Moshe Gil

Cambridge University Press


This is the first comprehensive history of Palestine from the Muslim conquest in 634 to that of the Crusaders in 1099. It is a translation and revised version of volume I of Palestine during thefirst Muslim period which was published in Hebrew in 1983 and presents an authoritative survey of the early mediaeval Islamic and Jewish worlds. Professor Gil begins by reviewing the political and military events in Palestine before and after the Arab invasion. Later chapters explore the Abbasid, Tiiliinid, Ikhshidid and Fatimid periods, during which time Palestine was an almost perpetual battlefield for states, armies and factions. Against this backdrop of conflict and administrative changes, the author portrays the everyday life of Palestine and its inhabitants. He looks at the economic history of Palestine - its agriculture, transport facilities, exports and systems of taxation - as well as the religious status ofJerusalem, the nature of Islam's tolerance towards Jews and Christians and the status, leadership and customs of the Christian populace. Specific attention is paid to the history of Palestinian Jews under Muslim rule. Professor Gil details their topography, economic activities and religious life; he explores the Karaite and Samaritan conimunities and discusses the role of the most prominent Jewish institution, the yeshiva. A history of Palestine, 634-2099 is based on an impressive array of sources. Professor Gil has carefully read the more than 1,000 documents of the Cairo Geniza collection and these are paralleled by Arabic, Syriac, Latin and Greek material. This monumental study will be read by students and specialists of mediaeval Islamic and Jewish history and religious studies and by anyone interested in the history of the Holy Land.

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A history of Palestine, 634-1099

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PALESTINE 634-1099 ,
Moshe Gil


Translated from the Hebrew by Ethel Broido


Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge The Pitt Buil&ng,Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP 40 West 20th Street, New York, NY 1001 1-421 1,U S A 10 Stamford Road, Oakleigh, Melbourne 3166, Australia This is a revised edition of Palestine During the First Muslim Period ( 6 3 4 1 0 9 9 ) Originally published in Hebrew by Tel Aviv University in 1983 First published by Cambridge University Press, 1992 as A history o f Palestine, 6 3 4 1099 English translation

0 Cambridge University Press, 1992

First paperback edition published 1997 Photoset and Printed in Great Britain by Redwood Books, Trowbridge This book was published with the assistance of grants from the following: The Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture, the Louis and Minna Epstein Fund of the American Academy for Jewish Research, and the Taylor-Schechter Geniza Research Unit, University of Cambridge

British Library cataloguing in publication data
Gil, Moshe A history of Palestine, 634-1099. 1. Palestine, 640-1 9 17 I. Title 956.9403

LiOrary of Congress cataloguing in publication data
Gil, Moshe, 1921[Erets-YiSra'el ba-tekufah ha-Muslemit ha-rishonah (634-1099), 1, Iyunim historiyim. English] A history of Palestine, 634-1099 / Moshe Gil. p. cm. Translation of v. 1 of: Erets-Yiira'el ba-tekufah ha-Muslemit ha-rishonah (634-1099). Includes bibliographical references and index. I S B N 0 521 40437 1 (hardcover) 1.Palestine - History - 638-1917. 2. Islam - Palestine - History. 3. JewsPalestine - History. 1.Title DS 124.G5513 1992 956.94'03 - dc20 90-20807 CIP I S B N 0 521 40437 1 hardback I S B N 0 521 59948 9 paperback

eISBN 0 511 00439 7 virtual



Preface Abbreviations Glossary o f H e b r e w and Arabic terms

p a g e xiii

xx1 xxv


1 The conquest
Muhammad and the vision of the conquest The causes of the Great Jihad The tribes and the populationof Palestine The first incursions; Dhit Atlih, Mu’ta Muhammad and the Palestinian tribes D h i t al-Salisil Tabiik The treaties with towns in the southof Palestine The expeditionof Usima b. Zayd The great invasion The expeditionof ‘Amr ibn al-‘AS The expeditionof Khilid ibn al-Walid Ijnidayn Additional conquests The battle of the Yarmiik The dismissal of Khilid ibn al-Walid The capitulation of Jerusalem The completionof the conquest The attitude of the population towards the conqueror The episode of the Temple Mountand the return of the Jews to Jerusalem

11 11 12 16 21 24 25 26 28 31 32 38 40 41 43 45 48 51 57 60

2 Islam strikesroots Events in Palestine to the end of Umayyad rule Natural disasters

75 75 89


The religious status of Jerusalem The achievements of the Umayyads The administrative division Muslim personalities in the Umayyad period The tribes

90 104 110 114 130 139 140 143 158 158 160 161 163 169 224 224 229 232 236 241 242 248 249 252 257 260 277 279 279 294 297 299 301 306 310 312. 316 328

3 The local population and the Muslims The protected people The taxes The responsibility for,*the life of the dhimmi Dress regulations Freedom of worship and its limitations Professions and offices Matters of inheritance; Muslim courts The population and localities

The economy
Land and agriculture Occupations Book production Exports Internal trade Imports The representative of the merchants Seafaring Commercial methods Measures and coins The Maghribis The economy of Jerusalem

5 Palestine from the beginning of Abbasid rule to the Fatimids From the revolution to al-Ma'mun The days of al-Ma'miin and his successors The Abbasid caliphs and Jerusalem The sixties of the ninth century More about Muslimpersonalities during the Abbasid period The period of theTiiliinids The Isma'ilis: Qarmacis and Fatimids The Invasion of Tiberias by the Qarmatis and the return of the Abbasids The Ikhshidids Muslim personalities in Palestine during the period of the Tiiliinids and Ikhshidids



6 The Fatimid conquest: thewar of sixty years and other events during the eleventh century advance Fatimid northwards (a) Fatimid (a) Fatimid advance (b) northwards Ya‘qiib ibn Killis (b) Fatimid advance Fatimid northwards (c) Fatimid (c) Renewal Byzantine of the offensive Fatimid advance (d) northwards Fatimid Fatimid advance350 northwards (e) The attitude of the Muslims in Palestine towards the Fatimids of Events year 979 of The episode in Events Palestine 981-983 Jewish personalities in the Fatimid administration: Manasseh b. Abraham al-Qazziz; Palii’el Bakjiir, The of episode 983-988 The events of 996-997; internal war in Palestine al-Hikim The cruelties of (1011-1014) Jarrihids the First of war Second warJarrihids of the (1024-1029) Forty years rule of Fatimid The invasion Turcomans of the The situation in Palestine during Turcoman rule Events Tyre ological Brief summary Muslim personalities during the last generations of period
7 The Christians The Christian leadership after the conquest Christendom in Jerusalem Christianity in other Palestinian localities Christian sects The patriarchs and other personalities in the Church of Jerusalem Ritual and customs The authorities and the Christians

335 335 337 339 340 342 343 343 344 348 349 352 354 355 358 359 364 366 370 381 385 397 409 414 418 420 42 1 430 430 435 442 447 454 464 469


Aid and reconstruction Christian pilgrimage

478 482 490 490 495 501 505 508 511 516 522 525 527 540 545 549 562 569 575 595 601 609 631 635 653 750 774 777 777 784 790 794 807 809 820

8 The Jewish population and its leadership The problematics of Jewish leadership in the Middle Ages The Palestinian yeshiva in ancient sources Palestinian customs The organisation of theyeshiva and itstitles The status of the yeshiva and its prerogatives Peace-making The judicial prerogative Excommunication Aid for individuals ‘Palestinians’ versus ‘Babylonians’ The exilarchs Relations between the Palestinian yeshiva and the communities inPalestine and the diaspora The Jewish leadership and the Fatimid authorities Calendrical matters Yeshiva and community Communal leaders in close contact with theyeshiva The negldirn Aid for the yeshiva and the Jewish population of Jerusalem ‘Aliyii (immigration to Palestine) and pilgrimage Burial in Palestine The Jewish quarters of Jerusalem The geonim of Palestine The affair of David b. Daniel The yeshiva, last pages 9 KaraitesandSamaritans The house of ‘Anan and the beginningof Karaism Karaism in Palestinein the tenth century The Karaite rzesl’h Beliefs and opinions The social structure of the Karaites The Karaites and their leaders in the eleventh century The Samaritans


10 The Crusaders' conquest and the fate of Palestinian Jewry
Chronology Bibliographical index General index

826 839 862 912


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These studies are based mainly on the sources left to us by the three communities living inPalestine between the Arab conquestand the Crusades: the Jews, the Christians, and the Muslims. Among the Jewish sources, the Cairo Geniza documents occupy first place, owing to both their quantity and their authenticity, for these were actually written by contemporaries of the period, some of whomplayed important roles in the eventsI am dealing with. These documents, referred to in this book as ‘my collection’, are printed in two additional Hebrew volumes, in their Judaeo-Arabic original, with translations into Hebrew and commentaries. The reader who wishes to examine these original textsand is familiar with Hebrew and Arabic, will find them in vols. I1 and I11 of my Ere? isvi’d bu-teqij@ ha-muslimrt ha-ri’shijni. Accordingly, references are made in the present book to the ‘Hebrew Index’ of those volumes, by which the indexes at the end of vol. 111 of my above-mentioned book are meant. A supplementto these volumes was publishedin T e ‘ d u , vol. 7 (1991), containing twenty-five additional texts. In the footnotes of the present book, references to these Geniza documents are indicated by numbers in boldface type, using the same numbers as those of the documents in the above-mentioned collection. In referring to the supplement inTe‘trdu, the number is accompanied by the letter a or b, also in boldface. My collection comprises 643 documents in all. More than a third were edited earlier in their entirety and 43 in part. The text of thepresent volume is arranged by numbered sections, each consisting of oneor more paragraphs. The reader will find that footnotes generally correspond to entire sections rather than to smaller pieces of text. Entries in the bibliographical and general indexes refer to section numbers rather than page numbers. A detailed description of the Cairo Geniza can be found in the first volume ofGoitein’sA Mediterruneon Society. I have read most ofthe Geniza xiii


documents in my collection in the original but was unableto do so in a few instances, suchas those locatedin theUSSR and some of those kept in the Dropsie University Library in Philadelphia. Many of these manuscripts were examined by me by means of ultra-violet rays and with the aid of special photographic facilities. The Muslim sources of the Middle Ages are first and foremost the chronicles; following them are the biographies, geographical literature, monographs, and so on. I also used many texts which are still in manuscriptform.The interestedreader may find details concerningthese Arabic texts in the bibliographical index at the end of this book, and further information regarding the authors and their works is available in the well-known books by Brockelmann and Sezgin, which deal with the history of Arabic literature. Most of the information on political and military events,as well as on Muslim personalities of the periodwho lived in Palestine,is derived fromthese Arabic sources, whereas the chapters on the localities, the conditions of the dhimmis(especially on the subject of taxes) and on the economic life of the period, are based to a large extent on information culled from Geniza documents. As to the Christian sources,these include Byzantine writers,especially Theophanes, and Syriac literature (i.e. Christian Aramaic), which contributed its share on some vital points in the description of the political and military events. The Arabic writings of Christian chroniclers, e,specially Sa'id ibn Bitriq and Yahya ibn Sa'id, are important from both the overall historical point of view and that of the history of the Christians in Palestine. The Greek sourcesof the Jerusalem Church, especially those comI piled by Papadopoulos-Kerameos,providetheinformation(which regret is rather poor) on the history of the Church and the Christians in Palestine during this period. The reader will undoubtedly note thatthese historical studies are mostly discussions focusing on the sources a t the researcher's disposal. This applies to any period or subject dating from antiquity or the Middle Ages, for the student cannot presume that he is presenting a complete or continuous history,as it is obvious that wherever there is an absence of sources, there will be a void. Research literature on Palestine - including the period under discussion - is very rich, but it is not the purpose of this book to serve as a bibliographical guide. In the following studies, I have madea point of referring to those research works which provide essential explanations and meaningful opinions. Complete details on these sources can be found in the bibliographical index. There have been attempts in the past to sum up the historical information on the period, such as M. Assafs book on the history of Arab rule in Palestine, and Goitein's article on Jerusalem durin the Arab period. Among the more specific studies, there are those of xiv


De Goeje (theM i m o i r e ) and of Caetani (Annuli) on theArab conquest.The papyri ofNessana, published by Kraemer, shed additional and significant light on the early Muslim period, and the works, of Lammens and Shab on the early caliphs are also worthy of mention. In the area dealing with geography, Le Strange and the collection of sources in his Palestine under the Moslems are considerably helpful, as are Avi Yonah's work on thegeographical history of Palestine, Dussaud on the topography of Syria, and the encyclopaedic enterprise of Z . Vilnay

In the context of the study on status theof the dhimmis, the comprehensive article of Ashtor (Straws) in the Hirschlevlubilee Volume should be mentioned, as well as Tritton's work. Withregard to having recourse to the Muslim courts, one should mention, in particular, the pioneering work of J. Mann, within the framework of his series of articles on the Responsa of the Geonim, in addition to the works of Hirschberg and Goitein. The study on the masoretes of Tiberias is, to a large extent,based on the works of earlier students: Mann, Kahle, Klar, Dotan and others. Referring to thestudies on the localities of Palestine, one shouldnaturally mention the workof Braslavi and Sharon. In the chapter dealing with economics, one should take note of the works of Cahen on matters oflanded property in early Islam and of the extensive work of Goitein, A Mediterranean Society, which sums up the economic data contained in the Geniza. As to the identification of plants and condiments, I relied on the works of Meyerhof (the editor of Maim nides' book on medicines), Ducros, and of Zohary. With regard to textiles, the work of Serjeant should be noted. In the new book by Lombard on textiles in the Muslim world, the reader will find additional material which I have used here only minimally. In the episode concerning Charlemagne and his connections with the caliph of Baghdad and with the Christians in Jerusalem, I had extensive research literatureat my disposal which I have documented in chapter 5, note 13. As to Egyptian rule in Palestine, from Tiiliinid times until the en of the period being described here, the books by Wiistenfeld and Lane Poole are still authoritative on thesubject, helping and serving as a serious basis forresearch into the events, though they do not go into detail concerning what was happening in Palestine. For enquiry into the Ismi'ilis - the Qarmatis and the Fatimids - the studies of Ivanow, B. Lewis and Madelung, are important. Attention should also be drawn to the recent field of monetary history and the history of the works of Bacharach in the Ikhshidids. Particular importance can be ascribed to the profound studies of Canard and especially his book on the Hamdiinid dynasty and his xv


articles on the Fatimids. The works of Wiet and the recent work of Bianquis also merit attention. O n questions concerning the Christians in Jerusalem, the works of Riant are worth mentioning: the methodical listing of sources dealing with the Crusaders, in which there is also a sectionon theperiod preceding the Crusades,and his research on thedonation of propertytotheHoly Sepulchre; VailhC, and especially his articles on the monastery of Mar Saba and on the graptoi brothers; also Pargoire, in his book on the Byzantine Church; Janin, and his essay on the Georgian Church in Jerusalem and a number ofJerusalem patriarchs; Amann, for his exhaustive article on the Jerusalem Church; Peeters and his articles on the Persian conquest, some of the important sources he edited and his book on the Oriental background toByzantine hagiography;Leclercq, for his articles on holy places in Palestine, as well as his comprehensive article on Palestine. It is now over a century since the finest students ofJewish history began probing into the Geniza documents. Were it not for these documents and the dedicated work ofthese researchers, we would know very littleabout the Jews of Palestine during this period. Foremost among them was A. Harkavy, with his notes and additions to Graetz, the Geniza sources which he edited in various places, and his outstanding contribution to the research on Karaism. Also A.Neubauer,withthesources he edited, particularly the Scroll of Ahima'as. Similarly notable is his Catalogue o f Hebrew Manuscripts in Oxford, which served as a guide to researchers, as did the Catalogueof the British Museum, published by G. Margoliouth. These were followed by S. Poznanski in his many articles, notably those on the Karaites and the Geonim of Palestine. S. Schechter, who rescued the Geniza, edited important texts from Palestine or relating to Palestine, in his Saadyana and elsewhere. H. J. Bornstein brilliantly collected the information available on the dispute of the calendar between Babylonia and Palestine in his articles and edited related fragments from the Geniza. R. Gottheil, who a t the beginning of the century had already begun todeal with texts from the Geniza, collaborated with W. H. Worrell in 1927 to editthe collection of Geniza documentskept in the Freer Gallery in Washington. H. Hirschfeld edited Geniza documents, his major contribution being studies on a number of Karaite personalities. In the mid-l920s, Jacob Mann, the most important student of Geniza the in his time, began to publish his stldies.Apartfrom his many articles, he compiled two volumes of extensive material from the Geniza pertaining to Palestine, accompanied by profound historical studies. The majority of those documents in my collection which were edited previously were mainly edited by Mann. Until today, his works form a firm basis for any additional research on the subject. A contemporary of Mann was xvi


A. Marmorstein, who dealt mainly with the history of the Gaonate in Palestine and also edited documentary material from theGeniza, although unfortunatelytherewereconsiderablemisinterpretationsandimprecisions in his work, which to a large extent justified the sharp criticism which came from the pen ofJacob Mann. At the same time as Mann, S. Assaf was extensively editing Geniza documents, among themtexts relating to Palestine, and one must note in particular the various kinds of deeds and letters which he included in his writings. In the framework of his articles,he also editeddocuments written in Arabic, whereas the scientific work this involved- that is, the deciphering and translation - was done by his colleagues at the Hebrew University, Baneth and Ashtor. The American Jewish scholar J. Starr, who died at an early age and was known primarily for his research on Byzantine Jewry, edited in1936 a number of lettersof the MaghribiIsrael b. Nathan(Sahliin). E. Ashtor (having earlier published undername the of Strauss) worked mainly on Geniza texts touching on Egypt, but also included a number of documents from Palestine in his writings, where one can find important material pertaining to the history of Palestine and its Jewish population during the period under discussion. Mention should also be made of B. Chapira, whoedited documents from Palestine in some of his articles in Hebrew and French. S. M. Stern, an important scholar of Islamic culture, contributed a notable article to this special field of research, in which he edited texts dealing with the dispute of Nathan b. Abraham. Since the 1950s, the foremost among thescholars of our day has been S. D. Goitein. As is evident fromthe listof works includedinthe bibliographical index, he studied various aspects of the subject under discussion here. He identified many texts relating to Palestine, and although he did not edit them all, he dealt with them in his many writings. Paramount in importance are the volumeshis ofMediterranean Society and a collection of merchants’ letters.He was the first of the Geniza students to base his studies on a large number of the Geniza documents written in Arabic,eitherin Hebrew or Arabicscript(thelatterbeinggenerally extremely difficult to decipher). He was also the first to organise the Geniza documents into coherent groups according to their writers, paving thewayforcontinuousandsystematicresearch ofthedocumentary material in the Geniza. The significant systematic research work he carried out for many years on the history of the Jewish population in on Palestine the basis of the Geniza documents, a work which was dispersed and housedininnumerable places, is now assembledin a comprehensive collection, Ha-yishuv . . . Among his students, one should noteJ. Eliash, who in 1957/8 edited some important documents from Palestine; xvii


N. Golb, who dealt mainly with Egypt, thoughhis works serve to clarify details in letters from Palestine; M. A. Friedman, who in his articles and his great book on the Palestinian marriage deeds revealed their peculiarities and continuity, discussing in great detail the various terms, as well as places and personalities in Palestine, mentioned in those marriage deeds;and M. R. Cohen, who published some important articles on Ascalon, on aspects of the negrdut (including information relating toPalestine), on the dispute of Nathan b. Abraham (including a Geniza letter which sheds light on theaffair), andalso a comprehensive book on Jewish self-government in Egypt, with a discussion c n several important topics relating to Jewish personalities in Palestine shortly before the Crusaders’ conquest. Among the contemporary students of this period, one must mention A. Scheiber, who published a number of important studies, including Geniza documents relating to Palestine, chiefly from the David Kaufmann collection in Budapest. These studies were later assembled in one book, his GerzizaStudies. O f considerablesignificancearethe worksof S. Abramson on the Geonim of Palestine and on Elhanan b. Shemaria, which also includeGeniza documents. E. Fleischer, whose major area ofresearch is that of poetry and thepiyyut, including naturally the Palestinian poets, has in one of his articlesrenderedan importantcontributiontoour knowledge of thepersonality of Daniel b. Azariah, theNasi and Gaon. Concerning the discussion on the Karaites, apart from Harkavy and Poznanski, whom I have already mentioned, one must pointto the work of S. Pinsker, who more than 130 years ago edited important Karaite texts which he copied from manuscripts, accompanied by detailed commentaries. His book LiqqlrtZ qadm6niy6t has served as an important tool for any researcher investigating the history of Karaism in Palestine; and naturally one must mention the second volume of Mann’s T e x t s and Studies, entirely devoted to the history of the Karaites, a substantial part of which deals with the Karaites in Palestine before the Crusaders’ conquest. Among today’s scholars, there are L. Nemoy, N. Wieder, and Z. Ankori, whose I have mentioned in the chapter on the Karaites, each in outstanding works his own right. One must also mention in connection with the work on the Geniza documents in this book four important reference books: one is that of J. Blau, on theJudaeo-Arabic grammar of the Middle Ages, which today enables us to consider the language in which most of the documents in my collectionare written, as a separate dialect with known anddefined characteristics. Such matters as the turning of the Arabic tanwin into a separate word, or the addition or dropping of the mater Zectionis, and many other such points, are clarified and explained his book. in The second book

I was also rendered a great deal of assistance by him and his staff. Shmelzer. Mahler. Oxford. also for excellent photographs of documents from the Erzherzog Rainer Collection in Vienna. and Merton College. Hebrew titles and names are transcribed in a less ‘orthodox’ manner.PREFACE is the bibliography of S. who together with his staff and other personnel of the library there helped me immensely. Manchester. C. which was of considerable help in the initial assembling of the material from the Geniza and in tracing the studies that had been made until the early 1960s. G. the Library of Dropsie University in Philadelphia. and further. Cambridge. the University Museum of the University of Pennsylvania. Dr Helena Loebenstein. Philadelphia. the Library of the Alliance isratlite universelle in Paris. which helped me. to reckon the equivalents to the Hebrew dates. Also. The writing ofthis book would not have been possible without the assistance of this institution. in the British Library. Adler is kept. N . which I hope will be accepted by most readerswith a degree of tolerance. the Librarian of the Jewish Theological Seminary of New York. Foremost among themis D r S. My gratitude goes to Professor M. The fourth. who went to the trouble of sending me excellent photographs of documents from the David Kaufmann Collection in Budapest. Director of the Geniza Research Unit of the Cambridge University Library (where the bulk of the Geniza materials are found). S. Shaked. both Biblical and later names and terms are transcribed according to the usage in current research. Naturally there is a certain lack of uniformity in this. The third. Freeman-Grenville’s small booklet. the Hundbtrch der jiidischen Chvonologie by E. for permission to study and edit the texts. the Freer Gallery in Washington. by the use of its tables. Special gratitude is due to the late Professor A. The transcription of the Arabic names and words in this book is in conformity with accepted scholarly usage. Reif. where was able to examine most of the texts from the Geniza and elsewhere. the John Rylands Library. as for example in the Encyclo~uediaJtrdaica. and the Department of Manuscripts of the National Library in Jerusalem. my thanks go to the University Library in Heidelberg for its supply of excellent photographs. where the large collection in the name of E. My special gratitude goes to the personnel of the Institute of MicroI filmed Hebrew Manuscripts at the National Library in Jerusalem. I am indebted to the directors and trustees of the libraries in which the Geniza documents and the Arabic manuscripts are preserved. P. the Library of Westminster College. by microfilm. with its conversion tables of Muslim dates. I am also gratefulto all those directors and trustees of the other libraries in which I worked and was welcomed and aided in every respect: the Bodleian Library Oxford. I express my thanks in particular xix . Scheiber.

who initiated and very devotedly dealt with the Hebrewedition of this book. The translation work was made possible by the assistance of Tel Aviv University. who guided me towards this work and gave me his support . of Tel Aviv University. xx . whereI wrote this book. Goitein. Head of the Diaspora Research Institute. I am verygrateful tothe translator. Mrs Ethel Broido. to Mrs Sheila Bahat. I am much indebted to ProfessorS. to Miss Ora Vaza. And last. of the Cambridge University Press. the Diaspora Research Institute. D. and the Joseph and Ceil Mazer Chair in the History of the Jews in Muslim Lands. amidst friendly people who were always prepared to help. andto Dr Gill Thomas and Dr Susan Van de Ven. Simonsohn. Professor S. who heroically supported all my remarks and inquiries. As regardsthepresentEnglishversion. Tel Aviv University. who read the manuscript and offered very valuable remarks. but certainly not least. for their devoted and skillful editorial work. through the Haim Rosenberg School of Jewish Studies.both by his words and his writings.PREFACE to the staff of theLibrary of the Tel Aviv University. I would like to offer my heartfelt gratitude to my late teacher. who prepared the general index.

civilisations hijra year American Historical Review Avs Islamica AIBL A IEO AIU AJSLL AJSR AM Antonin A0 AOL b. bin. bint = son or daughter of Bulletin d’ktudes orientales Bibliotheca geographorum Arabicorum Bulletin de l’lnstitutfvan~ais d’avchkologie orientale Bulletin de l’lnstitut de recherches et d’histoire des textes Bulletin o f the Jewish Palestine Exploration Society (Hebrew. bat. BE0 BGA BIFAO BIRHT BJPES AcadCmie des inscriptions et belles lettres Annales de l’lnstitut d’e‘tudes orientales (Alger) Alliance israelite universelle.J Bod1 MS Heb BSOAS BT British Museum Byzantinisch-neugviechische Jahrbiicher The collection of Hebrew(and Judaeo-Arabic) MSs a t the Bodleian Library. Oxford Bulletin o f the School of Oriental and Afvican Studies (London) Babylonian Talmud Byzantinische Zeitschr13 BZ xxi .ABBREVIATIONS AA SS AESC AH AHR AI Acta Sanctorurn Anttales: tconomies. socittts. ben. era of the creation The Antonin Geniza collection. Leningrad Ars Orientalis Archives de I’Orient latin. Paris American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures Association for Jewish Studies Review anno mundi. ibn. = Yedt‘ot ha-hevrii la-haqcrat ere: isrZ’21) f theJohn Rylands Library Bulletin o BJR L BM BNG.

Firkovitch GAL GCAL HTR HUC HUCA IC IEJ IFAO IJMES IOS IQ JA JAH JAORS JEA JESHO JHS JJGL JJS JNES JNUL folium The Geniza collection of A.ABBREVIATIONS CCM CCSL Consist. Philadelphia) Dictionnaire de thtologie catholique Eastern Churches Quarterly English Historical Review Encylopaedia of Islam DTC ECQ EHR EI ENA The Elkanah Nathan Adler Collection. Leningrad Geschichte der arabischen Literatur Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College (Cincinnati) Hebrew Union College Annual Islamic Culture Israel Exploration journal Institut franqais d’archeologie orientale International Journal o f Middle Eastern Studies Israel NumismaticJournal Israel Oriental Studies Islamic Quarterly Journal asiatique Journal of Asian History Journal o f the American Oriental Society Journal of Egyptian Archaeology f the Orient Journal of the Economic and Social Historyo Journal of Hellenic Studies Jahrbuch$r judische Geschichte und Literatur Journal ofJewish Studies Journal o f Near Eastern Studies WJ Jewish National and University Library. Jerusalem xxii . isr. the Library of the Jewish Theological Seminary. Series Latina csco CSHB DACL DHGE DK Dropsie The Geniza collection of the Consistoire isradite. New York Echos d’Orient EO f. Budapest The Geniza Collectionof Dropsie University (at the Annenberg Institute. Firkovitch. Cahiers de civilisation mtditvale Corpus Christianorum. Paris Corpus scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium Corpus scriptorum historiae Byxantinae Dictionnaire d’archtologie chrttienne et de liturgie Dictionnaire d’histoire et de gtographie ecclbiastique The David Kaufmann Collection.

series Latina Manuscript Mtlanges de 1’Universitt St Josep h Magaxin$r die Wissenschaj desJudenthums Orientalistirche Literatur-Zeitung Proceedings of the American Academy forJewish Research PaZestine Exploration Fund QuarterZy PER PO POC PT PW QDAP The collection of MSs named after Erzherzog (Archduc) Rainer.s et belles lettres Mon.umenta Germaniae historica Monatsschrl$@r die Geschichte und Wissenschaji des Judenthums M t m o i r e s p r t s e n t b h l’lnstitut d’Egypte MGH M G WJ MIE Mosseri MPG MPL MS M USJ M WJ OLZ PAAJR PEFQ The Geniza Collection of the Jewish Community in Cairo. kept by the Mosseri family Migne. Vienna Patrologia Orientalis Proche-Orient chrttien Palestinian Talmud Realencyclopadie der classischen Altertumwissenschaji Quarterly ofthe Department ofAntiquities in Palestine Revue de l’acadtmie arabe de Damas Revue biblique R e v u e des ttudes byxantines R e v u e des ttudes islamiques R e v u e des ttudesjuives Revue historique Recueil des historiens des croisades Recueil des historiens des Gaules et de la France Revue de l’histoire des religions Revue internationale des droits de l’antiquitt Rassegna rnensile di Israel R e v u e de I’Orient chrttien Revue de 1’Orienf latin Rivista degli studi ovientali RAAD RB REB REI REI RH RHC RHGF RHR RIDA RMI ROC ROL RS O xxiii . Patrologia.ABBREVIATIONS JPOS JQR JRAS JSAI JSS JTS MAIBL Journal ofthe Palestine Oriental Society Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Jewish Social Studies Jewish Theologial Seminary Mtmoires de l’acadtmie des insrription. series Graeca Migne. Patrologia.

Vereins Zeitschvl$fir hebraische Bibliogvaphie ZDMG ZDPV ZfhB xxiv . morgenlandischen Gesellschaj Zeitschrzjl des deutschen Palastirza.ABBREVIATIONS SBB Sel. Cambridge University Library. Cambridge Zeitschr$$v Assyriologie ZeitschriJ2fu’r die alttestamentliche Wissenschaj Zeitscht-13 der deutschen. SI TLZ TS ULC ZA Z AW Studies in Bibliography and Booklore Seleucid era Studia Islamica Theologische Literaturxeitung The Taylor Schechter Collection. University Library.

head of the yeshiva. teacher. piyyuf (pl. a scholar appointedby the yeshiva as leader and judge in his community. ~uyyis (Arabic). geonim. a community official in chargeof charity. head of the court. gaon (pl. grantedbythe Babylonian yeshivot. which claimed descent from King David.G L O S S A RO Y F HEBREW AND ARABIC TERMS w ‘alima. a military commander. exact spelling: gi’on). religious poem. xxv . amii. for the benefit of the synagogues. title granted by the yeshiva to a Jewish notable who was close to the caliph’s court. r6sh (Hebrew) or ra’is. a title granted mainly by the Palestinian yeshiva. ktrnya. or formula.). used by notables at the end of their correspondence. the poor. a person authorised by the yeshiva to assist the local judge.in the period under discussion: a member of the exilarchic family. and so on. chief. head of the Diaspora. and so on. has several meanings. inthe early period: anon-Arab who accepted Islam and was under the protection of an Arab tribe or clan. piyy@im). generally ascribed to the Prophet. meZammZd. nasi (pl. Muslim oral tradition. midrash. negidim). havZrim). head. rash ha-gola. nagid (pl.judge. nesl“im). n m r r l i . but also ahonorific title. generally to serve as judge and leader in his community. traditional interpretation of a Biblical passage (often in an anecdotal style). . financial matters. a h J a scholar appointed by the yeshiva. heqdzsh (also: qodesh). dayyan. mumhi?. exilarch. the Jewish pious foundations. leader. pamiis. in the period under discussion: leader. av-bet-din.. a specific word. maintenance. the byname beginning with Abti (fathero f . . hauZr (pl. hadith.

title of a scholar. xxvi . less than @vZv. talrnd. correspondent of the yeshiva. main institution ofJewish communal leadership and learning. yeshivot). the Jewish New Year’s day. a decree issued by the highest Muslim state authority (usually the caliph).GLOSSARY O F H E B R E W A N D A R A B I CT E R M S v6sh ha-shiinii. sijill. yeshiva (pl.

ridding itself of the yoke of the central Muslim rulethenlocatedinBaghdad. Behind the faqade of the Islamic state.INTRODUCTION w [l]As we shall see. These quickly of verbal argument and political connivextended beyond the boundaries ing and moved into the field of war and bloodshed. ruled thecountry. was evidentlya process which began before the death Muhammad of and at first. which first appearedon thescene in an amazingly disciplined and united fashion. the military. soon disintegrated. The Muslim camp. adding to the struggle for leadership. The circumstanceswhichprevailedin Palestine in ancient times were then renewed with even greater vigour. A new society was born. The Muslim conquest of Palestine opened an entirely new page in Palestine’s history. whereas for generations after 750. the Muslimofficials. continued to form the majority in Palestine during the period under discussion. were now forcefully spearheading into these lands and becoming their masters.Thesescores years). The newelement in the situation was thefact that the nomadic tribes. ancient inter-tribal differences arose. which held out until 644. the religious personalities and legalists.a process which lasted some ten years until the capture of Ascalon. The most characteristic feature of this period was the undermining of of generations(or more precisely. Jews and Christians. I . at any rate not in present-day It terms. the Muslim conquest of Palestine was not an expeditious event. the Bedouin constituted the ruling class under the Damascene caliphate. the year of theAbbasid revolt. we shall discover. While the subdued population. which for many generations had bee kept at a distance from thecultivated lands and their cultures by the rulers of those lands. Later on. its principal aim was to draw the Arab tribes living under Byzantine rule into the Islamic camp . 465 internalsecurity. these wars took on a special significance for Palestine after the process of fragmentation of thecaliphatewascompletedand Egypt assumed independence. witnessed almost unceasing warfare. which stubbornly pursued its war against enemies from without.

they did not have the power to prevent inter-tribal warfare within Palestine’s borders. East and South each sought to dominate it in order to prevent the likelihood of its being used as a springboard for attack by the opposing side. would at times be caused by hardship. thecountry was far from the centre of government. The Damascenerulersviewedit as a region of Syria. such as the immigration from Iraq. in other words for some2. True.inBaghdadand afterwards in Egypt. The rulers who succeededthem. As far back as Byzantine rule. the Jewish population continued to exist despite difficulties. of the city ofJerusalem it marked an important turning point in the annals and the history of the Jewish population in Palestine. a comprehensive term with more than one meaning which was used to denote both Syria and Palestine. Nevertheless.000 years. which bore no ideological earmarks apart from a pure and simple attachment to the country. but they did carry out building projects and attempted to improve the roads and irrigation systems. From a more general outlook.as the Muslim world allowed for comparatively greater freedom of movement from country to country and from region to region.for religious reasons. and even there the Christian population became increasingly destitute. At the same time. Palestine once again became a permanent theatreofwar between the belligerent camps. with an intensity and persistence of a kind unknown in antiquity. This led to the uprooting of the populationand the destruction of the flourishing economy handed down by the Byzantines.particularly in Jerusalem. The Jewish population residing in the country at the time of the Muslim conquest consisted of the direct descendants of the generations of Jews who had lived there since the days of Joshua bin Nun. it appears that the Christians’ hold gradually declined. During the more than four hundred years of Muslim rule.INTRODUCTION when adversaries from the North. the return of the Jews to Jerusalem and the establishment of a Jewish quarter within its confines.which continued despite difficulties and the enormous distances. we shall witness the phenomenon ofJews immigrating to Palestine from theEast and the West. The Christian world was interested in Palestine . When Jews used the expression al-Sham at this time. except in Jerusalem.considered Palestine to be a neglected outlying area of interest only because of the taxes which could be extracted from the country and also for military purposes. Only in the Jewish mind did Palestine continue to occupy a central position. the intended connotation was generally Palestine.O n the eve of the Crusades it was ina very sorry state indeed. the Palestinian sages were already arguing . As to theconquest itself. Apart from some ninety years during which Palestine was subject to the rule of Damascus. expressing this interest in the form ofpilgrimage. while that of the Karaites forms a special chapter of its own. as well as concern for the churches and monasteries. This immigration.however. :art ofal-Shim.

