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Gordon Reviewed work(s): Source: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 121, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 2001), pp. 236255 Published by: American Oriental Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/606563 . Accessed: 06/12/2011 04:51
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THE KHAQANID FAMILIES OF THE EARLY CABBASID PERIOD
MATTHEW S. GORDON MIAMI UNIVERSITY,OHIO The present article seeks to tally the known members of two prominent families of the early cAbbasidcaliphate, and to identify their ethnic origins. All indications are that the family of Khaqan was of Turkishorigins but that the family joined the cAbbasidmilitary voluntarily.The family CUrtuj of Yahya b. Khaqan, by contrast, probably was of Iranian origin, and there is compelling evidence that Yahya and his offspring were members of the Abna3 of Baghdad.
THE GOAL OF THE PRESENT ARTICLE is modest:
survey available information on two prominent families of the early CAbbasid caliphate, those of Khaqan CUrtuj and Yahya b. Khaqan. The two men bore the name Khaqan, and both were public figures in Samarra, the CAbbasid capital for much of the third/ninth century. Small wonder, then, that they and their families are often confused in the secondary literature.' The first task is to provide a full tally of all known members of the two families, duly separated. The second task is to identify the ancestry of the two men. The Khaqanid name might suggest that both families were of Turkish origin. Of Khaqan CUrtfujthere is little doubt: he certainly was.
Interest in the question of his ethnicity lies in the fact that some of the Turks of Samarra seem to have entered imperial service voluntarily, that is, not as slaves nor, in some cases, as soldiers.2 The case of Yahya b. Khaqan is
I am grateful to Michael Bates, PatriciaCrone, and Tayeb ElHibri for sharing ideas and information on the two families in question and for reading drafts of this article. I owe a particular debt of thanks to Professor Crone for suggesting that the study be written. 1 Eduard von Zambaur, Manuel de genealogie et de chronologie pour l'histoirie de l'Islam, 2nd ed. (Bad Pyrmont: H. Lafaire, 1955), 12. Zambaur'slead is followed by Emel Esin, "The Turkal-CAgam of Samarraand the Paintings Attributable to Them in the 6awsaq al-Haqani," Kunst des Orients 9.1-2 (1973-74): 69 n. 107; and Joel L. Kraemer, The History of al-7abari, vol. 34: Incipient Decline (Albany: State Univ. of New York Press, 1989), 75 n. 261 (also table 2). Esin errs at least once in her dense series of references; the passage in Abu Ja'far al-Tabari, Ta'rlkh al-rusul wa-l-muluk (Annales), ed. M. J. de Goeje et al. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1879-1901), 3: 1379, does not mention CUrtuj,only Yahya b. Khaqan, the father of CUbaydAllah and, as I am arguing here, no relation to CUrtij. Olga Pinto, "Al-Fath b. Khaqan, favorito di al-Mutawakkil," Rivista degli Studi Orientali 13 (1931): 133 n. 1; and Dominique Sourdel, Le viziratabbaside, 2 vols. (Damascus: Institut Franqais de Damas, 1959-60), 1: 282, argue against any relation between the families. 236
guard, see Osman S. A. Ismail, "Muctasim and the Turks," BSOAS 29 (1966): 12-24; Hugh Kennedy, The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates (London: Longman Group, 1986), 158-77; Helmut Tollner, Die tiirkischen Garden am Kalifenhof von Samarra (Bonn, 1971). CAbdal-CAzizal-Lumaylim, Nufudh al-Atrakfi 2 vols. (Riyadh [?], 1984) is poorly al-khildfa al-CAbbdsiyya, documented and mostly provides extracts and summaries from the Arabic sources. The present discussion is based on Matthew S. Gordon, "The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish Community of Samarra"(Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993) which, in much revised form, is scheduled for publication (SUNY Press, 2001). The Turkishguard is also treated by scholars writing on the institution of the mamluk in Islamic Near Eastern history. See David Ayalon, "Preliminary Remarks on the Mamlik Military Institution in Islam," in War, Technologyand Society in the Middle East, ed. V. J. Perry and M. E. Yapp (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1975), 44-58; C. E. Bosworth, "Barbarian Incursions: The Coming of the Turks into the Islamic World,"in Islamic Civilization, 950-1150, ed. D. S. Richards (London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1973), 1-16; Crone, Slaves on Horses; Daniel Pipes, Slave Soldiers and Islam: The Genesis of a Military System (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1981). To date, few historians have raised questions of the mamluk paradigm. The arguments of Fukuzo Amabe, The Emergence of the CAbbasidAutocracy (Kyoto: Kyoto Univ. Press, 1995), 149-51; Christopher Beckwith, "Aspects of the Early History of the Central Asian Guard Corps in Islam," Archivum Eurasiae Medii Aevi, 4 (1984): 29-43; and M. A. Shaban, Islamic History: A New Interpretation (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1976), 2: 63-67, are, to my mind, unconvincing. Better, if preliminary, questions are raised by
2 On al-MuCtasim's famous Turkish slave
"Neither of her sources. Two of the other men. that assigned to al-Afshin mostly by his compatriots from Ushrusana. Later writers. 2nd ed. Khdqan CUrtuj is the form of his name given by the two earliest sources. ed. The following discussion will show that the family came from Marw. Prophet. ed. as is still common in modern scholarship. were expected to abide by various regulations concerning the Turkish rank and file.5 Kennedy. that Yahya and his offspring were members of the Abna3 community of Baghdad. however. was of Iranian origins and. The wording of the text strongly suggests that Ashinas and al-Afshin had the greater responsibilities vis-a-vis the military.8 Regarding his relations with al-MuCtasim. Kitab al-Bulddn. . 48: 222. including their physical isolation from the rest of the settlement's populace. and Al-Isfahani. H. Indiana Univ." Yaqut al-Hamawi. 256. Khaqanb."Ars Orientalis 23 (1993): 143. Kitdb irshdd al-arib (Mucjamal-udabd').4 The sources indicate only that he was of Turkish origins.). and the distribution of slave women to the soldiers. 7: 191. Al-Turkfi mu'allifat al-Jdahiz (Beirut: Dar Thaqafa. Ibn alNadim. The earliest reference to his Turkish origins. also use the nisba "al-Turki. Kitabji. in effect. de Courteille (Paris: ImprimerieImperiale. mentions CUrtuij though they do refer to the notable eastern families that aligned themselves with al-Ma'mun and al-MuCtasim (see below). 1892). Ashinas and Wasif. (Beirut: Mu'assasat al-Risala.d. opts for "al-Fath b. 5: 2157: "al-Fathb. 8 Fihrist. Bibliotheca Geographorum Arabicorum 7. "An Interpretationof the Palace of the Caliph at Samarra. 116. CAbdal-Amir CAli Mahanna and Samir Jabir (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-CIlmiya. 7 vols. Cited by Yaqut.uj. ed. first. from alMascudi.. Ahmad. M. Ghurtij Abu Ahmad. n. Brill. The three Turkish commanders. "Fath. The account itself. where at a certain point they became clients (mawdli) of a branch of the Azd.3 CUrtuj lent his name to al-Jawsaq al-Khaqani. KHAQAN cURTUJ AND FAMILY 1. in progress (Damascus: Dar alFikr." Z.9 The fourth individual was al-Afshin. It would appear that this was." which adds two generations to the family tree. 1972). the earliest information is contained in al-Yacqubi's account of the foundation of Samarra in approximately 221/836.5: 2157. J. is to his son: al-Fath b. ed. al-Dhahabi. second. such as Ibn CAsakir and al-Dhahabi. al-Jawsaq al-Khaqani. 152. in reference to Wasif and CUrtuj. Pinto. Ghuramaal-CAmrawi.. 3 Al-Yacqubi.. Khdqdn al-Turki. Khaqan b. of noble stock. Ashinas and Wasif were inhabited largely if not exclusively by Turkish soldiers. 1993). de Meynard and P. MuCjam. Buldan. Khaqan b. n. 2: 389. Ghurtuj. and that he was a member of al-MuCtasim's inner circle. Shams al-Din (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-CIlmiya. Ahmad b. 12: 82. Compelling evidence also identifies Yahya as a descendant of one Musa b. Murij al-dhahab (Les Prairies d'or).. Ibn Taghribirdi refers to CUrtulj explicitly as min awlad al-Atrak. He makes no mention of the family's ethnic origins. Marzuq. describes him as having been "from among the princes" (min awlad al-muluk). 258.7 As for CUr. in all likelihood.. ed. 1994). J. no. B. 7: 234. Ahmad al-Qa'id" and notes that others report the name to be "al-Fath b. 9 Al-Yacqubi. 16 vols. 258-59.65 vols." 134. however." 4 Alastair Northedge. Siyar a'ldm al-nubald'. in part. ed.al-Nujum al-zahira. 9 vols. Ihsan Abbas (Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami. 1861-77). 25 vols. 159-60 and Jiirgen Paul. 1415/1995-present. according to al-Yacqubi's unique report. 153. 1417-18/1996-97). Khaqanb. "The State and the Military: The Samanid Case" (Papers on Inner Asia. the basis of Pinto's description. on his son: "al-Fathb. "Fath. al-Arna'ut et al. 288. Kitab al-fihrist.tuj'snoble origins. there is the reference by Ibn alNadim who. a member of the Iranian princely house of Ushrusana. The text. On this basis it can be argued that. Kitab al-Aghani. 1412/1992). The sites assigned to CUrt. 116. Buldin. 6.. 10 Al-YaCqubi.10 6 Ibn 'Asakir. a familiar if frequently misunderstood name for those acquainted with the history of Samarra. C. Gustav Flugel (Beirut: Maktabat Khayyat. demonstrates that the palace built by Khaqan CUrtij was but part of the caliphal complex best referred to as Dar (or Qasr) al-Khilafa and not. ed." 134-35. speculates that "Khaqan"was a title and that upon CUrtij's conversion. 7 Ibn Taghribirdi. in their case. 5 Al-Mas'udi. a participant in the CAbbasid dawla. M. Later sources change the name."6 Finally. CUmar b. in his brief tarjama of al-Fath.GORDON:The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 237 more complicated. Ta'rikh madlnat Dimashq. were among the Turks purchased in Baghdad by al-MuCtasim for his well known slave corps sometime prior to the move to Samarra. however.1413/1992). whereas. of CUrtuj:"principe della famiglia regnante della Farganah. the inclusion of troops under their respective commands is only implied. the family. de Goeje (Leiden: E. Bloomington: Research Institute for Inner Asian Studies. Subayh b. refers specifically to troops and officers. 26. "Ibn Ahmad. ed. S. and trans. making al-Fath. A. which probably dates to the mid-part of the Samarran period. he changed his name to Ahmad. indicates that CUrtuijwas one of four individuals charged by al-MuCtasim with the creation of specific sites in the new imperial center.
