1. Aktamjon Ismailov, Director of NGO Intersheriktesh, Bishkek 2. Focus group with leaders of SHGs (3 men), Manas vill. 11. Centre Interbilim (CIB) 1. Elena Voronina, Program manager of CIB 2. Director High School, Youth Group Zhashtyk, Beisheke vill. 3. Focus group with members of NGO Taza-Tabigat (1 man, 2 women), Ivanovka Station 4. Focus group with school teachers, members of IG (3 men, 8 women), Arpatektir village 5. Focus group with members of Cluster Group and NGO, Osh city and oblast TAJIKISTAN 12. NGO Najoti Kudahon 1. Kurbongul Kosimova, Director of NGO Najoti Kudakon, Kulyab city 2. Tatyana Rachkova SHG coordinator, NGO Najoti Kudakon, Kulyab 3. Focus group with staff of NGO Najoti Kudakon, (2 male, 6 female), Kulyab 4. Hamrohkhon Rasulov, leader of clusters committee, Balkhobi vill, Kulyab 5. Gulsunbi Najmiddinova, Representative of community, Boghabib vill, Kulyab 6. Islomov Jabor, Director of NGO Behruz, Balhobi Jamaat, Muminobad District 7. Zafar Mirzoev, Regional coordinator, Urban Institute Tajikistan, Kulyab city 8. Khushvakhtov Usman Shadmonovich, Deputy to Local Government director, Kulyab 9. Amirkhon Rakhmonov, Head of Jamaat Balkhobi 10. Saylonbi Giyosova, leader of SHG Lola, Jamoat Balkhabi 11. Olambi Nazarova, Leader of cluster and member of SHG Nargis, k/z Zaripov 12. Focus group with members of SHG Husnoro (10 male, 5 female, students), Kulyab 13. Focus group with members of SHG Nehruz (8 male, 7 female) 13. NGO Gamkhori 1. Bahodur Toshmatov, Director of NGO Ghamkhori, Khatlon city 2. Khurshido Fazieva, Deputy Director of NGO Gamkhori 3. Saidmumin Bakhodurov, Deputy Chairman of Jamoat Novbakhor, Bokhtar, Khatlon oblast 4. Zulfiya Solikhova, Leader of SHG Ekhe, Bokhtar, Khatlon oblast 14. NGO Mehrangez 1. Sharofat Umarova, Director of NGO Mehrangez 2. Abdul Khalil Aminjonov, Program officer, NGO Mehrengez 3. Focus group with staff member of NGO Mehrengez (2 male, 2 female) 4. Asatillo Kholiqov, Head of Jamoat Bokhtar, Khatlon oblast 5. Ruziev Hakimjon, Head of Mahalla committee, Kurghon-Teppa, Bokhtar 6. Salimov Rustam, Executive Director of MFF Kiropol 7. Rakhimov Sobir, President of NGO Nargis 8. Focus group with members of SHG Ikbol (11 female) 9. Focus group with participants of Women Leadership School (9 female) 15. ASDP Nau 1. Fatima Akhmedova, Training coordinator, Agency Nau, Hudjant 2. Focus group with Program Staff (3 male), Agency Nau 3. Norbibi Kholikova, Deputy at the district level, Jamoat Fondare, Pete village 4. Orosta Janydova, Leader of SHG Oroshi, Khairobend vill. 5. Rustamjon Nabibov, Chairman of Jamoats Support Center, Hudjant 6. Mahiniso Karimova, Director of NGO Bunafia 7. Ismato Balamin, Community Mobilizer, Agency Nau 8. Ali Olimov, Leader of SHG Bokhdori 9. Soborov, Mahalla Committee member, Tuda village 16. NVCT - Group interview with Director, staff, SHG leaders, activists, NCVT, Dushanbe 17. ASTI - Farrukh Turayev, Director of ASTI, Hudjant
75
November 2007
Attachment 3: Example of Field Visits Questionnaire
NGO director (focus on wider strategy questions) Personal information 1. Can you give an example of the successes of your SHGs, clusters and federations? What are their main achievements in lobbying? (eg political, financial or other support to address community priorities) What were the main factors that made it happen? (internal and external) 2. What has been achieved in terms of influencing decision making and resource allocation at the higher, regional and national level? What were the main factors that made it happen? To what extent does lobbying complement the other activities of the SHGs? Has lobbying had any negative effects? 3. Have SHGs, clusters and federations become more able to carry out activities on their own? How do you see the role of your NGO changing over time? What external factors hinder the development of lobbying activities? Are there examples when SHGs, clusters and federations have played a role in preventing conflicts at local level? If yes, please explain. 4. How do you try to achieve equality between women and men in the composition and leadership of your SHG / cluster and federation? How are the interests of women and men taken into account in the activities of the SHGs? How are the interests of women and men taken into account in deciding lobbying priorities? 5. What adjustments are needed in the way the SHGs, the clusters and the federations work? What adjustments are needed in the support from ECCA and the Ngos? 6. Other information