We do not know whetherthey formed the majority but we may assume with some certainty that they did so when grouped together with the Samaritans. Louvain 1954. who was born in Samosata in Asia Minor and active in Palestine in the fifth century AD. the Jews of the Galilee and its surroundings applied to the empress Eudocia to permit them to pray on the ruins of Solomon’s temple. 2 PT Demai.There were as yet few Christians. and from now onwards the day of our congregation and salvation has come for the Roman kings have written a decree to hand over our city Jerusalem to u Therefore come quickly to Jerusalem for the coming holiday of Succoth. Le couvetlt.Wemust not disregard or refutetheircontentseven if theyappear legendary in character. as Constantine had forbidden them to reside in the Jerusalem area. who thinks that the stories of Bar-Sawm5 are not credible. it is told that the Jews. and and the idol-worshippers. ROC. In about the year 425. 17f. constituted the majority in Palestine. [2] The relative strength of the Samaritans is evident in their rebellions. 22 c. . and Honigmann. Among the synagoguesthatBarSawmi destroyed was one (the source refers ato synagogue as 6eyt sha6e) in the city Reqemof Gaya (Petra) ‘which could bear comparison only to Solomon’s temple’. whereas the Jews complained to Eudocia claiming that it was the monks who had attacked them. An important source regarding Palestine’s demographic structure during Byzantine rule are the stories of the Christian monk Bar-Sawma. In the campaign against the Jews led by Bar-Sawma. ii. together with the heathens. to whom the major portion of the land of Palestine belongs. 83(1927). In the biographyof this fighting monk. theystill retain a germ of historical truth. But this is a veryfacile way of dismissing ancientsources. certainly with regard to the Jews mentioned there.INTRODUCTION over the question ‘whether most of Palestine is in the hands of the gentiles’ or ‘whether the greater partof Palestine is in the hands of Israel’. a band of forty monks evidently with the assistance of the Byzantinearmy.as he lived100 years later. Phoenicia and Arabia (which included the south of Palestine). 19(1914). The Jews and the Samaritans virtually governed th land and were persecuting the Christians. from the Priest and Head of Galile many greetings. ‘something that cannot be doubted’. 18 (1913). for our kingdom is established in Jerusalem. We may reasonably state that at the time of the Muslim conquest. The author of the biography also cites the letter written by the Galilean Jews to Jews Persia in and Rome after they had received the empress’ permission: To the great and elevated nation of the Jews. a large Jewish population still lived in Palestine.’ that is to say. came up against the opposition of 15. And indeed103.000 armed Jews. seeshe them as figments of the author’s imagination.RE]. The stories of Bar-Sawmk Nau. Ye shall know that the time of the dispersion of our is at people an end.000Jews came and gathered in Jerusalem but were stoned from the sky.

cf. Ibn Qutayba.Sepphoris and Nazareth. and also against the Longobards . was undoubtedly a period of decline and even of internal disintegration of the empire. is indirect evidence of the large number of Jews in Acre and Sykamona (Haifa) at the time. which only came to an end in 568 with the latter’s victory. as he puts it. (See ibid. or Asya. see Tabari. Abi Dhakw4n. The prevailing and central event during this period was the with war Persia. See Klein. Bury. 320. SufPalestine ficiently clear reference to a dense population ofJews in southern has been preserved in Arabic sources which tell of the covenant made by Muhammad in 630 with a number ofJewish settlements. and in 555. He stayed in Palestine for ten years and lived with a captive who was kept by the Banii Lakhm. O n the Jewish character of certain localities in Palestine. such as Tiberias.. Usd. I. Murii’. see what is written according to the sources of the ChurchFathers in: Couret. in 484. History. Eilat (Etzion Gaver) is ‘Asya.Arians by creed . V. xix. The death of Justinian was followed by eras of anarchy.INTRODUCTION which broke out generation after generation. of the people of Sepphoris. 257f. In addition. the son of this ‘Uqba. 467ff. father of the family of the Damascus caliphs. 82. the Recently Baptised’. An anti-Jewish polemical tract written at the beginning of the Muslim invasion of Palestine. Eilat (Ayla) is also described in Arabic sources as a city with many Jewish inhabitants.1 of that work.) The fact that Sepphoris was inhabited by Jews in the sixth century is recognisable from theMuslim tradition about Umayya.20(1911). whosekunya was Abii ‘Amr. BZ. Studies. who was a ‘Jewess from the people of Sepphoris’. poverty and plagues.in Italy. 5f. 1336f. IV. of the Prophet retorted: ‘You are but a Jew of the Sepphoris people’. L a Palestine. and his sources in n. see Menander. Ibn al-Athir. I. and had left behind a husband. made an attempt on Muhammad’s life near the the order of the Prophet. 11. Mas‘iidi. 169fC details of the peace settlement. But in saying ‘there the Jews lived’. in 529. shoutedat him that he was but a foreigner. Vasiliev. the Samaritans and the Arabs. writing in the middle of the sixth century. XI1 (1829). 346ff. which enjoyed kind of autonomy there until Justinian’s day. Many interpret his text as applying to theisland of Iotabe which he mentions. History. 116fc Alon. he means the entire neighbourhood ofAila-Eilat. when ‘Aqil(‘Ali’s brother). FreimannJubilee Volume. 4 . which he mentions at the beginning of that narrative. Ta’rFkh. in the Talmudic sources. Abii ‘Amr). seethe Klostermann edition. v . Bakri. CSHB. one ka‘ba in Mecca and was executed on Mu‘ayt.mena tions the Jewish population in Eilat and its surroundings. together with the Greeks.after having been captured during the battle of Badr. Procopius of Caesarea. was governor ofKiifa at the time of Caliph ‘Uthmin. when he claimed that he was a tribesman Quraysh. 1186. ‘Uqbab.3-4. The chronicles describing the days of Justin I1 speak of the approaching end of the world. 837. the emperors were forced to wage wars against Slavs the and the Avars in the Balkan Peninsula. in approximately 500. She gave birth to of the descendants of the family. in which al-Walid. 120 ff.62.3 [3] The period preceding the conquest by the Muslims of important parts of the Byzantine Empire. Kefar Nahum. entitled ‘The Didaskalia [doctrine] of Jacob. 90 ( 5 . p. Ma‘irij 319. He stresses that the Jews were part of the agricultural population of the country. 576f.4 The subject of Acre and Haifa: Maas. ch. Justinian reached a settlement with the Persians 561 in or 562 for a fifty years’ peace.see also Procopius in the First Book of the Wars. has an additional tradition. Eusebiusalreadyidentified it inhis Onomastikon. I.

Byzantium was torn by internal dissension.especially the Jews of Anti~ch. the army took over the capital itself. ascended the emperor's throne (602-610). unlike the affiliation between Byzantium and the Ethiopians and the local Christians j See: Demetrius Martyr. drawnout battles were waged against the Persians. Onlyduringthe latter's reign did the scales tip down on the side of the Byzantines.andthe cancelling of the annual tribute mentioned earlier. 83. Sa'id Ibn Bitriq (Cheikho). 5 . Some sources ascribe an important role to the Jews these in events.INTRODUCTION [4] Justin 11 (565-578) violated the treaty and refusedto pay the annual tribute to the Persians which was one of its conditions (30.Mutualinterestshadalreadybeenevidentabout a hundred years earlier. and long. Palestine. Meanwhile the Byzantines were busy in Italy with the Longobards' attacks. which developed into a cruel civil war between the aristocrats (the blues) and the populist party (the greens).000 gold nomismas. 116.~ [5] In 610. and the Muslim conquests. Phocas. 589fc Theophanes. Many world-shaking events took place during his reign: the Persian victories. Heracliuswascrownedemperor. During his reign. the major city of the Byzantine East. changes within the empire. principally because of internal quarrels within the Persian royal family. which deprived Byzantium of much of its Mediterranean lands. vol. Chronicon Puschule. Isidor Hispalensis. 189 (449).between the Jews andthePersians. The Persians were obliged to sign a new peace agreement which involved the loss of largetracts of landinArmeniaand northernMesopotamia. 1261ff. Mahbub (Agapius). Mauricius was assassinated. gave rise to achange in the internal governing order. and the army commander. The chroniclesspeak highly of him and admit to his being able and well intentioned. continuing into well the era of Tiberius (578-582) andMauricius(582-602).Asia Minor and also Egypt. vol.orthe equivalentof ca. 92. in MPG. vol. Jews and Persians then shared interests although no evidence has been preserved of actual contactor collaboration. The declining security along the bordersof Byzantium brought about by attacks from the Barbarian peoples. 269. in MPL. The Persian offensive had already begun in 611. in MPG. which also led to their temporary conquest of Palestine. Damascus and all of Syria. and in the course of seven or eightyears the Persians conquered Antioch. in which the rulingpower lay in the hands of the army commanders.a t least emotional and possibly also one-sided .Thenegotiations conducted between Byzantium and the Turkish tribes on the northeastern borders of the Persian empire added to the tension. Finally. new administrative bodies were formed. 980. such as the exarchates and themai. 1056A. The Persian campaign brought to light the existence of connections . the southern part of the Arabian peninsula. during the war in Himyar. 130 kilograms).

Modestus. it was conquered aftera siege of twenty days. according to him Christians were murdered due to their refusal to accept Judaism. 92. 1961. a monk captured by the Persians in Jerusalem. MUS]. The Jews evidently enjoyedan important status in the Persian kingdom owing to their large numbers and also to the role occupied by Jewish merchants in Persia’s international trade. Conybeare. 300f. He was saved from punishment by being baptised on the emperor’s orders. 37:127. [6] There seems to be considerable exaggeration. 1 . Jewish soldiers served in the Persianarmy. abbot of the monastery named for the Holy Theodosius. describes the conquest of the city greater detail. Trtifonds. P E F Q . such as the anonymous Syriac chronicle which adds a story about the scheme which the Jews (‘sons of thecrucifiers’) proposedto the Persian commander. Ami. in the accounts of those who describe the Persian conquest of Palestine as if it were an era of squaring accounts for the Jews. 328. and ifwe are to credit the account of Michael the Syrian. E H R . who was the locum tenens for the exiled Zacharias. they even caused Persian commanders to puta halt to fighting on Jewish holidays. Boll. see also Peeters. 411.. began to rebuild the city out of its ruins with contributions which poured in from the entire Michael the Syrian (Chabot). 7 [7] Antiochus Eustratios (his name dwindled to Strategios). 1910. Milik. Antiochus places the blame for the murder of many of the city’s Christians on the Jews. in M P G . Theophanes repeats Antiochus’ remarks in his own chronicle. see more details concerning Antiochus in Peeters.1923-4. 2 (1897). whom the Christians accused of having attacked them before the Emperor Heraclius when he passed through Tiberias after the Byzantine victory. Jerusalem and its inhabitants enjoyed a spell of serenity.* [8] Other mediaeval chronicles merely copied and elaborated on these accounts. 1898:44. Ar. Benjamin admitted his guilt and justified his actions as grounded in Jewish hostility towards Christians.INTRODUCTION of Himyar. also He accuses the Jews of destroying the churches.Clermont-Ganneau.without mentioning the Jews in this connection at all. adding the story of a wealthy Jew called Benjamin of Tiberias. 25:502. G C A L . namely to dig underneath the grave ofJesus in order to find the gold treasures lying underneath. however. I. 11. Graf. Chronicon Paschale.From other sources it is clear that after the Persian conquest. 1920.see Theophanes. 147-154 (MS Paris. 6 . 38:144. The patriarch Zacharias apparently intended to hand over Jerusalem peacefully but as its inhabitants opposed a settlement. See the story ofAntiochus in Couret. MUS]. The Chvorzicon Puschule describes the death and destruction inflicted by the Persians in Jerusalem. R O C . a sort of Messianic era. 9:3.Peeters. 262). 210. 988.

A useful survey of sourcesdealing with the situation of the Jews in Palestine under Byzantine rule in the seventh century and with events which took place during the Persian conquest. Sitzungsb. according to Sebeos (whose information is generally not correct) is not the Caesarea of Palestine.INTRODUCTION Christian world. who was to become patriarchinthe autumn of 633.9 [9] While still engaged in the waragainst the Avars. Meanwhile the Persians were busy strengthening their alliance with the Avars. do not mention the Jews at all. Thus Stratos.In 619. in Avi-Yonah. It is not clear whether Zacharias managed to return to Jerusalem as well. The same approach can be found today among some scholars dealing with the history of this period and its sources. 7 . the Persians suffered their greatest defeat near the ruins of ancient See the translation of the Syriac chronicle: Noldeke. and it is not only now that this strange race is ascribed a frightening role in the tragedies that befall a city or a nation . See also Sa‘id Ibn Bitriq. It seems that an important aspect of his preparations was the pacts he concluded with tribes and peoples who were thePersians’ enemies. 71. Heraclius began to organise his forces for waragainst the Persians. . The town of Caesarea which the Jews handed over to thePersians. 109ff. ‘The popular belief he says. Echos d’oriertt. Rome and Byzantiurn (Hebrew). as assumed by Sharf. ‘disseminated almost throughout the entire world. from 622 until 628. 128 (1892). produces an undiscerning mixture of sources together withpresent-day literature. 732ff. can be found in Nau’s edition of the above-mentioned ‘Didaskalia of Jacob’. including the Emperor Heraclius’ policy towards the Jews. Avi-Yonah. which sees the handof the Jews in the great calamities which spilled the blood of mankind. has information regarding this revolt as having taken place during the reign of Phocas. 1. 619. is not only the product of our times. see Schonborn.towardsthe end of 627. These sources served as a pretext for a violently anti-Semitic article by VailhC. with the approach of the Persians to the city. Wien. 12:15. Syrisch-jakobitische Kirche. while the country was still in Persian hands. although the sources are treated by him with equal consideration and lit critical discrimination. whosees the Jewsas responsible for whatever occurred in Jerusalem during the Persian conquest. returnedto Palestine. No. when they were attempting to attack Constantinople in the wake of their collaborationwiththe Persians. The information regarding the Jewish revolt in Antioch that was supposed to have taken place in 610. One of its significant results was the defeat of theAvars in 626. 216. see Nau. In the same manner. Sophronius. on the agreement and rehabilitation. Byzantium. Hage repeats the ‘information’ that the Jews used to buy Christian captives in order to hand them over to be killed by the Persians. but Caesarea in Cappadocia.. 9.Mahbiib(Agapius). and there is conflicting information on the subject.49. who repeats the account of the Jews’ aid to the Persjans. . 1909. Pertusi writes in a similar vein. Hage. 86. 224. cf.189(449). particularly those of the Caucasus and the Khazars. I. 24ff. One year later. isbasically erroneous. For we have seen that those sources which are nearest in time and place to the events. ibid. I.especially from the patriarch ofAlexandria. Pertusi. Persia. 189. Stratos. and it does not belong here.’. This war lasted some six years. Didascalie.

They were tomaintain the principle ofJesus’two natures (the divine and the human). in sdrat a l . in the northern part of Mesopotamia. assumed to be the defenders of the Jews. At the time. Khusraw was dethroned and assassinated. but as a concession to the Monophysites. and his heir. for which purpose hewas prepared to forego certain dogmatic precepts. thepeople of Mecca. The Byzantine victory was accompanied by a wave of persecution of the Jews throughout the Christian world. with the return of Byzantine rule in Palestine. Kawad Sheroe. Jesus was crucified. the Prophet was informed of the Byzantine victory on ‘Hudaybiyya Day’ and was pleased when he learned of the event. One can assume that this campaign was in some wayconnected with thedefeat of the Persians. This victory is hinted at in the Koran.Heraclius visited Jerusalem and together with his wife. north of Medina. The patriarch of Constantinople. Both Christian and Muslim sources speak of Heraclius’ edict of apostasy. he organised his campaign against the Jewish farmers living in Khaybar. the latter were still reigning in Palestine. Muhammad was already deeply engagedin his struggle against his townsmen. During his triumphal journey. Martina.supportedthe plan.r t k ~ (the chapter on Byzantium) xxx:l: ‘The Byzantines were subdued in the nearby country. the Byzantines unleashed their war against the Persians. Even the pope Honorius was inclined to accept the reform and was persuaded to authorise it in 8 . Monotheletism. He undertook vigorous negotiations withthe Monophysites in order to formulate unified a framework for the Church. Muhammad had already managed to arrange the truce in Hudaybiyya which prepared the ground for his conquest of Mecca. intended to force all the Jews in his kingdom to convert to Christianity. In 628. as didthe Monophysite patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria. The Byzantine army plunged into the heart ofPersia.INTRODUCTION Nineveh. while he was fleeing to Medina with his followers. they will be the victors in a few years time. This edict evidently suited the policy of centralisation and religious unity which Heraclius was resolutely trying to achieve. after but their defeat.Sergius. By summer’s end of the same year. In 622. According to Muslim tradition. now that he was crowned with the laurels of victory. the Orthodox Church would have to recognise the unityof action andwill (hen thelerna) fromwhichstemsthenameofthenew creed.’ During the Persian conquest of Jerusalem in 614. entered into negotiations with Heraclius. not far from Medina. a relic of thecross on which. participated in the ceremonyof returning the ‘holy wood’. and it seems that their influence was considerably felt in the Arabian Peninsula.The Byzantines thus recovered all their lost lands and the Persians returned to the Byzantines the ‘holy wood’. in an attempttowinthemovertothe small community of believers gathered round him.according to Christian belief.

XIV. Revue historique du sud-est europien. there was already another pope seated in Rome. the Christians in the East. that a circumcised peoplewould destroy his kingdom. unaware that the Muslims shared the tradition of having sons circumcis Ibn Khaldiin gives a specific report about the fate of the Jews Palestine: of at first Heraclius promised the Jews security. I.as the feeling of hatred toward the Jews was a commonplacefeatureoftheMiddleAges. Brztianu. according to the chroniclerFredegarius. 1009. which is not restricted to the Byzantine empire but attempts and also succeeds in dragging along with it the other Christian states on the Mediterranean coast. What was worse. He th decreed that the Jews shouldbe killed.no one was saved except for those who hid or escaped to the mountains and deserts. afterwards he learned from the bishops andmonks what the Jews had done to the churches. Tu’rikh. king oftheFranks. which sheds particular light on the similari between the totalitarian. and not on 14 November 629. and learned of the slaughter. had already been or were about to be conquered by Islam. government: that the decline were in that period accompanied by a wave of acute anti-Semitism. who rejected it altogether. BrZtianu. and even saw some of the destruction himself. and those states which had. as it was in the rest of the empire. 86.thathe compel all the Jews in his kingdom to convert to Christianity. During this period of efforts to arrive at the centralisation and maximal administrative and religious unificationof the empire. 18(1941). Severin. has described the situation very aptly in1941: One should stress a noteworthy fact. It wasthePalestinian monkSophronius.INTRODUCTION his letters to Sergius. whom the emperor had hopedto bringback into the arms of the Church on score the of his reform. As he was convinced that this portent referred to the Jews. The Romanian historian of Byzantium. When Heraclius made public his plan for a new religious reform in 638. later patriarch in Jerusalem.]imi‘. the Prophet was pleased because the Byzantines were ‘people of the Book’ unlike the Persians. 9 . regime in Byzantium in the seventh century. 5. according to whom the cross was returned only on 21March 631. which goes on fora week after the first 10 See Tabari.who emphatically objected to the emperor’s plan. or at least authoritarian. 55c on thereturn of the ‘Holy Cross’.’O [lo] Heracliusdemanded of Dagobert. He. see Schonborn. Thiswas indeed carried out.Butweare concerned here with planned and systematic persecution. as was generally assumed.inByzantiumandelsewhere. or still have today. he then issued decrees against them. Qurtubi. the persecution of the Jews became a fixed and fundamental principle of state policy. as well as Muslimwriters.speaksofthe portent revealed to Heraclius by his own reading of the stars. As for the slaughter of the Jews of Palestine. a similar form of of political parties and the advent of absolute power. thiscan also be inferredfrom thefact that one of the official fasts of the Coptic Church. There was nothing unusual in this.

Texts. and shall take away the daily sacrifice. on the Coptic fast. quoted hereon the No. tells of the crucifying of ‘a great number of people from among the Samaritans’ precisely by ‘Khuzray [corrected reading] King of Assyria’. RE]. see the chronicle in Adler et Seligsohn. 241. l 1 [ l l ] In thelight of these facts. l2 11 kingdom of Ishmael would See Fredegarius. the great pries was Nethanel. Thus one chronicle mentions that when ‘the Ishmaelites came and conquered the land of the Philistines’. Chvonique sarnnvitaine. and they shall pollute the sanctuary of strength.he will turn their worship into infamy and lessen their kingdom. the Karaite Bible commentator. 2 ) .DTC. the dates in the Samaritan chronicles are completely confused and shouldnot be taken into account. . What Daniel al-Qiimisi meant was that the abolish Christian rule over Jerusalem. Shalem. VI.Mann. par. 295. Daniel al-Qiimisi. and return. 45(1902). f. seeNeubauer. 237. J Q R . 39. par. Aghini. 265c Ibn Khaldfin. N S 12(1921). 3(1981/1). And arms shall stand on his part. 323ff. 13. which is differentinsomeinstances from what Mann has read. the Samaritan chronicle. who shows that the commentary is by Daniel al-Qiimisi. see Birmester. Again. see also Mabillon. and thereit appears to have taken place four years prior to the renewed conquest of Palestine by theByzantines. 9.. it is not surprising that the Jews abhorred Byzantium. the historian should not belittle the significance of sources. . evenif they seem to be legendary incharacter. Bidiya. According to Ibn al-Rahib. 457. pp. 518. Ibn ‘Asikir. and they shall place the abomination that maketh desolate): And he will discriminate [here the Arab root-fin is used]. Ta’rikh. the daily sacrifice is that of the uncircumcised . Heraclius’ decrees required the apostasy both of Jews and Samaritans.. The Tdidi. however. ignoring the Muslim sources. X. he shall even return. IV. IO . . Book XI.INTRODUCTION day of the Carnival (that is. 2296. and have intelligence with them that forsake the holy covenant. but on the other hand. . the kingdom known as Edom the Wicked. on forced baptism in 627. 11. cf. it states that the death of Abfi Bakr (which happened prior to the conquest of Palestine) took place during the time of Nethanel’s successor. 62. Ben Shammai. 1562. on the Coptic fast: Le ryrlnxaive arabe jaccobite. 23 (in the original text).is intended to beg God’s pardon for the emperor Heraclius for having permitted the slaughter of theJews ofJerusalem in 628. Isbahiini. I. Cf. 153. 473. assumed that this commentary was written by one of the pupils of Daniel al-Qfimisi. Tabari. basis of whatI read at the Institute of Microfilmed Hebrew Manuscripts. I. . 121. brings the story from Fredegarius as pure legend. however. 38(1963). ‘Ibav. Goffart. 409. . the glTb [cross] and niqtis [the pieces ofwood usedas a bell by eastern Christians] and the Nea church . film 19687. See TS 10 C 2 (no. and ibid.. Spectrltrm. 562. and have indignation against the holy covenant: so shall he do. Ibn Kathir. whichareundoubtedlybutavery insignificant part of what actually occurred. . writes towards the end of the ninth century AD. the great fast before Easter). expounding on what is written in the Book of Daniel (xi: 30-31): . and think about the uncircumcised that are in Jerusalem . 11. 94. who speaks of the forced baptism (‘which is not the thing to do’) in the year 624.lv edited by Mann. thatis apparently in624. (therefore he shall be grieved. after Dagobert submitsto pressure on the part of Church circles. Eleazar.

when they were on their pilgrimage to Mecca and he had even concluded an agreement with them to terminate their endless violent feuding and abolish their bond with the Jews of that city. and evidently undergoing a process of transition to permanent sedentarylife. setting up a well-equipped army corps of cavalry troops. Some were banned from the town. who were destitute refugees from Mecca. who refused to accept theauthenticityof his divine revelation and even persecuted him and his clanon this score. to perform great and sensational feats of valour. and are quiteclear that its founders were survivors from the revolt against theRomans. fields and houses . which became known as al-Madina (Medina). He fled from Mecca to Yathrib. the Banii Quraysh. and their property . The Arab tribesof Medina had come there from the southern part of the peninsula.was distributed by Muhammad amonghis followers. Muhammad escaped from his tribesmen. The new order introduced by Muhammad.plantations. the Muhsjiriin. others wereexecuted. He also used the former property of the Jews to establish a war fund. thelikes of which had never before been seen on the Arabian peninsula. I1 . the Jews were the farmers par excellence in the northern part ofArabian the peninsula. an event occurred w h c h is known in Islam as the hijra.I T H EC O N Q U E S T %E Muhammad and the vision of the conquest [12] Towards the end of September 622. There. cultivating the land in theoases. Muhammad already had contacts with these tribes on an earlier occasion. Muhammad evidently believed in the capacity of this army. establishing a covenant between the tribes which imposed its authority on every clan and its members. soon enabled him to attack the Jews and eventually wipe out the Jewish population of the town. While agriculturalpursuitswere far from being the province of the Arab tribes. found refuge with their allies. The Muslim sources speak of the town of Yathrib as having been a Jewish city. settling alongside the Jews. he and his followers. imbued with fiery religious belief. the Arab tribes who lived in this city.

a God who had chosenhim to carry Hismessage to the righteous. Towards the end of his life. Muhammad thought of himself as bringing the Word of God. His goal. Islam was imbued with an ardour of an extreme and uncompromisingly fanatical nature. which in the meantime had returned to Byzantine rule. when an expeditionary force from Mecca laid siege to Medina and the Muslims were compelled to surround themselves by a ditch (something that had never happened in Bedouin experience) and were complainingof the laborious digging. Persia and Byzantium. The major conquests only began two years after his death. He understood only too well that the two major powers.In one ofthe mostdifficult moments endured by the young Muslim ~ m m a (community). as we shall see below. that is the world of the wicked. the Muslims viewed their war as a war of the End of Days.THE C O N Q U E S T When Muhammad reached Medina in 622. Muhammad declared that he sawin the sparks that flew from the diggingshovels. the Muslims. was evidently to induce the tribes on the Palestinian borders to join him. as the future patrimony of the Muslims. even if reared the in school of thought which sees a socio-economic motive behind every political and military act. that is. The events of the Persian and Byzantine wars were still alive in the minds of the inhabitants of the peninsula and Muhammad was certainly aware of what had occurred. as they called the Persian king. This religious fervour I2 . and Qaysar (the Byzantine emperor). was imminent. at this stage. Both the Prophet and the early Muslims professed these ideas and intentionsas part of a religious outlook according to which the Day ofJudgment was at hand and the end of the world. the palaces of Kisr5 (Khusraw). these events are mentioned in the Koran (sfivat al-vim). The objective onlooker. the realisation of an apocalyptic vision. will have to admit that this religious zeal played a very important role. The causes of the Great Jihiid It is usually assumed that the religious fervour of the Muslims was the major impetus of the conquests. and he had no doubt in his mind that the Muslims would shortly inherit the earth. There is little doubt though that while it may not have been the chief cause. Palestine was under Persian domination. As I have mentioned. it was certainly one of the remarkable and principal determinants in the Arabs' success in their series of offensives against the Byzantines and the Persians. They invaded the territories of these two kingdoms in Asia and Africa with the brazen determination to carry out the Prophet's orders and ultimately to impose the masteryof the new religion on the entire world. he began his first raids into Palestinian territory. were gradually being weakened by their continuous warring. is It true that initially.

This belief proved that it could turn the dispersed masses of the Arab tribes. Watt. 4:44. werebut a small group of people. This becomes evident in O n the relationship of Muhammad with the Jews of Medina. It is possible to claim that in fact. see Bousquet. Whoever falls on the way is promised a place in Paradise. 102. contemptuous of death. a well-known term meaning firstly ‘effort’). 12-17] turned the Muslim into a courageous fighter. 1956. 52-60. The war was seen as the supreme effort bihad. who were occupied with constantfeudingamongstthemselves. One can cite various battles between Muhammad and his adversaries. In opposition to those who point to the significance of the economic and social circumstances prevailing in Mecca at the beginning of the seventh century. they couldnot have stood up in battle as did the Arabs.relativelyunited camp. The ideology of Islam is solely what gave the side the realm Arabs the united strength to subdue their overwhelming opponents. in 1953. 1984. and shall there enjoy the most sumptuouspleasures of this world.. Even if there were many who were motivated mainly by the attraction of booty one must remember that if these were bands of marauders who were merely interested in spoils and naught else. JSAZ. he drew attention to the fact that the adverse conditions of the times could have found an outlet in exploitsof a fleeting or simply local nature. Gil. those developments would have remained outof possibility.1(1953).of a world of believers in Islam numbering hundreds of millions. Levi della Vida Presentation Volume. to go the way dictated by God fi sabil Allah). a fasade grafted upon deeper motives but rather an essential factor in this historical process. lecture held at theUniv. to this very day. Beyond any doubt. who has relevant remarks on the importance of the religious moment and also his article in SI. I. the true and faithful followers of Muhammad.however.THE C A U S E S O F T H E G R E A T J I H A D [ S E C S . which were more in the nature of experiments feelers orwithout any final outcome. IQ. 4:203. ZOS. 6:37. . 1974 and idem.* [14] One can put forwardvarious objectionsto the point of view which stresses the religious moment.one can justifiably say thatwithoutthe conceptual system known as Islam. and it is difficult to decide whether fate or morerealistic factors were what finally determined the development of events. of Manchester.into a single. There were many situations in the ancient history of Islam in which the slightest weighting of the scales to the other side would have prevented the rise of an Arab empire or the continued existence. One cannot see in this ideological moment. Watt. whogenuinely and sincerely identified with Islam. see M. [ 131 The role of the new religion in such a tremendous historical event as the conquest of a large part of the world by the Arab tribes was keenly stressed in a lecture by the British student of Islam.

particularly those describing what happened after the Prophet’s death. 461. and the virtual starvation of the Muslims at the of outset their campaignsis not concealed. .but no religious creed. the conquering Arab forces in the course of their battles. the Prophet’s disciples and the first followers of Islam. Thus. even if a Prophet had not arisen in their midst who preached the unity of God and heralded the Day of Reckoning. was far from being a paradise. ‘then we shall take half your rivers andtowns and in return.THE CONQUEST the traditional Muslim texts. The Bedouin. This applies to an even greater degree to the population of Palestine and Syria in the seventh century. did not take any part in the battles in Palestine. who was later to head the army which conquered Egypt. [ 151 Facts of this kind show uphere and there in the Muslim traditions. Many of the sa@ba. Syria and Persia. this but was merely an effort to extricate themselves from thehardship of desert life. All they asked for was material gain and the worldly goods they saw around them . ‘Amr ibn al-‘AS. which throughout this period lived ina state of near-starvation. and they could only learn about Islam from hearsay. were the mainstay and composition of the Muslim battalions. and especially Hijsz. an effort on the part of the Bedouin. would eventually have brought about the migration masses of of Bedouin northward in the seventh century. give you halfof ourthistles and stones’. Now we are only one move from the opposite approach. ‘Very well’. They see Arabs everywhere: even the Canaanites and the Philistines were Arabs. The quality of theland in the peninsula and the economic deprivation that resulted from it. met a Byzantine commander in the Gaza area. The Arabian peninsula. The latter tried to convince him of the so-called ‘family ties’ that existed between the two camps . I. Selected Studies. they merely looked for opportunities to plunder and pillage the subdued populations. 30. claims one scholar. who were certainly Semites. actually See Snouck Hurgronje. according to their theories. devoid of any religious inclination. One of the chief Muslim commanders during the invasion of Palestine. Simply speaking. there are some among contemporary Arab savants who perceive an ethnic motivation behind the conquests.4 [16] Apart from the religious and economic motives. It had few natural resources and produced insufficient crops to satisfy the immediate needs of the Bedouin population. See Ibn ‘Asakir. Indeed there was a jihid. ‘Amr replied. according to their claims. which sees the genuine reasons for the uninhibited Muslim offensive from inside the Arab peninsula as being purely materialistic.the Christians and the Muslims.

O n this subject we have data from Egypt. and elsewhere. We do know ofBedouin tribes at that time who inhabited the borderlandsand the southern desert ofpalestine. and clearly intending to prove that basically. The conditions prevalent in thearmy were also mirrored. living in cities or the countryside. if anythingit was thecontrary. O n the one hand. A universal characteristic was their indifference to matters for which they were responsible. the remarks of ‘Amr Hitti. which undoubtedly also apply to therest of the realm. it is worthwhile to consider the declining state of affairs within the Byzantine empire. In this context. were not Arabs and did not speak Arabic. Atits head stood theduces (dux in the singular. which is the dtrkis in Talmudic literature). whichto a certain extent explains its overwhelming defeat. A study of papyri dating from the period before the Muslim conquest shows that the status of the landed aristocracy entitledthem to many privileges and they were actually not answerable to the central authorities.. where documents have beeil preserved. For our purposes. and see the discussion below. The Arabs themselves were well aware of this state ofaffairs. It was divided according to geographic regions and lacked a unified command. Palmyra. this was not the victory of Islam over Christianity but the downfall of a weak and crumbling government.’ Cf Vasiliev. 209. relating mainly to the circumstancesin the army. But the cultivated inner regions and the cities were inhabited by Jews and Christians who spoke Aramaic. They did not sense any special ties to the Bedouin. the army was very badly organised.Theirproximityandthedangerof an invasion from that quarter disturbed their peace of mindand this is amply reflected both in the writings of the Church Fathers and in Talmudic sources. The remarkable success of the Arab wars of conquest is more than comprehensiblewhen seen against thebackgroundofthedisastrous internal conditions that prevailed within the two great powers that were the object of attack. 143: ‘The native Semites of Syria and Palestine as well as the Hamites of Egypt lookedupon the Arabian newcomers as nearerof kin than their hated and oppressive alien overlords. west of the Euphrates (Hira) in the Syrian desert. trying to emphasize the degeneration and corruption which existed throughout the Byzantine empire. I. includingPalestine. ~ [17] This is of course a very distorted view: Semitismis not a race and only relates to a sphere of language. who divided the authoritative power amongstthemselves and whose military status allowed them many rights ofpossession to the inhabitants’ property. The populations met along the route of battle. Though numerically strong.THE CAUSES OF THE GREAT JIHAD [SECS 13-17] . some of the Christian scholars have exaggerated the importance of this factor. History. History. . in the social and general administrative conditions of Byzantine Egypt. encountered their own people or at least members oftheir own race who spoke the samel a n g ~ a g e . to a large extent.

and the internal weaknesses of their enemies. 893.THE CONQUEST ibn al-‘AS in a letter in which he tries to convince the caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khat&ib to permit him to set forth on an expedition to conquer Egypt. travelling with the caravans of the Qurashites. the Prophet’s ancestors had close contact with certain areas of Palestine. 58. with the camel caravans from Mecca regularly making their way northward year by year in order to carry on their trading activities. See also Baladhuri. also IV(l). ISbahani. and one may even venture to say the fear of the Bedouin.’ ’ See IbnSa‘d. in a traditionattributedtoAbii‘Abdallah (evidently Muhammad b. 94: the people of Mecca had to stop their trading because of the Muslim attacks. BuZdZn. I. ‘Abdallah. 111. It is told thatHishim. 46.6 A balanced approach to this subject should take into consideration a fusion of all these factors. particularly Gaza. The ancient kingdoms were generally concerned with the welfare and security of the inhabitants living close to their borderand in the deserts. 61.andthenomadictribes. their strong desire to bring about a basic change in their living conditions by dominating the nearby cultivated regions. and what is more. ‘Aziz) al-Aylisayingthat the Bishop ofGaza came to the Prophet when he was in Tabiik (see on the Tabiik expedition below) and told him ‘In my town [Gaza] Hashim and ‘Abd Shams [Hashim’s brother] died when they on came business. it is said that he used to trade in Gaza. he took ill in Gaza but was brought to Medina and there he died at the age of twenty-five or twenty-eight. 92. the grandfather of the Prophet’s father. AghZnf. There is evidence of substantial andlesser incursions. and here are their moneys’ (or property). cityand town dwellers. Ma‘ZriL 71. When an armistice was . and kept a sharp and constant watch in order to prevent nomads from penetrating and attacking the country. are typical: ‘For it [Egypt] is foremost in the way of possessions and weakest in battle and warfare’. O f the Prophet’s father as well. AnsZb. At the same time. According to Arab sources. The tribes and the population of Palestine [18] There has always been a profound contrast between the permanent inhabitants. I(1). who also adds that Hashim was twenty-five-years-old at his death. for we shall find the most genuine explanation for the success of theArab conquerorsin a combination ofinfluences: the military power that derived from their unity and their attachment to the new religious vision. trading relations did exist. are amply reflected in the sources. The reservations expressed by thelocal inhabitants. Ibn Qutayba. VI. 12. As to ‘Abdallah. Yaqiit. They built fortifications along the borders for this purpose. some say twenty. died in Gaza (in the latter half of the sixth century) while staying there to conduct his business affairs. 63€. both in the Talmudic writings and in those of the Church Fathers. we are well aware that the borders were not hermetic sealed. the.