ed.2: 404) including a ban on uttering the basmala aloud (or in a loud voice). It is tempting to consider that al-MuCtazz offered Muzahim the governorship of Egypt. an unnamed brother perhaps called Jacfar. 2: 403. al2: 403-4. cavalry" at the time. (Russian) V. He is described.238 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. He subsequently appears on several other campaigns: suppressing a revolt in an area of modern-day Jordan. Brill. Rhuvon Guest as The Governors and Judges of Egypt (Leiden: E. al-Fath.'4 where he is said to have commanded Wasif's vanguard. n. Byzance et les Arabes. that is. the move was opportunistic. however.2: 612. however. M. Al-Tabari. and. J. 3: 1588. Khalidov Tsentr (St. at one point. 1591. 251-55/865-69). After receiving robes of honor. Other writers. Of his offspring.r. Wasif. reminiscent of a similar step by CAbdAllah b. I. 2: 404. as a result. al-Kindi. There is. Jacfar (the future al-Mutawakkil). al-MasC'di.l Ibn Tagh- ribirdi seems to imply that. for unspecified reasons. and. Pinto. Muzahim initially backed al-MustaCinin Baghdad. 7: 345-46. On Muzahim'sorders. A. 1596. J. ed. alMustacin (r.12 deathdatein 233/847Al-Suli alone refers to CUrtfuj's 48. 15Al-Yacqubi. the Jawsaqpalace. while Ibn Taghribirdi.more specifically Baghdadi. like many of his Turko-Islamic peers. Opposition was also sparkedby changes in the Ramadan andotherconductwithinthe congregational prayers mosque (al-Kindi. 170n. Al-Kindi. (Leiden: E. Th.21Early the next year. Ibn Taghribirdi." n. BeliaevandA. Ta'rikh. 1912). Like Salihb. translates the passagebutotherwise makesno comment on the campaign. 22 Al-Kindi. 38: The Return of the Caliphate to Baghdad (Albany: State Univ. 208-11. Ta'rlkh. 210. Nujum. Ta'rikh. 2: 403. Muzahim was himself chosen to govern the province. 210.'9 He evidently had a change of heart. became constant companions.His decision. 14 Al-Tabari. 3: 1554-55. 20 19 Al-Tabari. 1883):2: 605. He first appears in relation to Wasif's campaign against Byzantium in 248/862-63. 3: 1617-20. Kitdb al-awraq. entering the city in dramatic l Nujim. a way to back the CAbbasid that looked most likely to emerge victorious from the civil war. 18 Al-Yacqubi. see the comments below. 3: 1588. however. 5). alTabari.d. On Azjur. Vasiliev. cites the St. The History of al-Tabari.13 This appears to be the extent of the information available on 'Urtuj. Kitab al-wuldt wa-kitab al-qudat.22 Much of his time in office was dedicated to bringing order to the Egyptian countryside. In any case. of New York. adds that he simply ordered women to remain at home. presumably. Ibn Taghribirdi. 13 Al-Suli. Wulat.18 The civil war of 251/865-66 marked a turning point in his career. 12See the sectionon al-Fath (A. 1 (La Dynastie d'Amorium)(Brussels. marched to Samarra where he offered his support to al-MuCtazz. and CUrtuj's son. 23 Al-Kindi. 174. 135 1998):502. Petersburg: Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie. vol. 21 Nujum. 826. specifically. Ibn Taghribirdi.'7and marching against the Byzantines during the reign of al-MuCtazz. B. 3: 1481. identifies himas a mawld of 1985). grave sites. 248-52/862-66). ed.2: 404.'5 joining al-MustaCinin Baghdad during the civil war of 251/865. Petersburg ms. Khaqdn was a military officer. Ahmad Saqr (Beirut: Dar al-MaCrifa. Houtsma. and trans. Muhammad b. 16 Al-Tabari. Ta'rikh. 17 Al-Isfahani. Maqdtil al-Tdlibiyin. Brill. Murij. states that Azjur forbadewomen from the public baths.and the prominent al-Fath.this Al-Tabari. his lieutenant. Rosenthal's reference to "Ahmad ibn Khaqan" as Muzahim's brother seems incorrect.20 may have been a tactical contender decision. and the women's prison.16 suppressing an CAlid revolt in Kufa in the same year.tampered practices.Nujum. 1935) 277. vol.211 andIbnTaghribirdi. only by Ibn Taghribirdiwho says he was highly thought of by alMuctasim (mucazzaman Cinda al-MuCtasim).): 665. accompanied by his two sons (unnamed) and a large military force. CAbd Allahwas a second-generation member of the Samarran Turkishelite. no indication of a special relationship between al-Mu'tazz and Muzahim so. all males: Muzahim. no. Muzahim b. Ibn Taghribirdi. Ibn Taghribirdi says that Muzahim was "head of the Turkish. Bugha the Younger earlier that year. he went on to serve al-MustaCinfor a short period. he was sent to the province in 252/866 to support the resident governor against a provincial uprising. 2: 389-90.2 (2001) fashion. 208-10. mentions a Sandal to Ta'rikh. 2 Ta'rikh (Historiae). Ta'rikh. 2: 404. al-Muzahimi. Jacfar (al-MuCtazz. 2. His close ties to the court are made explicit. A. .ed. indicate that it was al-Fath himself who impressed the caliph. the sources mention three. a position he held until his death at the end of 254/868. in any case. his measures included a ban on women in the public sphere. vols."Fath. IbnTaghribirdi Muzahim. Muzahim's tenure in office is described as controversial. 3: 2268. The conflict pitted the reigning caliph.23 The location of CUrtuj's area clearly suggests close it adjoined the caliphal comrelations with al-MuCtasim: pound. with a number of customary Azjur. 210. against his first cousin. 5. the caliph saw to it that his son. Ta'rikh. Kindi. on whichthisrecenteditionis based. according Franz Rosenthal.
134. I have been unable to find mention of Jacfarin either." Ghulam probably is used by way of contrast. 25 Manuel. 2: 601-2.Ta'rikh.Zambaurcites two sources without direct reference to individuals. Tanukhi.g. 36 Several sources describe al-Fath's love for books and learning. Ja'far (?) b. Khaqan fi manaqib al-Turk wa-'ammat jund al-Khilafa. Their version indicates that the caliph rewarded al-Fath's clever remark with a large sum and says nothing of "adoption. that treats the relationship between alFath-identified as a ghulam29-and al-Wathiq. Mu'jam. A number of anecdotes place al-Fath in al-Mutawakkil's company: see. 295-98. al-Kutubi. ed. Mu'jam. Muruj. Khaqan. 12: 82-83.. al-MuCtasim. Muzahim b. Kitab al-dhakhdair wal-tuhaf. 8 vols. "young boy. with no connotation of slavery. he asks which of their two homes is the finer.34 In their sketches of al-Fath's life.1973). said to have been matched only by that of al-Jahiz and . 116-17.24 Zambaur lists a Jacfar. al-MasCudi.H. Kitabji.31 A range of anecdotal evidence indicates that al-Fath and al-Mutawakkil were inseparable. "adopts" al-Fath (wa-tabannahu). reads like a purely literaryreconstruction.M. al-Fath apparently received the two part essay on the Turks. 5: 2157-63. identifies the origins of their relations: he states that al-MuCtasim saw to it that alFath and the future al-Mutawakkil were raised together. Siyar. ed. 7: 234. at an earlier point in his life.36 and key advisor to 31 Aghdni. 261. From al-Jahiz. (Beirut:Dar al-Thaqafa. ed.Ta'rikh. 12: 83. The two men are said to have died within moments of one another. is mentioned in connection with the latter's campaign in Egypt in 252-53.30 In al-Isfahani's version. Wulat. 140. Ahmad b. Ihsan 4 vols. 131-17 (nos. 28 Nujum. however. lad. 20: 252. 29 The term is used here. Al-Isfahani provides an anecdote attributed to Ibn al-Dahhak. Muruj. 7: 191-92.35 bibliophile. for example. 7: 220-22. al-Fath devoted his efforts to political and cultural matters. 26 Al-Kindi. 142). Ibn Taghribirdi. The source of his information is unclear. That provided in al-Mas'udi. Ahmad. says that the poet wrote some nineteen qasidas for al-Fath. CA. 30 In it al-MuCtasimvisits Khaqan CUrtujat home. at that point. Khaqan was. cites the image used by Yfaqut.GORDON: The Khdqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 239 3. the medieval biographers describe him as a poet. (Beirut: Dar Sadir. a passage which later authors provide in isolation. There CAbbas. 139. Yaqut. Among those who enjoyed friendships with al-Fath were al-Jahiz and al-Buhturi. 5: 2159. Al-Fath and al-Buhturi were probably close associates. "our house when you are present within it. and in the shorter version of al-Ya'qubi. e. No other descendants of Muzahim are known. 12. (pseudo?) Ibn al-Zubayr. 292.28 Earlier accounts offer no such explanation. to which the boy replies. 3: 1452-65. Teasing al-Fath. the Manaqib al-Turk: "Risala ila al-Fath b. 35 Kitabji." See Ibn CAsakir. 211. as well as a son. Fawdt al-wafayat. was succeeded by Azjur al-Turki who. Khaqan succeeded Muzahim but died only months after his father.Mucjam. 1399/1979). Yaqut.32 Little surprise. then. Fihrist. though nowhere in the sources is such an identification made. and uses the term sabi. Khaqan. 2: 389-90. most likely. Muruj. Nishwdr al-muhdadara CA. 2: 407.26 5. 7: 267-72. 34 A numberof compilers of biographicaldictionaries saw fit to include a tarjama of al-Fath in their works: al-Dhahabi.25 4. The editor's note describes al-Fath's origins as Persian. Harun (Cairo: Maktabatal-Khanji. CAbd Allah. in turn. was head of the Egyptian shurta.Nujum. provides fragments of poetry attributedto al-Fath. impressed by the boy's quick mind. ed. according to our sources. is also the shorter notice by Ibn al-Nadim. the passage implies that the caliph acted on the basis of his close ties to Khaqan fa-damma al-MuCtasim al-Fath hddhd ild ibnihi alCUrtuj: Mutawakkilfa-nasha macan. As noted above. 1391-93/1971-73). 6: 193-94. al-MasCidi. the most influential of al-Mutawakkil's advisors.27 Only Ibn Taghribirdi. 33 Credible accounts of the assassination are provided by al-Tabari. and al-Dhahabi.The extensive poetry written by al-Buhturi for al-Fath is not treated here. Siyar.so. The cause of death is not indicated.al-Shalji. alwa-akhbar al-mudhakara. that al-Fath's last act of service was to place himself between the caliph and the latter's assassins in 247/861-62. It then states that al-Wathiq 24 Al-Kindi. an unnamed brother of Muzahim b. Turk. Muhammad Hamid Allah (Kuwait: Da'irat al-Matbuiat wa'l-Nashr. for whom he provides a death date of 296 A. however. 32 Pinto. Ta'rikh. 48: 222-28. 75 n. It states that al-Fath was close to al-Wathiq as a young man and continues with a brief passage on an encounter between al-MuCtasim and al-Fath. cites Zambaur in listing Jacfar. in which the poet al-Buhturi is cited as the single source. 27 See. The passage subsequently refers to al-Fath in his encounter with al-MuCtasim." retained the relationship and that al-Mutawakkil enhanced it. Decline.33 In contrast to his brother Muzahim. 5: 2158. Ta'rikh. 3: 177-79. in other words. that al-Fath was to al-Mutawakkil what the soul (ruh) is to the body (jasad). Wuldt. Al-Fath b.208. 1959). Ibn CAsakir.a point I owe to Michael Bates. the prominent poet. Kraemer." in Rasa'il al-Jahiz.
Al-Kindi states that. 2: 376. that al-Fath was sent on a shortterm mission. Mucjam. among them that concerning intelligence (akhbar) about both the elite (khassa) of Samarra and the surrounding area as well as the broader populace (Camma). Ibn Taghribirdi." includes al-Fath among those who accompanied the caliph. de Goeje. de Goeje. in the early part of 242/85657.49 42 al-Mutawakkil. probably Miskawayh's source."134. 45 Al-Kutubi. Khaqan (see B. 38 "Al-Fath. 3: 1406. Twice. 20: 251. "Al-Mutawakkil's Damascus: A New CAbbasid JNES 58 (1999): 241-57.48 A consideration of al-Fath'sofficial positions may be beside the point: as Sourdel suggests. neither of which survives. Among the positions referredto as having been assigned to him (by al-Mutawakkil)are: personal secretaryto the caliph. none of these accounts treats al-Fath'slife or the course of his career in any detail. and his easy rapport with the poets and intellectuals who pursued their livelihood in Samarra. one Kalbatekinal-Turki. Khdqdn) played a part in crushing a revolt in Hims. 2: 326. Mucjam. Unless it is that the governorship was contested late in al-Mutawakkil's reign. "al-Fath. YaqOt. Fawat. He quotes his source.44 and wazir. al-Fath's name was proclaimed publicly in Egypt.Paul Cobb.41The nature of al-Fath's responsibilities in Syria are unclear. which would then explain the proclamation of his name. 46 Sourdel. Yaqut. 5: 2157. Ibn alNadim. Al-Tabari. Tollner.5: 2157 state that al-Fath . Sourdel and T6llner point out that the wazir from 236/ 850 on was CUbaydAllah b. the more appropriate way to consider al-Fath'sinfluence is to weigh his The sources personal relationship with al-Mutawakkil.Ta'rikh. then Sourdel may be right in suggesting. Ibn CAsakir.45It seems unlikely that al-Fath held the last of these posts. 552.39 Ibn Taghribirdi mentions the appointment as well but sheds little light on al-Fath's duties while seeming.40 A third and later appointment occurred in conjunction with al-Mutawakkil's somewhat puzzling trip to Damascus and his subsequent return to Samarra in the summer of 244/858. the apt term consigliere. was commissioned by a certain Muhammadb. and. Tajaribal-umam. al-Mutawakkil's son. fa-ducia la-hu. He has al-Fathchosen to replace al-Muntasir.38On at least three occasions. and Yaqut. Vizirat. Ahmad alKufi." 41 Ibn CAsakir. al-Fath was assigned a series of positions (acmal) by al-Mutawakkil.43head of the dlwdn al-kharij. The passage mentions the diwan but says nothing about al-Fath. 43 Yaqut. 1871). 48 Miskawayh. states that both resident governors of Egypt in this period represented al-Muntasir. The caliph is said to have appointed al-Fath as governor of Syria. which is preserved in Ibn 'Asakir's Ta'rlkh. responsible in particularfor the royal seal."138. J. directly. Brill." 134. alMutawakkil assigned al-Fath sensitive political missions. a Turkish leader destroyed by al-Mutawakkil in 235/849. 244/858?). 1: 282. MuCjam. and that al-Fath had earlier been assigned by al-Mutawakkilvarious positions. citing verse by al-Buhturi. Tajdrib.240 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. states that in 236/850-51. 40 Nujim. Capital?. as governor.2 (2001) ince for a time. Al-Tabari reports that "one of the associates of al-Fath" (rajul min ashab al-Fath b.Nujum. though some evidence indicates that he administered the prov- Ismacil b.20: 251. 1: 282. 546. however.Mucjam. 144-45. suggests. Kitab al-bustdn and Kitab al-sayd wa'l-jawarih. Muruj. Ta'rikh. 117-18. al-Khattabi (d. Ta'rikh. He is also said to have authored two works. 3: 1423. The indications are that al-Fath designated his own resident governor. 202: wa-warada al-kitdb bi-l-duca' lil-Fath b."145. Vizirat. CAbd Rabbihi. Fihrist. Vizirat. 44 Ibn Taghribirdi. Yahya b. Khdqdn. Cobb cites the work of the little-known third/ninth century scholar. he wore not only the hat of the courtier poet but also that of the diplomat.46There is also no indication in the sources that he was assigned the dlwan al-tawqlc (official documents). Ishaq. a third/ninth-centuryqadi.37As is to be expected. this in 233/847-48. ed. preferring instead to describe his literary efforts. 66. as Pars sexta operis Tadjaribo'l-Omami. the latter reported that he had been in al-Fath's service in 235/849-50. apparently misread her source. Ta'rikh. his splendid library. however. 5: 2157. in reference to al-Fath.Nujum. 47 Pinto. al-Qasim b. that he was head of the intelligence services within Samarra. 1: 282-83.Al-Kindi. M. Pinto. 13). 37 Al-Mas'Cdi.. 5: 2157: wa-kanaCald khatimal-Mutawakkil. 1: 282. 49 Vizirat. J.g. FHA 1 (Leiden: E. "al-Fath.47 There is good evidence. it was one of the few occasions in which al-Fath served in a military capacity. in some sense. he was assigned to duties in Egypt. Only somewhat less vague are the indications that alFath held administrative positions in Samarra. including that concerning intelligence about elite and commoners alike. according to Yaqut. though his part in governing the province is difficult to make out. is more specific. Pinto. As Pinto points out in her study of al-Fath.. 39 Wuldt. ed. See. "al-Fath. Miskawayh. Sourdel. Sourdel ads: "[o]n connait mal la part qu'il prit a la politique g6enrale. The first work.42If this was indeed the case. Al-Tabari. Garden. as she says. e. 2: 390. Pinto states that al-Fath marched successfully against Arab tribes in Syria. 3: 177. argues plausibly that al-Fath probablytook over responsibilities previously held by Itakh. 7: 191.. to contradict al-Kindi.