76
Attachment 4: Opinion Survey Questionnaire
1. Which elements of the work of Self-Help Groups is the most important for the empowerment of their members, in your opinion? Tick one box only. Economic Social Cultural / psychological Political 2. Which of these elements takes most of the time and energies of your SHG/s, day by day? Tick one box only. Economic Social Cultural/psychological Political 3. Do you go to the local administration to solve a problem? Yes No If Yes, which is the most likely way you would approach the local administration? Individually With my SHG / federation With other community members 4. What is the most important problem which your SHG / federation has solved? 5. Does your SHG / federation participate in election activities? Yes No 6. How do you assess the sustainability of: SHGs - high - medium - low Clusters and Federations - high - medium - low 7. Future development of the SHG movement. Please tick the TWO sentences which best express your view: Most SHG members will continue to focus on economic activities for their families The clusters and federations will become even more important in making changes in the community Soon the SHGs movement will grow stronger and eventually become independent from the NGOs which set them up originally Networking with other organisations (eg water committees, NGOs, professional and business associations, government bodies) is the main strategy to get a wider impact There sustainability of the SHG movement will be very hard to achieve Clusters and federations duplicate other local institutions and are unlikely to establish themselves in our region
77
Attachment 5: Country Fact files
Kazakhstan Total population: 15 million Ethnic groups: Kazakh 53.4%, Russian 30%, Ukrainian 3.7%, Uzbek 2.5%, German 2.4%, Tatar 1.7%, Uygur 1.4%, other 4.9% Religions: Muslim 47%, Russian Orthodox 44%, Protestant 2%, other 7% Total area: 2,717,300 sq km Arable land: 8.28% Government type: Republic Astana Capital: Chief of state: President Nursultan Nazarbaev (from 1991) US$9,400(CIA) GDP - per US$3,714(EBRD) cap(PPP): GDP by sector: agriculture 6.3%, industry 41.1%, services 52.7% Labour force: agriculture 20%, industry 30%, services 50% Unempl. rate: 8.5%(EBRD), 7.4%(CIA) Pop. below pov. 19% line: Natural resources: Petroleum, natural gas, coal, iron ore, manganese, chrome ore, nickel, cobalt, copper, molybdenum, lead, zinc, bauxite, gold, uranium Agric. products: Grain (mostly spring wheat), cotton; livestock
Kyrgyzstan 5 million Kyrgyz 64.9%, Uzbek 13.8%, Russian 12.5%, Dungan 1.1%, Ukrainian 1%, Uygur 1%, other 5.7% Muslim 75%, Russian Orthodox 20%, other 5% 198,500 sq km 6.55% Republic Bishkek President Kurmanbek Bakiev (since 2005) US$476 (EBRD) US$2,100(CIA) Agriculture 34.5%, industry 19.5%, services 46.1% Agriculture 55%, industry 15%, services 30% 9.7% (EBRD) 18% (CIA) 40% Abundant hydropower; significant deposits of gold and rare earth metals; locally exploitable coal, oil, and natural gas; other deposits of nepheline, mercury, bismuth, lead, and zinc Tobacco, cotton, potatoes, vegetables, grapes, fruits and berries; sheep, goats, cattle, wool
Tajikistan 7 million Tajik 79.9%, Uzbek 15.3%, Russian 1.1%, Kyrgyz 1.1%, other 2.6% Sunni Muslim 85%, Shia Muslim 5%, other 10% 142,100 sq km 6.52% Republic Dushanbe President Emomali Rahmon (since1994) US$356 (EBRD) US$1,300(CIA) Agriculture 22.7%, industry 28.5%, services 48.8% Agriculture 67.2%, industry 7.5%, services 25.3% 2.3%(EBRD) 12%(CIA) 64% Hydropower, some petroleum, uranium, mercury, brown coal, lead, zinc, antimony, tungsten, silver, gold Cotton, grain, fruits, grapes, vegetables; cattle, sheep, goats
Sources from the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development, CIA the World Factbook, Interstate Statistical Committee of the CIS, U.S. Library of Congress Country Profile
Attachment 6: Political events 2002 2007