To his credit. 79. As opposed to this. 2804. from ancient Christian sources: Nilus points out that the Arabs are not interested in production. 87(3). 101. according to Euagrius. in commerce or in farming. Bishop of Patara (in Asia Minor) also describes the Arabs in dark colours. onehas to note that he did add the remark: ‘except when they went out onraids’ (‘sauf quand ils se mettaient5 razzier’). like blood-thirsty wild beasts. see additional details on attacks by Arabs on monks. who followed as abbot of the monastery at the time of Justin I1 (565-578. Methodius. 99 also contains the story ofthe monk attacked by Arabs (p. when an enormous bird snatched him in his beak. for orphans. however. and the captive remained in the monastery. in Couret. 639ff. for pregnant women or priests. Ibrihim b. pp.T H E T R I B E S A N D T H E P O P U L A T I O N O F P A L E S T I N E [ S E C S . and point that it is not known in Gaza where Hishim is buried. during which one of the attackers even beheaded the monk. 18-26] [19] Some of the writings of the Church Fathers who were active in Palestine describe Arabraids in the period before Islam and the murdering and marauding they carried out. see the many detailed statements gathered by Constantelos. These accounts are particularly concerned with the monasterial estates. See his remarks on the Arabs on pp. Ibn Khaldiin. was He staying at the time in the mountains near the Dead Sea (evidently in the neighbourhood of EinGedi) together with two other monks. For instance. also He tells the story of Father Nicolaus from a monastery along the banks of the Jordan. father of the monastery of St Euthymius. ‘Ibar. MPG. to theeffect that the (!) and that the Arabs bore early foraysinto Palestine. MPG.8 arrived at with Muhammad (spring. 2958). Gregorius.. Pratum spirituale. I. 627f. 86(2). seethe apologetic remarks ofEdelby. and points out do that not respect they either educationor social institutions. 61. and they witnessedan attack on a monk whichled to his death on the shoresof theDead Sea at the handsof Saracens. POC. 219f and the sources helists there. MPG. 628). 155. but onlyin plundering and wars. Byzantion. Ioannes Moschus (who fled from Palestine because of thePersians. apparently around 575) had to withstand a heavy siege imposedon the monastery by the Arabs called SkEnetai(‘dwellers in tents’). 1870. Abu Sufyin ibn Harb (father of the Umayyads) then went to Palestine. The apocalypse of pseudo-Methodius also mentions that they have no respect for the elderly. trading was resumed. A heavenly miracle occurred and the three began to fight among themselves until all were dead. Concerning trade relations between Mecca and Medina and Palestine. Gerontius adds that the Arab was punished immediately after the murderous act by the hand of God. Yahyi (born in 1049/50). writes about what happened to Gerontius. suffered immensely from Arab raids (see ibid. * See Ioannes Moschus. see also Couret. quotes these comments as having been made by a poet from Gaza. L a Palestine. Arabia and Syria were peaceful ones no resentment towards the empire and did not disturb the local population. Justinian decided to build the monastery of St Catherine after pleas from the monks in the who Sinai. 144f. 42(1972). precisely when Heraclius conquered Jerusalem again and returned the cross. where theSaracens carried out a raid in the days the of emperor Mauricius (582-602).althoughhe is buriedthere. L a Palestine. . lived in Rome towards the end of his life and died in 620). These were the Saracens of Names (evidently Nu‘min). Narrationes. 327-332. ch. He saw a group of three Arabs holding a young captive whom they had meant to have sacrificed by their priest (hieveus). chs. 92f. 6(1956). 21. carried him aloft and thenthrew him to the ground.

Ysqiit. BuldZn. Bikkurim. Buldifi. 990. See Cheira. 30. as it is also said. Italy). Ya'qiibi. An important branch of this tribe were the Banii Wa'il (etymologically the equivalent of the Hebrew name Yo'el). These tribes assumed responsibility for the security of the area in exchange for certain benefits and subsidies. who are occupiedwith thieving. 244. until today stealthrough the borders of Palestine androb those who go down from Jerusalem to Jericho'). Georgii Chozebitae. encountered in Eilat en route to Sinai. iii:2 (Lift up thine eyes . MPL.4:203. prophet of the Moabites and the Midianites. as were otherclans of theBanii Judham. A fewactually converted.Moses' father-in-law. 72. describes the slaughter of the monks in Chozeba. See Hamadiini. 24. JuzTru. I. i. 1969. they claimed descent from Jethro.the children of the Kenite. . as we shall soon see.THE CONQUEST [20] One ofthe means by which the Byzantine ruler hoped to prevent the nomadic tribes' invasion into Palestinian territory was to form alliances with those tribes who inhabited regions along the borders. A m l . Moses' father-in-law'. 129C Bakri. See VitaS.7:95. when he points to a fact which is an exaggeration or to another which in reality applies to the Persians and not to the Arabs. whom somesources identify with Jethro. . B o l f . lo See Antoninus. a certain part of which was inclined towards Judaism. in the face of the a t penetration northward. 555f. but it is also ness). 1122. in which I point out that the image Shu'ayb of developedfrom that of the Biblical Balaam. 9120.9 [21) The principal tribe occupying the desert area south of Palestine was that of the Banii Judhiim. Balkan Studies. Muslims' first attempts however. 'the sons of Jethro' or . there was an element of Christian influence among some sectors of the tribe as a result of their connections with Byzantium. O n the other hand. 1247. 10:315. 446. 18f. the tribes served as a serious deterrent. 212. in Arab traditions. placed great emphasis on forming tribal alliances and tried to attract these tribes to their own camp. 33. See further discussion of the subject in Christides. 1032. 699f. as the Arabian in the wilderto athief or a raven. he pointsout that the verse refers possible to use Arab as the interpretation: 'potest et Arabes significare quae gens latrociniis dedita usque hodie incursat terminos Palaestinae et descendentibus de Jerusalem in Jericho obsidet vias' ('for these people. 28. of Banti the Judham. Hieronymus (Jerome) and his commentary on Ezek. 1214. 129f. . See PT. 1. There I also uphold the parallel between the traditions on the spreading ofJudaism amongst the Banii Judh5m and some of the Talmudic traditions which speak of the proselytes. MPL. I. is anexample This of the reading of ancient texts in accordance with contemporary considerations. 1984. stresses that the Midianites are 'Ismaelitai et Agareni qui nunc Sarraceni appellantur'. BT 18 . xxv:l-3. who visited the region in ca. Thus in theearly stages of Islam. 113f (MPL.64a. Waqidi. 289. 794. in his study on the life of St Georgius of Chozeba (who was his teacher). 25. ' But even Constantelos feels the need to insert reservations in his article from time to time.See my article inJSAI. 919C 11. According to Arab sources. 267. their land was called Madyanand its largest town was Hismii. lo Antonius of Chozeba. In his commentary on Jer. The Muslims. mentions Arabs whom he calls Midianites. According to him. AntoninusPlacentinus(of Piacenza. thatthey were the kinsfolk of Shu'ayb. 1888. Maximus Confessor: 'They behave like beasts of prey though they look like human beings. 570.

148. Ish Shalom). The caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattrlb. Wahb of the Banii Asad. 18-36] [22] Farwa b. were descendants of the Ban6 Judhim. as it undoubtedly was also called by the Jews. whichis in the land of the Balqa”). one of the Bani Judham and the governor in southern Trans-Jordan on behalf of the Byzantines(‘in ‘Amman. Si32 Z u t a (ed. Ibn Sa‘d. claiming that they were Arabs. Pesiqiti of R . T h e Legends offheJews. I. Lakhm were the brothers ofJudhim. The BaniLakhm. consisting of a mule. whose majorstrength wascentredin the region of the northern Euphrates but who also had branches within Palestinian territory. the Banu Nadir and the Banu Qurayza. and some of them were constant in their resistance to the faith of Islam. a loan-word from Hebrew. 106. 35. the separate administrativearea established by Trajan in 106 and also known later by the name of Palaestina tertia (the third). See the opinion of Ashtor. the major Jewish tribes in Medina. mixed with the Banii Judhim. 783. l 1 [23-241 Both the Banii Judhiim andthe Banii Ghassan. 958. In Dinawari. 160f. Shirnon (ed.AbiShamir. Phoenicia. had to give way. In an Arab source. this region is called al-Takhiim. 113f. we l1 Sanhedrin. 92. (ed. 263f. Ya‘qubi. I. Their leader. They even threatened to move to Byzantine land. allies of theByzantines on the eve of the Islamic conquests. After the battle of the Yarmiik. 12. to ‘the King of the Balq5’ in Palestine’ (thelandofal-Shim). Horowitz). Tuhdhrb. were the major Byzantine bulwark in their battle against the Arab tribes. the Banu Ghassan were asked to pay a land tax and a poll tax (ktzarij and j i x y a ) . According to tribalgenealogical records. that is Provincia Arabia. . Mekhilta de R. 168.‘ b. Ibn Hishim. ‘Amr. Kahana (ed. Hoffmann). According to certain Arab sources. 36. See Nawawi. 60a. we get the impression that these tribes. an ass. see additional sources in Ginzberg. 11. Shuj. in nos. which covered the whole of the Hawrin. records one source. and expensive robes of fine linen and samite embroidered in gold thread. See my aforementioned article for a detailed discussion and sources on the entiresubject of the Banii Judhim.104a. who was Hirith b. that is to say Bedouin. VI1 (2). 782. Jabala b. Ta’vdzh. a large federation of tribes living in Northern Palestine and Syria. northern Trans-Jordan and other parts ofpalestine: Ashtor.T H E T R I B E S A N D T H E P O P U L A T I O NO F P A L E S T I N E [ S E C S . Mekhilta de R. roved about the Palestinian border lands and concentrated in Arabia. whoclaimed that the Byzantines set up a real buffer state for the Banu Ghassin. VI. because they evidently preferred to remain Christians. Eventually he was arrested by the Byzantines and crucified by order of the emperornear the ‘Ifra River in Palestine. From the Arab sources. and therefore exempt from paying taxes. absolutely refused to do so. A third alliance of tribes should be mentioned inthis connection. al-Ayham.Mandelbaum).theGhassini. accepted Islam and even sent a special messenger from his tribe with a gift for the Prophet. A Social and Economic Histovy. Ishm. The prophet negotiated with the Banii Ghassan and even sent an emissary.

Reservations regarding them and their customs are perceptible number in a of instances intheBabylonian Talmud and theMidrashicliterature. 1916. These sources completely contradict the argument mentioned earlier on. O n hearing the news of the approaching Muslim army. 66b. and so on. l3 [25] Talmudic writings do not often praise the Arabs. 72b.THE CONQUEST find the expressiontakhiim avd al-‘arab. Ket. whose moral is that ‘when they do not do will the of God. PT. There is no questioning the fact that these difficulties contributed considerably to thesuccess of the Muslim wars of conquest. Ket. dux the of the province of Thebes l3 l4 See Dinawari. whether in Egypt. He delivers them into the hands of a base people. But this approach bears some bending of thehistorical truth. which is not fitting for a woman. and not only in the hands of a base people but into the power of the beasts of the base people’. Syria or Palestine. 8: Sodom is situatedbetween the landof Urdunn (Jordan) and theTakhiim. Taaniot. land of the Arabs. one of the stories of the destructionof the Temple. l 4 [26] Some scholars view the stories of the Church Fathers as well as some comments in the Talmudic literature with a critical eye or assume them to be unbalanced.. 20 . the Byzantine estate owner.Perhapsthe sharpest expressionis to be found in the Babylonian Talmud in connection with the daughter of Naqdimon ben Gurion ‘who was picking barley grains in the dung of Arab cattle’. to the effect that thevillagers and townsmenin Palestine accepted the invasionof those tribes bearing the banner of Islam with open arms because of their so-called racial affinity. see also BT. which is the land of the Arabs’. i. such episodes reflect the attitude of the towns and villages in Palestine quite accurately.. toward nomads whose source of income is the camel and who frequently attack the towns. one-sided or exaggerated. The Arab traditions are familiar with the image of the bitriq. Rabbi (Buber). In fact. patricius. I have already described the political and military troubles endured by the Byzantine empire following the death of Justinian and afterwards. about an Arab woman who spun in the market place. 108. Lam. ZDMG. pillage and slaughter the inhabitants and endanger the lives of the wayfarer. BT. Quite detailed information regarding this state of affairs has been preserved in Egyptian papyri and one can undoubtedly assume that there was little difference between Egypt and Palestine in terms of administration and military matters.e. 70:321. or ‘the Takhiim. The local Byzantine administration was inefficient as was its military command. the attitude ofa sedentary population. The Talmudicsources dealingwith Arabs were collated by Krauss. There is also condemnation of the Arabs’ treatment of refugees of the revolt (either the Great Revolt or that of Bar Kokhba) who fled from the Romans to Arabia. ii. who also served as commander in the army. of farmers and craftsmen. 69b.

Actually. 106. at least temporarily. An area on which wehave little genuine information with regard to Palestine is the attitude of various Christian sects towards the conquerors. Apart from this. he contends. 27-30] hastily collected whatever sums he was able to gather in taxes. they wanted to come to some agreement with Rome inparticularandwere less interestedintheEasternregions. situated 150 miles north of Medina . were the Greek-speaking collaborators of the Byzantines. BIFAO. the blues were more oriented towards the West. Mu’ta [27-281 In the eighth year of the hijra. 1966. according to Jarry. the Muslims had taken controlof the Khaybar region. in the year 628. that is the Byzantine Church and towards Byzantine rule itself.which led. to the wholesale annihilation of the greens’ towns by the Muslims. Muhammad decided to of penetrating increase his military activities and examine the possibilities the Byzantine domain. today we have at our disposalJarry. At the same time. there is a difference in attitudes to the Muslims within each of the twoparties.According tothem. older members of theIslamic community who had fled from Mecca to Ethiopia some thirteen years earlier. in 615. in order to organise their forces properly. Studien. and ran off with the money. But it was precisely the blues.He points out in his studies that the descriptionsintheMuslimchroniclesaresimplistic. 210. The Prophet could not ignore Byzantium’s inherent weakness. History. 629.theCopts supported the conquerors. 1964. Now those Jews occupying the land became tenants of the Muslims and had to hand over half the date crops. Gelzer. as well as the Melkites. Vasiliev. one can assume that there was some similarity to what was happening in Egypt. l 5 The first incursions:Dhit Atlsh. The same fate also lay in store for the Jews of Fadak. whether they were influenced by the hatredfelt towards the official. It wasthe greens whowantedto organiseforcefulopposition to theMusliminvaders.T H E F I R S T I N C U R S I O N S [ S E C S . Organisation. 62:173. apart from the soldiers.6:1. I. Islam had accumulated considerable strength and Mecca itself would soon fall into Islamic hands. 4(1917). 21 . who had a great deal of influence at court. another farming region near Khaybar. too. that is. followers of the Byzantine Church. as Heraclius did in his war against the Persians.an agricultural region inhabited by Jews. while their opponents.JEA. despite the fact that it had just regained controlof Palestineand was celebratingitsvictoryoverthe 15 See MaspCro.Annales islamologiques. In the interim. ‘Amr ibnal-‘As. who asked for a policy of withdrawal. 97fC Bell. which were formerly theirown property. and this also applied to the inhabitants Wiidi’l-Qurii of (Valley of the villages) on thePalestinian border. 119-132. At the of endthe previous summer. leaving the region without leadership or protection. For this. now came and joined the Muslim camp. In this area. the aristocrats (the blues) and the populists (the greens). now became the assets of the Muslim community. The palm trees. The conqueror of Egypt. as they had suffered from religious persecution. requited the Copts by handing over to them the churches of the Melekites.

in Ibn Hishim.a fate never before endured by one of Muhammad’s messengers. Should he fall in battle. In the Muslim sources. Sadiis. 1984. l 6 Muhammad still hoped to lure the Arab tribes dwelling along the Palestinian borders to his side. Then the Muslimsadvanceduntil Ma‘an. Tu’rikh. Muhammad wanted to despatch an expeditionary force to that site to punish the tribes who had slain his men. whereupontheywereinformedthat Knowledge of the Byzantine victory and the death of the Persian king on 29 February 628. At this stage. he was to be replaced by ‘Abdallah b. Ibn Ishiq. in Khaybar. 11. in September 629. he abandoned the project. O n arriving in Mu’ta. cf. bound and beheaded . The agreement signed by Muhammad with the people of Mecca in which the latter benefited by various concessions. the Prophet sent al-Hirith b. I. evidently in the summer of 628. led by Zayd b. attacked the Muslims but was killed in action.Ka‘b. would replace him. As he records it. Lecker. Waqidi. Hiritha.THE CONQUEST Persians. ‘Umayr al-Ghifiri. he found his way barred by Shurahbil b. The account of this action is to be found in its most complete form in Wiqidi. and in other places near the borders of Palestine. The Persian defeat also spelled the weakeningof the status of the Jews of north Hijiz. O n being told thathis goal was Palestine and that he was an emissary from Muhammad. and if he too should be killed. Muhammad again sent his cavalry to raid Palestine. 1601 (calling the leader of the raid: ‘Arnr b. When Muhammad was informed of whathad befallen his messenger. but whenhe learned that in the meantime they had evacuated the place. Leading this foray stood Ka‘b b. there is mention of an anti-Muslim pact between the Jews of Khaybar and the people of Mecca. Shurahbil took fright and decided to entrench himself against the probable onslaught.” [29] Some weeks later. aman of theBanii Ghassin. he was ordered to be tied up. this time to aplace called Mu’ta. reached Muhammad as already mentioned. 983. Shurahbil b. According to him these were the same Arabs who attacked the Muslims of the Banu Qudi‘a and their leader named Sadiis. Even before that. at the time of the agreement of Hudaybiyya.000 Muslim cavalry troops. 5:1. Tabari. ‘Amr soon learned of the Muslim army’s advance. Rawiha. This attempt ended bitterly for the Muslims: everyone taking part in the actionwas killed except for one wounded manwho was taken for dead and afterwards succeeded in reaching the Prophet. At that point. there were Muslim actions against the Banu Judhim in southern Trans-Jordan (see below). ‘Umayr al-Azdi with a letter to ‘the king o f B q r i ’ . JSAI. the Muslims’ reconnaissance raid into Palestine is mentioned at a site called Dhit Atlih (apparently ‘the place of the acacias’). 752f. and noting that he had a total offifteen men with him. he quickly organised a force of3. was aimed at giving the Muslims a free hand in subduing this Jewish region. They camped for some days in Widi’l-Qura (whose inhabitants wereJews). See in this connection the article by M.Ja‘far b. 22 . but this became invalid with the signing of the Hudaybiyya agreement. AbiTilib (the brother of ‘Ah). Caetani. The Banii Qudi‘a were made by the Muslims the target of their attack at Mu’ta. who asked him where he was heading. Shurahbil’s brother. 79. as we shall see below. ‘Amr.

47.000 men of the Bahra. The Muslims waited two days beforewriting to the Prophet to inform him of these new circumstances. Khasa’is. I. As we have seen. all the commanders were killed. who was in the presence of the Prophet when he appointed the three commanders. Tahdhib.’* [30] The assault on Mu’ta is also described by the Byzantine writer Theophanes. 27-30] Heraclius (Wiqidi evidently refers to the Byzantine army rather than the emperor himself) had moved southward and was encamped in ‘Moab. Tanblh. a handful againstmany. and thus Theodore stole a march on the Muslim forces and took the offensive at a site called 18 See Wiqidi. 27. Rawiha. 92. But Muhammad stood by them. in their earlier battles. I. headed by a member of the Bali tribe namedMilik b. is a from southern Trans-Jordan. Ibn Kathir. 755-769. on Ja‘far b. Rawaha reminded them how they had withstood.Returning from Mu’ta to Medina. IV(l). Abi T d i b were killed one after the other. 791-802. IbnSayyid al-NZs. Ibn IshZq.theyweregreetedby shouts of derision and wereaccused of desertion. adds that apart from the 100. the three would be killed. Lakhm andJudhim tribes. Evidently the person mentioned was an Arab named Qutayba of the Qura tribe. Suyiiti. Ibn Sa‘d. the battle took place in the neighbourhood of Moab. Mas‘iidi. who was a ‘Korasenos’. tribesmen. on the raid on Mu’ta: Caetani. IV(1). eventually becoming one of the most important commanders in the campaign of the conquest of Palestine. IV. 265: ‘Abdallah b.000 unbelievers. 11. 1610-1618. or the hills of Moab. Cf. and subsequently the third commander. which is the land of theBalqi” with a force of some 100. ‘Abdallah b. In thisversion. See Ta’rlkh. ‘Abdallah b. 11. Ta’rlkh. According to some traditions. also fell. there was a similar number of regular Byzantine soldiers. in the Balqa’. 11. ‘Uyfin. He speaks of four commanders appointed by Muhammad to lead the attacking forces. Abi Talib see Ibn Sa‘d. 153. The BalqZ’.whoknew andcouldenlightenthem as totheexacttimethe Muslims were intending to launch an attack. He tells here of the incident of al-Nu‘mZn. Rifila. Theodore learnswellinadvancethatthe Muslims are about to attack (a similar account can also be found in Arab sources) from someone named Koutaba. it appears from thesources. Withdrawal was inavoidable.T H E F I R S T I N C U R S I O N S [ S E C S . Bidiya. 80-90. even if a hundred had been appointed. . which may mean ‘Village of the Moukhaians’ with Theodore in charge (bikavios). He also mentions the place Moukheon Kame. Abi TZlib was killed in the battle of Mu’ta. II(l). Rawaha was killed in the battle of Mu’ta andnot did leave any heirs. Khilid b. Wi’il. in Ibn HishZm. With the onset of the battle. al-Walici was put in command. the Muslim commanders Zayd b. Haritha and Ja‘far b. 265. who met Joshua bin Nun there. and told him that if he was indeed a prophet. I. son of Pinhas the Jew. Nawawi. Tabari. 244. In order toraise their spirits. stating that they had withdrawn their forces (in order to reor ise their troops) and had not deserted.Ya‘qGbi quotes a tradition indicating that this name derives man namedBZliq. 27: Ja‘far b. He had only joined the Muslim ranks a short time earlier. 7&72. and there are sources which claim that it was fought in mashZvifal-balqi’. for when the pro of the children of Israel appointed commanders and designated ‘if so-and-so is killed’.

a member of the clan of Dubayb. in addition to his own. who belonged to the JudhZm. Evidently Islam had infiltrated into his tribe here and there. See what thetraditions say about the Prophet during the digging of trench the in Medina (the khandaq): when his pickaxe strikesa stone and the sparks fly. 1469). l9 Muhammad andthe Palestinian tribes [31] The Mu'ta affair stresses thefact that Muhammad'sgoal during his last years wasto compel the tribes along the Palestinian borders to accept Islam and consolidate around him.JudhZmandothers.such as the Ghassiin. It was only after Muhammad's death that his vision of taking over thepalaces of Byzantium and Persia materialised. We learn further from Theophanes that the Muslims intended to wield their swords against the Arab tribes on that very spot. the traditions preserved the memory of Farwa b. 265. However. 'Amr of Judhiim.just as Theophanes alsoknew whatwas said in the Muslim sources. . Tu'rikh. 4-8. Rifa'a b. that of cruel campaigns accompanied by rebuke and chastisement while proposing peace and security to those who joinedhis ranks. WPqidi. cf. 2o [32] The firstcracks in the surface of these tribes' loyaltyto the ByzanAs we tines had apparently begun to appear during the Prophet's lifetime. bringing the Prophet the gift of a slave and accepting Islam with all In Mas'iidi. See Theophanes. Those tribes were about to offer up a huge sacrifice in honour of their gods on that very day. Which goes to prove that Christianity had taken only a marginal and superficial hold on these tribes who lived under Byzantine rule. have seen. 450. 673. TunbTh. I. Qudii'a. this policy didnot produce notable results during his lifetime. andthesetribes. but it seems that the original version had Theodoros and this was evidently takenfrom Theophanes).THE CONQUEST Mothous. appeared before Muhammad in the summer 628 of (after the armisticewith Qurayshand before the campaign against Khaybar). in Byzantine and Persian regions (Ibn Hishim. In Tabari.Edom). the version is that the Prophet saw in these sparks the red palaces or fortresses of Byzantium. on but the whole it was rejected by ofthe most tribesmen. whom the Byzantines had placed in a position of authority and who lost his life by converting to Islam. resembling the teeth of dogs (red. the name of the commander is Thiadux (see there different versions in the notes. 335. He decided to adopt towards those tribes outside the Arabian peninsula. This is one of the rare occasionsin which the Muslim chronicles (at least Mas'tidi) compared their own information with that found in the Byzantine sources. perhaps because of the name applied to Byzantium by the Jews. particularly those under Byzantine control. remained loyalto their Byzantine masters. the same policy that he had successfully applied to the Arabian peninsula. he sees in them the future conquests in Yemen. De Goeje. Zayd. Mimoire. who speaks of the interpretation of the name of the place in Theophanes and mentions that he possibly intended Ma'Pn. Tabari.

. and is it certainly unlikely that he would have on been a mission to the emperor). but theintentionhere is obviouslytothe place he returnedfrom.e. was attacked by tribesmen of Judham. Zayd. and the placing of tribes is not always clear). Muhammad hastened to organise a new force made up of300 cavalry troops and attack thesouthern region of Trans-Jordan. but this does not mean that the tribe converted to Islam. and to inform them that they had an interim of two months to consider the matter. which was in the hands of the Banii 'Udhra. the Byzantine emperor. l08C changes the order and places the campaign of Zayd b. .i. it seems that Muhammad sent additional emissaries to the tribes in Palestine. The Prophet sent 200 more cavalry troops tohis aid. In order to prevent a decline in the prestige they enjoyed among the tribes. and in the past had participated in actions against the Muslims. O n reaching Dhat al-Salasil. 'Amr b. and the Prophet's intention was. but some time prior to this he had converted to Islam. . the largest of the tribes living alo the Palestinian borders. 21 Ibn Hishim. The Muslim force consisted of 500 cavalry troops. This force was meant to attack the Banii Bali and the Banu Quda'a specifically ('Udhra was also the name of the place. 557-560. Through his grandmother. but the sources are sometimes inconsistent. 31-32] his heart. 962c 975fcTabari. Wiqidi. it was on his return from Qayzar.I. for as we shall see in subsequent events. was stillon the side of the Byzantines. and is frequently mentioned as belonging to the Judhiim area. that he would try to induce the Palestinian border tribes to come over to Islam. In general. Afterwards the two sides made peace and the captives and spoils were returned. 'Amr sensedthat his forceswould not withstand the . In the meantime. this. The Prophet then sent Zayd b.as a result of the humiliating military setback. 1740-1745. . confirming that he was being sent call tothem to join with God and His Messenger. under the commandAbii of 'Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah.M U H A M M A D A N D THE P A L E S T I N I A N T R I B E S [ S E C S .a Byzantine domain. and they took captives and spoils. Dihyab. abranch of the Judham. which is Hisma in southern Trans-Jordan. Watt. on his return from the Palestinian area (according to the traditions. his target was Dhat al-Salisil. One of these. Hiiritha before the visit ofRifa'a b. In return the Prophet gave him a letter addressed to his tribesmen. al-'Az was appointed to head the force. they were partof Quda'a. apart from the military operation. Ta'rikh. Muhammad at Medina. These . Khalifa al-Kalbi. opposition and he asked for assistance." Dhiit al-Saliisil [33] The defeat at Mu'ta may have placed the Muslim camp in an inferior position. Maritha to attack the area inhabited by the Judhim tribe. As to Bali. he had family connectionswith the Banii Bali. He had been one of the most important figures in and commanders of Mecca.

11. 984f. While formerly he would conceal his intentions. Abi Waqqik. andat the same time there was in this almost unbridled advance into Byzantine territory evidence of the unusual military deterioration of the empire. The presence of constant tension from the increasing preparations for war was a vital necessity in the Muslim camp a t the time. On orders from the Byzantines. 26 . Mecca was in the hands of the Muslims. This was the most important stage in the consolidation of the Arab tribes and their unification under the Islamic banner.making a secret of the target of the nextassaultand spreading a smokescreen over his actions for this purpose. It was from them that the Muslims learned what was happening in Byzantine territory.22 Tabiik [34] At the beginning of630.THE CONQUEST two armies contained some of the most important personalities in the Muslim camp. thanks to the farmers (the Nabateans. members of the tribes. evidently. 1OOf. Ghassan. 1604f. ‘Umar ibn al-Kha$ib. this time he changed his usual practice and openly declared his intention and even demandedthatthetribescontributeappreciablesumstofinancethe 32 Ibn Hisham. were to be consumed andwastedonlocalinfightingand trivialities. The local tribes fled in panic as the Muslim forces advanced. And so Muhammad started energetic preparations for an enormous campaign against Byzantium. see a survey of the expedition to DhHt al-salad in Caetani. and that Heraclius was also stationed nearby in Him?. Tabari. The Prophet started on a large scale recruiting exercise among the tribes who had joined Islam through loyal envoys sent to each tribe. Tu’rikh. There were close connections between Medina and the region of Palestine. This expedition was afterwards known as the Tabukcampaign. the farmers began to spread rumours of large concentrations of the Byzantine army. Wiiqidi. I.If the enormous quantity of contained energy implanted in the armed cavalry troops. The development of eventsis described in Wiiqidi as follows. Judhim. who used to come to Medina to trade. from Byzantium and Persia. It appears that there was much in this campaign to encourage those who had joined Islam. 76%774. it would quickly lead to thedivision of the camp and thereturn of civil wars. ‘Amila). who also had the support of the Arab tribes (Lakhm. or in other words. and others. Tribes which for generations had fought with one another were now under a single leadership and shared a common awareness of a mission conferred on themby God: to inherit the earth from the wicked. standing at the ready for Muhammad’s command. such as Abii Bakr. as the source calls them). Sa‘d b.

Ibn Hisham. Ta’rikkh. At this juncture. ihid. 1692-1705. There were Muslims they could not armthemselves at their own who wept at the thought that expense to join the campaign and others had to supply them with what was needed. which was the havrs (or ha6.’ The opening of thefirst query has been preserved. a certain Isaac from WIdi’l-Qura is mentioned. and since then. whohonouredtheProphetby servinghim with their typical dishes. it should be pointed out that there were individuals within the Muslim camp itself who from thevery outset were opposed to the expedition into Byzantine territory. travelled to Egypt and returned ‘to his land’. See 58.T A B U K [ S E C S . according to the Muslim sources. 257ff. O n their route. 20-25. . too.. of blessed memory.See a detailed review of the TabGk campaign in Caetani. 94: ‘These were the queries asked by the people Wadi’l of Q u r i of our Master Sherira. which he claimed was two-thirds of his fortune. I. they passed through the Jewish settlements of Wiidi’l-Qura. See: Ginzberg.especially dates. The women. Tabari. expensive finery and precious jewels. 124a). Bava Batra. 11. the entire campaign lasting twomonths. Judah written in around 1020. for he deserted his wife. Responsa. of blessed memory. on the wasq. on the advice givenhim by ‘Umar.000-strong goingout to battle. 893-906. Geonicn. 11. In a letter from Solomon b. Taking into consideration that Heraclius hadabandonedhis plans to attack.a).The traditions speak of an army of 30. Other heads of the Muslim community also contributed generously. 53. from which we learn that the Jews of area the were still living on their own land (the query referred to the possession of date palm trees. 989-1022. i. evasiveness and even open opposition to this campaign. 15a.000 dirhams. 54. a. there is no trace ofhis whereabouts. thatis to Widi’l-Qurii. both in money and food. a matter dealt with in the Mishna. It is interesting that agricultural matters are being discussed. sent towards the end of the tenth century. in BT. similarly in Harkavy.24 The people of Wadi’l-Quri (written Wadi al-qry. Wiqidi. the Prophet decided to return to Medina as well. hints of which onecan sense in the traditions that have been preserved. Abii Bakr wanted to serve as an example to others and donated 4. 238-253. see: Hinz.23 [35] The Prophetand the Muslims remained in Tabiik for twenty days. 34-35] campaign. v:6. One can assume that the withdrawal was really caused by the low morale that was spreading through the Muslimcamp. donated sometheir of ornaments. as in Arabic) are mentioned in a list of books from the Geniza: ‘Queriesfrom people of Widi’l-QurZto Sherira Gaon and Hayy Av (= father of the court). and of Av. the Prophet imposed on them an annual tax of 40 wasqs of dates (a wasq is ca. or theload that a camel can bear). only that according to the traditions of the descendants of these Jews (and they continued to dwell there for many generations).. of blessed memory’. 61. 81a-82a. The texts describe the reservations.e. who ‘has to be excommunicated for what he has done to his family in Rabbat Bene ‘Ammen (‘Amman).fromapproximately midOctober tomid-December 630. v. 11. ihid. 200 kilograms. in thePT. Head of the Yeshiva. like a living widow for some four years now’: this same Isaac supplied the finances for commercial ventures.

YuhannP was son of Ru’ba. My messengers are Shurahbil and Ubayy and Harmala and Hurayth b. But be shall not accept anything from you. According to Wiqidi. While previously the Prophet had adopted a hard line towards the Jews inMedina . on land populated by Jews and Chris tiatls.THE CONQUEST The treaties with towns in the southof Palestine [36] Muslim tradition associates the Tabiik campaign with an important turning point in Muhammad’s attitude towards the Jews and the Christians. and obey God and His Messenger to you. 37: Yuhanni was king and bishop. for he is the Messenger of God. And the people of MaqnZ thou shall lead back land. eviction and even annihilation (Banti Qurayza). he seems to have sensed that a wiser policy would be to convince them. depriving themof their property and turning them into tenants -he nowaltered his policy. or pay the tax. Peace be with you! Praised be have no intention of fighting you before writing Allah. king of Ayla. Riiba and the worthies of Ayla. put my trust in Him. and three others in Palestine: Eilat. see also p. All that they decide with regard to you shall be according to my wishes. obey God and his Mes and you will be free of all payments that you owed the Arab [tribes] or non-Arab apart from the payment to God [which is] the payment of his Messenger.which was expressed in dispossession. I. for I then as captives and slay the elderly. for if it were not for God and if it were not for this. and do them honour and dress them in fine clothing. Jarba andAdhruh. 28-29. Therefore if you wish to be secure on land and on sea. Letters of protection have been preserved which Muhammad issued tofourtownsduring his stayinTabiik. Tu’rfkh. for Harmala is your well-wisher. The following is the version of the letterto the people of Eilat: To Yuhanna b. I(2). not in the raiment of raiders. before a calamity befalls for me. and you will have the protection of God and of Muhammad the Messenger of God. I would not be sending you messengers altogether. therefore clothe Zayd in fine robes. 1702: ‘the owner of 28 . to relinquish any intention of maintaining a military \ force and to rely on Muslims for their personal security and that of their of taxes laid down according to possessions in exchange for the payment special treaties. Thou hast and the messengers of His Messenger. for if you satisfy my envoys. but rather you would be seeing the army. of Maqnii. dispossessing the Jews in the towns in the northern part of the Arabian peninsula. to accept Islam. And peace will be you if you obey me. I have already given my envoys instructions with regard to you: give Harmala three wasqs of barley.Z5 to their *5 Ibn Sa‘d. IFor am the but I shall fight you and take the young true Messenger of God. careful lest thou do not satisfy them. Zayd who is one of the sons of the Banii Tayy’. Tabari. put ye your trust in God and his books and his mes and in the Messiah son ofMaryam. there is no God save I Him. Therefore if you obey my messengers. 1031. for is this God’s word and I too. you will have the protection of God and of Muhammad and all that stand at his side. you will satisfy me. Come then. During his own stay along the borders of Palestine. toacquiesce. Surely the tax is known to you.oneinthe northern Hijiiz on thecoast of the gulf Eilat.

and he of the treaty. 146 (51). the Bishop of AilanE (the district of Ayla)concerningVictor. 902. not quite accurately. so that it was given the opposite meaning. for isit the Messenger of God himselfwho gives you protection from what he himself will not do to you. ibid. 37. Ibn ‘Asiikir. They are due to pay100 dinars.26 [38] And the letter to the people of Maqna: To the sons of Hanina. 36-40] [37] And this is the wording of the letter to the people of Adhruh. 331. and the rings. 60. ‘if someone would flee from the Muslims to them’ (to the people of Adhruh). The letter of protection was preserved by the people of Ayla. Ibn Sa‘d. near Ayla. 28. similarly also Balidhuri. that Ayla was the seat of a bishop at the beginning of the seventh century is evident from a letter preserved among the papyri of Nessana. Ftrttih. Therefore you are granted God’s protection and that of his Messenger. I. out of . The first of theAbbasid caliphs. Ftrttih. that is. With the arrival of this letter your security is ensured and you are granted God’s protection and that of his Messenger. 421. 200. good and weighed. 127.fortheyfearedtheMuslims . who states that he was told by an Egyptian that he had seen the letter of protection to the people of MaqnZ in the original. There will no chief over you other than one of you or one of the Messenger of God’s pe And peace. Certain expressions were already unfamiliarin Ibn Sa‘d’s time.. or the envoy of the Messenger of God. bought them for the sum300 of dinars. 11. the compassionate. Your request has reached me [which was sent] when you returned to your village. A similarly distorted version is to be found also in Ibn Sa‘d. Theletter accompanied a package sent to the churches of St Sergius in Nessana and its environs: Nessana. Except for these you will be free of any levy or impressment. Ibn al-Athir. Dhahabi. 272. And if one [of flees them] from the Muslims. apart from what the Messenger of God.theyshalllivesecurelyuntil fear and awe Muhammad will visit them before he leaves. the Messenger of God will respect the honourable amongst you and forgive the si amongst you. 377.al-Saffh. From Muhammad the Prophet to the people of Adhruh. God’s Messenger forgives you the wickedness you have done and for all the sins you have committed. the tax levied the people of Ayla was 300 dinars annually. the editor corrected the version. as Waqidi copied it: In the name of God. See also Mas‘iidi. Tu’rikh. Tanblh. for there were 300 men there.T R E A T I E S W I T H T O W N S I NSOUTH P A L E S T I N E [ S E C S . 1032. as was the Prophet’s coat. Mas‘iidi. as well as all the slaves that are with you. Amwd. of Nessana.theson of Sergius. And for the information of the believers and the Muslims: anyone coming to the people of MaqnH who is concerned with their well-being will benefit. which belies common sense. Kitnil. I(2). no one will do you injustice or harm. TanbTh. Ibn Hishim. from M6usb(Moses). and this served as the basis for the ‘correction’. who are Jews of MaqnH. 280. anda quarter of the yarn spun by your women.I. on every Rajab. Wiiqidi. I(2). will allow you to And from now onwards you will owe a quarter of your date harvest and a quarter of your fishing yield.27 26 27 on Ayla’ [siihib]. See also Ibn Sa‘d. and anyone who intends doing them harm will suffer harm. If you will listen and obey. which he gave them as a gift. and the people of MaqnH. . Your arms belong to the Messenger of God. See furtherAbii‘Ubayd. 272 states thatYuhannZ was bishop of Ayla. 11. 59f. tried to explain them in the continuation to the version See the subject of the treaty in Balidhuri. They [will live] securely by virtue of the let security from God and from Muhammad. According to Wiiqidi. Diyiirbakri. the merciful.

which is translated aboveas believer and whichis characteristic of the Muslims.meaning thatGod revealed it to the Prophet.-lanrnais also found in a fake letter ofprotection preserved in the Cairo Geniza. all clearly one name which was distorted because of the similarity of the letters in Arabic writing. One should especially note thephrase in the letter of security (towards the end) to the people of Maqn5 in which they are promised a leader from amongst themselves. 1916. and do not forbid what God and his Messenger have forbidden. on the subject of the treaties. DahlZn. the basic legal outlook of Islam towards non-Muslims developed. and the people of Jarba and Adhruh were Jews as well. In chapter ix (siirat al-thawba. The new policy towards the Jews and the Christians wasalso evident in the Koran. who has the version: Banii Habiba. V. 9:507. see the article by Goitein. 374c Ibn Kathir.giver ofprotection (~ZY). 1931-33. Jarba andAdhruh that they were Jews. before the Tabiik campaign. As to thepeople of Eilat. 1964. 278. See the matter of the treaties (letters of protection) also in: Halabi. and that the meaning of the word mu’min. 9:272. 102f.BidZyn.Israel Ba-‘arZv. 111. 19(2):1. it was hewho copied the version and dictatedit to BalZdhuri. 11. 152ff. and also the parallel notes on p. I(2). 3 0 28 . the versions have been interchanged: Janba. while that inSa‘d Ibnwas: Banu Janba. See ibid. See also Hirschberg. verse 29): ‘Fight ye those who were given the Book.THE CONQUEST [39] It is distinctly statedof the peopleof Maqna. Here can be found certain key words for the first time: letterof security (aman or amana). Arabica.since their religionis not thereligion of truth. See Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya. protection (dhimma).DieSchreiben Muhammads an die Stamme Arabiens. The version I. 16f. 160. Habiba. whose author most certainly copied the names from an Arabic source. O n the passage from the Koran. We find in these treaties the paradigmof letters of security that theleaders of the Muslims were toissue during thegreat conquestsas well. However there is also a tradition that ascribes it to a period after Tabiik. see: Kister. Ru’ba represented the Christians as well as the Jews living there. becoming an integral part of Muslim martial law. this has already been noted in: Sperber. K S . 38: The people of MaqnZ were Jews who lived on the coast.. the repentance. that of poll-tax). Only at a later stage did it acquire the meaning of the Hebrew word rna’am5znTrn (believers). Mitteilungen des Seminars fiir orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin. this word afterwards took on a specific meaning. [fight them] until they are lyingdown and pay the tax accordingto their ability’ [or their profits]. although the matter is qualified by the possibility mentioned there that their leader could be an envoy of Muhammad. who do not trust God nor the Last Day. O n this subject. with the script already faded.28 [40] From such precedents. tax (jizya. at the time was linked to theidea of security.It is said of this passage that ‘it was brought down’. Hanina. They were obliged to (1) accept Islam (although theoretically Islam written onred parchment. 304. al-Martcir. Ibn Sa‘d. something like ‘the participantsof the securitypact [under the protection] of God and his Messenger’. itappears that Yuhannab.One should notethat the root ’mn in Arabicexpresses the idea of security. As to the name ofJewish inhabitants of MaqnZ.