(Cairo: Matbacat Jamicat Fuad al-Awwal. "The Boon-Companion in Early CAbbasidTimes. however. Yahya. 1358/ 1939). an affair arranged by al-MuCtamid. Tulun. al-Tabari reports that al-Mutawakkil's decision to transfer to al-Fath lands controlled by Wasif may have precipitated the murder. a leading cAlid of the period. a sign of distinction clear to all onlookers. to Egypt where she was to wed Ahmad b. Citing al-Isfahani. al-Fath may have had children by her as well. himself the apparentchampion of the Turkishmilitary. a medieval Near Eastern social category discussed by Anwar Chejne.52 Caliphs are not killed so precipitously. Tulun. Muhammad Kamal al-Din CIzz al-Din (Cairo: CAlamal-Kutub. 123. He may have accompanied his sister. CAbdAllah. only a few months after his brother'sassassination. at least. al-Fath is the only known son of al-Fath. Regarding the Barmakids. 56 MuCjam. 7: 191: wa-kdna al-Fath ibn Khaqan alTurki mawlahu aghlab al-nds Calayhi wa-aqrabahum ilayhi wa-aktharahum taqadduman Cindahu. over the course of time (and several generations). 3: 1452.57 In reference to his appointment (233/848) over the diwdn al-kharaj. alMasCidi. 6: 193-94. There is only one reference to al-Fath as mawla (see preceding note). 1457." Similarly. The woman is identified only as a wasifa. and the closely related factionalism between the Turkish officers and their civilian allies. Haruin. Two sets of verse attributed to her. along with CUbayd Allah b. ed.51 A final point concerns al-Fath's standing at the time of his and al-Mutawakkil's assassination. 53 Al-Tabari describes al-Mutawakkil's humiliation of his son. THE FAMILY OF YAHYA B. "Abu Hafs.ed.56 As it was commonplace for elite members of CAbbasid bear royal princes included-to political circles-the children with their female companions. For a vaguely similar anecdote. 1399/ 1979)." 269-70 (and see n. 51 The sources do not compare al-Fath and al-Fadl. 44. Muruj. 1953). Salih b. Ta'rikh. particularly that involving Muhammad b. JaCfar(al-Muntasir). There is no sign that al-Fath's death had any impact upon his brother's standing. or. Ta'rikh. as reference to two abiding issues confronting the Samarran caliphate: the influence of the Turkish military and al-Mutawakkil were seated in the same litter upon their arrivalin Damascus. Sourdel (Vizirat 1: 282-83) suggests that al-Fath was able to moderate al-Mutawakkil'sbehavior toward both the Christian and CAlidcommunities. says that "al-Fath .55 Yaquit preserves an anecdote concerning an unnamed singing girl given to al-Fath by al-Mutawakkil. in other words. MuhammadKurdCAli(Damascus: Matbacatal-Turqi. 6.Bosworth. probably resembled that between al-Fadl b. the rest of the account indicates that the killings had more to do with court intrigue. for this reason alone.3 vols. are preserved here. Muzahim retained his position within the imperial officer corps and later became governor of Egypt. Yahya al-Barmaki and Harun al-Rashid. was the person most influential over him and the one most preferred by him. ed.5: 2162-63. Maqitil. al-Mughrib fi hula al-Maghrib. B. see al-Tanukhi. and the opportunities it afforded alFath in political life. to cite but one example. In his somewhat elusive account. According to al-Tabari's account. however. 55 Ibn Sacid al-Andalusi. 50 Al-YaCqubi." and describes 54 Muzahim may have been tied to Wasif himself: al-Tabari. (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji.Nishwar.." JAOS 85 (1965): 327-35. was a figure of modest standing. Given al-Fath's role in imperial decision-making. ed.GORDON:The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 241 indicate that al-Fath had greater success than any other member of the court in shaping the caliph's opinions. 3: 1453. Zaki Muhammad Hasan et al. dismisses him as "submissive and wretched" . a bureaucrat of the early CAbbasid period."in Rasd'il al-Jahiz. 608-9. Al-Fath. including one composed to mourn al-Fath. Mushakalat al-nds li-zamdnihim.54 Nor is there evidence that the rest of al-Fath's family suffered as a result of his death. CA. Khadija. Sirat Ahmad b. among them influential Turkish officers.. Yahya b.M. however. reports that he led the vanguard of Wasif's army against the Byzantines in early 248/862. was a close ally of al-Mutawakkil and. The transfer to him of lands (read: sources of income and influence) previously controlled by such an officer (Wasif) can only have exacerbated matters. 52 Ta'rikh. he mentions al-Fath's support for Muhammad b. Ibn Tuilun is said to have appointed Ibn al-Fath over Diyar Mudar for an unspecified period. it may be that he was as much a target of the assassination plot as the caliph himself. 3: 1481. no doubt earned the enmity of the caliph's opponents. 2: 197-99.This only suggests the title Mawla amir al-mu'minin for which I know of no clear evidence for al-Fath. Khdqan.53 The passage regarding Wasif's lands might be read. 1980 [?]). al-Fath participated in alMuntasir'shumiliation. Their rise to prominence came. indicates that the family entered caliphal service as ordinarymawdli. al-Balawi. alTabari provides the nisba "al-Khurasani. KHAQAN 1. She is said to have become al-Fath's most cherished concubine and to have died of grief following his assassination. Abu al-Futuh Muhammad b. command. Al-Fath's standing probably overlapped with that of the nadim.50 The relationship. an influential clique therein. "Dhamm akhlaq al-kuttab. 173. 13). 57 Al-Jahiz.
58 Al-Tabari. 1: 238-39. in return. 66 Al-Yacqubi. 1964/ 1384). The passage refers to Yahya as among the notables of the administration (min mashayikhal-kuttab) and as having never drunkwine. the passage explains that he was placed there by Ishaq b.d. n. according to al-Tanukhi. then. which occurred in 233/848. 4: 89-90. 3: 243-46 (no. Sahl. 2).68 and cites a short passage in which Ibn al-Zayyat. One story. al-Tabari.Aghani. al-Tanukhi.60 An otherwise close relationship between Yahya and alMa'mun is suggested by references in Ibn Abi Tayfur.). ed. (Beirut: 'Alam al-Kutub. In it Yahya carries out a request by Ibn Sahl. 1: 455-56. CAbd al-Rahman. dates the appointment to 236/851-52.2: 597.3: 1379. The latter.al-Shalji (Beirut: Dar Sadir.61 Ibn Qutayba. citing al-Suli. (wa-Yahyab. has CUbayd Allah serve wine (on orders from the caliph) to his pious father. n. 3. A third. and collected by al-Tanukhi. Vizirat. 20: 146 (no examples are cited): Yahya sends the poet. al-Isfahani. 1938). The reference occurs in an anecdote in which he is fined by al-Ma'mun. 1368/ 1949). ed. Only three of Yahya's brothers are mentioned. then head of the khardj bureau.62 and al-Tabari. CUyunal-akhbar. a prominent wazir. 62 Ibn Qutayba. Ibn al-Zayyat is quoted as saying: "[Yahya] is poorly spoken. Ibn al-Zubayr. Ta'rikh. al-Tanukhi. ed. 326). 65 Ta'rikh. CAbd al-Rahman b. is dim-witted. ed. (Cairo:MatbacatMustafa al-Babi. 71 Nishwar.Ta'rikh. 17). preserved by al-Jahshiyari. provides a close variant of the anecdote. and. Yahya's brother(see B. passed up cUbayd Allah for a crucial appointment. Kitab al-diyarat. 63 Ta'rikh. This is Yahya's first appearance in the sources. places Yahya in the company of the Barmakids urder Harin al-Rashid. no.. Yusuf CAliTawil. Kitdb wafaydt al-acydn. a decision that sparked antagonism between the two men. Ali.Kitab Baghdad. Khaqan is identified as the uncle of CUbayd Allah. Kitab al-wuzara' wa'l-kuttdb. The anecdote narratesa story recounted by Yahya b. provided by alShabushti.69 An anecdote. . in association with al-Hasan b. following Yahya's death (240/854-55). 3: 5355. but there are no indications that either served in the bureaucracy or army. 145).1951). recounts that Yahya. no date provided. Vizirat. Muhammad Zahid b. Faraj. 139-40 (no. See Sourdel. G. Al-Isfahani refers to a panegyric written for Yahya by Dicbil b. CA. Al-Tabari. as wazir. 67 Awraq.. Yahya (ibn Khaqan) is mentioned in passing in al-WakiC.64 Only al-Yacqubi states that Yahya was released from prison at this point. al-Hasan al-Kawthari (Cairo: Maktabat al-Khanji. 2.59 Several references then place him in the reign of al-Ma'mun. Yahya. 99-100.70 Another. (Beirut: Dar al-Kutub al-CIlmiya. specifically.71 The suggestion is that Yahya was on poor terms with his more illustrious son. Two had scholarly interests. St.65 died sometime later in al-Mutawakkil's reign after being appointed over the mazalim probably in 236/851-52.ed.al-Faraj baCdal-shidda. who suspected him of skimming revenue while governor of Fars. The anecdote occurs.2 (2001) Marwan. The suggestion is that he was already working in the diwdn al-khardj at the time of his appointment. 3: 1406: Yahya is among several men who settle debts owed to merchants by Ibn Sahl following his death in 236/851. Mustafa al-Saqa et al. Aghani. 59 Al-Jahshiyari. 2: 121-22. Ibrahim.2: 592. in alJahshiyari. ed. Like other kuttdb. as furtherevidence of a relationship between the two Yahyas. Yahya. 8: 51 (no. 4 vols. 3 vols. 180. 183-86. 139: Yahya introduces Ibn Aktham to al-Hasan which is explained as the first step in Ibn Aktham's rise to influence. 60 Sourdel. 117-19 (no. 1398/1978).. Ibn Khallikan. Ta'rikh.63 Yahya's career reached its peak under al-Mutawakkil when he was appointed to the diwdn al-khardj following the disgrace of the current office holder. 8 vols." 70 Al-Shabushti."58 The members of his family were prominent principally in the civilian sector. 4 vols. Khalid al-Barmaki to his son al-Fadl. 2: 597. Nusuisddaia min kitdb al-wuzarad wa'l-kuttab. al-Fadl b. occurs only in passing. in somewhat different form.498-99. to whom he was secretary. 1: 273. 68 Aghani. Petersburg. CIhsanCAbbas (Beirut: Dar al-Sadir. Abu al-CAtahiya. 2: 162. as head of the mazdlim. Khaqan.Dhakha'ir. The earlier version mentions Ibn Sahl but makes no reference to Yahya holding office. Yahya is the subject of comment in the adab literature. and [altogether] ratherstupid (huwa mahzil al-alfaz Calllal-maadni sakhlf al-'aql daCifal-uqda wahi al-'uzm ma'fun al-rady).. Ta'rikh. 69 Al-Isfahani.67 Much information places him in al-Mutawakkil's court.66 Al-Suli gives a deathdate of 240/854-55.242 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. 3: 1407. Akhbdral-qudadt. 3: 1379. Khaqanfi al-dhull wa'l-faqa) in an anecdote relating a tense (if unexplained) encounter between Yahya and the A slightly different text is contained in poet. 1985). Mikha'il CAwwad (Beirut: Dar al-Kitab al-Lubnani. appointed his father. from alTanukhi. Ta'rikh. a horse said to have been in the possession of CAbd al-Rahmanb. carries out his duties badly. 23-26. is indecisive. selects CAbdal-Rahman Yahya as "a mawla of the Azd. 64 Al-Yacqubi. 1968-77). CAwwad (Baghdad: Matbacatal-MaCfrif. 23: 57. describes Yahya in the most derogatory terms. a Tahirid family member. ed. reports that the appointment came in conjunction with the dismissal of Ibn al-Fadl (alJarjara'l). has few ideas. 61 Ibn Abi Tayfufr. according to al-YaCqubi. 145).