Kyrgyzstan 2002
2004 February March 2005
July September 2005 April May 2006 November 2006 February 2007 April 2007
Five people die in March when police fire on demonstrators calling for the release of opposition politician Azimbek Beknazarov. Prime Minister Bakiev resigns over incident in May. Opposition politician Feliks Kulov given ten year prison sentence for abuse of office when Minister for National Security Year of Social Mobilisation in Kyrgyzstan A wave of protests hit the country as supporters of unsuccessful candidates dispute the results of parliamentary elections. On 24 March, President Akaev flees from a mass demonstration in Bishkek Kurmanbek Bakiev is installed as new acting President. Kulov released from prison and immediately given task to stop looting following breakdown of public order in Bishkek. Charges against him subsequently dropped. Bakiev confirmed as President in election, and appoints Kulov as Prime Minister in August. Beknazarov takes role of Prosecutor General but sacked in September and joins opposition Hundreds of NGO activists protest in Bishkek against links between state and criminal structures. In May, controversial parliamentary candidate with criminal record Ryspek Akmatbaev shot dead in Bishkek. Some opposition politicians protest in Bishkek, and government concedes new Constitution. President reinstates some of his powers in further revision to Constitution in December Kulov, compelled to resign by new Constitution, twice not returned to his post by Parliament. When Bakiev does not put his name forward for the position a third time, Kulov joins opposition. Another opposition leader, Almazbek Atambaev becomes Prime Minister Kulov organizes a new round of demonstrations in Bishkek calling for the resignation of Bakiev. Demonstration broken up forcefully by authorities after mood turns violent. In August, criminal cases opened against Kulov for organizing mass disorder.
Kazakhstan September 2004 October 2004 January 2005 March 2005 November 2005 December 2005 February 2006 September December 2006 January 2007 May 2007 May 2007
Pro-presidential parties win vast majority of seats in lower house parliamentary elections. Zharmakhan Tuyakbai resigns as Speaker of Parliament in protest at crude violations of the electoral process Leading opposition party Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan banned after calling on supporters to protest parliamentary election results Opposition groups unite in For a Just Kazakhstan movement under Zharmakhan Tuyakbai Prominent opposition figure Zamanbek Nurkadilov found shot dead at home Nazarbaev wins presidential election with a reported 90% of the vote Leading opposition figure Altynbek Sarsenbaev, along with his bodyguard and driver found shot dead near Almaty Pro-presidential parties merge to form NurOtan, with 57 out of 77 seats in lower house of parliament Tuyakbay announces formation of National Social Democratic Party Parliament votes to allow President Nazarbaev unlimited terms in office. International arrest warrant released for Nazarbaevs son-in-law Rakhat Aliev on charges of abduction, assault and money laundering. In August, Austria refuses to extradite him, claiming he would not be guaranteed a fair trial in Kazakhstan. Aliev had been seen as a potential successor to Nazarbaev. In a consolidation of the opposition, Democratic Party Ak Zhol joins Tuyakbays National Social Democratic Party Snap parliamentary elections held to coincide with local government elections
June 2007 August 2007 Tajikistan June 2003 June- July 2003 February 2005 April 2005 October 2005 August 2006 November 2006
Official referendum results give President Rahmonov right to stand for two further 7 year terms in office when his current term expires in 2006 Shamsiddin Shamsiddinov, deputy head of opposition Islamic Renaissance Party, arrested for murder and sentenced to 16 years in prison President Rahmonovs Peoples Democratic Party wins three quarters of seats in parliamentary elections criticised by observers as falling short of Tajikistans international commitments Mahmadruzi Iskandarov, leader of opposition Democratic Party, arrested in Moscow. Released, but then kidnapped and rearrested in Tajikistan Iskandarov sentenced to 23 years in jail for corruption and terrorism Said Abdullo Nuri, leader of opposition Islamic Renaissance Party, dies. President Rahmon wins third term in office in presidential election criticised by Western observers as not free or fair, and boycotted by the biggest opposition parties
Attachment 7: Diagram Showing Linkages Between Different Levels of Lobbying 1. What happens now
Examples
NVC Lobbying the interests of elderly people in Dushanbe
SHG / micro-community Level