T H E E X P E D I T I O N O F U S A M A B . the borderarea of Moab. childrenand slaves). were available. did not seem to the Prophet sufficient to erase the shame and loss of prestige eyes in the of the northern tribes. or (3) be killed (with the exceptionof women. and rebuked those who thought that he did not merit this honour as being too young for the appointment. the attacks on Dhital-Salasil and on Tabiik. Zayd b. that is. andwas slain in battle. Some weeks later. as we have already seen. The Prophet’s orders to Usima were unequivocal: he was to go out to the very place where his father had fought and fallen together with the other Muslim commanders: ‘Attack the people of Ubna early in the morning and destroy them by fire!’ He stipulated that children and women were not to be killed (they wereto be taken captive) andhandedhimthebattleflag. in May 632. 411 does not recognise forced Islamisation). the Prophet began to suffer from the disease which was to end his life. the father ofUsama. The following day. as a sign that he was praying for him.Thisraid also attractedtheforemost Muslims. he was also ordered to descend upon the Diiriim. . the Prophet 29 See Schacht. he again announced with stubborn determination from his seat (the minbav) in the mosque that Usama should head the expeditionary force. about four miles from Medina. and in words the of Ibn Ishiq ‘to spur his on horses to the Takhum of al-Balqi’ whichis in Palestine’. Arabs. Zayd b. Usama managed to visit the Prophet before going into battle. that is tribesmen. He was exceedingly weak and even unable to speak. Introduction. among them ‘Umar ibn al-KhattZb and Abii ‘Ubayda b. a man whowas veryclose to the Prophet(his freed slave) had commanded the army in the campaign of Mu’ta. Hiritha to the mosque and ordered him to act as commander of the army which was to invade Palestine again. Some two and a half years after the attack on Tabiik. Z A Y D [ S E C . Already ill. from Mecca and from Medina. afterwards pointing to Usima. Haritha. or (2) accept the status of protected people (defined for the first time in letters such as those quoted above). 130. while the best commanders of the Muslim army. Zayd [41] The two raids across the Palestinian border which followed the defeat in Mu’ta. alJarrah. Muhammad invited Usima b. as the army was preparing to leave. but he was still able to lift his hand to the heavens. And thus Usama did set up the expeditionary forces camp in Jurf. In addition to the Balqii’.29 The expedition of Usiima b. were in principle left with the choice between the first and third possibilities (though in practice there were exceptions) . The tribes of thePalestinian border region had still not learned their lesson.

clearly and correctly.THE CONQUEST died. and taking as many captives as they could. 11.Nor is the actual site of Abil al-Zayt known. 999. . See the detailed survey in Caetani. Ibn Hishim and Wiqidi’s versions of what occurred at Ubna differ. 17ff. can be identified with Yavne. The Muslims began to hesitate as to thenecessity of setting out for Palestine. One may assume that the attack took place somewhere in the neighbourhood of Moab and it is certainly unlikely that Ubna (probablya distortion). Even in the circles of the mostfaithful .fir amit (Oh ye victor. Tabari relates thatUsima was’ordered that the attack should take place in the region of Trans-Jordan (al-Urdunn). at Abil al-Zayt (Abil of the Olives). kill!). towards evening. the caliphwho had just taken up his position. 1117-1127. however. rumours were heard of the first tribal secession from Islam.there was growing bitterness and rancour. insistently repeated the Prophet’s last instructions: carry out the campaign of Usima’s army! He also ordered ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib not to join the campaign as planned because he needed him in Medina.30 The great invasion [42] Abii Bakr’s absolute determination to fulfil the Prophet’s orders and carry out the planned attack in the Moab area no matter what the outcome. and the latter also adds that Usima attacked Ashdod (Azdiid) apartfrom Yavneh (Yabni). as some have asserted. 490fc 587-591. Tu’rrkh.mentum of war continued. Tabari. And so Usima went outat the head of an army of3. 970. AqdTrn. Usima rode astride his father’s horse and succeeded in slaying his father’s killer. indicates that he perceived. and Usima agreed. burning. 1794f. Tanbih. At the same time. See the discussion on the site of the attack: De Goeje. Wiqidi. of whom some 1.the people of Medina andMuhammad’s allies and his first disciples. BulEn. accompanied them part of the way.006. on 8 June 632. particularly as none of them had been chosen to be Ibn Hishiim.Itwas a Monday. Muqaddasi. a distance At of two daysjourney from Ubna. Abii Bakr. who identify Ubna with Yavneh. AfterMuhammad’s death became known.1810. 1. I. Mirnoire. destroying. 273. with the Muslims shouting their war cry: Yu mun. 174: Diriim means the region around BaytJubrin.000 men. Usima therefore hurried to reach Ubna and launched a surprise attack.disintegration which were becoming increasingly blatant. They slaughtered the local population mercilessly. 329. Usima learned from a spy he had sent there that the inhabitants were relaxed and had no suspicion whatsoever of the approach of the Muslim army.Ya‘qiibi. 1845-1851.000were cavalry troops. There were already troublesome signs of. 1797. that Islam would stay alive only if the mo. Abii Bakr. and Mas‘iidi.

He was one of Abii Bakr’s most loyal adherents. Abii ‘Ubayda was also a veteran of Islam. Also. the story of the ridda can also be found in any history of early Islam. Hasana was the name of 31 32 See De Goeje. and Shurahbil b. 20. a very detailed survey of the outset of the invasion. and he put down the centres of insurgence one after the other and achieved his principal victory in routing Maslama (Musaylima. Abii ‘Ubayda b.SeeCaetani.T H E G R E A T I N V A S I O N [ S E C S .perhaps Kinda. but rather a man from theMuhajiriin people of Mecca. while Shurahbil b. al-As. and participated in the first hijra (to Ethiopia). of the Quraysh tribe. from which the caliphs of Damascusweredescended. of Quraysh. which was typical of the south). a pejorative diminutive). the tax levied on the tribes as a contribution to the war fund. 33 . There are various opinions with regard to thefinal suppression of the secession. He was one of the first to join Islam. See the article AbG Bakr. ~ l [43] The process of secession. The firstwasunder‘Amrb. as the Muslims called him. February-March 634.as he was of ‘Umar. and itis not clear to which of them he belonged . theridda. 11 19-1236.32 [44] Once he had restored the tribes to compliance and renewed the rule of Islam on the peninsula. Khalid b. from the clan of Balhzrith. T w o large forces weresent to Palestine. some centres of rebellion continued to exist for about another year. Abii Bakr decided that the time had come to invade Palestinian territory. Hasana. Mimoire. Watt). Sa‘id belonged to the clan of Umayya. in various corners of the peninsula. 42-48] the Prophet’s replacement(khalgu). consisted mainly of thedissolution of the Muslim alliance and the forfeiting of obligations it had imposed on the tribes. Tamim or Lakhm. It was therefore helpful for Abii Bakr to keep the unsatisfied elements out of town for a certain time by keeping them absorbed in the war effortled by U ~ P m a .a large force was organised under the command of Khalid ibn al-Walid. who was ordered to pass through Eilat by the rnu‘raqa (by way of the mountains. al-Jarrah. the secession was expressed by the refusal to pay the~adaqa.M. b. Khilidb. religion and polit were interwoven. The second force was under a triad of commanders: Khalid Sa‘id b. which appears to be the correct interpretationof this word) to thecoastal region. In practical terms. al-‘As. local prophets were appearing on the scene and in this way. a prophet who had emerged in the centre of the peninsula. including 11. al-Walid’s expedition fromtheEuphrates to theHawriin. This occurred when he returned from his pilgrimage in the year12. but it seems that this happened in the main before the spring of 633. inEP (by W. that is. and non-compliance to the dictates of the envoys from Medina After the army returned fromits campaign in Palestine. Hasana belonged to one of the ‘southern’ tribes(as isalso indicated byhis name.

Khilid Ibn Sa‘id was the first to wield success in battle. Another factor which helped to improve the situation at that moment was the advance of the forces under Shurahbil b. IT. Balidhuri. does not contain enoughto deny most of the Muslim sources which place this campaign in the days of Abii Bakr. it was Khalid b. Kalb. the tribes in the Byzantines’ service dispersed. in preventing the complete collapse of the Muslim offensive. Ibn Qutayba. the Byzantine commander. The Byzantines were informed of the approach of this army and organised an opposing force amongst the Bahri. he was attacked by a Byzantine commander (bitrlq). under the charge of ‘Ikrimab. ZDMG. Bihin delayed Khilid b. FutJb. defends Baladhuri’s chronology. He had to recruit additional fighters en route. Ftrtih. as we shall meet up with Bahin [or Mihan] later on). 425f. 29(1876). 318-322. al-Djarrah inEP.Abi Jahl and al-Walid b. to the Hawran region. tried to handle the Muslims diplomatically: he says thatMihan knew they were driven into their campaign by suffering and hunger. And in fact as he advanced. Judhim. 118ff... however. 107f. 11. Taniikh. and Ghassin tribes. H a ~ a n a . 78-81. Khilid wrote and informed Abu Bakr of this but the latter answereda letter with of encouragement and demanded that he continue to advance. see ibid. ‘Uqba. I. and assumes that the battle at Marj Suffar indeed i‘ook place after the conquest of Bet Shean. refers to a source according to which Mahin. 90ff. he offered each ten dinars and food and clothing. Each of the three commanders stood at the head of a force of 3. mostly tribesmen from Yemen and the centreof thepeninsula. and Tiberias. 2108f. Baladhuri. named Bihin. He too was one ofthe first followers of Islam and took part in the hijru to Ethiopia.Bidrip. also Dussaud. 325. on Shurahbil b. Mimoire. 214. during the advanceto Damascus. on Khilidb. In the neighbourhood of Abil (evidently Abil al-Zayt). Ansiib. Reinforcements sentby Ab6 Bakr. see Gibb’s article on Abii ‘Ubayda b. and one cannot deny the possibility that a Muslim cavalry unit may have advanced. Mo‘irif. adding the promise that in the future he would treat them similarly . De Goeje. many groups o warriors joined him. with great difficulty. and it seems that Tabari’s version is more reliable. tries to prove thatMarjSuffar is relatively near Damascus. when advancing according to Abii Bakr’s orders through Tayma. on condition that they did not take part in the secession. In one version Khilid overcame and slew him (but this is not correct. Khalid’s son Sa‘id was killed in this battle. and not his son. while his own strength was being reinforced by these very tribes en route. Topogr. Baladhuri.000 fighters (some say 5. Sa‘id seeIbn al-Athir. 391f. succeeded. Indeed.000). The second force was under orders to charge through theTabiik region into Moab (al-Balqi’). many ofwhom joined Islam. and scattered his army to the winds. 3. Hasana.Ibn Kathir. east of the Sea of Galilee. VII. atan earlier date. ~ ~ 33 Tabari.Whereasinanotherversion. 10.THE CONQUEST his mother. Salih. while ‘Abdallah washis father’s name. Pehal (Pella). This argument. discusses the battle at Marj Suffar as if it were a later occurrence. Tu’rikh.Noldeke. Cf. and accordingto him. n. Lakhm. Usd. Sa‘id’s a serious setbackat a place called advance considerably and even dealt him Marj Suffar (the valley of birds). Sa‘id himself who was killedon the morning after his betrothal. I.all on conditionthat they return 34 .

who for some time had been askinghim toget rid of Khalid b. Nevertheless. Judham. When on your way.al-‘As. these are as follows: ten precepts have I for you. Do not uproot palm trees and do not burn them. 25. such as Ahan. 5 (1. 5: Heracliuswrites to hisadministratorsinPalestineandsuggeststheycometosome compromise with the Arabs.. according to the sources. cf. Ibn ‘Asikir. 108. O n the subject of the oustingof Khalid b. Vahan escaped and fled to Heraclius after his father was killed. 65(1972). 6 states that Mihiin was an Armenian. whether to Usiima b.Kalb. I. tries to emphasise the fact that at the head of the great invasion Abii Bakr appointed mainly people Quraysh of (‘Amr b. especially as it had takenhim two months to swear his allegiance tothenew caliph. Yazid b. Shaban. See also a further note. Abi Sufyan. Abi Sufyan. and that he was a Persian. The Muslims naturally rejected his offer with contempt. in a Byzantine source from the first half of the fifteenth century: BlanEs. Abi Sufyan. Sa‘id in the command. was that ‘Umar doubted his loyalty. Mahin was the commander appointed by Heraclius over the Arab tribes. Zayd or to Yazid b. Some ascribe similar instructions to the Prophet. recently appointed by him to lead the major force intended to go into action in Palestine. etc. the Persian commander who led a rebellion in 630 and wanted to become king of the Persians. 209.11. It appears that already at this stage. B Z . 42-48] [45] At the same time. and who seemed more trustworthy (this was Yazid thebrother of Mu‘awiya. According to Sa‘id Ibn Bitriq. Cf. the Umayyads had set their hearts on achieving the central role in the leadership of the Muslim camp. Perhaps thisis the name Makhaon. VII. The reason for this. while the mountainous regions (?Jibil al-Rim) will remain in the hands of the Byzantines. son of Shahrbaraz.. remember them in my name. Sa‘id. proposes Baanes (Bahin). these were peoplewho knew southern Palestine well. whoafterwards became caliph).T H E G R E A T I N V A S I O N [SECS. see: Preisigke. 64. Khilid b. 13.duetothewidespreadcommercialtransactionstheyhad conducted previously.34 [46] AbiiBakr was particularlyattentiveto Yazid b. Do not betray.5). unless it be for eating. and this is precisely what ‘Umar hoped t o prevent.see Klein-Franke. or camel. Do n o t fell a fruit-bearing tree. He accompanied him part of the way on foot. you will encounter those who have shut themselves up 34 to their homes. Bihin. Namenbuch. Islamic History. 2079f. Sources ascribed to Abu Bakr the issuing of an order of the day to the forces going out to conquer the north. Bidiya. while Yazid rode on his horse. Abii Bakr decided to accept ‘Umaribn al-Khattiib’s advice. Sa‘id Abii Bakr appointed Yazid b. De Goeje. see Tabari. See the discussion (comparatively recent) in Stratos. Do not slaughter sheep. 452. Abi Sufyin). and also northof thisregion. Balidhuri. VII. steer.Do n o t kill a small child person or a woman. who came from another branch of the Umayyads. who claims that his name was Vahanor Vaanes. by which the latter will receive half the taxes of al-Sham (Syria and Palestine). Mimoire. in place of Khalid b. 35 . Ta’rM. 210. but there no identical viewsas to whomthe order was given. Sa‘id. Do not disable. I. such as Ghassin. Artir(z.. Mahiin’s name is written in various forms.ibid. ibid. Ibn Kathir. Lakhm. Do n o t or an elderly embezzle or behave craftily.

Q a z ‘ . k. 35 [47] Considerable contradictions in the sources appear regarding the time when the conquests began.. cf. DACL. Goldziher. You will encounter people bearing vessels. should shave the upper partof their pates.. cf. O n the other hand. . the Prophet’s words to Usiima b. and wasincludedinthe hadTth collectionsinthe form of a taboo (in the Prophet’s name) on qaz‘ . who were to be evicted from thecity. 593. the shortened version of Ya‘qiibi. in order to differentiate themselvesfrom the: ‘ritus haereticorum: qui. Mahbiib(Agapius). X. . in solo capitis apice modicum circulum tondent’ (‘a custom of the heretics their heads and nothing else’). aresomewhat similar in contentbut not precisely the same. Invoke God over every dish. detonso superius toto capite. When you meet people who have shaven their heads in the middle and left a sort of halo around. shave the tops of discussioninLeclerq. that is. There is no doubtthat the intention wasto orderthe killingof people with these particular haircuts.Hinting at the circle (hair? or band?) around the head. and see in the anonymous Syriac chronicle. ibid. in 633). one can understand that there was also a ‘haircut of the heretics’:‘Omnes. clerici vel lectores sicut levitae et sacerdotes. according to De Goeje. . 105. leaving a roundcircle of hair. strike them with spears. Mimoire. The matter is therefore complex. readers. 240.this being the name given this type of tonsure. we hav accept the description which places the drive northwards immediately of the attempted secession. a version translated from the Arabic original. Ta’rikh. and others which are similar. 82. 11. in which the killing of the ‘people of the haircut’ is omitted. in Adam. . While Abii Bakr and his after the suppression aides and the entire Muslim camp were still basking in the aura of victory and prestige which had spread far and wide as a result of putting down the rebels. Indeed we have seen how the tribesof Trans-Jordan recededwith the approach of the 35 Tabari. see Mansi. the Levites and the Priests. 23. with the Manichaean seal. should shave reign. who were. who were especially abhorred by the Muslim leadership. See De Goeje. in order to have some mark of identification. inferius solam circuli coronam relinquant’. XV (2). 29(1880). MG WJ.See WZqidi. Tonsure. according to Wiqidi. see in the picture ofMani. offering you all kinds of foods. in continuation. I. in Bukhari. But it ispossible that the referencehere is to the Manichaean priests. the type of haircut described here was indeed common among theChristian priests. Christian priests. 179 (439). 630. the discussion on the significance of the last two passages. when charging him with themission of revenging the death of his father. do themno harm and permit them to devote themselves to their chosen paths. 2430-2443. for instance. 108. see. Ta’rikh. 356. the caliph wantedto take immediate advantage of the situation by invading the region which would confront them with the least oppositio and that was the area of which the Arab tribes were in charge. A remnant of these instructions turned up in the Muslim traditions. al-libis. although from the decisions of the fourth Council in Toledo (which met at precisely the same time as the events described here. that the Jews their heads in the middle. But it appears that in principle. . 11 17.THE C O N Q U E S T in monk’s cells.ibid. and there is no way of identifying these tonsured individuals to whom the caliph is referring. mentions the decree issued by the Emperor Mauricius in the eleventh year of his of Antioch. cf. Sahih. bib ai-qaz‘. differentiating them from the monks. Zayd. 1850. the detailed who . Texte. all the priesthood.

Although the Byzantines had just then defeated the Persians. that he should pay thetribes’envoyswhateverwas owing to them. so that the loyal tribes would disperse and Damascus would fall to the Muslims.25-29. Nicephorus. cf. But it seems that precisely the somewhat unusual version ofSayf is the correctone. However. 1113f. Mansfir told them: ‘The emperornot does want such a large army. wrote to Mansiir. particularly AbG ‘Ubayda b.in the year AH 14 (March AD 635). how then can he pay such dogs?’ This led to the Arabs’ abandonment of the Byzantines and joining of the Muslims descending on Gaza. their treasuries had been emptied as a result of the ceaseless wars. the governor of Damascus. 11. And this is an army which requires large sums of money and Damascus does not have enough to give them.T H E G R E A T I N V A S I O N [ S E C S . and his noteson theconflicting texts. 37 . concurrent with Islam’s early victories in the border area of Palestine. Theophanes. was killed in that battle. Cf. and it appears to have occurred in thesummer of634. According to these writers. ‘My master has dificulty enough in payinghis own soldiers. DeGoeje. When they came to ask for their due. al-Jarrih. also Caetani.. 26f. when the Muslims actually first encountered the Byzantine army on the battlefield. the eunuch in charge of finances replied. who mentions that Mahiin. 114. Mimoire. somewhere in central Trans-Jordan.and see Sa‘idIbn Bitriq. 335. 36 [48] This is completely in accordwith what Theophanes and Nicephorus. Similar information is conveyed by Sa‘id Ibn Bitriq. they suffered an overwhelming defeat which the Muslim sources tend to make light of or do not always mention. one can also discern the weakness of Byzantiurn.He himself doubted the veracity of the description in Tabari (according to Sayf. and headed by BZhiin. This was the reversal at Marj Suffar. Mimoire.’ There were those who claimed that ManSfir said this intentionally. this is most of the description given above): heis inclined to accept the traditions in Baladhuri. which shift the battle of Khilid (and Marj Suffarto Muharram. for the Arabs are only good forforays. Behind this incident. the patriarch of Constantinople. 29. while the others tried to lend greater stature to personalities who later became more accepted in Islam. their entire armies will be slain. tell us from the Byzantine angle. 42-48] advancing Muslim army’and how many of them joined the ranks of the Muslims. Heraclius’ governor of the Arab tribes. Whentheseenvoys arrived in Damascus. and claim that not his son).11. the Byzantine governor delayed the payment of thirty gold livres which he owed the Arabs who were responsible for the security of the desert borderlands. and if they will have to contend with an army that will force them to do battle.37 36 37 See De Goeje. One can also discern the shifting trend in the Arabs’ state of mind.

It is not unlikely that a place intended. 4. hence one can assume that ‘Amr advancedthrough the ‘Ariivs until the region of the Dead Sea and from thereveered westward. 30f. and he is evidently correct. instead of Diithin: ‘Tidun. The meaning of the word ‘aribii (in the Arab sources) was clear not to Yaqiit. routing His enemies and disbanding their troops’. Ftrtiih. as Baliidhuri puts it. 109. despite the fact that the Arab sources it say is in the vicinity of Gaza.rd in [49] The right wing of the Muslim offensive which push Trans-Jordan was forced to come to a standstill. 12 miles from the town of Gaza. Bidiya. and this may have been the name of the place. the leftwing advanced under ‘Amr ibn al-‘A$. Tabari. recruited by the patricius Sergius from among the Byzantines and the Samaritans (Shamra’e). 332: Dathesmos. Some 4000 poor villagers from Palestine w killed. it seems that there was an encounter in the ‘AravZ region. 771 and its parallels). According to these. but it is merely the ‘Arivii whose meaning we have become accustomed to. Ibn Kathir. at the ninth hour. But prior to this. the forces opposing the Muslim army consisted of 5. 10. ‘the first battle between the Muslims and their enemies was of Gaza called Dathin. and the Arabs slew him.38 [50-511 This battle is described in an anonymous Syriac chronicle as follows: In the year 945. In Theophanes. See De Goeje. near Hijiiz’. The Byzantines fled and abandoned the commander (the patricirrs. against the fought at a village in the neighbourhood governor (bitvrq) of Gaza. A battle raged untilGod gave the victoryto His followers.JewsandSamaritansandtheArabsdestroyedtheplace completely.000 men opposed the Muslims.000 fighters. the Muslim geographer of the Middle Ages.par.THE C O N Q U E S T The expedition of ‘Amr ibn al-‘As ed eastwa. Diibya is certainly a distortionof the name Dathina. I.The Muslims were victorious and firstof all killed 3* See Balidhuri. The fact that the Samaritans fought alongside the Byzantines against the Muslims is mentioned in other Syriac chronicles as well.. on Friday the 4th of Shevat (the of February fourth 634 was actually a Friday). At the same time. or DZbya. called Doshna near Jericho is Horowitz. For we find dcshnih she1 Yer$6 (see SijZ on Num. The name Diithin (or Diithina) is parallel etymologically to the Hebrew Doshen. when six Byzantine commanders with 3. there was a battle between the Byzantines and the Arabs of Muhammad in Palestine. 11. and perhaps even to withdraw southward to the border region. in Arabic sources:6itriq) in the Jordan. and the Muslims pursued them until Dubya. Cf. and some modern scholars are also puzzl it. 81 [ed. VII. This assumption is supported by the Syriac source which is quoted below.According tothetraditionin Baladhuri. One of the latter’s officers was killed. a village in the Gaza area. via the ‘ArZv5 intothe coastalregion. according to which the Muslims captured the Byzantine commander ‘in the Jordan’.Tabari says inhis parallel version that the pursuit lasted until Dathina. O n that occasion the Muslims overcame the Byzantines. having evidently been repulsed. . Td’rikh. 2108. Mimoire.Christians.See in Sa‘id ibn Bitriq.

The anonymous Syriac chronicle. the Prophet who appeared within the ranks of the Arabs is an omen of the true Messiah who has yet to come. 20(1911). printed in Land. See what is saidin Procopius. We find contrary information about Samaritans in Baladhuri. and see his Latintranslation.T H E E X P E D I T I O N O F ‘ A M R I B N A L . 385. 17. 22.. Mimoire. that is. 30.which it seems is actually a product of the time. 11. but the Arabs caught him and had him executed. Fut$l. 1842.e. s . this description is arbitrary to a large extent. And see further Balidhuri. 1144. see Leclercq. and is evidently not based on a study of the sources themselves. Candidator. 158. a Roman administrative position. according to Theophanes. 351C Maas. but one of the sages of Sykamina (whichis Haifa). B y a n t i o n . Itis possible that in writing ‘Yarden’ the chronicler who apparently already wrote underIslam. 413 (French translation. II(2). nor has that which Caetani. 241f. 411f. 643. in 11. denied this.argueswithJacob. but the Arabs defeated him and he was killed. Wars..The patricius Sergius managed to escape. he went out of Caesarea to face the Arabs at the head of a small force. in all. BZ. and cf. DACL. 42(1972). was in this period the catldidati in the same commander of a Byzantine elite military unit. the ‘candidate’.‘ A S [ S ECS . meant northern Palestine. Zntperial Administration. 50v. writesin hiswake. is not convincing. candidatus. the According to Justus. 133.whilesettingout his arguments. DeGoeje’s assumption that therewas a distortion here of the Syriac text has no basis. VII. 1143. see also Bury. see ibid. It is obvious that they were a select body. See the words of Justus.39 The Byzantine commander also was called Sergius. I. Eraclio. 113. i. who succeeded in becoming one ofJustinian’s guardsmen because he was considered a candidate and was the commander of the cavalry units which served as a garrison. The word ‘candidatus’ is derived from the white colour of their dress. Crone and Cook. Gloss.sonofSamuel. Liudprand mentions the breath as the spatharii. Theophanes. ations of this term: D u Cange. The Arabs already dominated Hera at the time (it is not clear where this is) as well as the entire Gaza district (khovu GUZ~?~). j9 K I 41 39 . S y r . 93. 5(1926/7). 86. 5000 men. Caetani’s assumption. ~See BNG]. 11.. in the original). See also Bar Hebraeus (Bedjan). also the list ofspatharokandidatoi: Benezevit. cf. he recalls that he received a letter from his brother Abraham from Caesarea.41 BM Or 14. 3fC Constantelos. 5(Loeb V. Justus of Acre (Ptolemais). n. fol. 2. 49-52] all the Samaritans. A similar version can be found in Michael the Syrian (Chabot). The candidate wore a special gold chain. in the Bonwetsch edition. 336. 576. according to whom the Samaritans served as spies and informers to the Muslims. Krauss. 272ff. jund Urdunn. according to which most of the fighters in the Byzantine forces were Samaritans. ibid. the Didaskalia of Jacob. See the description of the raid on Gaza (within the contextof the first raids): Pernice. contains a long description of the battle with Sergius. 20-22) on Asbadus. A n . and its copy in De Goeje. xxxviii. 30. telling of a false messiah who has appeared among the Arabs (en meso SavukZn6tz) and that they have killed Sergius. 2(1927/8). and that the subject being dealt with is the war with the Persians and Khiilid ibn al-Walid. apparently commanders in the cavalry units. Y a z i d . that HEra is perhaps Hira. for is it not the manner of prophets to come mountedand with the sword. 99C see Budge’s English translation. seevarious interpret.. some 300 strong. 116. Lammens.~~ [52] The expedition of ‘Amr ibn al-‘Az is reflected also in a Christian source I havealreadymentionedabove. Zion (ha-me’assEf).

particularly the lack of water. who were Christians.AbiiBakr ordered Khilid ibn al-Walid. without any pause to prepare themselves adequately for such a campaign.THE C O N Q U E S T The expeditionof Khiilid ibn al-Walid [53] Until now. in order that he should notbe recognised as the conqueror of Iraq. BuSr5 was taken aftera siege and submitted voluntarily (byzulh). ‘And this was the first city taken in al-Shim in the days of Abii Bakr. With this necessity in mind. largely owing to theweak defense put up by the oppositionled by those Arab tribes which were faithful to Byzantium. He found them near Marj RahiF. and particularly in view of the increasing rumours that were reaching them about the concentration of Byzantine forces and their preparations to go into action. Khilid thoughtthis a plot connived at by ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib (who harboured resentment towards Khalid. celebrating Easter. Despite what he had been told of thedifficulties awaiting him en route. and this would clearly endanger the Persian campaign. Khiliddid not give way. and using the best methods ofpreparing the camels for long treks without water. According to the description of Ibn Ishiq. the Muslim leadership headed by the caliph Abii Bakr decided to enter on a ratherunusualcourse. and a tax (jizyu) was levied on its inhabitants.’ In the region of Damascus. There was also the risk to the forces that were to move from Iraq to Syria through ‘the desert. Banii Ghassin.averydaringanddangerousone.000. who was stationed in Hira near the Euphrates. This moveindicated that priority was being given to the Byzantine front. or Syria and Palestine. But it seems that both the army in the field as well as the caliph knew well that this advance was insufficient to conquer all of al-Sham.000. The traditions contradict one another as to the number of fighters. Khiilid first met up with the great tribe. as well as by a small Byzantine garrison which could not withstand the onslaught of the Muslim cavalry. Abii Bakr wrote to Khilid. in a pattern formingan arc whose outer curve faced northward. they had to gather additional forces and try to finally overthrow the Byzantines’ power ofresistance. as we shall see below). which that year fell on . to go to the assistance of thetribes struggling in Palestine. he managed to bring his men through the desertsuccessfully as far as Buy5 in theHawrin. according to the extensive experience of the Bedouin inthese matters. They estimated accurately that in order to fortify and consolidate their initial achievements. something which had never been attempted before. fluctuating from 500 to 3. we have seen how the Muslim tribes pushed forward towards southern Palestine. ordering him to depart for al-Shim with thepick of his men andleave the weaker elements behind in Iraq. one of the versions even mentions 9. via Tadmur. the commander of the major Muslim forces who at that time were fighting the Persians in Iraq.

in an undefined place on the Euphrates. Sergius. governor of Caesarea. and drtrnjav or dvungurius. while Khilid. ibid. under a zyzyphus tree. who hesitated atfirst. K i m i l . Bahan. twenty choice she-camels were deprivedof water and then permitted to drinkas much as they could. Eraclio.. the brother of the emperor (and the sources stress that he was a full brother on both the mother’s and the father’s side) who was the chief commander. 1222f. O n the fifth day. 39f. See also Ya‘qGbi. 53-55] 24 April. Artabiin. It ensues that Khilid’s forces penetrated into Palestine through the Galilee at the beginning of May 634. See further: Pernice. tells of taking captive twenty young Jews from the synagogue. four of them were slaughtered and the horses were then allowed to drink from contents of their bellies. I. the campaign through the Syrian desert was led by a man of the Banii Tayy’. is not really credible. Abii ‘Ubayda. Georgios son of Theodore. has another version in which Khilid left Hira on Rabi‘ 11.000 men. a detailed discussionon the various contradictory versions concerning the details KhPlid’s of route and the number of fighters he had with him. or qubqtrliv (evidently cubiculuvius). Tu’rikh. 11. between the neighbourhood of the DeadSea and somewhere south of Gaza. The fighters were ordered to provide themselves with enoughwater for five days._ftqir. a man who held the title of qinqiliv. 151. in BusrP and they all participated in the siege on the town. . I. 408. ibid.See in De Goeje. IJN~DAYN [ S E C S . 11. especially the table. 275f. Tu’rikh. 2122ff. and then. Tabari. Mimoire. is mentioned again. was based in the Galilee. and claimed that even a single horseman would not dare to take this route across the desert let alone an entire army with the logistics involved. but Rabi‘ 11. As to theMuslims. Shurahbil and Yazid. 37-50. Abii with the three commanders I have ‘Ubayda. already mentioned above. which is evidently a distortion of tvibtrntrs. One can estimate that the entire Muslim 42 See Caetani. Theodore (or Theodorikos). ‘Umayra. Discussion of the dates: De Goeje. in the 13th year started on 4 June. these three were far off in the south of Palestine. and every day. 2109. and they seem to have moved westward. RPfi‘ b. and this contradicts the fact that the raid on the Ban6 Ghassiin occurred during Easter. it seems. Shurahbil and Yazid. Evidently there id some error here. On the conquest of BuSrP. see the description of the desert crossing in Tabari. their numbers were far less than those of the Byzantines. 2125. and the correct version would be thatKhilid arrived from Hira at the beginning ofJune 634.. ‘Amr ibn al-‘AS was then somewhere in the south. I. in an almost miraculous way. his version according to which Khilid had already met the three commanders of the army fighting in Palestine. although this very tree had already beenfelled by someone.42 Ijniidayn [54-551 According toBalidhuri. Arab sources mention the names and ranks of some of the Byzantine commanders. The right wing was situated eastwards of Trans-Jordan. 11. en route. who within the framework KhPlid’s of exploits (also found in other sources). see Tabari.the Byzantine army atthisstage totalled 100. the people and the horses were left without water. 1193-1236. who has already been mentioned at the start of the war. Ta’rikh. or vicaritrs. At the time. Ibn al-Athir. Rifi‘ managed to discover a spring which he remembered from childhood.T H E E X P E D I T I O N O F K H A L I D I B N AL-WALID. Ta’rrkh.