Muhammad b. CUbaydAllah. who places him in the entourage of Abu alAllah b. 74 Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. Kh. achieved 72 2: 597. 13) and as a traditionist. Khaqan appears on a single coin minted in Armenia and dated to 218/833. Tulun'stenure b. 2: 446. Khaqan"in the company of Ibn Tulun. Khaqan is later placed among the officials in the company of al3. in other words. 393. while it is not implausible that this same "Ahmad b. 8 vols. 73 Tayeb El-Hibri. 14). Misa b. Ibn Sacid. First. hence his appearancein the hammad b.79 It was Bayakbak who appointed Ibn Tulun as his resident governor over Egypt in 254/868. Yahyab. The company of al-MuCtamid. Muctamid (r. Al-Suli identifies Ahmad b. al-Balawi. it was common zuq is also identified as a traditionist and as having to omit links in a genealogy. MustafaCAbd CAta (Beirut:Dar al-Kutub al-Qadir al-cIlmiya. Khaqan"mentioned in Egyptian sources younger in order to have participated in the events dewas probablyhis son (B.29.. Khaqan"that is provided by MiskCaliph al-Ma'mun. 6. Khaqan of the same generation. speculates andAhmad b. Only one.v. Musd Abu al-Hasan is identified in a brief tarjama as the uncle of CUbaydAllah b. and possibly five. Mughrib. awayh. he would have had to be some decades The "Ahmadb. Ibn al-Daya cites the full been associated with Ibn al-Mubarak(d." Journal of the Economic and Social "A Historyof the Orient36 (1993):74. Mughrib. Khaqdn's identity is someAhmad b.v.76He is of interest mainly for giving us more of the family's genealogy. providesa more recentdiscussion.Les Tulunides Zaky Mohamed (Paris:lftablissements on the ties betweenIbn Tulun Busson. 8). Khaqan b. most of which contains first-person narration from this Ibn Khaqan. 5). "Ibnal-Mubarak" [Robson].however. All indications are. Ta'rikh Baghdad. and their male the two men in the jihad against the Byzantines. Yahya's sons appear to have been prominent members of their generation. ed. 82 Tulunides. . no. Marreferences are to the same individual. 214. MuIbn Tulun's interests in Iraq. scribed here. 77 Ibn Sacid. Ta'rikh. 256-79/870-92) at the time of the latter's attempted passage to Egypt (around 269/882-83) He transmitted Yahya (see B. Petersburg. Ahmad b.) Khaqan and Ibn Tulun were what in question.Muhammad. Yahya b. It should be noted that Ahmad as his source for informationon Ahmad b. 42. Khaqan named Ahmad. in his history identifies him as Ibn Tiuln's companion (sadlq). CUbaydAllah (see Chronology of CAbbasidDirhams struck in Armenia. Muhammadb. Subayh b. this matter is discussed below.74 material from his brother.77 One reference both in Baghdad and Samarra. St. no. Khaqan"was Yahya b." ArmeQasim CAbd for the post.72 A certain CAbdal-Rahman b. Sira. Zakariya. al-Balawi. 401.and was cited.the teacher (shaykh) of Abu al-Muwaffaq. 1417/1997).75He is said explicitly to have been from Marw (Marwazi name in the initial mention. (Muhammadb. On Ibn al-Mubarak. great prominence.82 This brings us to the children of Yahya b. Sacid. 795). speculates that Ibn Khaqan represented same author. Ahmad b.. Sira. A. turn.73 There is no further evidence to show that this was CUbayd Allah's uncle though the identification seems plausible. 81 Al-Kindi. 181/797). Also see EI2 s. 225. in where he sought Tulunid protection from his brother. Mousheghian. 83. a son of Muhammad b. 107. 75. Ibn al-Daya cites an Ahmad b. 290-92. "Tulunids"[Gordon]. Aristocratic Violence and Holy War: Studies in the Jihad and the Arab-Byzantine Frontier (New Haven: AmericanOrientalSociety. sequent references. Khaqan b.81 There is good reason to think. apparentlyto the caliphate of al-Ma'mun. and several were clearly wealthy (see B. then shortens it in subal-asl) and to have been the uncle of CUbaydAllah b. Ahmad b. Khaqan was involved at the highest level of politics as governor of Egypt (254-70/868-84). He is known only from the name of a "Khaqanb. 75 I wish to thank Michael Bates for bringing this individual 78 Ibn 80 79 Awrdq. The of the Tulunids.2: 615. and alYaCqubi. alMaqrizi.GORDON:The Khdaqnid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 243 at a point prior to Ibn Tulun's appointment to Egypt. that 5. Kitab al-muqaffd al-kabir. nian Numismatic Journal 4 (1978): 143. Mughrib. 76 Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. to my attention. are known. by Yahya b. Khaqan. that the Muzahim al-Khaqani (see B. Khaqan's identity is questionAghdni. Wulat. 4. 1996).78 Further evidence suggests ties between the two men. of passage.80 Ahmad b. see EI2 s. Muhammad b. ed. Hassan.214. 20: 146. Second. qan's brother. Muhammad al-Yaclawi (Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-Islami. TaVrikh. 76."CoinageReform under the CAbbasid able. Michael Bonner. Khaqan. 1991). Rahman occursbrieflyin al-Isfahani. a member of the Samarran Turkish elite. KhaYahya. Ta'rikhBaghdad. Ahmad b. describes the participation of whom four. also mentions an "Ahmadb. 74. As noted above. CAbdalAl-Yacqubi. in other words. Khaqan as khalifa to Bayakbak. 4: 360. 2: 307 (no. this offspring. 2134. Hassan.1933). 24 vols. 119-25.
Vizirat. hearing the story. CAbdal-Rahman b. In response. of CUbayd Allah with an CUbayd Allah b. assigns new. 8. After having been slighted Allah (B. He was apparentlymuch given to sexual intercourse. this Khaqan would be his son. the caliph. Michael Bates (private correspondence)points out that CUbaydAllah was probably but a child at that point. 94 Al-Tanukhi. 6) appears here only because of the coincidence of his ancestor's names. 8: 12-16. Ta'rikh. he approves of the young secretary's conduct. 3: 1915. 13) and is reportedby al-Tabarito have died in 263/877. and. 3: 1443-44. 130. and because of his association with CAbd Allah b. 85 Al-Tanukhi. 87 Vizirat. and remains in the Cairo edition. 1960-69). Yahyd b. a reference that the editor of the Annales "corrected" to read CUbayd Allah despite the fact that the latter individual appears in subsequent years (see B. 5. along with his brothCUbayd ers CUbaydAllah and Zakariya'. high-level responsibilities to CUbayd viduals who defected from al-MustaCin (in Baghdad) to 83 Tajarib. It portrays a solicitous CUbaydAllah courting favor with al-Mutawakkil who.Nishwar. A. 5. Hilal al-Sabi.Nishwdr. Zakariyad b.92Al-Tanukhi's pair of anecdotes purport to explain his rise to prominence. al-Ansab. Yahyd b. Sourdel. His experience was similar. by his father in favor of his brother CAbd he offers his services free of charge to the head of the diwan al-diydc. ed. 95 Sourdel. CUbayd Allah is then confronted by Itakh al-Turki. Khaqan. 1: 275-77. the caliph selects CUbaydAllah who subsequently rises to the post of wazir.89 10. Khaqan probably began his career as a secretary. Yahya(B. Ta'rikh. ultimately. the passagestatesthat CAbd al-Rahmanfathered a hundredand six children as a result but that.90 11. an influential Turk. in this sense.On the appointmentitself. finally.2: 602. assigns him clerical duties. F. his fondness for sex was his undoing. 17) around 312-13/924-25. 8). 143. 14). al-Fadl b. 8: 51-53. Khdqdnis known only from the fact that he had a son (see B. in part.95 His referto Khaqan b. One relates that 'Ubayd Allah won notice under alMutawakkil because of his favorable treatment of a group of Armenian notables. Quoting (Beirut: 1408/1988). and eventually the trappings and. 7. notes information in both anecdotes which is inconsistent with that provided by other sources. see below. who orders him beaten. 9: 354. Son of Abu Muzahim only occurs among the indi- The second anecdote elaborates. ultimately. M. n. Both authors CArabiya. Ya. Ta'rikh. In appreciation they provide him with gifts valuable B. encountering opposition from al-Fadl. 3: 1658. turn to CUbayd Allah who pleads their case successfully. on the first. his appointment to the post of wazir to his relationship with al-Mutawakkil. 1995). Khaqdn b. CAbdAllah CUmar al-Barudi Damral-Janan.93 identified as a Baghdad traditionist who transmitted masdail (legal problems) from Ibn Hanbal. ed. CUbaydAllah b. 1: 282. 8: 51.85CAbd Allah figures.hyd b. Sourdel. Khqadn (see B. Tajdrib. Typical of the Adab genre is the blend here of apocryphaland "historical"elements. . no.2 (2001) al-MuCtazz(in Samarra) during the civil war of 251/ 865-66. (Cairo: Dar alMacarif. of New York Press.. ed. vol. 12.244 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. Khaqanwas a minorfigure. Abu Muzahim b. al-Wuzara'. 537-39. In addition The reference to CUbayd Allah'sdeathappears in the Ta'rikh. Ta'rikh. 286. Ibrahim. and there is no such explicit identification. 88 The error appears in the Ta'rikh.91 13. seems incorrect.3: 1615. 62. lists the two men as the preeminentmembersof al-Mutawakkil's administration. Marwan. 12). 2: 310.hyib. Ahmad 1958). Yahya. 17. to that of al-Fath b.H. 3: 1444. 35: The Crisis of the CAbbdsid Caliphate (Albany: State Univ. 86 Al-Tabari. CUbaydAllah. 89 Al-Tabari. Yahyab. The History of al-Tabari.86 As Sourdel explains. The Armenians. already inclined against Itakh. his death date was 262/876. drawn to the young man. 1: 306. CUbayd Allahb. George Saliba. 10 vols.83 Apparently the same individual is listed elsewhere for the same period. 92 The identification by Samir Shamma. At a later point.84If indeed a family member.94 Both stories credit CUbayd Allah's emergence and. Ahddth Casr alMa'mun ka-md tarwihd al-nuqid (Irbid: Yarmouk University.Nishwdr. Muhammadb. 93 Al-Tanukhi. b. seeking to fill a high level position. Ya. 1: 274 n. Al-Yacqubi.88 9. Yahya listed on coins from Aran between 209 and 212 A. seeking ratificationof a lucrativeconcession (muqataca). Ahmad b. 1985). Khaqan is the son that Yahya appointed to a diwan to the consternation of Allah. Vizirat.87CAbdAllah is named by two manuscripts of al-Tabari'sTa'rikhas having died in 252/866. Yahydb. 90 Al-SamCani. 5 vols. and the translation. Vizirat. He is listed among the secretaries in this group without reference to his ism. 91 Al-Tabari. Musab. 84 Miskawayh. CAbd Allah b. CAbdal-Sattar Ahmad Faraj (Cairo: Dar Ihya' al-Kutub al- Allah. title of wazlr. among ten men from whom it was suggested that al-Mutawakkil should extort money to pay for a new palace in 245/859-60. Khdqdn Abu CAli is enough to win al-Mutawakkil's attention. 122.