- The groups are mainly involved in small scale foodproducing activities to boost their incomes - Some members exchange experience of SHG operation and qualitative changes in the life of their members in the Communication Club. - At the local level (residential block or micro-community) SHGs have become the main driving force and take part in the solution of the issues at the local level.
Cluster / federation village & self-govt level
Local level raion and oblast level

- SHG members are involved in voluntary activities as volunteers in the Council of Veterans in Sino rayon, providing informational, legal, and social assistance to the elderly veterans. - NVC protects the rights of elderly citizens living in Dushanbe (payment for gas, electricity), liaising closely with the city and rayon departments of social protection on calculation of pensions, legal documents about social status of pensioners living in Dushanbe.
National level
- NVC has links with the Public Council under the President of the Republic of Tajikistan, using them to raise problems encountered by pensioners in their daily lives. - NVC is national coordinator for AgeNet Without Borders in Tajikistan
Arysh Lobbying the interests of internal migrants and inhabitants of newly settled areas in and around Bishkek
- When local authorities sold land plots intended for communal facilities without notifying local people, the SHGs organized and managed to defend those sites for playgrounds for children and offices for SHG clusters. - Arysh has been able to persuade newlyestablished Local Territorial Council (TOC) to look positively at peoples participation in the life of the residential area. - The role of clusters and federations is played by local NGO, who become partners in the advocacy program initiated by DCCA. The NGOs get technical assistance from DCCA in carrying out advocacy campaigns related to their interests. - With DCCA and local NGO support, an ayil okmotu organized and conducted public hearings for the 2007 budget. This also involved local people, various local groups and deputies of local kenesh, workers of ayil okmotu, and farmers. They discussed the budget in detail and pushed through changes on key items such as street illumination, repair of school, etc). Other issues raised in public hearing include water supply. - SHG leaders meet local business people and negotiate for the purchase of food items at a lower price for their members.
- To settle the issue of residential registration of members in the residential area "Alarcha", SHGs mobilized their resources and together lobbied the Bishkek city municipality; they received a permit for registration and became part of the city.
DCCA Lobbying the interests of poor rural people and migrants
- Groups are involved not only in private economic activities but in a range of wider community campaigns
- Refugees from Andijan after the events of May 2005 encountered a spiteful attitude from local residents in Kyrgyzstan. After activities conducted among the population with creation of local committees, a dialogue was established and conflict avoided. - In a village in Talas oblast a communal committee was created which involved local leaders in a constructive dialogue between village inhabitants and a company involved in exploration works for extraction of gold.
- Members of the cluster associations have selected "lobbyists" to engage in promotion of new legislation on SHGs at the national level. - Arysh has organised a national fair for SHG and Clusters, participated in conferences, radio and TV programs with interested people and organizations. It works in different networks such as "Ishenim", "Erep", "Sharket" (the first two networks are based around the concept of SHG, and the third is for lobbying the interests of internal migrants) - At national level DCCA has helped involved other NGOs in discussion of new social contracting ideas. - Village inhabitants and local NGOs approached local government to get mountain settlement status for their village. This petition was then taken to the national parliament (Jogorku Kenesh) and a formal legislative initiative was submitted to the Government.
RCE Umut Lobbying the interests of elderly people in Kyrgyzstan
- SHGs in the village of Ivanovka together with the inhabitants successfully lobbied the opening of a kindergarten. - Village SHGs in Chui oblast won provision of premises from
- RCE Umut has met regularly with local government in Balykchi (municipality, city kenesh, local territorial units), city department of the interior, Social Fund, Center of the citizens employment, in the Big Public Council to resolve
- Members of SHG participated in the development of the National policy line on promotion of the Madrid International Plan of action on problems of ageing in KR 2006 - Umut is the initiator of the network Age Net - Central Asia without borders
Ayil Okmot for development of their activities
the strategic problems in the town. - Umuts Council of Guardians includes business people who help to raise money and collect goods for needy members of SHGs.
Baspana Lobbying the interests of residents of newly settled areas of the city of Almaty, also the town of Narinkol
- On an individual level most SHG members are involved in economic activity credits and small business development. - Infrastructure in the settlements is steadily improved through the efforts of Baspana - roads are laid, water and electricity supplies connected, there are bus routes, police stations etc. - The SHG federation organizes celebration of national and modern holidays
- Through combined efforts of the Federation Duman, the council of elders of the area and the inhabitants a design of a mosque was developed - SHGs lobby local authorities on issues of registration of inhabitants, legalization of squatted property, access to trading places in the markets.
- The Duman Federation successfully promoted its representative for a post as the Chairman of the Local government, against a candidate from the local authorities (after which the deputy akim of the rayon had to resign) - Baspanas leader is a deputy of the lower chamber (Majilis), lobbying the interests of the inhabitants of priority residential areas during distribution of the city budget.
- Regular working meetings have been held with representatives of the Prime-ministers office, the Ministry of Labour and Social Protection, Social Fund regarding drafting of the bill On elderly people in KR, and discussions on the Concept/National program Older generation - Baspana has been an active member of the national micro-credit association in Kazakstan. - It is an active member of the Central Asian Platform (in 2007 the coordinator). Participation in CAP is considered as an opportunity to influence EU policy and programs in Kazakhstan.
2. How it might be in future