Biidhiha (evidently he isTudhrii. 113f. 103f. also Ibn Khurdidhbih. 375: Ijnadayn is situated between Ramla and Jarash. 41f. vigiliue. The duriqus (droungarios?) was sent against Shurahbil b. AD 634. I. see also: MawSili. was stationed in Him?. V. VII. As for the date. Dhahabi. 5( 1926/7).Atanyrate. 1955. points out explicitly that the battle of Ijniidayn before the deathof Abi Bakr (22Jumida 11) and this confirms the date mentioned above. see ‘Le drongaire de la flotte’: ibid. 2087 who gives the name of the emperor’s brother as Tadhiriq. Minroire.the Muslims scored a smashing success which now enabledthetribes to dominate all of Palestine. which seems unfounded. or two months after Khilid reached Palestine. 11. but thepreferable versionis 28Jumidi I. Bidiiyn. BZ. 2125: Qubqulir (perhaps it was qunqulir). in northern Palestine. Greek Lexicon. The site has still to be identified. There werealso the droungarios of the navy. Hasana. Ibn ‘Asikir. the bearers of the rank . and when he learned of the defeat he hurried towards Antioch. Ab5n v. Yiqiit. 2126. Ibn Kathir. 136.whosecolumns advanced from the north (Khilid) and the south (‘Amr. the discussion on the site of Ijnidayn and his assumption. O n the Byzantine offices mentioned in Muslim sources in the account of this battle: Droungarios. Sf. Khalifa ibn Khayyit. BeneYeviC. some place it earlier and some later. Ibn al-Athir. which most of the Muslim sources say is situated between Ramla and Bayt Jibrin. I. See also Balidhuri. is near Hebron and Hebron is near Yarmiit (a Biblical locationuarmuth] mentioned also by Eusebiusin his Onomastikan. Ibn took place twenty-four days Hubaysh.I. in a place called Ijnidayn. 37 (s. Bidiiyu. as if he wished to avoid the dangerous site.who explains that he was a commander of moivu. 50-84). Ibn Kathir. 52-60. Tidhra was sent to opposeYazid b. Abii ‘Ubayda and the rest) actually met up with the Byzantines at this crucial juncture. As to the cubicularios.THE CONQUEST army numbered no more than 40. Ta’rikh. 59. Titres des eunuques (REB. I.000 men. n. see Bury. 340-365). 44(1951). See Tabari. on the battle. which the latter had to defend with all their might. see ibid. a which is a unit of some 1000 to 3000 men.v.. Sophocles. Ya‘qiibi. Istr’ib. who was oneof Heraclius’ eunuchs. was Nastiras.. 2).43 After the 43 As to the date.. The name of the cubicular. Heraclius at the time. Abii Sufyin. for Ijnidayn. 64 (as mentioned). 150f. or Megiddo. see de Goeje. Tu’rikh. 127. 535-562. mentions among theByzantine commanders Jurja b. it is difficult to tell to which droungarios the Arab sources are referring (Guilland does not mention them). 54f. The Byzantine army concentrated in Jilliq (or Jallaq?). according to Arab sources.. whichis Theodore. See also Guilland. 269-282. 563-587: ‘Le drongaire et le grand drongaire de la Veille’ (an article of the same name was first printed in BZ. BNG]. 111.v. we do not have enough data to take a definitestandonthematter. Usd. that is Lajiin. see ibid. IVusZ’i2.000 fighters. see De Goeje. according to one source. theJqiir (vicarius?) ibn NastGs was sent against A b i ‘Ubayda. BuldZtl. according to whom the droungarioswas one of the commanders of one of the four army corps of the Byzantine army. I. namely that wh was called vigZZ. 217. I. Tu’rikh. See ibid. One explanation is that the name Ijnadayn. 478ff. 125. I. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. Jurja b. that the Arab sources confused the battle of Ijnidayn withthat of the Yarmik. is the equivalent of legionurn. I. Fut$z. 13. ImperialAdnrinistrution. 212-240. which seems to mean ‘two armies’. In favour of this supposition is the fact that Megiddois a critical point strategically and it is reasonable to assumethattheunitedMuslimforces. 43 [1950]. Sa‘id). The decisive battle took place on the28th ofJumada I in the year AH 13. 51.ibid. s. cf.. whichis the 30thofJuly. Also see ibid. See further on the date. who says that the taranjiir (droungarios) commanded over 1. who was in charge of the central sector of the army. However. in Tabari). according to him...

Mlmoire. the conquest of most of thecities of Palestine had come to an end. It appears that later on it was the main base of theMuslim army in Palestine. evidently in the middle of January 635. whoaccompanied the emperor on his military expeditions. 356f. became caliph in his place. the caliph Abii Bakr died and ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib. they would pay a dinar poll-tax annually and they would hand over to the Muslims a quantity of wheat or oats equivalent to the number of seeds planted on each unit of land.44 Additional conquests [56] O n the 23rd of August. the Christians celebrating in Jerusalem were not permitted to visit Bethlehem. and the fact that theArabs called it ‘Imwis. as we have seen. Tiberias capitulated to theMuslims together with all the townsin the area. Towards theend of the summer. on Christmas Day that year.A D D I T I O N A L C O N Q U E S T S [ S E C S . 174f. the Arabs (‘the Saracens’) ‘plunder cities. personal and property security in exchange for the payment of taxes. towardsTiberias and the northern Trans-Jordan. @%tr ‘Imwis. the Muslimssucceeded in breaking through to the east and taking over Fihl (Pella) after a battle. Emmaus was called by theByzantines Nikopolis. Nabulus. 4 4 45 43 . 90f. as was their annual custom on this day.45 [57] Remnants of the Byzantinearmy concentrated in the Jordan Valley in the neighbourhood of Bet Shean after their downfallin Ijniidayn. destroy holy monasteries’. ‘Amr took over an estate called ‘Ajlih. Jaffa and Rafiah. and also Schonborn. There they attempted to stave off the Muslims’ advance northward and eastward. They dammed off the irrigation canals with the intention of creating large quagmires. his right-hand man andclosest aide throughout theperiod of his caliphate. and they remained shut securely behind the city walls. Evidenceof this could be heard in the sermon held by the Jerusalem patriarch. Sebastia. which wecan surmise from thefact that the name was also used for thegreatest plague that broke out among the Muslim army. Emmaus. See: Vincent et Abel. In his words. burn the villages. See Sophronius’ sermon: De Goeje. Bet Guvrin. Immediately afterwards. Balidhuri. 634. In Bet Guvrin. The conditions of the surrender of these localities (such as Tiberias and Bet Shean) were that half the inhabitants’ houses should go to the Muslims. Sophronius. Out of fear of the Arabs. despoil the fields. He points out thatSebastia and Nibulus were taken on conditions of amin. the Muslims conquered most of cities the in Palestine one after the other. and he mentions (based on Nicephorus of Constantinople) Marianus the cubicular appointed by Heraclius to halt the advance of the Arabs into %Y Pt. Futiilz. 138. even of nobility. Lod. Yavne. but despite the difficulties and the losses suffered while trying to cross the marshes with their horses. proves that it was called by itsancient name by the people of Palestine. that is. Gaza. Emmaus. were eunuchsconsidered of high status. named after a client whom he had there. 56-58] victory at Ijnidayn.

328. thegovernor of the town. along with4. but it will suffice to point to the fact that there are hints of betrayal within the city itself. 10. According to Khalifa ibn Khayyat. 138c Ibn ‘Asakir. which surrenderedwillingly by sultl. notes that the condition laid down for the peaceful surrender of Tiberias was that houses unoccupied because their owners had fled. the 12thof March AD635. Afeq (Afiq). as thechiefByzantinecommander. ibid. with the exception of Tiberias.Nast5s (Anastasius) is also mentioned. Shurahbil conquered all the towns of Urdunn (which is Palaestina secunda in the Arab sources) and their citadels.. Buldin. Qedesh (Qadas). 28ff). 103f.000 men and they surrendered for the second time. Him$. see also Ibn al-‘Imid. is mentioned. Panic was rife in Damascus when the taking of Tiberias and the other cities in northern Palestine. apart from the pressure exerted by the Muslims. and in this connection the name of ManSiir b. a man from Kiifa who was one of the first commentators. the people of BetShean were preparedto fight the Muslim army.. See also Yfqiit. became known. for he seems to have secretly hoped for the Muslims’ triumph. onlya few are towns of the Dekapolis. Tu’rikh. see also ibid. al-Walid and ‘Amribn al-‘As. including Siisita (Siisiya). according to the terms of settlement. 28. would be handed over to the Muslims and that a site would be allotted to the Muslims for a mosque. 138. 486. 144. 509. under the same conditions. and who was killed by al-Hajj5j in 714 (see Sezgin. Dhahabi. the name of Mahan. 111. whereas the remainderp f towns in the Urdunnhad been captured earlier by Khalid b. Bayt Ra’s. whereas actually in the list of captured towns (the most complete list is contained in Baladhuri). ~ ~ (58) At about the same time. We shall not go into the many details of the victory over Damascus. 11. and all of the Golan. Some say that this occurred under the commandof Shurahbil. and that these are traditions taken from a very early commentary on the Koran Sa‘id by ibn Jubayr al-Asadi. 117. commanded by Shurahbil b. by Salama and Ibn Ishiq. on the opening of the dams in the Bet Shean valley. the church was divided in half and 46 De Goeje. It should Shean from that time was given the cognomen ‘the marshy (one’ be noted that the traditions on the conquest of Fihl and the events in the Bet Shean area are recounted in the name of Ibn Humayd. in the Hawran and in the Golan. There is an interesting episode concerning the great church of St John in Damascus. Tu’rikh. 377. 116. all the townsin the area were taken in battle. Seealso Ya‘qiibi. IV(1). 70fc SuyUti. 525. Acre. the remainder of the inhabitants Bet of Shean surrendered to the Muslims a by peace pact (scrlh). 2159.2158. Tiberias yielded to Abii ‘Ubayda of its own accord. and then Abii ‘Ubayda sent ‘Amr ibn al-‘As to them. Ibn Hubaysh. Buldin. the battle of Fihl occurred in Dhii’l-Qa‘da of the year 13 (December 634 -January 635). 131. According to Tabari. I. For the termsof the surrendersee Tabari. 11.THE CONQUEST Concurrently. See Ya‘qiibi. was captured and Damascus lay under siege.see the samealso in Ibn Hubaysh. in Syria. 1. I. and continued for halfa year. but in the meantime. Balidhuri. ibid. 44 . Mthoire. Ibn Sa‘d. Hasana. Here too. or Bahan. Jarash. as is Theodore theSakellarios. until the 10th of September. Sarjiin (Sergius). I. Tyre. theylearned of thesetback in Fihl. I. but the people of Tiberias afterwards defaulted on the contract with thehelp of remnants of the Byzantine army. and Sepphoris ( S a f u r i y ~ a ) . I. 2145: Bet d h d ul-radgha). 159C cf.Tu’rikh. Flrtiih. Ta’rikh.arises. Although a few of them put up some resistance to the Muslims and lost theirlives in the process. Modern scholars speak of the Dekapolis conquest. The siege on Damascus began on the 16th of Muharram of the year AH 14..

the tradition according to which ‘a monk’ (here certainly meaning ManSClr) handed over the town to Khalid ibn al-Walid. See Tabari. 11. 7. edited by Noldeke. Opposing themwas the Muslim army. 248. was a major official of ‘Abd al-Malik. in addition to the sources he refers to: al-Badri. from a Syriac chronicle. See a fragment from MS BM Add 14461. See Balidhuri. with a mere 24. 11.. 77f. According to IbnIshiiq. Sergius (Sarjiin). Tabari. 29(1876). I. see ibid. VII. the SakellariosTheodore. cf.in addition to which he also had army units of Armenians. while another section of the Muslim army broke into the town forcibly. 553.T H E B A T T L E O F T H E Y A R M U K [SECS. Futtih.214.000 men. 2347. according to whom Mi hi n became a monk on Mount Sinai out of fear of punishment for fall the of Damascus. 529. 2389f. accordingto one ofhis versions. Ibn ‘Asakir.began with supreme effort to organise a counter-attack. 2155. 205. his son. people of al-Jazira (northern Mesopotamia) and Armenia’. Sarjiin acted as chief administrators for the Umayyad caliphs. ‘Amila. 14f.000 men. while Jabala b. 82-103.Dhahabi. on p. zabiir Da’iid). traditions on 300 See also Khalifa ibn Khayyit.. Ta’rikh. of theBanu Ghassiin. ‘Byzantines. Judhiim. O n the church of Damascus. Some sources mention that Bahiin was still in chargeof the army. The anonymous Syriac chronicle. Afterwards members of the family of Mansiir b.239. which has the date on which the Byzantines fled Damascus as 10 August (Av). 531. the tradition according to Wiqidi mentions that the siege went on for six months.000 men. but ibid. cf. Ta’rikh. mentions Bihin and the Sakellarios as those who stood at the head of the defence of Damascus. al-Ayham. Ta’rTkh. Balqin. callshim John the diakonos. 61. 2351ff. 10.48 De Goeje. Ibn Kathir. ibid. 118. I. Sarjiin. or even 400 thousand Byzantine fighters. who 337f. Ta’rikh.000 fighters. who fell in battle.493-526. I. Ibn ‘Asikir. I. under the command of the Byzantine Shanas (or Shanash). 47 The battle of the Yarmiik [59] The emperor Heraclius. 135ff. See also on ManSiir b. See Tabari. I. an unclear description ofa trial attack by the Byzantines in an unknown place which he calls Marj al-Riim (valley of the Byzantines). the siege lasted only seventy days. and cf. 96f.111. 59-62] the west side was allotted to the Christians while the east side was g‘ lven the Muslims. Mimoire. Georgios (Jurja) was in command of the Armenians. 53. and who wrote a commentary on the chapter sixth of psalms (al-rnazmdr. people of al-Shim (Syria and Palestine). who according to the Arab sources wasin Antioch at the time(635).837. see De Goeje. for it any way by its uniformity or its unity. 11.. Bali. Heraclius firstof all gathered together those Arab tribes who were opposed to Islam . 193. n. some claim that it comprised as many as 200. there must have been Aramaic-speaking recruits from the local populations and Greek-speaking Byzantine soldiers in this conis clear that it wasnot marked in glomerate armyof the Byzantines. The Sakellariosis described 48 45 . 501.BidZya. ibid. which is earlier by month a from that given in the Muslim sources. Futiih. evidently north of Damascus. This army numbered 100. see Balidhuri. where he speaks of a Byzantine army of 200. See a short summary ofthis family’s matters in Stratos. Qudii‘a and Ghassiin .228. on the siege. see in Caetani. Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. ZDMG. Although it is not mentioned specifically.the Eakhm. Heading the army stood ‘Heraclius’ eunuch’. See also Theophanes. led the Arab tribes still loyal to the Byzantines. son of SargCln.

’ Then the people of Him?are said to have retorted: Your protection and sense of justice are preferable to injustice and violence. the first confrontation between the armies at the start of thebattle in the sourcesas the person in charge of the emperor’s personal affairs. and he frequently bears the title praepositus sani cubiculi. Benes’eviC. placing a guard at the gates. therefore we shall stand together with your leader and protect the town from Heraclius’ armies. 29(1876). they were again received by the inhabitants of the towns with great joy and song. it is told that the Muslims returned the taxes which they had leviedon the inhabitants of Him?. 357.49 [61] The Muslims then concentrated their forces in the southern part of the Golan and to the east of the Sea of Galilee while the Byzantines advanced from the region of Antioch southward. Noldeke. FutSI. Adversely. both in the north (Him?) and in the south (Damascus). from which the name ofoffice the derives. see lines 8-9. s. thesacellurn. See De Goeje. saying: ‘It is impossible for us to be your helpers and defenders. 108-1 18. the Byzantine army was still greater (‘a very great and mighty army’). in the chapter Le prCposite (= Byzantinoslavica. Then Palestine was captured from the Byzantines bythe sahib See hiscommentary onDaniel. Mirnoire. The marked difference between the strength of the Byzantines and thatof the Muslims. The Syriac source: in the MS BM Add 14. in his view. The Jews of Him5 even swore on the Torah that they would no permit Heraclius’ governor to enter Him?. 5 (1926/7). See further on theevacuation of Syria by the Muslims: Ibn Hubaysh. According to the tradition preserved by Baladhuri. He demonstrates that the Muslims captured Damascus twice. 77f. After consultation with the caliph through letters. also Bury. the Byzantine king’s men betrayed him when they saw the Muslims advancing (‘for they shall forecast devices against him’) and a great many of them were killed (‘and many shallfall down slain’).THE CONQUEST [60]In view of the tremendous concentration of forces organised by the Byzantinesinpreparationfortheirgreatcounter-attack. and although the Muslim army was also large (‘with a great army’). ZDMG. 49 .. therefore take care of yourselves. Imperial Adrninistratiotl. Balidhuri. This was how the Christians and the Jews behaved in the cities which had submitted earlier to the Muslims. 76-85. and even locked the gates of the city. al-Zsliim .I.we have the Syriac Chronicle telling of the destruction of Him? and its environs by the Muslims. as is also described here. Abii Yiisuf. According to Theophanes.I. Du Cange. 137. Sophocles. etc..81. translates it: bursar. BNGJ. xi:25-26: ‘and he shall stir up his power and his courage against the king of the south’. Gloss.See in Guilland. is mentioned by the Karaite commentator Yefet ben ‘Ali (in the middle of the tenth century) in his commentary on Dan.v. 22[1961].v. 241-301). s. Greek Lexicon. 461. where the patrikios sakellarios is mentioned (ho patrikios kai sakellarios). the discussion about the problem of whether the capture of Damascus occurred before the battle ofthe Yarmiik or afterwards.: an officer in charge of the treasury@sei custos).theMuslim leaders decided to shorten their front. cf. 143f. they executed a complete withdrawal and actually left Syria. 41f. 124. cf. the Bible speaks of the battle between ‘Umar ibn al-Khatt5b and the Byzantines who were in Palestine. at Marj ‘Imwis near Jerusalem. and was principally in charge of the emperor’s treasury. The narrator adds that after the Muslims were triumphant and defeated t Byzantines. 117.‘until this very day’.

T H E B A T T L E O F T H E Y A R M U K [ S E C S . 59-62]

of the Yarmiik wason Tuesday the 23rd ofJuly 636. While that part of the Byzantine forces under the Sakellarios suffered a defeat, the army commanded byBaanes (Bihin) rebelled against the emperor and crowned the Sakellarios in his place. There was a general withdrawal and the Arabs used this opportunity to launch an attack in the midst of a sandstorm brought on that day by a wind from the south,and therefore the Byzantines, who came from the north, were unable to see the enemy facing them. Most of the Byzantine army was wiped out in theregion’s valleys and ravines during their flight, together with their commanders. The date of the event, according to Muslim sources, is Rajab in theyear 15. Ibn al-Kalbi cites the 5th as the date, but there are also other versions, less reliable, which place the battle of the Yarmiik much earlier, even in t year AH 13 (AD 634), apparentlyconfusing this battle withthat of Ijnidayn. If we accept Ibn al-Kalbi’s date, we find that the battle took place on the 13th of August, 636, that is three weeks after the date given by Theophanes. A Syriac source tells of a Byzantine defeat in Gabitha in which 50,000 soldiers were killed on the 20th of August. As Theophanes other in speaks at one and the same time of the battle in Gabitha and the Iermoukha (Gabithais Jibiya in the Golan, which evidently was concena tration point for the Byzantines), Noldeke assumed, quite correctly, that the Syriac source was actually referring to the battle of the Yarmiik. We see, therefore, that the dates ascribed to the battle of the Yarmiik move between the 23rd ofJuly (Theophanes)and the20th of August (the Syriac source). 50

Theophanes, 332, 338; one can surmise that what heis describing was an uprising of the Armenians; cf. Ya‘qiibi, T n ’ r i k k , 11, 160; Balidhuri, Frrt$z, 135: 70,000 Byzantines and others who had joined forces with them werekilled; Muslim women also participated in the battle. Tabari, Tn’rikh, I, 2347ff; Ibn ‘Asikir, I, 528f, 533, 537; on pp. 538-545 he includes traditions that describe the course of the battle. Bihin gave a heartening address to his men and then ordered his left flank to launch an attack, under the command of the droungarios (dirn+ir). Opposing them weremainly the tribes of Yaman, which made up theright flank oftheMuslims, and thoughthe pressure onthem was heavy,they withstood it. But they eventually had to withdraw towards the centre in view of the tremendous waves of Byzantine soldiers attacking them, apart from some 500 fighters who stubbornly continued tofight until those who had withdrawn returnedand replaced them. Finally, the outcome of the battle was decided by the Muslims’ left flank, under Khilid ibn al-Walid. See more versions in Ibn Kathir, BidGya, VII, 4-16; in hisaccount, the battle of the Yarmiiktakes place in the days ofAbii Bakr; cf. Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 2155; see also his story of the unusual tactics of Khilid ibn al-Walid, who divided his cavalry in two, one half to the left flank and the other to the right flank, in order to strengthen both of them. See the Syriac source, as in the previous note, from line 20; cf. Noldeke, ibid., 79; Theophanes, 332.See also Sa‘id ibn Bitriq, 11, 14: the Byzantines under Mihiin were stationed in a large wadi called Wadi Ramid in the Golan, known also by the name al-Yaqiisa (this name, Yaqiisa or Waqiisa, is also mentioned in other sources) thinking that the wadi protected them, while the Arabs wereensconced opposite them. At this point, Manstir, the governor of Damascus, betrayed the Byzantines by coming totheir position



[62] Heraclius, who was awaiting the results of the battle in Antioch, sailed to Constantinople as soon as he learned the bitter truth, and accordingtoMuslim sourcesexclaimed: ‘Peace be withyou, 0 Syria! My beautiful country [meaning the land ofal-Sham] from now on you belong to the enemy!’ Damascus, Him? and all the other Syrian cities were now again in the hands ofthe Muslims, who recaptured them immediately after the victory of the battle of theYarmiik and the devastationof Byzantine power. 51
The dismissal of Khdid ibn al-Walid

[63] Afterthebattle of the Yarmiikthere was widespreadinternal dissension within the Muslim camp whichled to the dismissal of Khiilid ibn al-Walid from the command of the army which had fought in Palestine. The traditions vary and contradict one another with regard to this affair: some describe Khalid’s dismissal as having occurred at the beginning of ‘Umar’s caliphate. These traditions speak of ‘Umar’s resentment towards Khalid because of the latter’s behaviour during the riddu battles, whereas the more reliable traditions stress the central role which Khdid played during thebattle of the Yarmiik. It is not likely that ‘Umar would oustsuch an accomplishedandexperiencedwarrior from thecentral command before knowing whether the final outcome was entirely in favour of the Muslims. Apparently the real reason behind his discharge lay in differences over the spoils, and the traditions refer to this very frankly. According to one of the traditions quoted in Tabari, for instance, ‘Umar learned (for nothing was hidden from him) about a gift of 10,000 dinars
at the head of a great number of people from Damascusat night, bearing torches, and the Byzantines thought that these were Arabs and that they were being attacked from the front and from the rear, so they took to their heels in panic, and thus met their end. Furiih (ascribed to Wiqidi), I, 205f: the traitor to the Byzantines was Abii Ju‘ayd, one of the leaders of Hims,who lived in a town called Ziri‘a. The Byzantine soldiers mistreated his wife and murdered his children; for which he took his vengeance on themby provoking a stampede within the ranks of the Byzantine army stationed in Wadi Yaqiisa. Later on, we find Abii Ju‘ayd mentioned also in connection with the capture of Jerusalem. See the comprehensive discussion and survey of the sources relating to the battle ofthe Yarmiik in Caetani, 111, 549-613. See appreciation of Khilid ibn al-Walid’s strategic talents in Canard, Settimane-Spoleto, 12(1964), 50fc thestrategic withdrawal in the face ofHeraclius’ forces, the evacuation of southern Syria and Damascusandthecounter-movement on the Yarmiik are evidence ofhis excellent organising ability and his skill at manoeuvring on the battlefield. Khilid’s qualities as an outstanding commander were already evident during his march from Iraq to Syria through the desert, a feat which has no parallel. See also the interesting discussion ibid., 309-335. j1 Balidhuri, Fcrtuh, 137. Various versions of the farewell speech in Ibn Hubaysh, 142c cf. Tabari, Tu’rikkh, I, 2395f; Sa‘idibn Bifriq, 11, 16. The anonymous Syriac chronicle, 251: he said: riiri s i r i y i (= sCsor~Syria).

T H E D I S M I S S A LO F K H A L I D I B N A L - W A L ~ D[ S E C S . 63-64]

which Khdid had given Ash‘ath Qays, b. leader of the Kinda, tribe. At that moment, ‘Umar ordered his dismissal, evenif what he had given Ash‘ath came out of his own pocket. This action is understandable against the background of ‘Umar’s general policy of struggling with intense energy against corruption in the division of the spoils. He also exerted considerable effort in trying to restrict occurrences of theft and the abuse of local populations. To pursue this policy, he travelled from Medina to Jabiya, where the headquarters of al-Sham was stationed. In place of Khalid, he appointed Abu ‘Ubayda ibn ai-Jarrah to the high command. Khdid expressed his disappointmentandbitternesson his dismissal‘now that al-Shim was as quiet as a camel’, but did not dare to rise up against ‘Umar.52 [64] One can mention three focal points associated with the internai struggle echoed in the issue Khalid’s of dismissal. Firstis the frictions and contradictions between the various tribes of the peninsula who had been

Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 2526; see ibid, 2148, the versions of Sayf ibn ‘Umar and of Ibn Ishiq, which antedate Khalid’s dismissal and relate it to ‘Umar’s grudge against him;ibid., 2401f: ‘Umar came to al-Sham four times; he was shocked on coming to Jiibiya to see Kh5lid ibn al-Walid’s cavalry wearingsilk. He descended from his horse and started throwing stones at them and reprimanded them severely. Ibid., 2149: after he was summonedto Medina, ‘Umar demanded of Khilid, ‘Oh, Khalid, take the money of God from under your bottom’, and confiscated40,000 dirhams, of which half he found on his person. Ya‘qiibi, Ta’rikh, 11, 168: ‘Umar ordered the spoils to be divided equally between all the tribes, with the exception of Lakhm and Judham (that is, inhabitants of Palestine), and said, ‘I shall never admit of any equality between those who have gone through all the hardshipsof the road and those who have merely stepped outside their doorway’. See also Ibn al-Athir, Kiirnil, 11, 500f; Ibn ‘Asikir, I, 556; Nawawi, Tahdhib, I, 201: Zayd b. Thiibit (who had been the Prophet’s secretary) was appointed to take charge of the division of spoils taken in the battle of the Yarmiik; Ibn Kathir, BidZya, VII, 44, on ‘Umar’s visit to al-Shim,and see ibid., 58, other versions, according to which he only visited J5biya three times, but some say, only twice. Ibid., 16: immediately after the ousting of Khalid from the command, Abii ‘Ubayda took over arranging matters concerning the spoils, the main object being to deduct the fifthdue to the Muslim treasury accordingto lawand sendit to Medina. Ibid., 12: a version which describes the dismissal Khilid of as having occurredat the height of the battle of the Yarmiik. ‘Abd al-Jabbir, Tathbit, I, 230: ‘Umar’s policy aroused opposition among theMuslims. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd, I, 53: They heard ‘Umar ibnal-Khaty7b say in Jiibiya in a sermon: ‘I herewith apologise to you for what Khilid ibn al-Walid did. I ordered him to dedicate this property to the welfare of the Muhijirun (the Muslim refugees from Mecca), but he gave it to the evil-doers, to the notables and to those of slick tongues. I therefore discharged him and appointed Abii ‘Ubaydaal-Jarrah’. ibn Lammens, Mo‘iiwia, 5, explains the deposing of Khilid after the battle of the Yarmiik by fact the that he belongedto the Ban6 Makhziim, wealthy peopleof Mecca (who were loyal allies of the Umayyads), andtherefore ‘Umar mistrusted him andplottedagainst him. O n Abii ‘Ubayda, see ‘Azizi, I, 492f; 11, 13, 16, 245: his name was ‘Amir b. ‘Abdallah b. al-Jarrah; the Prophetsaid about him that he is the most loyal in this urnma (that is, of the Muslims). the Muslims and took part in See the article Abii ‘Ubayda EP in (Gibb); he was one of first all the battles. It is possible that‘Umar sawin hima suitable successor.See a comprehensive discussionon thequestion of Khalid’s dismissal: De Goeje, Mirnoire, 65-70, 124-133; Caetani, 111, 937.



gatheredtogetherwithintheMuslimcamp.Thesetribeshaddiverse origins and previously had had little in common. A large portion of the army which fought in Palestine and Syria consisted of tribes who came from every part of the Arabian peninsula, but the main core consisted of men from Mecca, Medina, T 2 i f and members of the tribes of northern Hijaz. There were also those tribes, or clans from the northwest of the peninsula, which were Yamanis (southerners) by extraction, such as Bali, and those assembled around ‘Amr ibn al-‘As in particular. The second focal point is the animosity between all these tribes, the Muslims who came from afar, and the local Arabs in the conquered lands, who enjoyed the fruits of victory, while those who had come from some distance were concentrated in Jibiya, the central camp of the Muslim army. The third focal pointis arguments concerning attitudesto and the treatment of local populations. There were those who wished to exploit the victory until the very end, to confiscate all property, completely enslave the population, and distribute the houses and lands among the Muslims. These were the aspirations in a setting of vandalism, plunder and massacre. ‘Umar intended to solve these problems at their very roots and thus dismissed Khdid, who according to the traditions, typified the craving for spoils andrichesandevendiscriminatedbetweentheMuslimsthemselves, apparently showing a partiality for the local tribes and his own retainers. The man who influenced ‘Umar withregard to restraining the Muslims and changing their approach to the local populations was Mu‘iidh b.Jabal,who according toMuslimtradition,was a man of understanding and a sort of expert on the economy and finances. He said to ‘Umar:

if the land shall be divided [that is to say, become the private property of the Muslims, including the local population], the portion meted out to people [to each of the Muslims] will be tremendous and they will waste it, and everything will become the property of one man or woman [that is, will fall into the hands of a few]; afterward the successors of the Muslims will follow [that is, their descendway that will satisfy ants] and they will find nothing. Consider the matter in asuch the first and the last generation.

Thus ‘Umar arranged living conditions of the population under Muslim rule in such a manner as to preserve their personal liberty and property, according to conditions to be discussed further

Abii ‘Ubayd, Amwd, 59; BalHdhuri, Futd.2, 1Slf; Abii’l-FidH’, MukhtaJar, I, 160: ‘Umar ibn al-KhattHb was thefirst to organise a census of the tribes andto fix the allowances of the Muslims, in the year AH 20 (AD 641). Abii Zur‘a (MS),1If: ‘Umar came to Jibiya in the year 18 [AD 6391, and arranged a general convention at which all the commanders all the propertythey had collected; he introduced order into the army handed over to him units and bases and fixed the allowances and payments; cf. Shaban, Islamic History, 26, 41.

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The capitulation of Jerusalem

[65] In the autumn of theyear 636, Palestine was under Muslim control, with the exception ofJerusalem and Caesarea. The latter was the capital of Palaestina prima, a fortifiedport witha large army stationed there. Hence the Muslims delayed attempting to capture it for a further five years. Jerusalem was also a stronghold and the approaches to it were difficult. It was manned by a Byzantine garrison and armoured units made up of the local inhabitants. The two cities were virtually in a state of siege although nowhere is it stated specifically that the Muslims had actually encircled them. But the roads wereall cut offand impassable and while Caesarea still maintained its sea lanes, Jerusalem was completely severed from the rest of the country after the battle of the Yarmiik. We have already seen how Sophronius,thepatriarchofJerusalem,complainedin his Christmas sermon in the year 634 that the people of Jerusalem could not reach Bethlehem for fear of the Arabs. The Muslim traditions contradict one another with regard to the date on which Jerusalem was captured. In Tabari, at one point, the year AH 15 (AD 636) is mentioned and in another, the year 16 (637). Balidhuri says that the city surrendered in the year 17 (638). This information complies with the account of Theophanes, who says that the city was under siege for two years (that is, after the battle of the Yarmiik). Further evidence that the city was indeed taken in 638 is the fact that the patriarch Sophronius is said to have died of sorrow shortly after the surrender of the town. Sophronius was appointed patriarch in the autumn of 633 and it is said that he kept the position for fouryears. He died in March 638.54

O n the presence of the Byzantine army in Jerusalem, see Tabari, Tu’rikh, I, 2398: Ariabun stationed an immense army in Ramla (he probably meant Lod, as Ramla had not as yet been founded), and also an immense army inJerusalem (Iliya). O n the question of the date see Tabari, ibid., 2406: the year AH 15 (in the version of the treaty, to be discussed below, according to Sayfb. ‘Umar); ibid., 2360, he mentions a date which is not clear, perhaps the end of the year AH 15 (evidently according to Ibn Ishiq: see ibid., 2346, and 2350 at the bottom of the page); Khalifa ibn Khayyit, I, 124: the year 16; Baladhuri, Futuh, 139; Theophanes, 339; Ibn al-Athir, K i d ,11, 501: some say that Jerusalem was conquered in the year AH 16. O n Sophronius, see Sa‘id ibn Bitriq, I, 12f: Sophronius was active in Alexandria against the patriarch Cyrus who supported the Monotheletism (seesec. 9 above) of Heraclius (in the words of Sa‘id, he was a Miruni, accepting the stand of Marin). Afterwards, he left for Constantinople and there met thepatriarch Sergius, who eventually decided to support Cyrusrather than Sophronius. Sophroniusleft for Jerusalem; he won the support of the monks and the populationin the city and they elected him patriarch, for therewas no patriarch in Jerusalem in those days; that is, in the second year of ‘Umar’s caliphate (635). Cf. also Couret. ROC, 2(1987), 126f; see Schonborn, 83ff: Sophronius reached Jerusalem in the autumn of 633 and was immediately appointed patriarch, for the post was available. He was eighty-eight when hedied (born in Damascus in January 550), see ibid., 54; but see also Le Quien, Oriens Chistianus, 111, 278, and therein various opinions regarding the year of Sophronius’ death, ranging from 636 to 644; and see further details on Sophronius, ibid., 264ff, 272 (the letter in which he complains of the


[66] The sources do not provide us with many details on the fall of Jerusalem. They generally stress that the siege lasted a long time and that the inhabitants ofJerusalem were prepared to hand over the city only to the caliph himself.Thus ‘Umarcame and received its capitulation. Other a delegation ofJerusalemites came to Jabiya and that the sources state that details of the surrender were finalised there. Others point out thatwas it not ‘Umarhimself who took on the task, but that he sent an army unit to Jerusalem headed by a man from al-Shim, Khalid b. Thibit b. Ta‘in b. al-‘Ajliin al-Fahmi. This force started to assail the people ofJerusalem, but immediately afterwards, negotiations began and ‘Umar, in Jabiya, confirmed the conditions of the treaty determined by Khalid b. Thiibit.55
Arabs’ assaults). See also A n d e s Cuvenses, 186, which has an impossible date for the conquest ofJerusalem- 633. Dhahabi, Tu’rikh, 11, 20 tells usthat in the year AH 16 ‘Umar FutGh (ascribed to Wiqidi).I, 216f,claims that came to al-Shim and conquered Jerusalem. the siege ofJerusalem took place in the winter and lasted for four months; Bar Hebraeus, Chronicle (Bedjan), 103(cf.Budge, 96)says that in the year AH 15, ‘Umar came to Palestine and Sophronius, the bishop ofJerusalem, came out to greet him; Ibn Khaldiin, ‘Ibur, 11, 949 reports the year AH 15, and some say AH 16. See the discussion on this subject in De Goeje, Mimuire, 154ff, and Caetani, 111,920-959. See Ya‘qiibi, Ta’vikh, 11, 167: AbG ‘Ubayda wrote to ‘Umar about the prolongedresistance of the Jerusalemites while some claim that it was the people ofJerusalem themselves who demanded that‘Umar grant them the sull!. ‘Umar came first to Jibiya and from there to Jerusalem and arranged the matter of the srrlh. Khalifa ibn Khayyit, I, 124, has a similar version in the name of Ibn al-Kalbi, according to whom Khilid ibn al-Walid also participated in the campaign against Jerusalem, at the head of the Muslim avant-garde. O n Khilid ibn Thibit see Balidhuri, F~rtGh,139; Ibn ‘Asikir, V, 29; he was called al-Fahmi, evidently because he wasa client of the Banu Fahm, a tribe that lived along the shores of the Red Sea, see Caskel, 11, s.v.: and see Ibn al-Athir, Lubab, 11, 229: al-Fahmi, since he belonged to a clan of Qays ‘Aylin, andsee on this tribe Caskel, 11, S.V. Qais b. an-Nis; Yifi‘i, I, 73; Subki, Shifi’, 47; see the long and very elaborate description of the taking of Jerusalem: Futfih (ascribed to Wiqidi), I, 213ff:see also Constantinus Porphyrog. (Moravcsik), 82: ‘Umar captured Jerusalem craftily by promises given to Sophronius, bishop ofJerusalem,a wise and zealous man, that thechurches would not be harmed; and this occurred after a siege which lasted two years. Goitein, Yerushalayim,4(1952/3); 83 (= Ha-yishuv, 7) treats the information doubtfully with regard to ‘Umar’s comingto Jerusalem. In his opinion, one should regard this information in the light of the tendency to enhance and elaborate on the circumstances ofthe taking ofJerusalem; he also assumes that one could find certain Jewish influences in these sources, such as the midrash to Is. x:34, ‘and Lebanon shall fallby a mighty one’. Jerusalem will only be surrendered to a king, who is worthy ofbeing called ‘a mighty one’ (BT Gittin 56b). Busse, ]uduism, 17(1968), 444f suggests thepossibility that ‘Amr ibn al-‘As was the true conqueror ofJerusalem, but that it was ascribe$ to ‘Umar. This he deduces from a passage in Balidhuri which says that ‘Amr ibn al-‘As stopped the siege of Caesarea in order to conquer Jerusalem. There is some logic totheassumptionthatthe traditionists exaggeratedthe role of ‘Umar in the surrender ofJerusalemin order to glorify the event; however, this is an insufficient reason to utterly invalidate the historical value of these traditions, especially in view of the fact that ‘Umar’s visits to Palestine and Syria are described in these traditions not merely in connection with the conquest ofJerusalem, as hasalready been mentioned. See the opinion of Noth, Quellenkvitisrhe Studierr, 161, who suggests giving credence to the tradition on ‘Umar’s involvement in the matter of thetreaty, although there is place for doubt as to whether the fact that the refusal of the people ofJerusalem to surrender to any other but him is what brought him fromMedina to Jibiya.