16). Aghani. more subtle ways in which to measure his standing in this period.. as tutor to CUbayd Allah's son. 3: 43. either by CUbayd Allah or his partisans. Wuzara'.'02 Ties to al-Baladhuri appear to have been rather strained.barid. recites a couplet lauding his host as superior to al-Fadl and Yahya b. 101 Ibn .GORDON: The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 245 father was an established member of the bureaucracy and. 8: 125. the passage notes that CUbayd Allah's ties had been to the Azd. it comes as little surprise that CUbayd Allah became involved in a series of controversies. had laid the way open for CUbayd Allah and his brothers. following the latter's accession to the post of wazir in 299/912 (see B. Vizirat. 1: 307 n. never refers to the post of wazir directly. al-Dhahabi. Salama. he was rewarded with a cloak.1: 351-55. 104 The one anecdote. 97 See preceding note. 1: General Introduction and From the Creation to the Flood (Albany: State Univ. Introductio. 1: 278-79 [the Mudabbir brothers]. a view I have not attempted to consider here. Vizirat.98 As Sourdel points out. and Sourdel. horse. Brill. After noting that al-Mutawakkil directed him to identify himself as Mawla amir al-mu'minin. J. 6: 2465. de Goeje (Leiden: E. report an encounter with a second son. Wafayat.ibid. Aghdni. a relationshipthat explains CUbaydAllah's involvement in the conflict over succession to al-Mutawakkil (see below). that he was well connected in both political and intellectual circles. and maC'win. qu.Ta'rikh. a number of passages portray CUbayd Allah in his capacity as wazir. Wafayat. presumably. from head of the bureau of tawqic to control over a range of key offices at the height of his influence. Faraj. He also suggests that CUbayd Allah's experience makes clear that the authority of the office had everything to do with the abilities of a given appointee rather than with the office itself. 100 In addition to his relationship with al-Mutawakkil. 7: 258. somewhat earlier. Mughrib.Muruj. will have allowed CUbayd Allah to exercise authority earlier than expected. Ibn Khallikan gives his kunya as Abu al-Hasan. preserved in al-Isfahani. that he owed his standing to al-Mutawakkil's backing.dd.2: 597. Ibn Qutayba and al-Tabari. Ibn Khallikan. pt. describes a majlis held by 'Ubayd Allah in which one Abu al-Shibl (CAsimibn Wahb) alBurjumi (?).2: 531-32: the historian and poet embarrasses CUbaydAllah in public in one anecdote. and often on behalf of alMutawakkil:al-Balawi. as Sourdel points out. Muruj. in any case. 1989). Ta'rikh(the citation should read 2: 597). 3. with Ahmad b. 21-23. His conflicts with rival bureaucrats are well attested. see al-MasCudi.100 Of particular into material cited there. His most bitter rivalries were those with Najah b. Ta'rikh. 22: 162. 362-63. 98 Vizirat. Aghani. 14: 197. 103 See al-Jahshiyari. see Ibn Khallikan. Vizirat. early in his career.105 'Ubayd Allah also Qutayba is reported to have dedicated his Adab alkatib to CUbaydAllah. there are other. The passage.28081 [Ibn Salama]. of New York Press. has him query a colleague about the reasons for al-Rashid's destruction of the Barmakid family. Al-Yacqubi indicates.diydc. 8: 39. Sira. al-MuCtamid. 254. citing CUbayd Allah. it seems. alMudabbir and his brother Ibrahim. As noted by Sourdel. al-Tabari.103 No less interesting are two anecdotes that are plausibly read as an attempt. and Kitab al-tanbih wa-l-ishraf. vol. to link him to the legacy of the Barmakids. his path to the post of wazir came in rapid steps. The History of al-Tabari. I (London: Royal Asiatic Society.'04 Given the fractured politics of Samarra. al-MasCOdi. the historian speaks of the close ties (hurma) between him and the wazir. and al-Tanukhi. and. and Yaqut. 35-36. and copied partially by al-Tanukhi. both in the chronicles and works of adab. al-Isfahani. 52: 200. M. 8. ed. and bag of dirhams. Muhammad b. 3: 1424-25 (includes a letter from 'Ubayd Allah). See Franz Rosenthal. terest to modern historians are his ties to al-Baladhuri. See Rosenthal. His ties to the caliphal family are clear. CUbaydAllah al-Khaqani.Annales. Khalid. 268. that CUbayd Allah switched his ties of wala' to the caliph. reports that al-MuCtazzwas "under [cUbayd Allah's] protection/tutelage" (wa kdnafi hujrihi). 14. in al-Jahshiyari. 96 Ta0rikh. 1894). Vizirat. 52: 193 (= al-Tabari. after hearing various comments in praise of the famous family. Margoliouth. 1: 389-492. S. The other anecdote. 36.99 Alongside direct references. in reference to alYa'cqbi. 105 Sourdel. There are indications. 14: 271. J. Ibn CAsakir. 99 Sourdel. Mu'jam. 1: 307 and n. later.97 Sourdel speaks of 'Ubayd Allah as having "restored" the office of the wazir. 74. 1: 277 and n. Yaqfit. 102 See Ibn CAsakir. and mocks him (in verse) in a second. Al-YaCqiubi indicates that after assuming control of the bureausof the khardj. Nusis. CUbaydAllah resigned as head of the tawqic. 1922). 12-13. al-MasC'di.0l? Al-Tabari is reported to have worked. 1: 281. Siyar. Abu Yahya. the reference in question occurs on LXXV)and al-Dhahabi. 7. There is little question. however. Al-Isfahani.in D.96 All indications are that CUbayd Allah came to wield an impressive degree of authority under this caliph. Ibn Sacid. MuCjam. 14: 275. 16: 396 and 22: 162. LXIX-XCVI. in yet a third anecdote in Yaqut's tarjama of the historian (534. In addition to the sources cited by Sourdel that do refer to him as wazir. for example. The Table-talkof a Mesopotamian Judge. Al-Tabari apparently maintained contact with the family. For his pains. 285-86. 81. Caliphal patronage. for which al-Suli is cited as the source).
T6llner. "Creswell. indicates that CUbaydAllah sought out al-MuCtazz immediately upon receiving news of the assassination of alMutawakkil. and his opponents. He is said to have carried out a sensitive mission (perhaps on behalf of alMuctazz) aimed at bringing an end to the conflict between the seated caliph. this time by al-MuCtamid in 256/869-70. makes no such reference. 3: 1463. and Samarra."l2 The length of CUbayd Allah's absence is not made explicit.however. which provides an important perspective on the regicide. 3: 1462-63. 325. Ta'rikh. Ta'rikh. the struggle was sparked by attempts by supporters of al-MuCtazz. 8: 16." 93-100. including al-Tabari. 111 3: 1471. and."15 treats the rivalry between CUbaydAllah and the two brothers. He is portrayed by al-Tabari. the report also mentions his same reaction to the deaths of two . it was "intended for" (bi-rasm) al-Muctazz.Ta'rikh.2: 606. and it was part of the caliph's efforts against the Turks. he was detained."0l Al-Tabari describes him. Ta'rikh. however. al-YaCq0bi. See references to CUbaydAllah's soldiers in al-Tabari.3: 1662. 72-74. Herzfeld.107 The evidence implies that. CUbayd Allah remains largely in the background. 1664. 1457. The measure of his continued influence is his reappearance in Iraq in 251/865-66. 113 Al-Tabari." 87-89. with whom he was so closely associated. As noted earlier. in fact. 114 Al-MasCidi. At a critical juncture. 3: 1463. until his second appointment to the post of wazir. Al-Tabari.8: 39.Ta'rikh. 3: 1440-46. the emphasis here. Ta'rikh.to back al-MuCtazz)..'09 All indications are. The key reference occurs in al-MasC'di. they should do nothing. Khaqan. There is evidence that the regiment remained in place despite the death of alMutawakkil and his own exile (see below). 3: 1839. CUbayd Allah accepted the accession of al-Muntasir. 109 See Gordon.106 Subsequent tensions played a key part in al-Mutawakkil's assassination. 3: 1506.) that the troops were to be housed in Balkuwara.3: 1637-38. each backing one of the royal princes. al-Tabari. among other authors. 3: 1453. Allah pushed the Tahiridleader thoughhe does state that CUbayd not to supportal-MustaCin (and. 107 In "The Breaking of a Thousand Swords. Ta'rikh."Muqarnas 8 (1991): 78. located at that time in Baghdad. the hands of the Turks).14 He remained in the post until his accidental death six years later. CUbayd Allah was placed in command of a military force created by the caliph expressly. then exiled to Barqa.3: 1915. among them CUbayd Allah. therefore. CUbayd Allah and al-Fath). a new cantonment built by al-Mutawakkil expressly for this reason. on the parts played by CUbaydAllah and al-Fath b. al-MustaCin.g. 112 Al-MasCudi.246 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121.7: 296. CUbayd Allah. al-Tabari. having set out on the pilgrimage. in which CUbaydAllah played a key part. Ta'rikh. late in al-Mutawakkil's reign. argues that because al-MuCtazz was "in their hands" (that is. on being pressured by his "companions" (ashdb). I have argued (op. it appears. I concentrate on the caliph's relations with the Turkish military as the key factor. Mughrib. if one can judge on the basis of silence as to his whereabouts. 115. see Alastair Northedge. The same passage clarifies al-MuCtazz' relationshipas proteg6 of the wazir. Ta'rikh. 1461. over the question of succession to the caliph. 110 Al-Tabari. to counter the authority of the Turks. 108Al-Tabari.2 (2001) took part in the struggle. and alTanukhi. Tanbih. al-Muntasirand his supporters were assured of the prince's succession. that despite the urging of his (and the dead caliph's) partisans. 361-62: the force was assigned to 'Ubayd Allah. 115 Al-Tabari.2: 619. al-Tabari. provides two conflicting accounts. Bates (private correspondence)argues that by killing al-Mutawakkil. cit. Nishwar. Muruij. however. by extension. is upon the power struggle between powerful cliques. Ta'rikh. it was composed of roughly twelve thousand Arabs and others. The latter had been chosen as primary heir probably in 235/849-50. From that point. also see al-Tabari. one can therefore assume that al-MuCtazzwas but titular head of the force. Murtuj. in other words. On the demise of Ibn Salama. 106 See al-Tabari. Also see Ibn Sacid. "Thousand Swords.1"3Al-Tabari makes clear that CUbayd Allah was working to have al-Mu'tazz recognized as the sole caliph. Garden. Ta'rikh. for example."' Shortly thereafter. as having supported the future al-MuCtazz against his brother Muhammad (al-Muntasir bi-llah). say precious little regarding relations between the Turks and al-Mutawakkil's court (e. chief among them the Turkish forces of Samarra. On these troops. following the killings of al-Mutawakkil and al-Fath. as having been present during the swearing-in ceremony of the new caliph. to the killers themselves. It is clear that close ties joined al-Muntasir to leaders of the Turkish military. that the sources. both of whom were key members of al-Mutawakkil's regime. The reason for this reaction is unclear.3: 1461.'08 It is worth noting.Ta'rikh. who states that CUbayd Allah was placed in command over the troops. however. al-YaCqubi. TaVrikh. there is every reason to think that the Turkish leadership deeply distrusted al-Fath and probably CUbayd Allah as well. to oust al-Muntasir. CUbayd Allah stood as the regime's principal bulwark against its opponents. who describes Ahmad ibn Tiuln's delight at hearing the news of his death. The assassination was carried out by younger Turkish officers. On the cantonmentitself.
Ta'rikhBaghdad. CAbdAllah (B.284. Al-Khaqani Muhammadb. 126 Sourdel. 54. Vizirat. Miskawayh. Vizirat. see Hugh Kennedy.'27 The sources are unanimous in decrying Muhammad's performance as wazir. Ahmad b. and to the second. Muhammad is said to have invariably responded with a hearty reply in the affirmative. bills left unpaid. and whose careers. Siyar. and a loud thump of the chest. al-Sam'ani. Tusy'sList of Shycah Books (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press. His relationship to the one wazir. ed. The Life and Times of CAllibn Isc (Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. Muhammadtook steps to consolidate his position. maladministration. CUbayd eldest of CUbayd Allah's sons.286. 2: 387-469. 130 Miskawayh.'25 Muhammadwas thus among the small circle of men appointed to the post of wazir by al-Muqtadir. we are told.129 petence. played a prominent part. no. de Goeje (Leiden: E. provincial offices filled The image is of an individual by multiple appointees. for which he earned the nickname Daqqa sadrahu. Miskawayh. al-Ansab. Tajarib. 131 Tajarib. ed. in which his sons. 295-320/908- 32) of the better known Ibn al-Furat. Press. Sourdel.286:fa-sakhufatal-wizdrawa-akhlaqatal-hayba.as feeble-minded and rash (ahmaq mutahawwir). 37-38. 119 Al-Tusi. J. Sourdel appears to suggest that CUbayd Allah. Vizirat. Harold Bowen. 175-81. referring to al-Khaqani's administration. 117 1928). al-Sabi. much like al-MuCtamid himself. Miskawayh. The period included a brief stint under house arrest. al-Sabi. See Sourdel. 73.'22 followed by two lesser posts. his brother. Abu al-Qasim CAbd Allah. of measures taken against Ibn al-Furatand his supporters. Muhammad b.the prominent bureaucrat. 13:60. among whom these last two members of Yahya b. 129 Wuzara'. noting that previously al-Khaqani had been but a minor provincial official. 2: 394.Sila. Usually known as alKhaqani. 116 Vizirat. Tajarib. influential Turkishcommandersof Samarra. 1897). 18). 1: 20-21. Sourdel refers to "second rung" figures who moved through the position. was unable to challenge the influence exerted by al-Muwaffaq.GORDON: Period The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid 247 Every indication is that CUbaydAllah's authority as the new chief minister was but a dim reflection of that he enjoyed under al-Mutawakkil. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates (London: Longman Group. On al-Muwaffaq. CIsa. Though one report says that he succeeded his father as wazir for a week. Vizirat.'20 Allah was the 16.130 overwhelmed and heedless in equal measure. 125 CArib. Wuzard'. CUbayd Allah (see B. Muhammad is also said to have been given to extending his prayers so to avoid receiving 128 . Sourdel. The writers of adab provide only the occasional reference. 16). 1: 283 n.Sila. Muhammad would occupy the top minister's post for only a brief period. M.he emerged into public life under al-MuCtamid. The effort consisted largely.'24Following the ceremony of investiture."6 Information regarding CUbayd Allah's activities at this stage is thin. Tajdrib. as do al-Tabari and other chroniclers. 285-86. 7035.'32An exhausted public treasury and growing 124 CArib. This followed the arrestand dismissal by al-Muqtadir(r. 121 Sourdel.l7 It may be that the significance of this last phase of CUbaydAllah's career lay principally with the opportunities that it provided to the younger members of his extended family.and corruption: correspondence ignored. he held the diwan zimdm al-khardj wa'l-diyac al-sulftniya. 284. 21-23. 23. Tajarib. Silat Ta'rikh al-Tabari (Tabari continuatus). His death occurred in 325/936-37.2: 399. Vizirat. no. 127Vizirat. 1853). 32. 1: 27. Wuzara'. were largely defined by court Like his son. Wuzarad. 132 Al-Sabi. 18 15. 123 Al-Sabi. says that all went to wrack and ruin (fa-fasadat al-umur bi-wilayat Abi 'Ali al-Khaqani wa-ddait). 120 CAribal-Qurtubi. from whom Muhammad was in hiding. CUbaydAllah is little known. Sourdel. Abu Muzahim Musa b.128Al-Sabi says he performed so poorly that the standing of the office itself was We are given a detailed recordof his incomtarnished. his father CUbaydAllah. 305-9.'21it is more likely that under CUbayd Allah's successors. Sprenger and CAbdal-Haqq. 5. 284. Wuzara'. at a intrigue. al-Sabi. Miskawayh. A. Vizirat.'23 He won appointmentas wazir in 299/912. 14. These provide extended descriptions of the interrogationof Ibn al-Furat.23-24. says that his experience as wazir was due to a lack of knowledge and experience.both of whom had opposed him directly. 1: 305-9. Yahya was a respected traditionist of Baghdad. Fihrist kutub al-Shica. 285. Brill. CUbaydAllah b. 2: 394-95. 2: 310."9 He is also mentioned in 306/918-19 when he is dismissed by CAli b. 2: 394.1986). Khaqan'sfamily are to be included. it appears.'31 There is a sad quality to the man: in response to requests. 122 Al-Sabi. 37. Wuzard3. 118 Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. see Sourdel. Vizirat. 17) and CAbdal-Wahid (B. Wuzara'. J. 15: 94-95. 2: 387 ("personnages de secondezone").'26 subsequent point. is stated explicitly. al-Dhahabi. He is cited briefly in a ShiCi biographical work.