Examples
Child rights
Current level of activities

A variety of activities for children at SHG / local level summer camps, cultural activities Focus on family livelihoods includes childrens needs Some NGOs dedicated to child rights issues eg CPC, Pokolenie Creation of child rights network in Kyrgyzstan and involvement in lobbying at national level NGOs and SHGs dedicated to supporting elderly people Umut, NVC Other NGOs involved actively in AgeNet Without Borders Strong lobbying effort in Kyrgyzstan at national level Increasing work in Kazakstan and Tajikistan National and provincial level working groups created by NGOs in Tajikistan Some meetings organised at provincial level in Kyrgyzstan Lobbying done on legal status of SHGs and on micro-credits in development Gender issue discussed in all SHGs
Making links with other levels

Bring in other NGOs and their SHGs from Kg, Kaz, Taj Develop work in Kaz and Taj on child rights advocacy at local level
Elderly peoples rights
Maintain current progress at all levels
Social reform / Poverty reduction strategies Gender / womens rights
Transfer experience from Tajikistan to Kg / Kaz with help of Ishenim network Initiate dialogue with government on SHG and microcredit policy and practice Develop activities for leaders (training, discussion forums) so as to identify issues for further lobbying especially at local level (raion, oblast)
3.
Priorities in improving linkages

Establish and support work on advocacy programme themes each year Exchange of experience on lobbying & advocacy around local government budgets and planning Bring together the national efforts and wider networks mentioned in this report in an appropriate set of events
81

SHG Report Central Asia 2007

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

SHG Report Central Asia 2007

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

From Self Help to a Wider Role in Society

A Review of Self Help Group Methodology in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

LIST OF FIGURES AND TABLES

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY: CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

1.2 ECCA and INTRAC

1.3 The First SHG Study: Give Fish or a Fishing Rod?

1.4 Objectives of the Second Study

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

TP3PT Give Fish or a Fishing Rod, Belloni et al, chart 3.2

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

2.2 Key Terms for the 2nd Study

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

2.3 Cross-Cutting Themes

2.4 How the Study was Carried Out

2.5 Structure of the Report

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

CHAPTER 3. SELF-HELP ACTIVITIES FOR COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT

3.1 Main Areas of SHG Activity in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

3.2 SHGs in Tajikistan

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

38 14 23 123 3 45 35 23 136 56 16 117 66 8 658

3.3 SHG Leaders

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

3.4 Gender roles and different types of SHGs

No. Of Womens SHGs

No. of Youth, Childrens SHGs

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

3.5 Self Help Groups and local government

14% Individually With my SHG / federation With other community members No

Individually With my SHG / federation With other community members

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

3.6 Summing up: SHG Successes in Community Mobilisation

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

SHG ASSOCIATIONS CLUSTERS, FEDERATIONS

4.1 Clusters / Federations in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

4.2 Clusters and federations in Tajikistan

36 local NGO partners

4.3 Defining the terms: Cluster and Federation

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

Economic-socialcultural-political, by choice of the members

Members usually live in one geographical area

Savings fund created Credits taken out

Small, irregular contributions from SHGs

Group dynamism, trust, accumulating skills etc

Strength derives from SHGs

4.4 Other Groups and Networks Where SHGs are Active

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

4.6 Summing up: SHGs in Local Civil Society

Figure 4: 3-sector and arena models of civil society15

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society

Partner with government and international donor programmes

Need for more information and capacity building

From Self Help to Wider Role in Society