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[67] In 638 Islam had already reached the heights of its victories and now had only to bring events to a successful conclusion.The man whose role it was to stand at the headof these tremendous happenings came to receive the surrender ofJerusalem, the city of David, the capital of the Childre Israel, the city which Christianity had chosen as the living symbol of its victory. Muslim tradition takes great pains to present ‘Umar’s coming to Jerusalem as a demonstration of humility, modesty and austerity, evidently witha didactic purpose in mind. The caliph didnot lose his head in the wake of the many victories and triumphs; he behaved as an orthodox Muslim should behave, disdaining the vanities of this world and exhibiting those simple habits in keeping with thebest of Bedouin tradition. He entered the city riding on a camel, wrapped in a cloak madeof camel-hair. Men of the Muslim army, tribesmen, who had now spent four years in settled and cultivated lands, in Palestine and in Syria, were embarrassed by the sight of their supreme commander appearing in a manner such before a conquered people. They demanded that dress he in clothes suitable to the circumstances and that he ride on a horse, and not on a camel. ‘Umar refused the first request but accepted the second and entered Jerusalem on a horse, but held onto thereins of a camel. ‘For this makes me into another person’ he said; ‘I fear lest I grow too great in my own eyes and nothing favourable will come out of such a change.’ Theophanes’ description of ‘Umar’s entry into Jerusalem evidently is influenced by thisstory, but it took on a derisive and hostile tone. The caliph’s entrance wearing worn clothing made of camel-hair appeared to himlike the wearing of a pretentious, hypocritical, mask. ‘Umar asked to see the temple built by King Solomon in order to turn it into a prayer site for his own ‘blasphemies’. The patriarch Jophronius cried out when he saw him: ‘So here is the abomination of desolation prophesied by Daniel and here he stands in th holy place . . . this knightof righteousness’, continues Theophanes, ‘wept over the Christian people’. In Theophanes’ version, it was the patriarch who suggested that ‘Umar change his clothes and asked him to accept a cloak and garments of linen. But ‘Umar refused to wear them. After much convincing, he agreed, but only until his own apparel would be washed. Then he returned Sophronius’ garments and continued to wear his own clothes. 56 [68] In Tabari, in the context of a passage concerning the conquest of Jerusalem which he copied from Sayf ibn ‘Umar, a version of a letter of

See Maqdisi, Muthir (Le Strange), 297: ‘Umarentered Jerusalemthrough the gate of the Prophet Muhammad (i.e., from the south). In Tabari, Tu’rNz, I, 2407f, there is a similar story whichspeaks of a horse and a mule (or just any beast o f burden). Theophanes,339; Constantinus Porphyrog. (Moravcsik), see the previous note (as in Theophanes), cf. De Goeje, Mimoire, 157c Busse, Judaism, 17(1968), 447.



protection (aman or ;u&) had been preserved, which ‘Umar gave to the people of Jerusalem, who were all Christians. According to Tabari, this document was written in Jabiya. Thisis what the letter says:
In the name of God the merciful and compassionate. is the This covenant given by God’s slave ‘Umar, commander of the Believers, to the people ofJerusalem: He grants them security, to each person and his property; to their churches, their crosses, to the sick and the healthy, to all the people of their creed. We shall not station Muslim soldiers in their churches. We shall not destroy the churches nor impair any of their contents or their property or their crosses or anything which belongs to them. We shall not compel the people of Jerusalem to renounce their No Jew shall live among them in Jerusalem. beliefs and we shall do them no harm. The people of Jerusalem are obliged to pay the same tax we impose on the inhabitants of other cities. The inhabitants ofJerusalem must rid themselves of the Byzantine army and any armed individuals. We ensure the safety of these people on their departure from Jerusalem, both of their persons and of their property, To those who wish to remain in Jerusalem, we until they reach their asylum. ensure their safekeeping but they are obliged to pay the same tax that the other inhabitants ofJerusalem must pay. To those inhabitants ofJerusalem who wish to join the departing Byzantines in person and with their property, to vacate their of their persons churches and abandon their crosses, we pledge to ensure the safety and that of their churches and crosses, until they reach their destinations. Those villagers who are present [in Jerusalem] since the murder of so-and-so, should depart with the Byzantines, if they wish to do so, or return to their families; nothing will be collected from them before the harvest.

An analysis of this version of the ‘covenant’reveals certain general principles in common with those which theProphet contracted with the Jews during the Tabiik expedition, which we have mentionedearlier, but it also reveals other distinctive principles. The recurring principles may be summarked as follows: (1) security of person and property, (2) security of the houses of worship, their property and contents; as well as freedom of worship, and (3) the obligation to pay taxes to the Muslims. The distinctive principles appearing in this covenant are (1) the ban on Jews’ residing in Jerusalem, (2) assurance of thepersonal safety of Byzantines or other armedindividuals, and also that of any inhabitant ofJerusalem who decides to leave the city, until theyreach an area under Byzantine dominion, (3) permission to members of the Byzantine army or Byzantine officials to remain in the cityon condition that theypay the same taxes as the remainder of the city’s inhabitants, and (4) the safety of refugees currently living in Jerusalem should they wish to return to their villages, and the promise that they would notbe obliged to pay thetaxes until after the harvest.57

Tabari, Ta’vikh, I, 2405f. The letter of protection in the original is called amc?tz.Jerusalem is called IliyP; ‘the sick and the healthy’ are not tobe understood literally but as a figure of speech meaning, ‘to everyone without exception’. The tax is calledjizya, a term which as yet didnotmean specifically poll-tax, as itdidlater;‘armedmen’ is a liberal and


T H E C A P I T U L A T I O N O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S . 65-69]

[69] Goitein claims that this version of the covenant is not plausible and that one cannot rely on thesource in which it has been preserved, namely the account of Sayf ibn ‘Umar, from which Tabari copied. Goitein questions Sayf s authenticity on other subjects as well, wherehis versions show bias and differ from those of other traditions. He goes on to mention a number of other traditions dealing with the surrender ofJerusalem, which contain no trace of a covenant with its inhabitants, or a ban on Jews’ abiding in the city. We shall examine a number of other sources which tell of the surrender of Jerusalem. The traditions about Khiilid b. Thiibit in Baliidhuri and in Ibn ‘Asiikir portray him as the conqueror of Jerusalem and make reference to an agreement which was reached (according to Baliidhuri in exchange for payment and only referring to within the walled city) and which ‘Umar authorisedafterwards.Elsewherein his chronicleIbn‘Asakirquotes another and strange version from,Wiiqidi, according to which the agreement was made with the Jews who were in Jerusalem, twenty in number, their leader being Joseph bin Niin (!). According to this agreement, the inhabitants of Jerusalem had to pay j i r y a and in return were promised security of their persons, property and their churches, on condition that they would not revolt nor harbour rebels. Apparently the idea of the twenty Jews relates to another matter, which is that of the twenty Jews who later served on the Temple Mount. Theophanes, in his account of ‘Umar’s visitto Jerusalem, mentions the fact that Sophronius, patriarch of Jerusalem, handed over the city in exchange for a logos, which in this context, undoubtedly means a promise. Ya‘qiibi evidently knew the story found in Ibn ‘Asakir, and the substance of the covenant he mentions is similar, but he claims that there was a difference of opinion with regard to the strltl in Jerusalem. Some say it was made with the Jews, but the prevailing opinion is that it was made with the Christians. The Christian Sa‘id ibn Bip-iq, who elsewhere relates that it was forbidden for Jews to abide in Jerusalem from the time of Constantine and afterwards, brings up the subject of the covenant and a version of it, in which the safety of person, property and the church is included, without mentioning the ban on Jews living in Jerusalem at all. Wefind in Musharraf information about
approximate translation of the word IrrsJt, evidently identical with the Hebrew word listim, both taken from the Greek: listgs, robber. But it is not likely that the Christians in Jerusalem would ask for a clause to be included in the pact giving protection to robbers, therefore the meaning here is evidently: inhabitants who are not in the army but who participated in the defenceof the city. Villagers (literally: people of the soil) were apparently refugees from the villages who sought refuge in Jerusalem when the Muslims took large stretchesof Palestine. The letterapparently mentioned some murderthat frightened the population and drove many of them seek to refuge in Jerusalem, but thecopyist of the letter was not interested in copying the name of the victim (or victims) and wrote, the murder of so-and-so ( f i l l a n ) .



a letter sent by Abii ‘Ubayda to the people ofJerusalem in which he t convince them to turn toIslam. Mutahhar b. Tiihir al-Maqdisi notes that ‘Umar concluded the sulk with the people ofJerusalem, which according to him entailed the security of the churches and the assurance that the monks would not be exiled. Ibn al-Athir, who generally copied from Tabari, points out with regard to Jerusalem only that ajizya was imposed on its citizens. The same applies to al-Makin, and although Tabari is also his principal source, he only mentions the beginning of a version of the agreement and does not mention the Jewish matterat all. The Christian chronicler Agapius (Mahbiib) of Manbij tells how the patriarch Sophronius goesout to greet ‘Umar his on arrival in Jerusalem from Medina and receives a covenant from him, bearing his seal, but only mentions the Jewish aspect: that of the absence of any protection for any Jew living in Jerusalem, and that, if found there, they would be punished physically their property affected. Similarly Michael the Syrian indicates only ‘that no Jew is permitted tolive in Jerusalem’, as is the case with Bar Hebraeus. Although there is some doubt as to the authenticity of Sayfs information (which was copied by Tabari), and although contradictions appe in his accounts, it appears that we cannot disregard him altogether. The version itself seems to be reliable; it is possible that the passage in which the year (15) is incorrect, was added by Tabari, or perhaps by Sayf himself. The names of the witnesses mentioned therein, all of whom were important figures in the Muslim command, seem artificial; but the language of the covenant and its details appear authentic and reliable and in keeping with whatis known ofJerusalem at that time.We have seen that most of the Muslim sources ignore the details of the pact, apart from the fundamentals - security and taxes. O n the other hand,as one mightanticipate, the subject of the Jews appeared important to almost all the Christian chroniclers, for here was a ban forbidding the Jews to live in Jerusalem. The question still remains as to how this Jewish aspect could be adapted to the historical fact (proven by a number of sources) that the Jews indeed settled in Jerusalem shortly after the conquest. I shall attempt to find some 58 explanation for this contradiction.

Goitein, Melila, 3 4 (1949/50), 158fc see also his article Yerushaluyim, 4(1952/3), 84ff. An important argumentagainst the reliability ofSayf ibn ‘Umar is his inaccuracy with regard to the year of theconquest of Jerusalem. See on this matter theremark of Noth, Quellenkritische Studien, 57, that the chronological frameworks are generally thework of editors (in thiscase, Tabari); thereforethe essential valueofthe genuine tradition remains intact even though the chronological sequence is not correct. See Balsdhuri and Ibn ‘Asskir, above in n. 55; cf. also Ibn A‘tham, I, 296: the sulh was attained through the mediation of a tribesman of Palestine (certainly this is what he meantby mustu‘riba) sent by ‘Umar whose name was Abii’l Ju‘ayd. The agreement contained a stipulation on the payment of thejizya and permission to remain in the city. The Jewsare not mentioned

T H E C O M P L E T I O N O F T H E C O N Q U E S T [ S E C S . 70-741

The completionof the conquest

[70] The mostdifficult areas to conquer were principally thecities along the coast, which were surrounded by walls on all sides facing the land. The Muslims were unable to attack them from sea, the having only land forces. This refers mainlyto Tripoli,Caesarea and Ascalon. Apparently, Hebron also held out longer than the other cities in the country. We have no information about Hebron from Muslim sources, but from a comparatively later Christian source, contained in a manuscript from the fifteenth century, is the story of two monks from Hebron at the time of the Crusades. Most of the text is concerned with the discovery of the graves of the patriarchs, which occurred (as we know from Arab sources) in the year

here. According to him, theamin is still with the Christians in Jerusalem ‘until this very day’. Cf.theanonymousSyriacchronicle, 225: theagreementwasmade with Abu Ju aydad (!), who was one of the twoheads of the city ofJerusalem, the other being the bishop Sophronius. See also Fut$z (ascribed to WZqidi), I, 226: Abu Ju‘ayd (who was involved in the battle of the Yarmiik) was the one who advised the Christians not to rebel against the Muslims. He proved to them that it was the Muslims who were truly the righteous mentioned in the Bible and theNew Testament (injil) - as after the Christians displayed the valuables in their possession, on his advice, none of the Muslims laid a hand on them. See a similar story in al-Himyari, 151; in connection with the valuables, Stratos, 134ff, points to the fact that during the taking ofJerusalem, most of thechurch treasures were no longer in their place, but had been removed after the battle of the Yarmiik via Caesarea to Constantinople, together with the Holy Cross, and he notes the fact that they were displayed in the Church ofSt Sophia in Constantinople during the last three days of Easter week.See Maqdisi, Muthir, 298: ‘Umar sent a man ofthe Banii Jadhila and it was he Ibn ‘AsZkir, 11,323; Theophanes, who conquered Jerusalem; see the additional tradition in 339; Ya‘qiibi, Ta’rikh, 11, 167f; Sa‘id ibn Bitriq, I, 133, and 11, 17; Musharraf, fol. 18; Maqdisi, Bad’, V, 185; Ibn al-Athir, K i m i l , 11, 501; Agapius (PO VIII), 215; the anonymous Syriac chronicle, 255: ‘that no Jew shall live in Jerusalem’; Michael the Syrian (Chabot), 419, text; 11, 425, translation; Bar Habraeus, Chronicle (Bedjan), 103, cf. the translation (Budge),96; ‘Ulaymi, 224, has an exact copy from Tabari; De Goeje, Mimoire, 155, finds it only natural that a ban on living in Jerusalem should have been applied to th Jews at that time. Logically, this was probably a concession, obtained by negotiations, to the Christians’ demands and their hatred of the Jews. An atmosphere of conciliation towards the Christians was also noticeable, in his opinion, in the fact that the covenant no clauses to humiliate or restrain the Christians, such as are found in other letters of surrender of that time. Meinardus, Copts, 11, gives information from an anonymous source about the ‘Umar pact, in which Latins, Copts, Syrians, etc. are mentioned; of course, this information lacks any foundation whatsoever. Tabari has another tradition, also taken from Sayf ibn ‘Umar, in which the commanders of the army fighting in the battles around Jerusalem were: Abii’l-A‘war, who was active in the north (‘in charge of Urdunn’), ‘Alqama ibn Hakim, Masriiq b. ‘so-and-so’ (evidently he was not of Arab origin), Abii Ayyiib al-AnsZri, who is Khalid b. Zayd b. Kulayb. Abii Ayyiib was an important figure in the Prophet’s day, see Ibn al-Athir, Usd, V 143f; he was from the family of the Banii al-NajjZr, one of the first to adhere to Islam, and afterwards a retainer of ‘Ali. It is said that he was of thelineage of a habr (aJewish sage), see Samhiidi, I, 189, cf.; Kister, IOS, 2 (1972), 233, n. 141; Gil,JSAZ, 4(1984), 211. As to Abii’l-A‘war, heis ‘Amr b. Sufyan al-Sulami,who received the surrender of Tiberias, see Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 2093, 2159; Ibn al-Athir, Usd, IV, lOSf; V, 138:


AH 513, that is AD 1119-1120.In this Christian manuscript there is a passage dealing with the Muslimconquest of Hebron:
When they [the Muslims] came to Hebron they were amazed to see the strong a handsome structures of the walls and they could not find any opening through which to enter; then Jews happened to come, who lived in the area under the former rule of the Greeks [that is, the Byzantines], and they said to the Muslims: give us [a letter of security] that we may continue to live [in our places] under you rule [literally - amongst you] and permit us to build a synagogue in front of the entrance [to the city].If you will do this, we shall show you where you can break in. And so they did.59

[71] As to the cities of the coast, according to Baliidhuri, ‘Irqa, Jubayl and Beirut were easily taken shortly after the conquest of Damascus, evidently at about the end of the year 636. Baliidhuri has it that the Byzantines attacked and took over the coastal cities again towards the end of ‘Umar’s caliphate, or at the beginning of ‘Uthmiin’s time, is that in 644; Mu‘iiwiyareturnedandrecapturedthem,rebuiltthemandstationed garrisons which lived off the taxes from the neighbouring countryside. Only Tripoli remained a hard nut to crack. In the days of ‘Uthman (ca. 645), Mu‘awiya decided to capture it (Baliidhuri explains that it was a city .made up of three cities). He cut it off from the sea, put up a fortress a number of miles from the town and called it Sufyiin, and completely blockaded the city. The entire population concentrated inone of the city’s citadels. They wrote to the emperor requesting that he send ships to evacuate them toareas under his dominion. The ships actually arrived and embarked with the population in course the of one night. According to Ibn ‘Asiikir, the inhabitants of the city set fire to the ascity they were leaving. Only one Jew who had managedto escape the fire remained, and it was he who told the Muslims what had occurred. According to Ibn ‘Asakir, a large number ofJews from al-Urdunn, that is, the Mu‘iiwiya then placed north of Palestine, in the city’s citadel (which according to Baladhuri’s interpretation served as a port in his time).60

See the treatise of the Canonicus Hebronensis in RHC (Occ.), V,309; seethe introduction ibid., LXIII; see the discussion on this source in Riant, AOL, 2(1-1884), 411-421. This story is further proof that there actually was a synagogue in Hebron during theMuslim occupation. This synagogue existed until the Crusaders’ conquest, and this is also confirmed by the Geniza documents, see below; the storyis attributed to two monks, Eudes and Arnoul. See also Vincent, Hebron, 159, 167f, 178. The fragment was also edited by Assaf and Mayer, Sefer ha-yishrrv, 6, which has a literal translation. Circa regionern illam morati fjrerant does not mean: ‘who had remained under Greek rule in that area’; portam facere does not mean ‘to erect the gate’ but is an idiom. Vincent translates here: ‘indiqutrent aux conqutrants le point i dtgager pour se crter une entree’. See Bahdhuri, FtrtCh, 126f; Ibn ‘Asakir, V, 183ff. A‘fihum al-qafi’i‘, I translate: he allotted them (the garrisons) the income from the landtaxes. Afterwards, these sources say, the Christians were given permission to return to and settle in the townagain, under thebitrrq

T H E C O M P L E T I O N O F T H E C O N Q U E S T [ S E C S .70-741

[72] Caesarea was under siege more than once, evidently already in the year 13, Jumadi in I, or July 634. But the Muslims despaired of capturing it at the time and this persisted until Mu‘iwiya finally took it in Shawwil o the year 19, or October 640. According to the tradition in Baliidhuri, Mu‘iwiya found in Caesarea 700,000 mercenaries, 30,000 Samaritans, 200,000Jews, 300 markets, and 100,000men guarding the walls of the city nightly. The town was captured with the help of a Jew calledJoseph, ‘who came to the Muslims at night and showed them how to creep in through an underground trench in which the water reached up to one’s knees’; for this, he received anaman (letter of security), for himself and his for ahl (an expression that has various meanings: perhaps‘his family’, or ‘his people’ or perhaps meaning to say ‘the Jews’). is It quite possible that the sources, in referring to the capture of Caesarea, are influenced by the information on the conquest of Caesarea in Cappadocia by Maslama b. ‘Abd al-Malik in 729. He tookcaptive the inhabitantsof thecity and sold them as slaves; the exception was the Jews, as they were the ones who handed over the town to him.61


(putricius), whose name was Buqantar, and these Christians undertook to pay taxes. But some fifty years later, in the days of ‘Abd al-Malik, they rebelled, killed the governor, took prisonersamong the Muslims and the Jews, and took flight aboard ships. Afterwards they returned with Byzantine reinforcements and attempted to capture the town but their plan failed.They were subdued and their leader was crucified by ‘Abd al-Malik. There is also (ibid.) the interesting information that the Muslims usually kept a full garrison in the town only on days when it was possibleto sail, whereas when the‘sea was closed’, that is to say, during the winter months, it would be taken away from there. C f alsoIbn al-Shaddad (MS Leiden 3076),IOOb, who copied from Baladhuri and Ibn ‘Asikir. BalZdhuri, Futirh, 141; the date is confirmed by Abii Ma‘shar (died in 786), who was a contemporary of Ibn Ishaq (younger than him) and a Medinan who later moved to Baghdad; see on him Sezgin, I, 291f; Wiqidi (quoted by Tabari) also gives this date. See the account of Abii Ma‘shar in Tabari, Tu’rfkh, I, 2579, who also citesother opinions: of Ibn IshZq - the year20 (641), and of Sayf ibn ‘Umar - the year 16 (637). It seems thatif we divide the numbers in Balidhuri into a hundred, shall we arrive at numbers near the actual ones. Ya‘qiibi, Tu’rikh, 11, 172: there were 80,000 fighters in Caesarea, and he has the year as AH 18 (AD 639). See further, Khalifa ibn Khayyit, I, 134; Sa‘id ibn Bitriq,11, 20. In the seventh year of ‘Umar’s reign (641); according to YZqiit, Buldin, IV, 214, the siege of Caesarea lasted seven years less one month. The man who showed the Muslims how getto a Jew), and the in was a certain LintZk, who was their hostage(it does not say that he was event occurred on Sunday when everyonewas in church. Bar Hebraeus (Bedjan), 104b; (Budge), 97: the siege lasted five months (from December until May). A total ofseventytwo shooting machines bombarded the attackers from the walls. Only after penetrating the walls while others were scaling the battlements on ladders, did the Muslims succeed in overcoming the defenders, who had been unable to descend from the walls into the town for three days. Seven thousand Byzantine soldiers (one-hundredth of the number given by Baladhuri), fled from Caesarea by sea. Caesarea in Cappadocia: Chabot, HE], 29(1894), 292, following an anonymous Syriac chronicle which he ascribed to Dionysius of TelMahrE, patriarch of the Jacobites (died in 845); Noth, Quellenkritische Studien, 24, 150, points to the uniformity of pattern (‘typology’) in the descriptions of the conquest ofcities in Islamic traditions: Damascus, Caesarea, Babel (Babylon) of Egypt(afterwards Fustat), Alexandria, Tustar, Qurtuba: (a) the traitor reveals the weak spot in the defence, (b) the



[73] There is a difference of opinion with regard to Ascalon, as to whether it was taken by ‘Amr ibn al-‘A? or Mu‘iiwiya. Here too the resistance lasted longer than usual due to theassistance lent by the Byzantines to the town’sdefenders from thesea. The traditions are generally in accord that the city was conquered only 644. inBalZdhuri has it that at first Ascalon was captured by‘Amr ibnal-‘A?, but there was an uprising with the help of the Byzantines and Mu‘iiwiya conquered it anew and stationed a garrison there.62 [74] During this period of the consummation of the conquests in Palestine, the Muslims suffered a cruel blow in the form of an undefined plague, known by the name of ‘The Emmaus plague’. Many people died as a result, among them some of the most important of the Muslim commanders, Abii ‘Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah, Mu‘adh b. Jabal, Yazid b. Abi Sufyiin (Mu‘iiwiya’s brother) and others.The plague occurred in the year AH 18 (AD 639). ‘Umar tried to save Abii ‘Ubayda’s life, and in a letter ordered him to return to Medina, but the latter, understanding his intention, refused to go. When ‘Umar learned of the deaths of Abii ‘Ubay and Yazid, he appointed Mu‘iiwiya, Yazid’s brother, as commander in charge of the province (jund) of Damascus, and Shurahbil b. Hasana in charge of the province of Urd~nn.~~
The attitudeof the populationtowards the conqueror

[75] We have already discussed the episode of Him? and the conflicting accounts of this episodein the Muslim traditions and the Syriac-Christian
population is occupied with something, such as a festival, etc., (c) the vanguard storms ahead on ladders; (d) the sounding of thetakbir (alliihu akbar) to proclaim victory, (e) the entrance gates are opened to the Muslim army from within. According to Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam, 76, Caesarea was conquered in the same year Heraclius died, which was the year’20 (641), and see the year ofhis death in Vasiliev, History, I, 193; Stratos, 150ff, argues that the exact dateof Heraclius’ death was 11 February, 641.In Suyiiti, Ta’rikh, 132, the date of the conquest of Caesarea is the year AH 19 (AD640). Baladhuri, Futtih, 142ff; Tabari,Ta’rikh, I, 2798 (according to Sayf ibn ‘Umar): Ya‘qiibi, Ta’rNz, 11, 170: Sa‘id ibn Bitriq, 11, 20; Ibn al-Athir, Kitnil, 111, 77. Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 2516ff; Balidhuri, FuttSh, 139f, mentions the ages of the dead: Abii ‘Ubayda, fifty-eight,Mu‘idh b. Jabal, thirty-eight (he died in the vicinity Uqhuwina of in the Urdunn region); Shurahbil b. Hasana (contraryto the information in Tabari concerning his appointment by ‘Umar), sixty-nine. Ya‘qiibi, Ta’rikh, 11, 172: 25,000 died; Ibn Qudama, 140, Mu‘adh b. Jabal died after he was appointed commander to replace Abii ‘Ubayda in a town between Ramla and Jerusalem, at the age of thirty-three; Tha‘ilibi, Thimiir, 546f, has a sort of play on words on the subject - saying that the people of al-Sham are famous for their submissiveness to the rulers (tii‘a-ti‘iin) andtheplagues ( @ ‘ t i n ) . Vincent et Abel, Emmaus, 357, point out that from the fact that the famous plague was named after Emmaus (whileit was known that it raged throughout Palestine and Syria), one can understand that this place must have been the major concentration point for Muslim troops at the time.




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chronicles. We have also seen the description by a Syriac source of the slaughter of the local population in this region. In addition, we have taken note of the Muslim sources that speak of the aid rendered by Jews the to the Muslims in the conquest of Hebron and Caesarea, and the episode of the Jews in Tripoli. One should take note that the latter sort of information is found only in the Muslim traditions. Naturally, it is impossible to learn the real truth in this case, but one can assume that the local population suffered immensely during the course of the war and it is very likely that many villages were destroyed and uprooted in the frontier regions, and that the lot of these local populations was very bitter It appears indeed. that the period of the conquest was also that of the destruction of the synagogues and churchesof theByzantine era, remnantsof whichhave been unearthed inour own time and are still being discovered. This assumption is based both on what is said in a few Christian sources I have mentioned and on Muslim sources describing ‘Umar’s visits to al-Sham. There is no doubt that one of the main purposesof these visits wasto establish order and put an end to the devastation and slaughterof thelocal p o p ~ l a t i o n . ~ ~ [76] One should recall that the Muslim invasion of Palestine occurred only some five or six years after the tremendous upheaval of the wars between Persia and Byzantium, that is, after the defeat of the ‘kingdom of Edom’ and then its victory. One can assume that great messianic hopes were aroused among the Jews of Palestine and that theywove what was happening into the pattern of eventsof thedays of redemptionas foretold by the prophets ofIsrael and the book of Daniel. The Muslims certainly did not appear to them as the instruments of salvation, but only as its harbinger. The Muslim conquests were perceived as an essential stage determined in advanceby Providence for the coming of the Messiah. Evidence of these moods can be found in ‘The Mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’; though written some generations after the conquests, it contains some basic ideas which were perhaps prevalent among the

As to the attitude of the Jews towards the Muslims, the Arab sources themselves were inclined to laudthemselves on the good relationshipbetweentheMuslimsandthe subdued population, and the Christian sources attempted, for their own reasons, to describe the Jews as allies of the Muslims; we can seean element of this in story the of the taking of Hebron as related by monks of the Crusaders’ period; cf. GhCvond, 2; this Armenian chronicler who lived in a distant land, some ten generations after the Muslim conquest, claims to know of the Prophet’s command before his death that the Muslims should ask for theaid of the Jews, and that the latter would show them the way to conquer the world. The Jews welcomed this idea, for God had promised Abraham’s heirs that they would dominate the world. As they themselves had transgressed and were excluded from ruling, then at least the Arabs, themselves also of the seed of Abraham, would gain supremacy. TheArmenian bishop Sebeus also describes a sort of cabal between the Jews and the Arabs against the Christians, see his chronicle in a French translation (Macler), 102ff. One need not ascribe any historical significance to this kind of story.



Jews of Palestine during the conquests. The kingdom of Edom was seen as the kingdom of the wicked. The secrets were revealed to Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai ‘when he was hidden from the emperor, king of Edom, in a cave’. One is speaking here, naturally, of ‘Mysteries of the End’. At the beginning one finds a homily based on ‘and he looked on the Kenites’ (Num., xxiv:21):
enough for us what the wicked Kingdom of Edom has done to us; now [there sav ha-pinitn comes] also the Kingdom of Ishmael? Immediately Matairon, the [PrinceofthePresence (?)I, retorted,sayingtohim:donotfear,man,the of Ishmael in order to save you of this wicked Almighty only brings the Kingdom a prophet of His wish, and will conquer the Land one, and he appoints over them a great for them; they will restore it to its grandeur; and fear will befall the Children of Esau.

As soon as he saw the Kingdom of Ishmael was coming, he began to say: W

This idea, the perception of Muhammad as a prophet sent by God to the Arabs, merits some attention, particularly ifit also reflected the attitude of the Jewsat the time of the conquest, something whose truth can never be ascertained. The archetype of the prophet sent to the gentiles is, of course, Balaam. In the midrash it is also stated: ‘just as He [the Almighty] placed angels and sages and prophets in Israel, so did he do similarly for the nations of the world’. The treatise on the argument between Jews and Christians in Palestine (the Didaskalia of Jacob the recently baptised), speaks of the rumour that spread among the Jewsof Palestine about the rising of a prophet from among theArabs. Arab sources alsotell ofJews who agreed thatMuhammad was really the messenger of God, but only to the Arabs.65 [77] This midrash of the ‘Mysteries of Shimon Bar Yohai’ sees the

See the midrash in Jellinek, Bet ha-midrash, 111, 78ff, edited from theSalonika edition,1743, 187ff (a version adapted by the editor, re-edited by Even Shemuel; see MidreshZge’trlla;?, his which deprives it of any scientific value). See the introductions to these two editions. Parallel versionscan be found in ‘The prayer of Rabbi Shimon Ben See Yohai’. in Jellinek, ibid., IV, 117ff, and in Even Shemuel, 268ff; also in ‘The Midrash on the Ten Kings’ edited by H . M. Horovitz,BZt ‘eqed ha-agadot, 38ff (and see the parallel fragment on pp. 510. The Kenite,Jethro’stribe, is identifiedinthe Targum with Ben?Salmi’a,which was a by-name for the Arabs in the Byzantine period; see Urbach, Eretz Israel, 10(1970/71), 60, n. 13; Gil,]SAI, 4(1984), 217f; it is natural that the midrash identifies the Kenite here with Ishmael. Crone and Cook, 37, surmised that in the passage from ‘The mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’ where the Kenite is mentioned, a different source was inserted into the midrash, therefore one mustdifferentiate between Kenites and Ishmaelites; but this hasno foundation. The nature and timingof the midrash has been extensively treated in research literature, see thebibliographyinBaron, SRH], 111, 274, n. 27;see particularlythe opinions of Graetz (Hebrew), 111, 433, n. 16; Baer, MGW’, 70(1926), 162f, n. 6; Steinschneider, ZDMG, 28(1874), 636f, 639,642, draws attention to Byzantine elements in the midrash; Lewis, BSOAS, 33(1949-51), 309; see pp. 321ff, where he claims that the Kenite means Rome and Byzantium, and in its later sections, the Crusaders; but this is not correct. See also his article in A. Abel Memorial Volume: 197, where he tries to prove that G i n a Schechter, 11, 310ff refers to the the piyyiit, ‘On that day’, edited by Ginzberg,

T H E A T T I T U D E O F T H E P O P U L A T I O N [ S E C S . 75-80]

mission of Islam as the disabling and elimination of the Byzantine empire. But later on, it compares this mission with that of the Messiah himself, and has an interpretation of Is., xxi:6-7 (‘And he saw a chariot with a couple of horsemen, a chariot of asses, and a chariot of camels’), as ‘why does heput before a chariot of camels, a chariot of asses? [It should] not [be] a chariot ofasses, a chariot of camels but: a chariot of camels a chariot of asses. Once he started he rides a camel; when his kingdom has grown underhis rule, he rides an ass;in other words: since he rides an ass, the conclusionis that they are a salvation for Israel, equal to the salvation of the one who will ride an ass’ (i.e., the Messiah). Interestingly enough, echoes of this Jewish exegesis reached Muslim writers. Thus Biriini says in the eleventh century,
Such or similar to this is the interpretation of the saying of Isaiah [kha‘yii] the prophet: God ordered him to place a scout on a watch-tower who shall say what he observes [‘what he shall see he will say’]; and he [the scout] said: I see a rider on an ass and a rider on a camel; and one of the two stood up and shouted: Babylon has fallen and all its wooden idols are broken (Is., xxi:9). And the interpretation of these tidings is [the comingofl the Messiah [that is to say, Jesus] who is riding the ass, and Muhammad, who is riding the camel.&

[78-791 The manner of viewing Islam can be seen in the term ‘little horn’, which theJews customarilyapplied to the Muslim rule, according

conquest of Palestine by the Muslims. The contents of the piyyiit: the coming of the Messiah, sonof David; cosmic changes; the war between the east and the west; the west is victoricus; King Joktan wages war and wins; the Jews are redeemed, ‘the kings of Edom disappear’; Antioch rebels; Tiberias (Maaziah) and Samaria ‘will be consoled’; Acre and the Galilee ‘will meet mercy’; war in the Acre valley; ‘Gaza and its surrounding towns will be stoned’; Ascalon and Ashdod will panic; the Jews leave the city; for forty days ‘the not have a grain to eat’; the Messiah arrives. In my opinion, this p i y y i t has no reliable foothold on which to determine its date. See further on the midrash under discussion: Ashtor(Strauss), Zion, 4(1938/9), 51 (on‘theprayerofRabbiShimonBarYohai); Urbach, Eretz Isrnel, 10(1970/71), 58-63.O n Balaam and his metamorphosis in the Arab tradition see Gil,JSAI, 4(1984), 215ff. The midrash on the prophets of the nations, see in Bn-midbar Rabba, xx (at the beginning). The Didaskalia, see the Bonwetsch edition, 86; in fact, the source calls the prophet of the Arabs plnnos prophFt2s (false prophet); see ‘Abd al-Jabbir, Sharh, 577; Tihswi, Sharh, 111,214: it is not enough for aJew declare to that there is no God but Allah, and that Muhammad is his messenger, in order to become a Muslim, for it is possible that he is attached to the view which says that Muhammad is God’s messenger only to the Arabs. O n the readiness of some Jewish sects (Abii ‘Is5 al-ISfahini, ‘Anan) to admit Muhammad’s divine missionto the Arabs, see QirqisZni,I, 52 (Book I, 11.2), 111, 283f (Book 111, 13.2); Maqrizi, Khitat, 111, 372; cf. Poznanski, REI, 44(1902), 178. 66 Biriini, 19, see also Karijili, 91; Ibn Zafar, Khayr al-bishu, 17; Ibn al-Jawzi, Waji’, I, 61. Another interpretation is found in a letter attributed to the emperor Leo 111 (717-741) to caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (717-720): the riders are but one person. The ass is the Jewish nation (and the reasons for this are provided there,but they are self-evident); the camel is the Midianites and the Babylonians, who make frequent use of this animal.The writer hints that the rider is actually Satan himself, who in the course of riding these animals (that is, the Jews and the pagans) instilled false belief (that is, Islam) among the Arabs. See a version of the letter as in Gh&ond, the Armenian chronicler (ca. 900), in Jeffery, H T R , 37(1944), 327ff. Cf. Von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam2, 17f.