but the continued depredations of the Qaramita. see Sourdel. mentions CAbdal-Wahhab on one further occasion. Tajarib. his father's administration. Vizirat.284. CAbd 19. 137 Al-Sabi. Wuzard'.26. in association with Muhammad b. Tajirib. and execution of Ibn al-Furat and his We have then two families of roughly the same period who both trace their descent to a Khaqan.137 He apparentlylearned little from his father'sexample. 193-95. disappeared from public view for some time after the killings. Tajarib. also a katib. On developments late in al-Muqtadir'sreign. 7) appears in the same passage.135 two positions. Muhammad comes 17. but it is not surprising that the two families are Were they remixed up in the secondary literature. were prominent in the army and administration. 'Arib.particularlyfrom the military.v. one in the diwdn al-ashraf. and. Tajarib. and the persistent involvement of the military command in imperialdecision-making. was that the son was "even more wretched than his father"(abuhu kharab al-dunya wa-huwd sharr min abihi). Muhammad was CAbdAllah's 18.v. Miskawayh.Sila. On his condition by that point. On the azimma. CAbd his rivals in the bureaucracy. 134 See E12 s.'41 His death came the following year. al-Jarrah (d. 143.'38AlMuqtadir's remark. Sourdel. 2: 278. 148 Miskawayh. see Miskawayh. a dominant military figure.146 member of the bureaucracy.'47He escaped arrest upon his father's fall from The mysterious Khaqan office by going into hiding. 2: 432-34. Wuzari'. 138 Sila. Khaqan. Wuzarda. the second remainedprominentfor a longer period and its members seem to have been more numerous. CArib. like his father and He. 'Ubayd Allah b.appearto have been fond of the name Muzahim. 133 See al-Sabi's despairing comments in summing up his wazirate. By all accounts. apin connection with He is mentioned pears only briefly. Tajarib. were they both of Turkishancestry? 141 Miskawayh. Dawiud b. 2: 436. Wuzara'. He then gained experience during his father's tenure in office. Prior to his appointment by al-Muqtadir in 312/924. CAbd Allah.2 (2001) AlTowardthe end of 313/925. torture. 2: 438. including a discussion of the Qaramita. and were closely linked with al-Mutawakkil. he worked closely with the older man throughoutthe latter's career. 2: 398-99. Ahmad b. 150 See note 1. Vizirat. 1: 127. whether related or not. CArib'scomment that CAbdAllah assumed a certain gravity as an older man may be slightly mocking. is described as careless and inept. Wuzarad.Age of the Caliphates. 41.1: 127-35. Wuzarda.149 THE TWO FAMILIES resentment. CIsain 301/916 but released.140 For the sources. Khaqan. 140. Yahya (B. 296/908). 2: 398-99. "Ibn Khaqan (3)" [Sourdel]. "Ibn Khakan (4)" [Sourdel]. 143 E12 s. 145 Al-Sabi. 135 Al-Sabi. Sourdel. CAbd brother. 136 Miskawayh. CAbd son.306. 287-92. Sila. Yahya b. the sources relate that Muhammadal-Khaqani often turned matters over to his son. citing Miskawayh.248 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. like him. 146 Al-Sabi. Sourdel. 284-85. al-Muhassin. 142 Miskawayh. Sourdel. Sourdel. Vizirat. In contrast to the first family. was killed along with the caliph. see al-Sabi. Sourdel. Vizirat. Tajdrib. the Banu al-Jarrah.145 CAlib. 126. Miskawayh. his undistinguished tenure in office was largely colored by the trial. 302.the best-known member of the first family. 288. .306.150 lated? And. 120.as the head of the diwan alazimma. 140 Sourdel. he had also been closely aligned with the influential family He is said to have held of kuttab. 1: 142-43.and like his father and brother. urgent messages and to convey an aura of piety.Al-Fathb. Vizirat. CArib.133 Alldh b. 24.143 lah was replaced.142 al-Wahid b.144 ImAllah in the corruptionof his father's plicated with CAbd he was also arrested and jailed by administration. He appears in the ceremony marking the appointment of their father as wazir in 299/912. Sourdel. 2: 295. Tajdrib. 1: 112-13. 149 Vizirat. al-Wahhab b. Vizirat.infuriatedwith delays in the payment of salaries. led to al-Khaqani's He died in 312/924-25. 1: 127.148 b. 2: 436-38. on being pressed to appoint CAbd Allah by Mu'nis. 120-21. after paying a moderate fine.see Kennedy. Sila. was a brother. 139 Miskawayh. Abu al-Qasim CAbd off little better than his father. Tajcrib. a likely target:on the collapse of his father'sadministration. Vizirat. 144 Al-Sabi. Wuzarad. Wuzard3. rising social unrest throughout Iraq.136CAbdAllah was. the other with the diwan al-jaysh. 61-72. CAbdAllah suffered the humiliation of arrestand the inevitable extortion of money and property. Vizirat.304. al-Sabi. too.'34 ouster in 301/913. the best-known member of the second family.139On Allah faced not only the hostility of taking office. therefore.23. 147 Al-Sabi.
Ansab s. see Expansion. for if the two families were one. 428-29. in particular. 2: 1531. "Abu cAbdallah al-KhwSrazmi on the Technical Terms of the Secretary's Art: A Contribution to the AdministrativeHistory of Mediaeval Islam. He refers twice to an "Ibn Khaqan"leading the Khazars (265. Kitab futiih al-buldan. ed. 147. 1397/1977). for example. 1972). among many other occurrences. 2: 12-13. 69. for example. as a reference to the costs inflicted upon the Arabs by the Turks (Abu Muzfhim = "he who would so plague us"?). J. MuCjam. 602. H. once to the same person both as Ibn Khaqan and as the Khazar tyrant (taghiyat al-Khazar-269) and twice to simply "Khaqan"(270. Naomi Walford (New Brunswick." in The Cambridge History of Early Inner Asia.151 In the Arabic sources it is often applied to Turkish chiefs. ed." 155Al-Samcani. leader of the Turgesh or Western Turks. CAbdal-Rahman b. min kubdrsufiya al-Baghdadiya. J. 345/956). N. Surely some indication of this would have been given as. On the use of Afshin. de Goeje (Liber expugnationis regionum) (Leiden: E.155 The origins of the two families is the more complicated question. 146-49. Tirkische und Mongolische Elemente im Neupersischen(Wiesbaden:FranzSteinerVerlag. ed. Brill. 2: 12. This was a traditional Central Asian title used to designate individuals of high socio-political standing. 291-301. Ta'rikh. al-MasCidi's reference to "the Khaqan of khaqans"(1: 288). 611. "The Establishmentand Dissolution of the TurkEmpire." JRAS (1965): 7-8. Al-Azdi also refers to a neighborhood known as "Sikkat Khaqan. ed. J. 1992). for example. 435. they would have represented a formidable presence in the period's political history. 131 n. 4453."JESHO 12 (1969): 9.GORDON: The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 249 The first question is easily answered: there is nothing in the sources to indicate that they were related.. Peter Golden. 84-124 (Su-lu). but certainly his interest in "non-Muslim nations. M. the various individuals listed by Ibn Makila. and Ren6 Grousset. 1387/1967). Also see al-Baladhuri.v. 204. GerhardDoerfer. 2: 309-10. Yaqut. ed. A. 1967). he seems to provide a name for Ibn Khaqan. Al-Tabari uses the term less often for the individual leading Khazar (Turkish) forces against the Muslims in the Caucasus region. An Introduction to the History of the Turkic Peoples (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. 1989). Ta'rikhal-Mawsil. 1990). Khaqanal-Minqari). Khayyat. 1987). The Tibetan Empire in Central Asia (Princeton: Princeton Univ. as the evidence marshalled above for members of the two families bears out. cf. . e. Shboul. with afshin). 153 Al-MasCidi (d. Bosworth and G." comments on the term. "Martik (?). Al-MasCudiand his World (London: Ithaca Press. The Empire of the Steppes.Ta'rikh. 2: 1593). the name assigned the Turkish leader by the Arabs (2: 1594). in the case of the Barmakids. 1866). given their respective descent from a Khaqan. While the sources may not be fully consistent in this regard. E. Yahya al-MaClamial-Yamani (Hyderabad: Matbacat Majlis Dafirat al-MaCarifal-cUthmfniya. 2d ed. 120-38. Press. where one Khaqan b. Yazid is mentioned as one of the victims of a massacre in 133/750-51 in Mosul by partisans of the CAbbasid movement. Akram Diya' al-'Umari. see C.'52 It generally appears without the 151C. 1989). In his first reference (265). the ruler in question was Si-lii. Sinor (Cambridge:Cambridge Univ. points out. and goes on to gloss the kunya Abu Muzahim. also see Thomas Barfield.154 and not only by people of Turkish descent. Khaqan al-Tamimi. 60-61.2: 613 (al-Sabbah b. The History of al-Tabari. Khalifa b. Ta'rikhBaghdad." Only once (270) does he refer to the Turkish leader on the Khurasan front. of New YorkPress. Blankinship's rendering ("the Khaqan") is misleading.There he identifies Khaqan as sahib al-Turk (Ta'rikh. (Damascus: Dar al-Qalam. In this sense. cf. 25: The End of Expansion (Albany: State Univ. 154 Consider. tr. Clauson. 267). transmitting from a certain al-Sabbah b. THE QUESTION OF ANCESTRY definite article suggesting that it was viewed as a proper name (on a par. As Khalid Yahya Blankinship. An Etymological Dictionary of PreThirteenth-CenturyTurkish(Oxford: Clarendon Press. 151. 8: 340. It appears to have made its way from early protoMongolian peoples through the Juan-juan (Joujan) to the Turks. In the Muruj. 1962-70). that is. Bosworth. 1970)..l53 It certainly came to be used as a personal name within the Islamic world. note. 14. The Perilous Frontier: Nomadic Empires and China (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell.: Rutgers Univ. 17 vols. al-Tabari. 275). al-Khatib alBaghdadi. lists a "Khaqan" among the descendantsof a companionof the Prophet. uses the term in reference to individuals on both military fronts. see. Press. 6: 32. Sir Gerard Clauson. 1: 288-89. "Al-Xwarazmion the Peoples of CentralAsia. Press. On relations between the Juan-juan and the early Turks. 152 It occurs in al-Tabari'sTa'rikhmost often in reference to the leader of the Turkishforces opposing the Arabs/Muslims in Khurasanin the early second/eighth century. no. 196. 141-79. Habiba (Cairo: al-Majlis al-A'la lil-Shu'un al-Islamiya. The silence of the sources on connections between the families is significant. It might be assumed that both families had Turkish roots. E.g.al-Azdi. 1979). See also ChristopherBeckwith. Denis Sinor. on Khaqan Abu CAbd Allah. See Ahmad M. 3: 416. vol. generally they will indicate family ties between individuals. al-lkmdl. al-khaqani. perhaps reflecting the perspective of a later generation of chroniclers. who refers to both fronts as well.
Ta'rikh. The Shaping of Rule (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Jacob Lassner. Ansdb. J.see Elton Daniel. points out that the prominent Baghdadi judge. in connection with Yahya's brother. Khaqan. The Political and Social History of Khurasanunder Abbasid Rule (Minneapolis: Bibliotheca Islamica. however.2: 597: wa-kana walduhufi al-Azd. Yahya b. but the scion of a family that had been Muslim for three generations." Journal of Islamic Studies 7. According to al-Khatib al-Baghdadi.1 (1993): 27-44. it can be concluded that Yahya b. Sdsdnid Soldiers in Early Muslim Society (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz. TaDrikh. but it does not suffice to prove it. The arguments in Mohsen Zakeri.Ta'rikh. "The Military Reforms of Caliph al-MuCtasim:Their Background and Consequences.250 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. Subayh). 2: 307. "L'lpitre a l'Arm6e: al-Ma'mun et la Seconde Da'wa. 9: 34-38. Al-Tabari." in his Islam and the Abode of War(Brookfield. see Jacob Lassner. s. the spread of Azdi settlement around Marw. is Turkish only by a presumption that clearly is open to challenge. Vizirat. 2: 310: that this was the subtribe (raht) of Sulayman b. the presumption may be seen as corroborated(see A. in other words." 213-15 [Daniel]. The termcameto be usedby the minorPersian the Shardynasty. that is. from whom came the sixth/twelfth-centurypoet.158 he was a non-Arab. 2: 238. "Khakalni" grateful to Julie Meisami for bringing this information to my attention. originated from Marw and is reported to have been introduced to al-Hasan b. see EI2 s. Khaqan was a member of the Abna--a Banawi-of Iraniandescent. 224/838-39). 595/1199). 157 Al-Tabari. Press. al-Ma'mun und der 'Pobel' von Bagdad in den Jahren 812/13.'57According to al-Khatib al-Baghdadi.161and." ZDMS 143. The family of Yahya b.v. no." SI 66 (1987): 1: 52-61. 1980). The Topography of Baghdad in the Early Middle Ages: Textand Studies (Detroit: Wayne State Univ. Sahl by Yahya b. "The CAbbasid Abna' and Sasanid Cavalrymen. for example. he was from Marw and moved from there to Baghdad. Sourdel. "The'Ahlal-Taqadam' and the Problemof the Constituency of the Abbasid Revolution in the Merv Oasis.'64The question arises of why the family is never characterizedin this way. David Ayalon. Ta'rikh Baghdad. In any case. Aktham. no. where he had a rabad (settleNo nisba is provided for him. 1970). The unknown Khaqan could hardly have invented these names: though it is not uncommon to encounter Muslim names in a genealogy before that of the convert. . al-Khaqani. and Moshe Sharon.'60They say the same about his son CUbayd Allah. 1). Subayh is a figure familiar to the sources. Gerhard Hoffman. 36. 4). that the precise tribe in 156 question was the Banu Washih of Azd. 8: 1 (1998): 1-19. it participant in the CAbbasid is compatible with the claim that they came from Marw.2 (1996): 157 n. al[Reinert]. 165. I am Khaqani (d. the appearanceof the name Khaqan in a genealogy creates a presumption of Turkish descent (and a much weaker one in favor of noble Turkish descent). The recent discussion by Patricia Crone provides a plausible explanation: as a result of the fourth civil war-which took place between al-Ma'mun and al-Amin from 193/809 to 198/813-the label became politically awkward. 265-89. implying that he had a son by that name (hypothetically included in the tree as B. which had a large Azdi population. 164 On the Abna'. The presumption must be that he was an Iranianratherthan a Turk. 66.v. His kunya was Abu Nucaym. have been challenged by Patricia Crone. A good number of the Abnad. ?).2: 1957. Araziand El'ad discussthe individuals and familiesthat remained in Khurasan afterthe revolution. 163On the settlement of the Azd in and around Marw. 795. but presumably ment). 161 Al-YaCqiibi. We are told explicitly that the family of Khaqan CUrtuj was of Turkish (and princely) descent. 4622. al-SamCaniin the preceding note. it is certainly uncommon to encounter a string of three.'56In other words. a prominent traditionist. Marzuq (see B. Vt. without explanation. He was one of the "well-known commanders"(al-quwwad al-maCrifun) found in Abi Muslim's trench at Marw during the CAbbasidrevolution. We know that Yahya b. EIr. Arab Settlements in Iran. "Al-Amin. the Khaqanfrom whom Yahya's family was descended was the son of Musa b. 160 3: 1379. 20. 66-67). see Albert Arazi and Amikam El'ad. "'Arab III. 1983). Brill. 1: 102. A map in Sharon 59 indicates. Khaqan. Muhammad. Subayh b. 59. regarding the origins of the Abna>. Press.Black Bannersfrom the East (Jerusalem:Magnes Press. Khaqan's family was from Marw. Leiden: E. See al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. 1994): 5-12. 129CAbbasid See.2 (2001) It also occurs as a nisba.'63 On the basis of this evidence.162If this does not clinch the claim that the family descended from a dawla (Musa b. He was not a Turkish chief. specifically in connection with the latter's son Muhammad. wanshahs. Harb (d. 1979).159 Other sources merely say that Yahya was a Khurasani and a mawla of the Azd. Elton Daniel. 159 Ta&rikh Baghdad. then.: Variorum."JRAS 3. had disgraced themselves by fighting in support of al-Amin in 162 Al-Samcani. in this case. 1995). 158 Ta'rikh Baghdad. the descendants of those who participated in the CAbbasidrevolution. Musa b. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi says so explicitly.
2001). however. nor were the Turks an exclusively military presence in the third/ninth century. Nujim. 11) or Abu Muzahim Musa b. Khaqan's family. 14). the Farghani. Mansur b..however.'65Yahya's family achieved prominence precisely from the reign of al-Ma'mun' onwards. It is just possible that Mansur was a member of Yahya b. one has two references that indicate a force of four thousand soldiers. madea carefulattempt bersof soldiersin Samarra." 170 DerekKennet.'67 too. 255-56. al-Tabaqat al-kubrd. ford:Oxford Univ. There is a last question to consider.1418/1997). This fits al-Khatib al-Baghdadi's information that Mansur was himself a secretary (which suggests that the diwdn he abandoned was not military but rather an office of the bureaucracy to which he had been assigned). second. Abi Muzahim cannot be CUrtij Khaqan a member of that family. was not as monolithic as is sometimes thought. for that early phase. The fact that Mansur was the son of one Abu Muzahim probably shows no more than that Muzahim/Abu Muzahim was a popular name among people of Turkish descent in the Near Eastern environment. which is the morewidely known[of the reported two numbers]. 9 vols.Kennet pointsoutthatTollner. Ta'rlikhBaghdad.the numberis also as 18.troops as "Turks. "TheFormof the MilitaryCantonments at Samarra. Abna'. It will be noted that by no means was the Samarranarmedforces made up solely of Turks.'70 168 Al-Kindi. since even if we assume that the defector of 251/ 865-66-who would be Mansur's brother-was a man in his sixties (which. His military establishment. Yahya (see B.Period GORDON:The Khdqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid the civil war so that no supporterof al-Ma'mun wished to be known as a Banawi. 2: 285. no.000 and. (Beirut: Dar al- Kutub al-'Ilmiya. al-YaCqubi. It is also not entirely incompatible with Mansur's dates: we are told that he died in 235/849 at the age of eighty or more. Bulddn. and moreover because he was a captive. a "suggested total" for the period of the initial settlement is roughly 102. using archaeological evidence.Press. Wulat. for reasons probably The name Muzahim figures in the family of unknown. Khaqan had a Khaqan in their genealogy that they sported the kunya too. and. e. Chase F Robinson (Ox- Sacd. that individual (see B. it seems. Yahya (see B. 188. Two biographical dictionaries list a traditionist by the name of Mansur b.with theirvery different results. CONCLUSION Al-MuCtasim is indelibly associated with the introduction of Turkish slave soldiers into the Islamic Near East. Abi Muzahim who was a mawla of Azd min saby al-turk (a Turkish captive). This is a bit strained. whose 165 Crone. 156. only to abandon it. the Turkish troops originated as al-MuCtasim's personal guard during the reign of al-Ma'mun. Kennetand T6llner. but it seems more likely that he was an otherwise unknown Turkish freed-man who (or. Like Khaqan. It was probably because the family of Yahya b. 169 Ibn Taghribirdi. Khaqan'sfamily? He would have been a son of either Abu Muzahim b. though they were not even Turks." at between 74.166Was this man a member of Yahya b. while complicated by the issue of whether one counts here the Ushrusani and.000 and 90. but argueshis conclusions aretoo conservative.'68The sources offer a confusing range of numbers. provides an approximate means by which to contrast the numbers of Turkswith the total number of troops in Samarra. says that "[al- devoted himself to the purchase [of Turks]such that MuCtasim] their numberreached 8000 mamluks.000 heads. and the Organization and Size of the Abbasid Army. 7054. however. first. Of the former we know only that he had a son who was active as a secretary in 251/865-66.45-48." in A Medieval Islamic City Reconsidered: An Interdisciplinary Approach to Samarra. and Samarrais remembered above all as the city he built to house them. because the sources would undoubtedly have said so explicitly if this had been the case. 3543 andal-Khatib al-Baghdadi. that for the entire Samarranmilitary. The passage adds that he was enrolled in the diwan.000.find the . 13: 80 no. however much his ancestors might have taken part in the revolution.7: 249. would normally not be the case). that the count of Turkishtroops. in parcan be estimated ticular. ed. "'Abbasid 9-11. since the name of Mansur's father is given as Bashir. Kennet's totalscometo roughly fourto five times It shouldbe notedthat higherthanthoseproposed by Tollner. The Khaqan with whom the Arabs fought in Central Asia during the reign of the Umayyad caliph Hisham was apparently dubbed Abui Muzahim by them.'69Kennet'srecent attempt. Again. Kennet posits. Abu Muzahim will have been a prestigious name in Khurasan. to quantifythe numGarden.000 troops and for the post-MuCtasim period. There is not a single assertion in the sources to indicate captivity for the members of Khaqan CUrtuj'sfamily. The latter is ruled out. 167 See above. CUbaydAllah b." 166 Ibn 251 father) claimed noble origins for himself by means of the kunya Abu Muzahim.g.probably at an early point in the history of the city as the imperial capital. 12) still would have been over twenty years older.
see C." 278-79. 179 See Bosworth and Clauson. 2: 550. 1479. which is often mentioned in tandem with the Jund.He came with Muzahim to Egypt and served with him up to Muzahim's death in 254/868. Muzahim was succeeded by his son. 1380. to give his son a Turkish rather than an Islamic name. Kitdb al-masalik. Contrary to what might have been thought at first sight. E. M. "al-Xwarazmi. would have been a commander of such a force. reprint of original ed. Yahya b. He called them the Maghariba. 1400.was the corps shaped by al-MuCtasimof Arab tribesmen in Egypt.ujwas the Turkishcounterpartof al-Afshin. 362-66. IbnKhallikan.a Turkwho "came to" (qadima) Baghdad. 1385. 7: 118: "[Al-MuCtasim] had shaped/trained (istanaca) a group from the two 'districts'(min hawfa Misr) of Egypt. [that is] from the 'district'of Yemen.'75 Most of these families were Iranian. make reference to the regiment."It should be pointed out that neither alKindi or Ibn Taghribirdi. 2: 409. I am grateful to Derek Kennet for sending me a copy of his study. Bosworth. 1967). Bosworth. Tornberg. 1980). 1484. de Goeje (Viae Regnorum) (Leiden: E. it is plausible that he led a Turkish force that he brought to Baghdad. We never get the name of the corps (such as the CUrtujiyya. The History of al-Tabarl.173 Also. he came to the city of his own accord. 178 Ibn Taghribirdi. al-Istakhri. J. or perhaps directly to Samarra. 159. J. 291-92. Brill. "Thousand Swords. 13 vols.Nujum. "Afshin" [Barthold/Gibb]. others imported directly from Central Asia. It is plausible that the Baghdadi group was tapped for positions of responsibility because of its members' exposure to cultural and political patterns in Islamic Iraq. further references are provided in Gordon. 179 n. see Gordon. who died only months after his father.probably by Iranian potentates who normally commanded them. "Thousand 20-22. according al-MasCudi. probably the result of capture in raids or battle." 279.177 Khaqan'Urt. the mysterious Shakiriya. 506. 177 See EI2 s. many of their members appear in the armies of al-Ma'min. 6: 452. "Abu Hafs. and from the 'district' of Qays."Ibn al-Athir." 176 Patricia Crone. presumably at the time of either al-Ma'min or al-MuCtasim. most importantly. Gordon.176and perhaps the most famous of them was al-Afshin. The rest of the army in Samarra consisted of the Khurasani Jund that al-Mu'tasim inherited from his predecessors. One such family was that of Ultgh Tarkhan. 3: 1336-37.431.both of whom were Egyptian authors. in any case.179 If Ibn Taghribirdi is right that he qadima 'l-Baghdad." 28-35. 1534. probably borrowed directly from this passage: "Al-MuCtasim 'groomed'a group from the people of al-Hawf (qawmanmin ahl al-Hawf) in Egypt and pressed them into service and called them the Maghariba.v. 76-78. if this is correct. 5: 56. Ahmad appointed 175Al-Baladhuri. Ahmad.252 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121. . had never been slaves at all."11-12. for example). There is a correlation between the Turks acquired in Baghdad and the subsequent makeup of the Turkish leadership in the Samarra period. the Ushrusani prince who was executed after a famous trial for apostasy under al-MuCtasim.'78It might be presumed that Ulugh was a noble: tarkhan was a traditionalTurkishtitle of nobility. 255-59. 1489-95. But some were purchased by al-MuCtasim in Baghdad. Most of them owed their presence in Samarrato enslavement. (Beirut: Dar Sadir and Dar Beirut. Buldan. Swords. The assumption that Khaqain Urtuijwas a free Turkish ally does much to explain the esteem in which al-Mu'tasim seems to have held him. J. He felt free.l7' the Maghariba which. 1398. vol. same numbers provided by the written sources more reliable than is often thought. 1383. of New York Press. The latter went on to become a leading commander of the CAbbasidstate (wa-nasha'a Arkhuizhatta sdra min kibdr umara' al-dawla al-CAbbasiyya). 33: Storm and Stress along the Northern Frontiers of the CAbbdsid Caliphate (Albany: State Univ. 174Of the passages referringto the purchases.'72 and regiments such as the Ushrusaniya and Faraghina. forces recruited in eastern Iran during the reigns of both alMa'mun and al-MuCtasim. 1965-67). alKamil fi'l-ta'rlkh. 171 See Bosworth. 1599. Khaqan 'Urtuij. 49 n.174 The importance of Khaqan CUrtufj's family lies in its demonstration of the fact that among his Turkish forces were free Turkish allies.the most valuable is al-YaCqubi. ed. 172Muriij. Khfqan's family is not a parallel case. the Turks themselves were not a monolithic entity. Futiih.2 (2001) It is clear that al-Ma'mFinand al-MuCtasimpursued a systematic policy of courting noble families in eastern Iran and Central Asia. but there were at least two others in the Samarraperiod. al-Fath. Al-Tabari mentions the two units frequently: Ta'rikh. Shakiriya and the Iranian regiments. by C. judging from the location of the area allotted to him in Samarra. Azjur is described as the "lieutenant" (khalifa) of Muzahim b. 1991). Wafaydt. 1481. 173 On the Jund. Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Being a prince of some kind. Press. where his son Azjur/Arkhuzwas born. and the unusual favor shown by the caliph to his son. Ta'rikh. while others. 1430-31. al-YaCqubi. nor do we learn of the corps' fortunes following the disappearance of the family from the public sphere.His son Muzahim. "Abu Hafs.