to Daniel, vii:fL6’ Between the horns which symbolise in this book the gentile kingdoms, this is the lasthorn before ‘the Ancient of Days’ will sit on the seat of judgment; that is to say that Muslim dominion was conceived as the last stage before the Day of Judgment and salvation. The Christians saw in ‘Umar on his entry into Jerusalem ‘the abomination of desolation’,also based on the book of Daniel. On the other hand, a Muslim traditiontells how ‘Umarasked the bishop ofJerusalem: ‘Do you really findme in the book?’ and the bishop replied: ‘yes’. ‘And how do you find me?’ The answer came: ‘I find you a horn, a horn of iron, trueand strong’ (perhaps suggested by Mic., i ~ : 1 3 ) . ~ ~ [80] It seems that the atmosphere of the End of the Days which the Muslim forces felt in Palestine is reflected in the tradition of thedujjcil, a sort ofapocalyptic creature who must be killed before the coming of the Day ofJudgment. Some traditions attribute the victory over d u j jthe d and his slaughter to Jesus, and others to ‘Umar ibn al-Khattiib. He abides in Palestine near the gates of Lod. In the tradition of Tabari, a Jew foretold to ‘Umar, whenhe met himnear Jiibiya, that God will grant him Jerusalem and that the Arabs under his command will kill thedqjcil, who is located less than ten cubits from gates the ofLod. The dujjcil belongs to the tribe of Benjamin. In another version of the tradition, Tabari relates, in continuation, that the Jew was from the JewsDamascus. of This other version also mentions that the Jews said of the d q j d that he was from the tribe of Benjamin. The explanation of thegate of Lod can be found in the work of al-Musharraf b. Murajj5, a Jerusalemite of the eleventh century, who explains that it does not mean ‘the gate of the church near Ramla’ (St George of Lod) but the western gate of the city ofJerusalem (David’s gate, the western one, which is near rnihvcib Du’ud). The termd u j j d is evidently borrowed from the Syriac, rneshT.2 duglci, a false messiah; as for example in theSyriactranslation of Mat., xxiv:24;intheGreekoriginal it is
This expression is found mainly in Karaite writings, which apply ‘the little horn’ to the number of hijra years. See, for instance, the fragments of the Karaite calendar, ed. Gil, ha-Ttrstarim, 86ff, and the Hebrew Index. See Ibnal-Athir,]imi‘, IV, 482; al-Tabari al-Muhibb, 11, 38, attributes these words not to the bishop but to Ka‘b al-Ahbir who even interprets the meaning of the iron horn as always being innocent in the eyes of God. See also Halabi, Sira, I, 239; Zamakhshari, Khasii’is, 61, who ascribes these words to ‘Abdallah b. SalPm, a Jew of Medina who accepted Islam. 69 Tabari, Ta’rikh, I, 24026 cf. Tayilisi, 170; in which the killing of the daj$ is ascribed to Jesus, and is told in the name of Mujammi‘ b. JPriya, one of Muhammad’s opponent_s in AqiMedina; see Musharraf,79b-80a. Musharraf s version contradicts what Muqaddasi, Iim, 176, wrote some two generations earlier: ‘[in Lod] there is a magnificent church, where alongside its gate Jesus will kill the dujjiil. See also: Biriini, 212; Ibn al-Faqih, 95, 117, who quotes a conversation between a Muslim and the people of Lod: the Muslim (al-shayiiti‘n) claims that the church of St George was built for King Solomon by the devils



The episode of the Temple Mount and the returnof the Jews to Jerusalem

[81] The Muslim traditions ascribe special significance to Caliph ‘Umar’s visit to the Temple Mount. Most of add them to his entourage on this visit Ka‘b al-Ahbar, a Jew from the southern part of the Arabian peninsula who joined the Muslims, turned to Islam and was considered an authority on matters of the Jews andtheir Torah. According to the Muslim tradition (and there is no reason to doubt it), the Byzantines turned the Temple Mount into Jerusalem’s refusedump from the time of Helena, themother of Constantine. One should remember that Jerusalem was not foreign to the consciousnessof the Muslim conquerors.The first qiblu (the direction turned to in prayer), taken by Muhammad in Mecca was towards Jerusalem, and even during his stay in Medina, he continued for some time(it is generally thought to be sixteen months but there are different versions) to turn towards Jerusalem while praying, until God ‘sent down’ the order to turn the qiblu in the direction of Mecca (Koran ii:139); he then even made changes in his mosque in Medina, which since
while the people of Lod (that is, the Christians) reply that everything that seems sumptuous to the Muslims, they ascribe to the devils; obviously this building was constructed much earlier than the birth of Solomon by many generations. Ibn ‘Asikir, I, 215, 217, 606-619; Yiqiit, Btrldijn, IV, 592f; Ibn al-Athir, K i m i l , 11, 501; Qurtubi, Tadhkira, 232; the tradition ofJesus killing the dajjil in his text is linked by him with the war of the End of the Dayscarried on by ‘Urwa al-SufyHni (with the hope of regaining the glory of the Umayyads) whowill be defeated. His army will be dispersed and he will be found on the highest tree alongside the Sea of Galilee; cf. Sha‘rini, Mukhtasar, 197; Qurashi, 508; Ibn Hajar al-Haythami, Sawi‘iq, 165; Samarqandi, Bustiin, 100: the dajjil has still not been born; he will appear at the End of the Days, masses ofJews will follow him, until Jesus will arrive andkill him at the gate of Lod in Jerusalem. See the collectionof traditions relating to Jesus’ struggle with the dajjd in Suyiiti, in the supplement to Tabarini, Mu‘jarn, 11,210f; in Samhiidi, ibid., I, 87, who quotes from Ibn Zabila (who finished his book in 814, see Samhiidi, ibid., 7, 252), the killing of the dajjil will take place in the vicinityof thebasalt plateau (!tarra) east of Medina; ‘then theirfaces will shineon the Day of Resurrection like the light of the full moon’; these words are attributed to Ka‘b al-Ahbir as he found them in the tawrcih (there is perhaps some influence of Zech.,xiv:4-7); ‘Azizi, 111, 246, 485; Jesus will kill the dajjijl at the gateof Lod. Modern scholarship relates this tradition to the church of St George in Lod, where this saint who killed the dragon was venerated. Gutschmid, 184, attempted to prove that this veneration had ancient roots, going back to the time of Persianrule. Cf. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria, 136; Couret, La Palestine, 235; Steinschneider, ZDMG, 28(1874), 343: a tradition on Jesus and the dajjil which mentions the eastern tower near Bib Jayriin in Damascus (The Gate ofJayrtin is also mentioned in ‘The Mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’). See the discussionon theda,iJd and the church of St George in Lod, in Noldeke, Sitzungsberichte (Wien), 128(1893), 27, n. 2, who quotes Muqaddasi and Ibn al-Faqih. It is possible to point to a certain parallelism between the Lod and the Talmudic tradition of the tradition of the killing of the dajjil at the gate of stoning of Ben Stada in Lod; see Tosejia. Sanh. i:l1 (Zuckerm, 431) and in the PT, ibid., vii, 25d; see Nau, ROC, 6(1901), 525,531, and the parallels he mentions on the origin ofJesus and the matterof Pantir, with regard to the letter ofJacob of Edessa which he edits there (without linking it to the Muslim tradition of thedajjd); cf. Bell, Origin, 202.

and that when he was in Mecca he would face both qiblas [at the same time] for the ka‘ba was between him and Jerusalem’. .Afterwards he consulted Ka‘b as to the question ofwhere the suitable most place to pray should be. . Accordingto the story Raja’ of b. north of the . as are David. in the first one the religions which preceded Islam are mentioned. informed him of the actualof site Helena. In Ibriihim b. Solomon. ‘For I have noticed that you have already removed your shoes’. the mosque with two directions of prayer.As it was already night. written two generations after Tabari. whom God made caliph over the earth. Isaac. on his arrival in Jerusalem. censuring Ka‘b on trying to imitate the Jews. a t the beginning of the eighth century). Hayawa (one of the most important Palestinian personalities in the days of the Umayyads.THE CONQUEST then has been called also the tnasjid al-qiblatayn.’ Theophanes. he wouldface in the direction ofJerusalem in such a way that the ka‘ba was in front of him as well.as the most proper place. ‘Umar went into the question of where Solomon’s temple stood. and strrat bani Isri’il (xvii). Ka‘b explains to ‘Umar that the entrance to the place and the evacuation of the refuse from the Temple Mount. he would pray in the direction ofJerusalem thus.’ ‘Umar decided then to put up the prayer house in front of the rock. ‘Umar ordered Ka‘b to be brought to him when he was approaching the Temple Mount. confirms this in principle. According to Muhallabi’s version. that theka‘ba would be behind his back . A Muslim tradition also accredits to Muhammad a similar position of principle with regard to Jerusalem: ‘Some say that when he was in Mecca. atdawn he prayedwith his men and read the siirat $id (xxxviii). Ka‘b told him that it should be behind the rock (that is. as Tabari has copied it. the Byzantine chronicler. 66 . turned it into the outlet for the town’s sewage and refuse. but others claim that he always [also] faced the ka‘ba . Afterwards he came to the rnihrtib Da’iid (apparently meaning the Temple Mount). he began to pray there. ‘for we were not directed about the rock but about the ka‘ba’. it was the Jews (and not only Ka‘b) who came to ‘Umar and the ‘rock’ because Constantine’s mother. and on thatspot. ‘Umar immediately rejected this suggestion. . built a prayer house for his abominations.‘Umar ordered the Muslims to clean up theplace and the Jews helped them to do so. to which Ka‘b replied: ‘I wanted to stick to the ground with my feet.Jacob and Ishmael. In what follows.akhra) so that the prayer facing Mecca would at the same time face the rockas well. The other chapter tells of the nightjourney of the Prophet. Abraham. is the fulfilment of the five-hundred-year-old prophecy which foretold of the rise ofJerusalem and fallthe of Constantinople. . and this is known as siirat al-isri’ (of the night journey). ‘Ali al-Wasiti’s words: ‘When the Prophet prayed while he was still in Mecca.

See MPL. for all thedays of theirstayhere [in Jerusalem]theywould discard thereupon [the siteof the temple] the menstrual cloths and the refuse and all kinds of filth. IV. I. 388f. where ourfathers praised Thee. 146f. the patriarch Sophronius suggests to ‘Umar to pray in the church of St Constantine but ‘Umar refuses in order not to give the Muslims a pretext anda precedent for confiscating it from the Christians. 1xiv:ll (Our holy and our beautiful house. 296). Afterward he claimed that the church of Zion was the site where David prayed. 11. Prawer. 171 he includes a tradition that Moses wouldalso pray near the rock. More detailed information is to be found in Jerome in his commentary on Is.facing ‘the Holy House’ (i. Samhiidi. 2408ff. about Rabbi Jonathan whom a Samaritan told that it was better for him to pray with them in Shechem than in that Beyti qiqalti. O n the manner ofMuhammad’s praying see Ibn Sayyid al-NSs. I. See also:Bakri. Cathedra. 827. conceal CCSL. According to him.Balidhuri.21a. 626. Mecca). and the Children of Israel called it the Holy Holies of and the centre of the earth. III(2). 54. 149f. See for instance Ibn Sa‘d.. 259. Sophronius was the onewho helped ‘Umar clear away the refuse: and he continues: ‘and there were people who said: let us fix it (the prayersite) thus.e. and see his parallel versions. 240. i:17 (‘Jerusalem is as a menstrous woman among them’) by the Karaite Salmon b. on Tuesday the 15th of Sha‘ban of the 2nd year of the hijra (1 1 February AD 624) but some say: sixteen months after the hijra. cf. See also what hesays regarding the Samaritans of his time (thefirst half of the fourteenth century). see the story of ‘Umar and Ka‘b on the Temple Mount in Tabari. one of the early Muslims who settled in Jerusalem (I shall speak of him below): the patriarch wished to show him the Church of the HolySepulchre which he claimed was the site where David prayed (masjid Da’iid). 51. Safrai. an amended version is found in the work of the Christian chronicler Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. as to the matter of the refuse on the Temple Mount.. 17f. he meant refuse: cf. seethese traditions also in Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya. 24. the place where Jacob spoke to God and called it the gate of heaven (Gen. but ‘Umar refused and said: we shall fix the prayer site so that the rock should be the rock will be behind it’. 17(1980/81). Muqaddasi.Muhallabi. Aelia Capitolina]’).see similar versions in Musharraf. and a fuller version in Ibn ‘Asikir. 45f. I. on p. what Edom have done when they destroyed the second temple. 740. but ‘Uma still refusedto believe him. it is perhaps also possible to relate to what was said in Bereshit Rabba xxxii (ed. 557.. I. and it was the patriarch who suggested building the mosque on the rock itself. Himyari. Yeruhim: ‘That is.T H E E P I S O D E O F T H E T E M P L E M O U N T [ S E C S 81-87] . Wiisit. quoting Shaddsd b. Sa‘id ibn Bitriq does not the fact that theplace was madea refuse dump by Helena and explains it in the desire of the Byzantines to fulfil the words of the New Testament on the destruction of the Temple. The rock wascovered with refuse which theByzantines placed there to annoy the Jews. 297. is burned up with fire: and all our pleasant things are laid waste): ‘et Templum in toto orbe celebratum in sterquilinium urbis novae quae a conditore appelabatur Elia (sit)’ (‘and the Temple which earned reverence throughout the world has become therefuse dump of the newcity whose founder called it Aelia [that is. Ansib. 3f. Theodore and Albeck. Hadrianus. and it is possible that by qiqalti. 168. Muthir (Le Strange).’ The subject of the refuse disposed of on the site of the Temple Mount spoken of by Salmon b. but ‘Umar did not believe it. ‘Umar took offhis outer clothing and started to work on cleaning up theplace together with all the Muslims.. The Byzantine women would send their menstrual cloths to Jerusalem in order that they be thrown on the 70 The matter of changing the qibla appears in all the biographies of the Prophet. 1(2). xxviii: 17). 271: Muhammad changed the qibla at noon. in: Periqim. 236. who claim that the Jews falsified the 67 . The subject of the Temple Mountbeing turned into a refuse dump is also mentionedinthecommentary toLam. Bndii-’i ‘. with theka‘ba as hisqiblu while the rockis infront ofhim. Yeruhim is also mentioned in Musharraf. A73. ‘ U y i i ~ I. that the qibla. Aws.i.

41b-43b. and also on the presence of the Jews. order in not to have idols put in them. 47. 96.I. has a similar version among events of the yearAH 16. David. Muntakhab. and thereafter also generated the traditions surveyed above. 11. Amwil. Buldin. 154.: FutSh a2-Shim (ascribed to Wiqidi). and following him. King Solomon faced the whole of the Temple Mount. 6(1879). 241. so the Jews should not be ashamed.57f. Commentary on Lamentations (Feuerstein). and that is the sanctity of Jerusalem to Islam. ‘Ulaymi. and the specifically Jewish character of the place on the other. 111. xix). in WZsiti.’ 1-FidZ’. Fadi’il. fol. XLIV: see also what Sahlb. Abii ‘Ubayd. and copiedfrom him. 54fC who speaks of ‘Umar’s and Ka‘b’s visit on the Temple Mount. the son of his wife. the connection between the Jews and figures from the past. 96. such as Moses. though are legendary in the main. In al-Subki. cf.JSAI. see other parallels in the editor’s note 4. See some of the traditions about ‘Umar’s uncovering of the rock. from the mountains of the Galilee. etc. hisfull name wasKa‘b b. see below): ‘By God’s grace.21a. 82 (ch. 227f. He studied with a certain Abii Muslim the Galilean. 17. Mati‘. hewas from Himyar. cf. At this point I shall concentrate on the presence of Ka‘b together with ‘Umar on the Temple Mount. 339. he would have settled in Egypt. See Dhahabi.O n Ka‘b himself. 103 (Budge). (Moravcsik). See further: Ibn Kathir. 116: Ka‘b died in the year AH. VII. the Christians]. I. in Vogt. hand over His Temple to uncircumcised the [i. not to speak of their settling there which was maintained more or less consistently for slightly more than five j true qibla. Tabari. undoubtedly preserved basic thefact of expressing the Jews’ involvement and interest. These traditions. hence the place (of the Church of the Sepulchre) is called al-qumima (the refuse) and the church was also called thus. Since it is not right to bow before a site where foreign gods [version: id&] are placed’. who quotes al-Muhallabi (see above): Ka‘b turned to Islamduring‘Umar’stimeandearnedrespectand attention from ‘Umar because of his knowledge of the matters of the isri’diyyat (the traditions relating to the Jews) but many of the traditions ascribed to him are inaccurate and full of sin.Cf. Salmon b. and adds: ‘the throwing of the refuse on the Temple Mount was the Byzantine reprisal against the Jews for throwing refuse on the site of the crucifixion. 55(1974). Ibn Fadlallah al-‘Umari (Cairo 1924). also Bar Hebraeus (Bedjan). Masliah says in his introduction to his Book of Precepts. also Silafi.. or 34 (AD 65213 or 65415). to the extent that it enabled them to reach some understanding with the Muslims with regard to everything concerning the situation ofJerusalem and the status of the Temple Mou The Jewish point.THE C O N Q U E S T [82] Thesedescriptions of ‘Umar’s visit to the Temple Mount are related to a question I shall deal with below. edited by Harkavy in MW’. which is the mountain in Shechem. according to certain traditions.. Ta’rikh. was certainly present in the Muslims’ mind during the conquest. The Jews felt that the injunction against their entry into Jerusalem. Constantine Porph. 89. 5(1984). Busse. 32 Theophanes. for according to him. See 95. 226c Abii’l-FidZ’. about whom it was said by some that he was a Jew and by others that he was a Christian monk. 139: Ka‘bbribed a Jewish scholar to show him the site of the rock and afterwards prayed near bZb al-asbit (‘gate ofthe tribes’ in the north-eastern corner ofthe city). that is. the Syriac chronicle (Baethgen). Ka‘b became a Muslimat that very time. on Ka‘b. and his kunya was AbiiIshiq.Wiisiti. it is told that he said that if it were not for his love Palestine. and Solomon on the one hand. whose name was Tubay‘ b. who settled in Palestine and diedin AH the year 101 (AD 720) in Alexandria. He had a stepson. Musharraf. 38. ‘Amir al-Himyari. Mukhtapr.Biblica. 100. Yeruhim. from the clan of Dhii Ra‘in.e. IV. 181 (omitted from the version of the He did not introduction in Ha-mdi: because of censureship. Shiji’. 68 . 220. Abii.Bidiya.

and the corresponding references in editor’s note 3. therefore e the lamentationis not given them for naught. quoted also in Schurer. a day of clouds and thick darkness’): Until this very day those hypocritical tenants (coloni) are forbidden to come to (servorum). but are not worthy of compassion. Just as they pur the blood of the Messiah. a day of wasteness and desolation. This is included in his commentary on Zeph. . the children of this wretched nation are bem ing the. Sahl b. xi:32: ‘For before he came [the king of Ishmael. Church. a day of trouble anddistress. For theFathers of the. Cf. according to whom the ban was imposed by Constantine. Masliah writes in the introduction to his Book of Commandments: . and they would come from the four corners of the earth to Tiberias andGaza to see the temple. who wrote towards the end of the fourth century. and after they left the place. On the day that Jerusalem was ta and destroyed by the Romans. . The most genuineexpression of this viewpoint was that ofJerome.destruction of their temple. it was more than five-hundred years in ruins. that is the Byzantine emperor] they could not come to Jerusalem.T H E E P I S O D E O F T H E T E M P L E M O U N T [ S E C S . 699. . 71 See MPL. for then they are given permission t lament over the ruins of the city in exchange for a payment. but now with his coming he brought them to Jerusalem and gave them a place Israel come from the four and many of Israel settled there. a day of darkness and gloominess. who defeated the king of the south.71 [83] Karaite commentators of the tenth century mention in a number o instances the drastic change effected by the Muslims in their capture of Jerusalem. and afterwards corners of the earth to Jerusalem to preach and to pray.’ In this same strain. on the ban on Jewsresiding in Jerusalem.703f. anoint it (with oil) and howl and wail and tear their clothing: Tobler et Molinier.. and the symbol of the cross is topmost on the Mount of Olives. That embargo was certainly close to the heart of theChristians for it suited their views of the waning ofJudaism andits debasement. gather for a time of mourning. Thus Daniel al-Qiimisi writes at the end of the ninth century in his commentary on the Book of Daniel. 75. . unless [they come] to weep. I.1418f. separation of the Jews from Jerusalem and the obliteration of any remnant of their earthly temple became an integral part of their creed’s body of law. I. 17: on the perforation in the sakhra see Wisiti. now they are purchasing their own tears. and while the wood of the crucifix of the Lord shines and glows and celebrates His resurrection. a rabble of the wretched gathers. 25. whichthe Jews visit every (333) has to say about the pierced year. the . i: 15 (‘That day is a day of wrath. see also Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. in a manner reflecting the actual situation as well as the satisfaction and exultation at thedisappearance of the Jews. who were considered the enemies of Christianity.had come to an end. and the last of them Jerusalem. proving by their bodies and their dress the meaning of the wrath of the Lord. I.what the pilgrimofBordeaux stone on the Temple Mount.81-87] hundred years (AD 135-638) . 133. . women dressed in rags and the old bearing their tatters and their years. because of the murder of the prophets the Son of God. . one could see this people.

No. xxx: wrote ‘. God opened the gates of his compassion to His people and brought them to His Holy City and they settled there and they built places to read and to interpret and to pray atall times and to keep watchers therein at night. cf. 18. and not one of Israel could come. Similarly. From the land of the south they would come to the city of Zoar. ibid. . 11. by the mercy of the God of Israel. and following him. introduction by Sahl b. 2). . note 67). The historical number is 638 (the Muslim conquest). is the solution to this problem. which was discussed by Fleischer. mentioned in some piyyii@n.. . 103. it seems. the temple remained in the hands of the Romans for more than 500 years and they did not succeed in entering Jerusalem.T e j l l i . VII. . Sahl b. see especially his comments on the three foundations: Miqri. ‘Little horn’ means the kingdom ofIslam (see above. 13) and see the reprint of that series. and this.I. Deri5hi (= to interpret!). Yeruhim:see the manuscript from the Firkovitch collection. Mann. Masliah: ‘more than five hundred’ (this seems to be a translation from the Arabic. 12). ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib] will be a lover of Israel and will repair their cracks and the cracks of thetemple’. From the west they would come to the of city Gaza. and this can generally be any number from three to nine. f. This was preceded by bargaining between the Jews and the 72 Daniel al-Qumisi. JudeanScrolls. Salmon b. 109. . evidently what produced the Salmon). and his corrected reading in Texts. including that of Samuel ‘the third’b. Yeruhim uses the expression 7 ’ J 1 ~ h The .places as parallel to the Arabic word mawidi‘ which means places. 36(1971). . a fragment of whichis preserved in the Cairo Geniza. Masliah to the Book 1879. O n the particular meaning of ‘night watchers’ see: Wieder. 640 (= Me’assFjfiddihim No. p. thatit was forbidden to Jews to enter Jerusalem. see TS 10 C 2 (No. Israel was permitted to come and to live. Arabic word nayyifmeans an addition to round numbers. his contemporary Salmon ben Yeruhim. edited by Neubauer. equals 503.’72 [84] Until now we have seen that the Karaite commentators confirm what we know from the Christian sources. minus 135 (the suppressing of the Bar-Kokhba revolt).. The author of the ‘Mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’ also writes: ‘The second king who will rise from Ishmael [that is to say. and anyone who did and was recognised [as aJew] was put to death. l v (see above. But when the Romans left it. in his Arabic commentary to Ps. Zion. and they point out that the Muslims changed this situation when they captured the city. they built houses (instead of: they built places. 110. 46. This expression 1-3 1 ) h shortened to 3 1 ~ h is information of the alleged 550 years of Byzantine rule.THE CONQUEST inhabited by hyenas. n. and the kingdom of Ishmael was victorious. chapter 1. n.Jews. Aus derPetersburger Bibliothek. 11. Writing about the period in which the Byzantines ruled and the ban on Jews to reside in Jerusalem Salmon b. 96-103. 1. also confirms that it was ‘Umar whogave permission to the Jews settle to in Jerusalem and on the basis of his decision seventy Jewish families camefrom Tiberias and settled there. as we know. See the of Precepts edited by Harkavy inHa-mdi?. A Jewish chronicle. Hosha‘na.but also dwelling places). Harkavy edited the introduction on thebasis of manuscripts which he found in the Firkovitch collection and out pointed in the above version somevariae lectiones: Holy boundary (instead oE Holy city). which was in the original as in . There were Jews from the east who came to the city of Maaziah [Tiberias] to pray there. And in the days of the little horn. 199. 1345.

but also an interesting point found also in the Muslim traditions on the participation of the Jews in disposing of the refuse on the Temple Mount and the appointment of a number ofJewsbe to responsible forits cleanliness. .111. 111. and see 1. the Jews requested residence permits for Jerusalem for two hundred families while the patriarch was only ready to agree to fifty.Irrd’d ba-gold.22. . 120. Whenever a remnant was revealed. to 156. lines 10-13. MeqGrGt. the letter from the yeshiva mentions afterwards that those Jews who came to Jerusalem immediately after the Muslim conquest ‘tooka pledge upon themselves’. exaggerate inseeing here proof ofgeneral Muslim-Jewish collaboration. as does Dinur. just as it is possible that the Muslim tradition was influenced by what was common knowledge among the Jews. as we have seen above. ’74 73 74 Jellinek.’ Indeed these statements correspond to whatwas said in the Muslim chronicles. . a. he would ask the elders of the Jews about the rock. they showed them the spot ofthe temple and they settled with them until this very day. I (l). . 16-17. The fragment of the letter quoted above and the fragment of the Jewish chronicle also confirm the episode of the Jews assisting in uncovering the rock. . n. 17. It is worth adding the words of the Jewish chronicle on how the cleaning of the Temple Mount proceeded:‘Takingpartwere all the Muslims in the city and in the district and participating with them awere group ofJews. ‘the prayerof Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’. IV. naturally it is possible that the Jewish chronicle and the letter from the yeshiva drew on what was said in the Muslim sources. in which that ‘one of the sages’ was Ka‘b al-Ahbar. 420. we not only find the confirmation of the information in the Karaite commentaries with regard to the renewed settlement of Jews in Jerusalem shortly after the conquest. b. n. also Crone and Cook.inthe presence of the caliph. until it was uncovered. One cannot conclude from these sources that there were Jews in the ranks ofthe Muslim army. line 34. lines 1-10.. 22. they promised to be responsible for the cleanliness: ‘to clear away its refuse and to clean its drains’ . until‘Umar decided on the number he thought fitting. a. namely the even shetiyya (‘the foundation stone’).’73 [85] In these latter sources. at the time when their power expanded and they captured the Holy Land from the hands of Edom. that is. See in the letter from the yeshiva. 420.THE EPISODEO F THE TEMPLE MOUNT (SECS. cf.afterwards they were ordered to evacuate the rubbish from thesanctuary and to clean it.and ‘Umar watchedthem all the time. and came to Jerusalem. written in the middle of the eleventh century. which hehas already been replied by Assaf. See 1. lines 11-19. In addition. there were people from the Children of Israel with them. BZt ha-midudrh. 81-87] patriarch. we find the passage: ‘And from our God there befell His mercy upon us before the kingdom of Ishmael. Also in a letter from the yeshiva ofJerusalem to the communities in the diaspora [evidently those in Egypt]. . 29. and one of the sages would mark out the boundaries of the place. 79. 111. ibid. lines 1-9.

they were in charge of the sanitation until the Caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz (717-720) replaced them withslaves from the Muslim treasury (khurns). who ruled after Heraclius for only a fewmonths in 641. explains that slaves of the treasury (akhmcis) had been on the Temple Mount from the time of ‘Abd al-Malik. Theophanes was one of the sworn enemies of the Iconoclasts. 88b) that the Jews were in charge of lighting the candles on the Temple Mount. however. in winter and summer. Salmon ben Yeruhim evidently meant exactly the same thing when he wrote that at the time of the renewed settlement in Jerusalem. and they even prayed there during this period. 24b. According to Himyari. there is a clear contradiction between the information that I have summarised until now with regard to the renewed settlement ofJews in Jerusalem shortly after the conquest. 18. in Mann. According to Theophanes. See also ‘Ulaymi. elsewhere he complains that the Muslims placed servants in the house of God who were of foreign nations. after an absence of morethan 500 years. See also Maqdisi. he adds. their number grew to twenty. etc. 11. and he ordered them to be evicted from there andplaced near one of thegates of the Temple Mount. Salmon Texts.55b.Muthir (Le Strange). his commentary on Lamentations. the enemies of the Messiah have removed many crosses. 250. 303ff. at 75 See WPsiti. Yeruhim. Actually after the cross was removed. Aqilirn. the Mosque al-AqSi had ten. there were complaints against them to the ‘King Ishmael’ of for their vile actions. As I have already mentioned above. His story is intended to prove the power of cross. Abu ‘Ubayd. Whenever one of them died they would replace him. Afterwards. whotells that the Dome of the Rock had 300 servants who were bought (by ‘Abd al-Malik) from the khurns of the treasury. these miraculous events occurred during the reign of Constantine 11.THE CONQUEST [86] This matter of the responsibility for cleanliness is confined in the Muslim sources to the area of the Temple Mount. the shrine no longer caved in. anbit (farmers. the Jews were allotted ‘buildings in God’s House’. he again tells (fol. Therewere also ten Jewish servants who were exempt from poll-tax. Muhallabi. and later twenty Jewish servants. with regard to the renewal ofJewish presence in Jerusalem during ‘Umar’s time. Amwd. of the candlewicks. They would also clean the pool of purification outside. the shrine (naos) which ‘Umar began to build in Jerusalem would constantly collapse. According to these sources. _villagers)from Palestine were given the task of cleaning the Temple Mount. According to him. . Further on. the though ina roundabout manner we also learn that there were Jews in Jerusalem at that time. 151. and they would clean up after the people who came to visit there when the caravans came. 43f. and when their offspring increased. In continuation. MS Paris 295. who were exempt from paying the poll-tax. For the same reason. 75 [87] One mustadd Theophanes’ story to the information I have given.he tells that the Jews were also taking careof the glass panes of the lanterns andthe otherglass objects. on the Mount of Olives. see Musharraf. 171. They could not discover the reason for this until ‘Umar asked the Jews and they told him that his temple was only collapsing due to the cross that was standing opposite the temple. b. 154. 54. Muqaddasi.

Butthere seems to be little justification for this very a source thathas been preserved for more than a stringent attitude towards thousand years. comprising still a sizable population and economically the most important. hewascertainlyawarethat itwouldbemoreastutetopreventthe Christians from being the sole non-Muslims living in this city. and their request to settle again in Jerusalem was granted.81-87] any rate. during the days of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib. In his own fashion. Here we mustattach considerable importanceto the information that has been preserved in the Jewish chronicle. From the point of view of the Muslims’ specific interest. it was 73 . to them the city was that of the ancient Children of Israel. and all they wanted was to lay the foundations of their rule and strengthen Palestine generally and in Jerusalem in particular. at a time when he wished to persuade Jerusalem to surrender. still did not attribute any sanctity to the city from their own standpoint. ‘Umar acknowledged the importanceof the Jews in Palestine. We have seen how Goitein. The presence of the Jews in the city would serve to weaken the validity of theexclusive hold which the Christians had achieved in the course of the three hundred years in which they ruled the Holy City. expressed doubt as to the authenticity of the treaty’s version as transmitted by Sayf ibn ‘Umar. he certainly not did see any fundamental reason to deny the Jews’ request in this matter. despite the treaty. at the time. In the end. ‘Umar’s guiding line appears to have been to adopt the most decent attitude possible towards thelocal population and enable it to continue to pursue its customary mode of life and to earn its living in its own fashion andfrom then on. and at any rate. And why was he obligedto give preference to the Christians with regard to permission to live inJerusalem and to carry out their religious duties and precepts there? O n the contrary. in641). and the wording of ‘Umar’s treaty with the Christian population ofJerusalem. he would submit to the demands of the Christian inhabitants of the city to maintaintheformerlegalstatus with regard to the’Jews. For the Jews’ claim to their prior historical connectionwith the holy places was in conformity with Muslim tradition. their kings and prophets. his decision was something of a compromise between the opinions of both sides. of David and of Solomon. perhaps three years laterwe (ifaccept the presence of Jews the according to Theophanes.T H E E P I S O D E O F T H E T E M P L E M O U N T [ S E C S . the Muslims. according to which ‘Umar decided on this new step only after he consulted the opinion of the patriarch as to the number ofJews that shouldbe permitted to reside in Jerusalem. However. in which is it specifically stated that Jews are not permitted to settle in Jerusalem. didnot see it as a centre of Muslimritual. he secured the Christians’ agreement to change that situation. It was then natural that. also to nourish the Arab tribes. in his attempt to overcome this contradiction. whose significance was very obvious to him. For this purpose. As we shall see further on.

XXI.. to reduce the Christians’ exclusive tighthold on the city. Theophanes used the era of Panodoros. 5493 BC. History. The passage belongs to events which Theophanes describes under the year 6135 of the creation. sec. in Michael the Syrian.’ (this motif. which is theNea. it fell again.nor dothey excludeone another. ch.e. 2 Chr.in spiteof some time difference between them. an interesting parallel to Theophanes’ story is to be found in the Karaite Sahlb. repeats itself in Theophanes again elsewhere. see Schwabe. 11. Masliah’s introduction to his Book of Precepts (see Harkavy. The treaty with the Christians and the permission granted to Jews reside to in Jerusalem are not then historically opposed. book 9. and the buildingfell.. 193. according to whom the era started on 25 March. .His era starts on 29 August 5493 BC. ofJews by whose initiative Christian ritual objects are destroyed. with these words he meant two centres of Christianityin Jerusalem: the area of the Church of theHolySepulchreand Zion. 76 76 Theophanes. Bilderstreit’. 342. i:4). who counts from the creation to the death of the archbishop Theodoros (AD 412) i.. 431). also a Hebrewtranslationofthepassage. 401f: a Jew of Laodicea in Phoenicia came to Caliph Yazid and promised him forty years ifhe rulewould rid the churches of the images. 31(1931):350. 130. Zion (ha-rne’ass?j) (1926/7).. an Egyptian monk. copied from 102f. it was Constantine 111 (‘the Second’ was generally applied to the son of Constantine the Great). 923f. to be more precise. see on Theophanes’ era: Realencyclopaedie@rprotestantische Theologie und Kirche. Ostrogorsky.for it is notlikelythathecould discriminate between pagan Rome and Christianity). a reminder of the words: they shall build butI will throw down (Mal. Breyer. 5904 years.THE CONQUEST worthwhile to draw the Jewscloser. vii:2. ix:16.20.and ibid. And they returned and built it a second time and when they brought the image into the building. The house of forest the of Lebanon was the house ofKing Solomon. B Z . see more of this below. And they built it a third time and it fell after its completion. ‘And he built altars within and put up images and their abominations just as one did in the generation of Jeremiah in the temple. for the Christians saw the ousting ofJews the from Jerusalem as a victory and an additional justification for their creed. 971). Dolger. See the story. Vasiliev. . 74 . and both should be considered historical facts. Me’m?J 199): ‘and we heard that in the days of Hadrian the wicked. and to lessen the strength of their claims to historical rights in it. God made a sign when he was building the temple to place an image in the temple. But with thehelp ofJesus and that of the Mother of Christ. 8 (Chabot. however Theophanes accepted the correction of Anianus. cf. History. Theophanes. and so he abandonedit and took Zion and the house of the forest of Lebanon’ (lKi. Yazid died in that same year [723. 17.