Tulun in that same year (254/868)." who had embraced Iranian custom and the Zoroastrian faith. 149: qad sara min Farghina ila al-Mu'tasim. 187 See Kennedy.. Nujim. al-CAbbas al-Suli. they say either that he was among "a large number" from Farghana that "flocked" to al-MuCtasim. 3: 268: qadjalabu ilayhi min Farghdnajamdaa kathira. as well as keeper of his seal. The sources do not appear to support the view that Juff was ever enslaved by the CAbbasid caliphate. 16. he might have commanded troops in the field as well. and Ibn Taghribirdi.190 Turks in this period. If we can trust al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. Also see Ibn Asakir (Ta'rikhmadlnat Dimashq. then. 1: 45. Nujum. an influential third/ninth-century poet and katib. e. Storm and Stress. and great-uncle to the better known Muhammad b. 208-11. Wulat. of course. no. 1:70.'82 The second family was that of Juff b. rijal al-dawla al-CAbbasiya . Yaqut. 191On Ibrahim. "The Career of Muhammad ibn Tughj al-Ikhshid. Mucjam.His role was minor."6-7. In other words. 6: 115-16. 2: 378. (Istanbul: Deutsche Morgenlandische Gesellschaft.Ibrahim is also cited frequently by al-Isfahani in the Aghdni. Wafayat. 3: 268-69.1: 71: wa-kdna Muhammad b. 44 n. 181 Nujum. 5: 56. so one ought not exaggerate its Turkish identity or affiliation. al-Wafi fi'l-wafayat.GORDON: The Khaqanid Families of the Early CAbbasid Period 253 Azjur head of the Egyptian shurta. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi.'94 It appears that the family's presence in Jurjan and Dihistan was well established prior to Sul's time. "al-Siuli" [Leder]. 11.184 or that he "went from" the province to the caliph.v. 188 Ibn Khallikan: asluhu min awldd mulik Farghana.5: 56.g. see EI2 s. But he cannot possibly be classified as a member of the Turkish troops in Samarra by whom he was killed along with his patron. it has to be granted that al-Fath's career was unusual. while Ibn Khallikan and other authors offer only the nisba "al-Farghani. Ibn Taghribirdi. their personal names." 196 Yaqut.183 On the contrary. were "Turkish kings of Jurjan. Nujum. Note the use of both malik and khdqdnin the same passage. and. 148.'85 Once in Iraq. see the tarjama in Yaqut (op. Still. the reference to a descendant named Khaqan. Mansur b. 193 Yaiqut. possibly. 4: 17). Fayruz.'80 and. Ibn Taghribirdi. There were.. 212. The other. 2: 409. Wafayat. 313-15. give the name in this form.. Turks did not normally become bureaucrats within a generation of their arrival in Iraq. 1: 44-47. Ibn Taghribirdi. CAbdAllah b. and Ibn Khallikan. 185 Ibn Sacid. al-Fath. Sil. Sil min wa-duCatiha. 194 Yaqut. The title ikhshid was of Persian derivation while the family in question was Turkish. he is described briefly as having been a partisan of the CAbbasid movement. established the Ikhshidid house. Azjur returned to Iraq where he was warmly welcomed by the caliph and assumed his place within the officer corps.186 His family achieved prominence in Egypt in the early part of the fourth/tenth century. Yaltekin.'96 Al-Azdi identifies him as a mawla 190 Ta3rikh Baghdad. Like all high-ranking members of the civil administration. Yahya. that Ibrahim's greatgrandfather. 184 Ibn Khallikan. Sul (or Sul Tekin'92). Nujum. 186 Ibn Khallikan. 1931-in progress).1: 70-86.195 As for Ibrahim's grandfather." Speculum 50 (1975): 588. According to Ibn Taghribirdi. who refers to "the ancient Iranized Turkishrulers of Gurgan and Dihistan. the latter was appointed as governor of the province. 335/945). 1:44. ed. 2: 378. no.Nujtim. was also a secretary rather than a soldier. The editions have two versions of his name: "Azjur (al-Kindi) and "Arkhuz"(Ibn Taghribirdi). 2: 403-10. Juff were leading officers in the CAbbasid military. cit. see. was a confidant of. upon Ahmad's death. Yahya al-Suli (d.'81 Al-Kindi says only that Azjur left Egypt to take part in the hajj. he and his colleagues were honored by al-MuCtasim with positions and land grants (qatd'ic).189 180 Al-Kindi. other families of Turkish origin in the civil administration. 182 Wulat. 192 Ibn Khallikan. On Muhammadb. indicate Turkish origins. Helmut Ritter et al. 183 Contra Jere L.'87 The sources indicate that Juff and Tughj b. 195 See Bosworth. were not always soldiers. 45 = Ibrahimwas the brotherof Muhammadb.191 The sources tell us that the family's roots were Khurasani. MuCjam. 25: 4-5) and al-Maqrizi (Muqaffa. Mucjam. It is noteworthy that only one of Khaqan CUrtuij's sons became an officer. Wafaydt. 189 Al-Safadi. Wafayiit. and Ibn Taghribirdi. Juff was among the eastern nobles recruited by al-Ma'mun and al-MuCtasim. Age of the Caliphates. along with his brother. Ta-rikh Baghdad. see Ibn Khallikan. On the family connection with the later al-Suli. when Juff's grandson. a Tenth-Century Governor of Egypt. who adds "al-Turki. and secretary to. al-CAbbas. MuCjam. 1:70: Wa-tamajjasd bacd al-Turkiyya wa-tashabbaha bi'l-Furs. al-Muhallab. Abi Muzahim. and his son Tughj. editor's notes). 13: 80. a Turkish captive or the descendant of one. Mughrib. Wafaydt."'88 al-Safadi. Abu Bakr Muhammad. Yahya's grandfather. notably that of Ibrahim b. a position he held until the appointment of Ahmad b.See Bosworth and Clauson. Muhammad b. Ibn Khallikan. 5: 56. 22 vols. Bacharach. "al-Xwarazmi.'93 and that Suil was converted to Islam by Yazid b." must be correct. al-Mutawakkil.
201 Ibrahim's death. The duration of their service in the civil administration is not often appreciated. toward the end of the reign of alMuqtadir. though none of the sources I have consulted makes such a claim nor.200 Yaqut goes on to refer to Ibrahim and his brother. Mujam.206 Allah Mucjam. See Crone. CAbd Allah. As seen above. in sum. 206 In the army the Abna' are last heard of in 255/869. 1: 71. 128. 6: 116. an influential wazir later brought down by al-Mutawakkil. They too switched to the civil administration instead of staying in the army after the revolution. See Yaqut. CAmr b. wa-kana Ibrahim b. Sahl. 1970). members of Yahya b. describes Ibn Sul's part in developments in Mosul in 133/750-51. Baghdadis rather than Samarrans in origin. 204 . Mascada. CAli. 198Al-Tabari. AlTabari does not mention Ibn Sul in his account of the revolt. and the slave soldiers of Samarra. 164. Tulun. there is at least the suggestion that Ibrahim and his brother gained prominence because of their contacts with al-Ma'mun's administration. and Muhammad b. Al-Tabari(3: 1379). in other words. Al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. who also proceeded to a career in the bureaucracy. mentions him only twice (221 = as one of the seventy ducat. The sources indicate no sense of solidarity between such Turks.2 (2001) of the Banu Khath'am. Among the reasons for the troubles cited in al-Azdi was the city's refusal to accept a mawla (specifically of the Banu Kath'am) as resident governor. 2)0 His death is reportedby al-Azdi. in Samarra. Vizirat. Ta'rikhMawsil. 81.a patriarchof the CAbbasid family and the head of a revolt against al-Mansurwhich was suppressedin 137/ 754 and during which. so too there is none between the Banawis in the bureaucracy and the descendants of the original AbnaD who. They were. 202 Yaqut. "CAbbasid Abna'. where they are last heard of. The Early Abbasid Caliphate: A Political History (London: Croom Helm.and with Ibn al-Mudabbir. see alKhatibal-Baghdadi. 1: 273-74). though probably of Iranian rather than Turkish origin. Ibrahim'srise to influence must be understoodagainst the backdropof Samarran politics. 12: 199. 1: 235. See Hugh Kennedy. MuCjam. 5: 2131. 128. 141. Ibn Sahl devoted much attention to promoting the two men. The latter is said to have been Ibrahim'scousin (ibn Camm). refers to the family tie between the Sili family and another member of al-Ma'mun's circle. as noted by Sourdel (Vizirat. Ta'rikh. Sourdel refers to him as being of Caucasianorigins. 205 Yaqut'ssketch of Ibrahim'saffairs include accounts of his dealings with Ibn al-Zayyat. 1:71 states that he was killed by CAbd Allah b.203 The brothers were proteges of al-Fadl b. 1981). indicates that he was al-Mutawakkil's choice to replace Abi al-Wazir Ahmad b. 1: 71-72: wa-Ibrahim wa-akhuhu CAbd min sandaic Dhi al-Ri'asatayn al-Fadl b." 4-5. itary198and administrative'99 responsibilities for the new CAbbasid state. when al-Muhtadi appears to have attempted to use them in conjunction with other forces against the SamarranTurks.2: 429. Sil had participated in the CAbbasid revolution.3: 39-40. who were fully part of educated.later finance minister in Egypt and rival of Ahmad b. 58-60. al-YaCqubi. Al-Fath b. Muhammad.202 While the family's contacts with the Islamic/Near Eastern heartland predated the CAbbasid period.205 But the members of the Suili family had been Muslims far longer than al-Fath b. 201 waYaqit. ing to Yaqut. it would seem. Ta'rikh. Khaqan was also Banawi. and several members of the family appear to have remained in Baghdad after the establishment of Samarra. al-CAbbas b. 3: 47. They were Banawis. as prominent bureaucrats. Sahl wa-ittasald bi-hi fa-rafaca minhumdwa-tanaqqala Ibrahimfi al-a'mdl al-jalila wa'l-dawawin. Ibn Siul met his end. like the son of Khalid b. Khaqan's. Khaqan's career probably reflects the fact that his father was a tribal leader allied to the caliph rather than enslaved by him. The family of Yahya b. Al-Azdi. Ta-rikhMawsil. citing various of the biographical dictionaries. presumably Ibn Sul carried out various milaround 137/754-55. in other words.1: 72. al-CAbbds Allah min wujuhal-kuttdb. 378 = commanding a group of 700 men near Nahawand). Barmak. 203 Sourdel. Mucjam. Yaqut. Khalid as head of a key finance office.Ta'rikh. elite circles. 197 Tarikh Mawsil.he took part in the suppression of an apparent anti-CAbbasid (read: pro-Umayyad) movement which culminated in the massacre of leading religious figures and others. 199 Al-Tabari. Khaqan's family served in highlevel posts in the bureaucracy. the key figure in al-Ma'mun's early court. does the assertion seem to follow. ed. Muhammad. presumably. 141-50. Ta'rikh Baghdad. it would seem. Accord- the anonymousAkhbaral-dawla al-CAbbasiya.To date I have found no akhuhuCAbd mention in the sources of their father. given the connection made between him and the original Sul. CAbd al-CAziz al-Duri and CAbdal-Jabbaral-Muttalibi (Beirut: Dar al-TalIca lil-TabaCa wa-l-Nashr. 164. occurred in 243/857-58.204 Anecdotes regarding relations with other members of the Samarran court suggest that Ibrahim went on to wield his greatest influence in alMutawakkil's administration. remained part of the Khurasani Jund.254 Journal of the American Oriental Society 121.Ta'rikhBaghdad. 84. it appears. gives the same date.197 Prior to his death. Just as there is no sign of solidarity between Turkish members of the administration and the Turkish army. Appointed as resident governor by the CAbbasid Yahya b.
Yahya (d.haqan (?) 11.GORDON:The Khdqdnid Families of the Early 'Abbasid Period25 255 Instead.CAbDd al-Rahman 7. Zaarityad 10U. Khciqdn CUrtiij andfamily 1.247/86 1) 6. Ahmiad 4. cUbayd Allah (d. Ahmad (d.Khiiq7n andfamily 5ubayh b. See Ff2 s. Khaqain (d. Yahyi db. Muhammad B. 262/876) 5. CAbd al-Wahid . 207 and Ibn notably with Ibn Hanbal. IAhmad 14. Abti Muzahim 12 Son 13. Muhammad (d. i-Abd Allah 9. 240/854) 2. 207 al-Mubarak(see B. himself a Banawi. CAbDd Allah (d. Table 1 A. 3 12/924) 17. 3 14/926) 19 -CAb-d al-Wahhab 18. Muhammad 6. 10). 254/868) 4.v. 233/847) CUrtJij 2. Jafar 5. DK. CAbd al-Rahman 3. "Ahmadibn Hanbal"'[Laoust]. 325/936) 15. 25)4/869) 3. Al-Fath (dt. Marztiq Mtisd Khaqan 1. there are several indications of links with the scholarly. Muzahim (d. Ahmad 16. who hailed from Khurasan.It is impossible to tell the extent to which these links affected the careers of the Khaqanid family members who continued to move in courtly circles. Mtisa (d. traditionist circles of Baghdad (see B. 4). Ahminad (?) 8.
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