It was his idea to hold leaves of the Koran on the lances.Mu‘iwiya. Talhaand Zubayr. ‘Amr foundrefuge in Palestine. ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib (killed in 644). and indeed ‘Amr fought alongside Mu‘iwiya in the battle of Siffin at the end ofJuly 657. seri. whosupported the Umayyads. to agree to an armistice and arbitration. together with ‘A’isha. and ‘Ali ibn Abi Tilib (killed in 661). on ‘Amr’s estate in ‘Ajlin. who as we have seen above was appointed military commander in alShim and governor of the area on behalf of the caliph ‘Umar (after the plague of Emmaus). Opposition to ‘Ali was led by two veterans and leaders of Islam.2 ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS Events in Palestine to the end of Umayyad rule It1 the days of Mtr‘ciwiya [88] We have little knowledge of what went on in Palestine during the rule of the ‘rightly guided’ caliphs or ‘al-Rashidiin’: Abii Bakr. A rebellion developed which led to the assassination on 17 June 656. During therebellion against ‘Uthmin. with the help of tribes in Egypt. ‘Ali’s victory over the rebels at the ‘Battle of the Camel’ near Basra in Iraq on 9 December 656 did not restore stability to his reign. ‘Amr represented Mu‘iiwiya and actually 7s . During ‘Uthmin’s rule.‘Ali was declared caliph and was immediately forced to fight those who conspired against him. He and Mu‘iwiya met in Jerusalem and formed an alliance. thebeloved wife of Muhammad and daughter of Abii Bakr. and the Meccan aristocracy. of the caliph ‘Uthmin. who had been governor of Egypt and had been dismissed by ‘Uthmin.ous schisms appeared in the Muslim camp. which centred round the Umayyads. Alongside him stood ‘Amr ibn al-‘As. This took place at Adhruh in Trans-Jordan (in the neighbourhood of Petra). ThusPalestine was in fact under the governorship of the person who was considered thehead of the uprising. and open rivalry between the Hishimids from which Muhammad stemmed. and who were centred round ‘Ali ibn Abi Tilib. refused to recognise the new caliph or to pledge loyalty to him. ‘Uthmin ibn ‘Affan (killed in 656). in the neighbourhood ofSab‘ (which is Beersheba). who were close to victory. an act which convinced ‘Ali’s followers. Mu‘iwiya ibn Abi Sufyin of the Umayyads.

and in the Syriac source: 433 (the translation refers to 435 by mistake). ‘Abd. IV(2). the Banii Kiniina of Filastin were headed by Shurayk al-Kinani. were led by Nitil b. was the one who accepted the surrender of Tiberias and was afterwards in charge of the army in Urdunn. the Madhkhij tribe of Urdunnwas headed by al-Mukhariq b. Dalaja (or Dulja) al-Qayni. ‘Amr b. Mukhlid. ‘Abd in the papyri of Nessana. 48fC who also has details on thetribeof Abii’l-A‘war. an appointment he received from the caliph ‘Uthmiin. Malik al-Hamadani (Tabari and Baladhuri report him as Hassin b. Ibn ‘Asikir. that is Abii’l-A‘war al-Sulami (we have seen above that he participated in the battles of conquest in Palestine).Khalifa ibn Khayyst. Sulaym. Qays al-Judhami. Khiilid al-Azdi. 3057cIbn al-Athir.439. Siyar. ‘Abdallah. 206C 226. Qays al-Qayni. for in some of them he is mentioned between October 674 and February 677. al-Hirithb. 172 (who has Maslama b. also supported Mu‘swiya and were headed by Hubayshb. Mukhlid). and over the people of jund Filastin was al-Harith b. so it appears thatboth father and son functionedon behalf of Mu‘Zwiya during this period. 450. 11.According to the chronicle of Michael the Syrian. 111. the Bani Hamadan of Urdunn wereled by Hamza b. O n Abii’l-A‘war see: Tabari. 451 he calls him: al-Hirith b. Michael the Syrian. Muzihim. 222 (who has: Shurayt al-Kinsni. instead of b. 2159. points out that some say b. Lammens. Mo‘iwia. 186. Khilid.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS managed to get rid of ‘Ali as caliph. Afterwards. see Nessana. Abi’ 1-Nams. Half death on 25 January 661 from the wounds a year earlier. Dinawari. The Banii Quada‘a. 74 . 2398. The father of Sufyin (thehead of the Urdunn tribes). ‘Amrseized Egypt while the war between Mu‘iwiya and ‘Ah resumed. it was the father who was the commander during Mu‘awiya’s war against ‘Ali.Sufyan.’ [89] O f those mentioned above. Cf. According to Ya‘qiibi. 2 c Dhahabi. and the tribe of Ghassan from Urdunn was led by Yazid b. only after another armistice did thewar of the tribes come to an end withan attack on ‘All’slife. Ta’rikh. it seems that the former is probably correct) imposed on the Christian villages. Bahdal). I. the two outstanding figures among the * The Mu‘?iwiya-‘Amr pact in Jerusalem: Ibn Sa‘d. 111. and his inflicted during the attack. 94c tribes of Palestine: NaSr b. The sources enumerate the tribes in Palestine and their commanders: leading the infantry of jund al-Urdunn was ‘Abd al-Rahmiin b. Mu‘iwiya had been proclaimed caliph by his followers in Jerusalem. Malik b. Khilid and some say b. 33). the tribes ofLakhm and Judhim. ‘Abd. al-Hiirith b. 111. thenin Filastin. We have confirmation that heindeed was called al-Hirith b. O n p. both by the Urdunn tribes under the command of Sufyin b. ‘Amr al-A‘war al-Sulami andbythetribesof jund Filastin headed by Maslama b. who lived in Urdunn.I. Kimil. Khilid instead of b. it was he who introduced the systematic payment of taxes (in the year 669 or 674. al-Harith al-Zubaydi. a large andrich tribe based in the region of the holycities in Hijsz. instead of Shurayk. He was given complete support by the tribes in Palestine.

11. Dulja: Tabari. Tu'rlkh. Tu'rikh. As to Nitil b.'Abdallah ibn Zubayr. 307. 11. The chances that al-Ashtar would dominate that country were very likely. he took part afterwards in the famous battle at Medina. between the caliph's army and the tribes loyal to. 422. concerning the outcome of the battle of Siffin: 'indeed I saw the tents and the courtyards in Filastin. Kimil. Khuraym. I. I. according to Ya'qiibi. in the coastal area and in Jerusalem. Qays. 339. Tu'rikh.Sib1ibn al-Jawzi. the QudZ'a and the Judhim. 298f. Zubayr. Ansib. Ibn 'Asikir. as we shall see. 145.who was. Kimil. 111. 190f. Balidhuri. cf. Tu'rikh. Tu'rikh. Isbahini. which is the year AD 685/6. XVII. held central positions in the Palestinian arena. He afterwards betrayed the Umayyads and went over to 'Abdallah b. which is used in Arab sources to mean 'owner of the place'. Qays. IV. Khalifa ibn Khayyit. 225: N4til b. 332. Ya'qiibi. See also Ya'qiibi. Muzihim. 435. O n Hubaysh b. al-Harith. Hassin b. the battle of the Harra. Tabari. Qays). 11. 11. In the same war.as I have said. Milik: Tabari. 125. fight but Ayman refused. 88-1011 leaders who supported Mu'iwiya in Palestine were Hubaysh b. I. he was evidentlyomnipotent in Palestine and dominated its financial administration. Ibn Habib. 11. incommand of the army which Caliph Marwin sent against the rebels led by 'Abdallah ibn Zubayr in the year 684. at the head of 1000 fighters. 321. Qays. idem. leader of the Banii Judhim. if he would It is said that come over to his side together with his tribe and 'Ali. leader of Judhim.2 [90] While the tribes in Palestine were loyal to Mu'Zwiya. The dihqiin then poisoned al-Ashtar. 468. 2 3 4 77 .5: Nitil (see versions: Ni'il.on his way to EgyptS3 [91] The extent to which the tribes in Palestine were deeply involved in the struggle between 'Ali and Mu'iwiyacan be perceived from the story told by al-Ash'ath(who is Abii Muhammad Ma'dikarib b. there was danger looming from the south as Milik b. Nabil) ruled in Filastin. Considering the relatively important place these figures occupy in the sources one can conclude that both tribes. Wiistenfeld. Kunz. as well. IV. Khalifa ibn Khayyat. also called alAshtar. Dulja played a leading role later. 481. VI. Mu'iriJ. head of theBaniiKinda. He was killed in the year 66 of the hijra. Ibn Hazm.b. Thus Mu'iwiya bribed the dihqiin (a Persian term. See about him also in Ibn Qutayba. 11. the local leader) of al-'Arish. 24. in 682. that is. Statthulter. Ayman was a poet and also an outstanding war-lord. Hubaysh b. Nag. 24C Ibn Abi'lHadid. promising him exemption from taxes for a period of twenty years. V. Muriij. Ta'rlkh. Nitil b. Mu'iwiya promised Ayman b. Dulja of the Qud5'a tribe and Nitil b. was en route to Egypt.4 Mecca and Medina. 416. Muriij. Mas'iidi. See Ibn Sa'd. Mas'iidi Tunbih. V. IV. one of the moderate tribes among 'Ali'sfollowers. one of the most fanatical of 'Ali's supporters. that he will appoint him governorofjund Filastin. 468. I. causing a split in the tribe. the leader of the Banii Asad. Ibn al-Athir.]umhuru. IV. 420f. Aghinl. 40fC Ibn al-Athir. Qays was killed in Palestine in the battle of Ijnidayn. 304ff. not a tent nor courtyard nor building nor camp of tents but had tied to them a man's hand or leg' (in place of pegs). Muhubbur. 579. 226.EVENTS TO THE END O F U M A Y Y A D R U L E [ S E C S . 329.

He chose to settle in al-Sinnabra (evidently south of the Sea of Galilee. while 'Ali was still alive. theattemptedmurderinJerusalem. 11. or AD 661. among them the church of St John the Baptist on the Jordan. and also visited Mary'sgraveinGethsemane. it occurredafter his assassination. 4(1899). Sinnabri in the Talmudic sources. Al-Sinnabra is Sennabris in Greek sources.Khirbat al-Karak). on it page year 6150. 4:50. Eretz-Zsrael. p. for the tribes in the north of Palestine (Urdunn) were thenhis loyal supporter^. ThreeIraqis made attempts on Mu'awiya's life in the mosque in Jerusalem but is not it knownexactly when. This was at the height of a bitter struggle which he had to conduct against his enemies.95 the translation. 288.According to this source. according to Theophanes. Dhahabi. Before that. I. ROC. seems it that Palestine enjoyed a period of comparative serenity in Mu'iwiya's time. Mayer. according to the Arab sources. Qaramiini. cf. there was a severe earthquake during which Jericho and a large number of churches were destroyed. in the second indiction. See Lammens. the earthquake occurredon 9 June 659. Bulditl. According to Syriac sources. Mu'awiya's son and heir to the caliphate. also Nau. in the 17th year of Constans.000 dinarswere collected annually. Two orthree years later. it is stated that he was staying in Tiberias. The taxes: Ya'qiibi. is which AM 6147. 78 . Yazid. see 1955/6. is mentioned that 'Uthman was murdered in the 14th year of Constans. 1:169. 71: this source tells that while the Muslims were gathering in Jerusalem to pronounceMu'5wiya caliph. Yazid in Jerusalem: Damiri. whereas according to the Arab sources. Noldeke. enjoyed with the 5 Tabari. Much harm was also suffered by the monastery of St Euthymius. 11. 91 the text. 180. Ta'rlkh. Ibn Kathir. 16. 85. Bidiya. that is July AD 660.. Noldeke points out there the difference in times between the Arab sources and the Syriac one. Ta'rlkk. HuyawZn.and p. 119.Mu'awiyaand his son Yazid evidently visited Jerusalem frequently. 4. One indication of this may be the relatively high taxes which werecollected during those daysof the two junds of Palestine: in Filastin. s YaqGt. stayed in Jerusalem at the time ofhis father's death. Al-Sinnabra.000 dinars were collected and in Urdunn.. 29(1875). I. Mo'iiwia. ASyriac source states that Mu'awiya then came to the Church of the Golgotha Jerusain lem. 347: in the month of Daisios in the 346. who reigned after him. see ibid. 105. 324. hence AM 6150 here is actually AD 659 while 661.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS [92] The followers of Mu'awiya pronounced him caliph in Jerusalem in the year AH 40. Cf. 380. VIII. 1950/1:Bar-Adon. 111. 450. Later caliphs would also come there.^ The war of the Zubayrids [93] One can undoubtedly speak of a special connection which both Mu'iwiya and his son Yazid. the event occurredduring Safar-Rabi' I of the year A H 40. Chronicon Maron. in April 680. Eretz-Zsrael. Mu'5wiya was pronounced caliph in ZDMG. Siyar. 111. 94f. 419: it is situated opposite theAfeq pass ('aqabat AJq) three miles from Tiberias. It appearsthatMu'awiya visited Palestine quite oftenbecause its tribes were reliable a buttress to his rule. near the mouth of the Jordan . Following the period of severe warfare which had raged within the Muslim camp. 'Uthman was assassinated in AD 656.

and of 1. Mecca became the centre of opposition to the reigning caliph and the siege which Yazid’s army imposed on Mecca almost succeeded in obtaining its surrender. After the submission of Medina. Milik b. that is. they movedfrom jund Urdunn to jund Filastin. who seem to have weakenedsomewhat and movedto Urdunn in place of the Judhiim. which was the slaughter of the regime’s opponents in 682 in Medina. See in Lammens. This victory was achieved by the ‘southerners’ after a hard and gory battle in Marj Rihit. 2. 11. the son of ‘Ali ibn Abi Tilib. YazTd. under the command of Rawh b.E V E N T S T O T H EE N D O F U M A Y Y A D R U L E [ S E C S . led by Hassin b. n. Zinbii‘. head ofthe rival alliance of the ‘northerners’. al-Dahhik b. These events developed rapidly immediately after the assassination of Husayn. Milik Tiberias: Tabari. Qays al-Fihri.000 fighters from theBani Kinina. the sonsof al-Zubayr (al-Zubayr was the Prophet’s cousin and one ofhis closest aides) and the Umayyads. The Bani Hamadin. and who were led by Hassiin (or Hamza)b. references to more sources. in Karbali’ on 10 October 680. In ‘680-692 the tribes of Palestine actively participated in the war between the two brothers. expressed in the form of subsidies and regular allowances.under the command of Hubaysh ibn Dulja in the battle of the Harra. and these stood staunchly by the Umayyads and were the major factor in their victory over al-Zubayr’s ibn ‘Syrian’ champion. under the leadership ofRawh b. 88-1011 tribes of Palestine. The two brothers succeeded in capturing Hijizand also parts of Iraq. east of Damascus. including Egypt. they moved southward.or Ban5 Qays. 492. The Palestinian tribes played a fateful role in the courseof events within this context. he was in Him5 or elsewhere. ‘Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr thenplaced himself at the head of the opposition to the Umayyads.Al-Fihri had been appointed governor of Damascus on ibn al-Zubayr’s behalf. and started preaching against them from his base in Mecca. some of which claim thatat the time of his father’s death. In these events. The almost continuous struggle for power within the caliphate left its mark on the tribes in Palestine and atrocious inter-tribal battles frequently took place on its soil. in July684. the Bani Judhim fulfilled an important role. They were themajor political and military support of the Damascene ruler. From that point onwards. Tu’rTkh. ‘Abdallah and Mus‘ab. Zinbi‘. Bahdal.000 fighters of the BanuJudhim. and this was certainly reflected in the caliph’s attitude towards them. succeeded in organising a strong alliance of tribes. which called themselves ‘southerners’ or Banii Kalb. when the news of Yazid’s death in November 683 arrived. and replaced the Banii Hamadin. At that time. 79 . The tribes expressed their loyaltythrough the participationof5. ‘Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr met with increasing success and he enjoyed the support of important sectors of the Muslim world. 107.

together with their leaders.Zinba‘ andhis son Dib‘an. ‘Abd al-Malik wasthen also forced to defendhimself against aByzantine offensive initiatedbythe emperor Justinian I1 Rhinothmetos. in the days of the caliph Marwsn. Malik. Malik. When Khilid’s mother (the widow of Yazid and later married to Marwin) murdered Marwin. The tribes of Palestine. Qays. especially in Urdunn. who was pronounced caliph after Mu‘iwiya 11.000 fighters under Tiriq b. and ‘Abd al-Malik b. led by Nitil b. he had snatched command of the tribe and went over to the side of ‘Abdallah ibn alZubayr. on the death of his father. however.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS b. al-Hakam. Both tribes. son of Yazid. under the leadership of Hassan b. son of Mu‘iwiya. Hassan was the uncle of the new caliph Yazid (his mother’s brother). Qays was killed in that battle. the tribes of Filastin.and emperor by grants of money defeated the tribes of Filastin led by Nitil b. to set up a temporary line of defence against the sons of Zubayr in the region between Eilat and the border of Hijaz (Widi’l-Quri). Marwin became caliph in April 685. Nitil b. Natil b. Qays.000 dinarsperweek)andgifts. fled from Palestine to Ibn al-Zubayr in Mecca. who was caliph from November 683 until June 684. But within the Banii Judham a radical change was taking place undertheleadershipof Nitil b. with ‘Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr. But ‘Abd al-Malik succeeded in maintaininghis composure. according to Mas‘iidi the defeat took place at Ijnidayn. who had been appointed by him to take charge of Urdunn.Urdunn and Filastin. At this point. Another point of dissension arose with the death of Mu‘iwiya 11. At that time. ‘Amr (a client or rnawlZ of thecaliph ‘Uthmin b. Qays.son of Constantine IV Pogonatos (Mas‘iidi calls him Liwiibn Flant). but to no avail. together with the Banii Judhim led by Nitil b. When in the course of the struggle the scales began to come down in favour of the Umayyads. the chief of Filastin). managed to appease the (1. the tribes renewed their support of Khilid. Qays. leaders of a branch of the Banii Judhim who had remained faithful to the Umayyads. ‘Affan). Bahdal. Hence a rupture was created between the tribes of the two junds . head ofthe Urdunn tribes. werea worrying exception. who had formerly been the governor of Medina. ‘Abdal-Malik enjoyed thehelp of Rawh b. while Hassan b. Qays (the source refers to himas sahib Filmtin. Yazid inoppositionto Marwin b. remained faithful to the Umayyads and pledged their loyalty to Yazid. The tribes of jund Filastin sided. remained loyal to Yazid although the tribes there had stringent complaintsagainst Yazid’s two sons. ‘Abdallah and Khalid. Evidently the information regarding the Byzantine raid on Caesarea and Ascalon belongs to the beginning of ‘Abd al-Malik’s rule 80 . favoured the appointment of Khalid b. the sons of al-Zubayr were still a serious threat to the Umayyads and although most of the tribes of al-Sham supported the Umayyads. ‘Abd al-Malik then sent a force of 6.

Milik was not the only member of the Banii Kalbwho had relations. Ibn ‘Asikir. but rather from Khawla. 88-1011 (ca. 159 (praise of Abii Zur‘a). Sib5 ibn al-Jawzi. 126. See on the conflict between Rawh and Nitil b. a strong movement of the followers of the ‘Alids was afoot which had its centre in Kiifa in Iraq. Afterwards. I. Ibn Kathir. Ibn Khaldiin. Hass5nb. XII. 95. 36f. 310ff. 81 . K i m i l . 337f. Kunz. Dhahabi. despite the fact that he himself did not take an active part in the movement’s actual leadership. the that is. 151. Tha‘ilibi. 8 (dzhiya.I. 111. Yifi‘i. 145. see Tabari.5. 55. ‘Abd al-Malik said ofAbii Zur‘a (thatis Rawh) that in obedience he was a Shimi (a man of al-Sham). Mo‘iwiu. under the leadership of Mukhtir.. ‘Ibur. 214. 332. 11. Bidiyu. Zinbi‘ the Judhimite became one of the favourite companions of the victorious ‘Abd al-Malik. 143 (garrisons: ruwibit). Tu’rikh. 1164. 468f.’ Muhammad ibn al-Hanafyya [95] While the struggle between the Zubayrids and the Umayyads was at its height. 80. meaning astute). A n s i b . in shrewdness hewas an Iraqi. Luli’ij 61. Baliidhuri states that this occurred during the time of Ibn Zubayr).. 224c Tunbih. 11.686. IX. The Byzantines destroyedthese two ports and exiled their inhabitants. Khalifa ibn Khayyit. See on this: Lammens.wazir (an office that was as yet non-existent). in knowledgeof legal matters @qh) he was a Hijiizi. another important tribe which joined the supporters of the Umayyads. See there also on the special Ban6 Qudi‘a. XVII. Ibn Abi Hadid.368. the son of ‘Ali from another woman (not from Fitima. who ruled Mecca at the time. who adds that Rawh had a house in Damascus and that his father. of the Prophet’s circle.298f. 310fc and ibid.a term used frequently at that time. or AD 703. 474. V. Dib‘in and Sa‘id involved in later events. was ofsahlbu. Futiih. Tu’rikh. link they had with the important personalities in the Banii Kalb. ‘Ibur. commander [umir] of Filastin). which continued for several generations. 98 (Head [suyyidj of the Judhim. Ibn ‘Asikir. on the family of Bahdal (ibn UnayQ and on Hassin. This movement centred round the personality of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya. VII. He died in the year AH 84. II. 11.Mo‘tiwiu. We shall find his sons. 175. n. See also Lammens. and in calligraphy he was as good as a Persian. his grandson. It is said that Rawh was very gifted and that his rank was like that of a . whom the Muslims captured from theBanu Hanifa). Aghinj. Mas‘iidi. I.481. I. through marriage with the Umayyads. Tabari. Tu’rikh. Yuzid. Ya‘qiibi. Ibn al-‘Imid. 577. 286ff. Muriij. Zinba‘. Muhammad ibnal-Hanafiyya almost fell victim to the suspicions of ‘Abdallah ibn Zubayr. ‘Ah’s wife and the daughter of the Prophet. Some sources mention that he was much younger than his rival Nitil ibn Qays. ‘Abd al-Malik stationed two special garrisons on permanent alert inthese two cities6 [94] Rawh b. IV. Qays also: Lammens. 321. 40c Ibn al-Athir. I. V.EVENTS TO THE END O F U M A Y Y A D R U L E [ S E C S . Balidhuri. on the Banii Judhim and Banii Hamadin. 111. the supporter of ‘Abdallah ibn Zubayr. The destruction of Caesarea and Ascalon: Balidhuri. that he was setting himself as up a rival. 307. An armysent by Mukhtiirfreed Muhammad from the prison into 6 7 See note 2 above. and it is quite possible to conceive of this as pertaining to that war which was initiated by Justinian 11. Isbahini.

Du’ayb. The people of Eilat welcomed him gladly. And so Sulayman sent them (it is not clear whether he sent both brothers or merelythe eldest Yazid). In returnforadeclarationofloyalty. who inthe service ofthe had been one of theimportantcommanders Umayyads. here the episode ofEilat is not mentioned at all. whichis AD 700. Ta’rrkh. 197.9 See the article Muhammad b. all three inchains. Kudid. 140: the year AH 86 (AD 705): in the long run. see another version: Kur5r humayma (status constructus). his brother Sulayman ruled in Palestine. Dinawari. ‘Ibar. who were also Yamanis. he wrote him a letter in which he demanded that Muhammad either leave the place or pledge his loyalty to him. a distinctly Yamani tribe. 111.according to himthis takesplace in the year 709. both notables of the Banii Azd. ‘Abd al-Rahman and Sufyin ibn Sulayman. Zinbi‘ the Judhamite and Qabiza b. accompanied by his own son. however. Ta’rrkh. this occurrence caused Muhammad toleave the peninsula. 121lf. found refuge. al-Hanafiya (by F. Al-Hajij ibnYiisuf accused the sons of al-Muhallab of embezzling money and obtained anorder from Caliph al-Walid to his brother Sulayman that he should send them to Damascus. the sons were hounded angrily by al-Hajaj ibn YUsuf. Muhammad’s base in Palestine was in Kudad. Suez) laden affluently. 107. AH 90. which would await him at the port of Qulzum(today. 85 he mentions another date ofMuhammad’s death: the year AH 81. 1975. Buhl) inEl1. which was also the base of the Abbasids.for he wantedto maintainabsolute neutrality between the camps who were still fighting at that time. According to an anonymous chronicle of the ninth century AD.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S which ‘Abdallah had thrown him. that is the Umayyads and the Zubayrids. wasuneasy about his proximity.He then reached Eilat accompanied by a large group ofhis partisans. Muhammadibn al-Hanafiyya thenpreferred to leave thecity. 11. 309. in Ibn Khaldiin. similar to the sons of al-Muhallab. 11. a distance of some two miles from Humayma(in the region of Moab). 79C on p. Akhblral-dawla al-‘abisiyya. He died three months later. ‘Abd al-Malik (705-715). Then al-Walid took pityon them. when news of Muhammad’s arrival in Eilat reached Damascus. It was here that the sons of al-Muhallab. Tabari. and released them. ‘Abd al-Malik. After the death of al-Muhallab. After consultation with Rawh b. He moved to Medina and there he remained until ‘Abdallah ibn Zubayr’s final downfall in October 692.These two wereretainers of Sulaymanibn‘Abd al-Malik. Seeabout this matter: Ibn Sa‘d. against a background of intertribal rivalry. Apparently. They and their retinue were taken in by Wuhayb b. he promised togrant Muhammad a hundred ships.* The sons o f al-Muhallab [96] In the days of al-Walid b. the sons of 82 . V. whichis AD Tabari.

who was said to be a mawla (client) of Marwin b. he would enjoy undisturbed rule for forty years. a toolofthesoul-destroying devils’) called Tessarakontapekhys ([the man] of forty cubits). Sa‘id (or b. Within the Byzantine empire during the reign of Leo the Isaurian (714-717). According to other information in Theophmes. He attracted many followers in Jerusalem. it should be remembered that Tiberias was then still the centre of the Jews of Palestine and the seat of the Sanhedrin. Another Christian source.E V E N T S T O T H E E N D O F U M A Y Y A D R U L E [ S E C S . It is difficult to guess who is behind this description. a false prophet appeared in Jerusalem during the ruleof ‘Abd al-Malik. At the same time. But Yazid died in the sameyear and didnot manage to achieve the destruction of the images. a man of Christian origin named Beser was taken and held in captivity in Syria by the Muslims (that is. After he was freed from captivity. led by a man of Bazra. The sources of the period contain claims that it was the Jews who incited the emperor to act against the worship of icons and crosses. I have already mentionedthatTheophanes wrote that a Jew ofLaodicea came to Yazid and proposed to him to rid the Christian churches under his dominion of all images. there was evidently considerablereligious turbulence within theIslamic world itself. Sa‘id). that is 723. and that as a result.they rebelled and wereexecuted in August 720. the Iconoclastic movement was astir. a certain al-Hiirith b. leader of the Jews in Tiberias (‘leader of the mad Jews. and accepted Islam. ‘Abd al-Malik sent a special unit of forty men from Farghana (a district on the river Sir-Darya in Central Asia) to Jerusalem. became a Christian again.tells the name of the Jew who swayed Yazid to order the destruction of all images worshipped by Christians throughout his domain. and influenced Leo to introduce decrees against the worship of images.on the other hand. O n the other hand. it is stated that in the days of Leo there was an edict of forced baptism against the Jews. the Umayyads). 88-1011 Religious unrest [97] The twenties of the eighth century were stormy ones as far as inter-faith relations were concerned. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. According to some sources. he returned toByzantium. . during the days of Yazid 11. He was the a magician and seer. son of ‘Abd al-Malik. was a clever man known by the nickname ‘the man of forty cubits’. According to Theophanes this occurred in the seventh year of Leo’s reign. It would be interesting to juxtapose against it the story from an anonymous Muslim chronicle. the composition of the unit perhaps al-Muhallab did notescape the verdict of fate . according to which one said that the bitriq (patvicius) who represented theemperor Leo in negotiationswith the Muslims. Yazid actually issued decrees against the worship of icons. al-Hakam (the father of ‘Abd al-Malik).

Al-Hirith was caught. the existence ofJudaeo-Christian sects. and see the parallel in Tabari. the tribes preferred Yazid b.in (Sarantapekkos).It is interesting that this number .Ta’rlkh.. in since fact he saw (in a dream?) that he would reign forty reed ( q a g b a ) each reed beinga month. to the year 101 (= 719-720).: Becker. Sa‘id b. Starr. 26-30.is also woven into traditions and information on ‘the man of forty cubits’. also: Agapius ofManbij (Mahbiib). 111. I. 457. Speculum. and there crucified. 402. who added also the information in Theophanes regarding the brother-in-law of the empress Irene (799) whose name was Serantaplkhos. 446. It is important to note. thatPalestine served as the principal arena for these events. 2(1980). but the matter is very obscure and the sources themselves say nothing it. Rawh wanted to dismiss Sa‘id b. and it is not known whether it has any connectionto the history of Palestine. 27. Sa‘id b. in Baethgen.-Cedrenus.I0 The uprisitlg of the tribes in Palestine it1 744 [98] Serious events closely related to inter-tribal affairs began to occur in the Umayyad caliphate during the spring of 744. I t appears to be an Arab name. This family lived within the domain of jund Filastin andenjoyedthe affection ofthe local tribes. Bishr. See in Brooks. Ta’vikh.forty .. This is also the time of the appearance ofJewish sects. 1933 excludes any possibility of historical truth in the Jewish aspect of the story and assumes that only is there the tendencyto ascribe to the Jews theanti-Christian decrees in the Muslim world. in April 744. IX. The parallel between the sources was first discerned by Brooks. J H S . the sons of Rawh ibn Zinbi‘. 147f. Crone. also the Muslim source (from al-‘uytrn tuu’l-!mfZ’iq). etc. on behalf of the assassinated caliph. 244. which is a topic ofits own. Rawh then wrote to Yazid b.JSAI. Michael the Syrian. Islamstudien. on the Jew fromLaodicea and on Beser. in connection withour subject. A Jewprophesied to Yazid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik that he would reign forty years. This view is perhaps too extreme. but sometimes. IV. in orthodox Islam to schismatics of any description. tries to proveby these sources on Bishr. The Jew from Tiberias: Mansi XIII. 111. who was the governor of Filastin. 19(1899). whichis AD 698. Elias ofNisibis. of Abii ‘Is5 al-Isfahini and ofseverus. Sulaymin onbehalf of the tribes and proposed that he come (evidently from Damascus to Palestine) in order to be made lo O n the forced baptism see Theophanes. who was the leader of the Sulaymin family. and insteadofthat he said: years. 1463f. 11. After the murder of Caliph al-Walid I1 (who was the grandsonof ‘Abd al-Malik and the son of Yazid 11) by Yazid his cousin (sonof al-Walid I and grandsonof ‘Abd al-Malik). ibid. some say that the name thatJew of was Abii Miwiya: anotherJew said about him that he lied. 787). according to Ibn Kathir.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS indicates that ‘Abdal-Malik did not trust the local people for this purpose. 401.. told by Raji’ ibn Rawh ibn Salima. Sulaym5n b. ibid. notes the time: the Bidiya. runs as follows. 442fC Dhahabi. 76ff. 121. 84 . O n the forced baptism cf. he was a zindiq. an year AH 79. Despite the fact that Sa‘id behaved well as governor of the region. Sa‘id: Ibn‘AsZkir. appellation given generally to Manichaeans. ‘Abd al-Malik. Cf. 869. ibid. ‘Abdal-Malik. about The matter ofal-Hirith b. brought to Damascus. At the head of the tribes in the Filastin region stood Sa‘id and Dib‘in. Walid. who was the great grandson of Rawhibn Zinbi‘ the Judhimite. 8:500. The storyas it appears in Tabari. which is the name ofthe TiberiasJew in the Latin version of the proceedings of the council of Nicaea Mansi. MPG. 197ff (Council of Nicaea.

Sulaymiin ibn Hisham ibn 'Abd al-Malik. while Muhammad ibn Sa'id ibn Hassiin went out with a group offighters in the direction of Tiberias. the sons of Rawh. the sons of Rawh ibn Zinba' the Judhiimite. He was obliged to ask for help from Sulaymiin ibn Hisham in that he should place an armed force at his disposal to overcome the opposition of the local tribes. to submit to the caliph Yazid's authority and to pledge their allegiance to him. Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik. Muhammad ibnSa'id ibn Hassiin. He then placed a force of 5. Sulaymiin preferred to negotiate. to be followed by the tribes. and at the head of the tribes of Filastin there stood. and with the help of envoys and mediators he succeeded in convincing the brothers Sa'id and Dib'an. Yazid ibn al-Walid. Afterwards they dispersed and 85 . Sa'id ibn Rawhmobilised the tribes. quickly spread to jund Urdun. did the latter comply with his request. Sa'id ibn 'Abd al-Malik was then in Beersheba. It seems that the most convincing argument was the distribution of benefits and various offices to the tribesmen.The army set forth at night and quartered its men in villag in the neighbourhood of the Sea of Galilee. which as mentioned began in jund Filastin.In order to lend greater cogency to his letter.000 men at his disposal. The caliph Yazid sent an army against them under the command of his cousin. This time the tribesmen realised that there was no point in prolonging their opposition. encountered opposition when he requested that people come to his office in Tiberias. They expressed their anger with the two leaders of the rebellion against the new caliph. as mentioned. led by Yazid ibn Sulaymiin. But the atmosphere among the tribes continued to be antagonistic to thecaliph. Dib'an was promised that he would be appointed governor ofjund Filastin for life. Sa'id and Dib'in. and eventook their mounts and their arms. One can say in summation that there was an outbreak of general rebellion within the Palestinian tribal framework and their refusal to accept the authority of the new caliph lasted until they were promised.E V E N T S T O THE E N D OF U M A Y Y A D R U L E [ S E C S . under the command of Muslim ibn Dhakwiin. on his part. The official responsible forcollecting taxes in Urdunn on behalf of the new caliph. Sa'id ibn 'Abdal-Malik was taken aback at the size of the force facing him andfled to the newcaliph. also agreed to accept the new caliph's authority. the leader of the Urdunn tribes. The tribes there took on a new leader. Sulaymiin hesitated to his fulfil request. For instance. This rebellion. while to Sa'id ibn 'Abd al-Malik he wrote that he should vacatehis position since the tribes preferred another. Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik. Yazid ibn Sulaymiin and Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Malik by robbing their homes. various favours and benefits for their leaders. with the army beginning to dominate the area and to treat the tribes' property as if it were their own. going out to fight the caliph. and only after Muhammad applied to the new caliph and obtained a written order to Sulaymiin. 88-1011 governor in jund Filastin.

IV. hewasaJerusalemite. on the loyalty of the Palestinian tribes (especially Sa‘id b. among them ManSiir b. that is. 1970. 309. inclined to Ghaylin’s views (he does not refer to Ghaylin the man. it seems that GhaylHn admonished Maymiin for being in the service ofthe caliphs (‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz and Yazid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik). See also:IbnKathir. V. Muslim in E12 (by C. Sulayman ibn Hisham felt that he controlled the situation and that there were many roads opento him.on Maymhnb. of theleaders of the qadariyya in Damascus. and Maymhn expressed his regrets aboutit.. 31:269. 232. V. 294. 1834f. and the article on Ghaylin’s movement by Van Ess. who iavourfree will. according to ‘Ubida b. one of the disciples of Abu MarwanGhaylan. 179. 11. V. ‘Ibar. The treatment of non-Muslims: Tabari. X. Yazid accused of being ghaylini and qadari: Dhahabi. ‘Abdallah. MihrHn. Dhahabi.1874).Abii’l-Fidi’. for it was Friday. Sulayman sailed with his men to Tiberias and they all prayed together. Ta’rikh. See also. the Prophet himself had already foretold the appearance of Ghaylin. Rawh b. Ibn al-Athir. 47f. made governor Iraq of (seeTabari. SI. 1828. that is to say. by the cadi al-Awzi‘i: Ghaylin refused to repent despiteall the warnings. 1733). 289. V. Ibn Khaldiin. and so he had his limbs torn Tu’rikh. 395.Jumhiir. See also the article Ghaylin b.calls Ghaylin:Ghaylin alQudsi. will create a schism among the Muslims. ibid. ‘Abd al-Malik’s grandson. 289. 6(1972). Pellat). Kitnil. Tn’rikkh. for Ghayllnhimself was executed before this). 11. 177f. rtcis 86 . 206. From there.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS each man returned homeward to his family. similar criticism of the attitude to the dhimmis can be found in what was said by &aliph Marwin ibn Muhammad. and there too all those present swore an oath ofloyalty to Yazid. who was one of the officials of the caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. points out that Yazid was probably off and was crucified.’l l1 See Tabari. I Q . Ghaylin.See also Ibn Sa‘d. who See ibid. 289. Bidciyn. VII(2). Ta’rikkh. ‘Abd al-Malik and his son Yazidsee the comments of Bosworth. V. see Tabari. and the latter’s son. he points his finger at the tribes (evidently the tribes of Palestine): ‘You only want rob to the property of every dhimmi you encounter’. was executed inHishim ibn ‘Abd al-Malik’s day (724-743. 11. Evidently Yazid strongly objected to the tribes’ extortion of non-Muslims and told them quitedistinctly. 111. When these sourcesuse the term alzl or thetribesarealwaysintended. and it appears that the disputation between him Ghaylin and was conducted in letters. Marwin b. From then onward. and Yazid was accused openly of being qadarr and ghaylinT. after a kind of religious disputation between him and Maymiin b.The caliph Yazid was also accused ofhaving appointed officialsfrom among thefollowers of Ghaylin. Trl’rikh. 13. worse than that created by Satan. Despite the fact that itis not clearly stated or spelled out in anydetail. KZmil. 1831fc Ibn al-Athir. it appears that one of the reasons for the rupture between Yazid and the tribes was the problem of the Jews and the Christians. Mtrkhtarar. IV. Zinbi‘) to Sulaymin b. I.According to him therewas a sortofcrossexamination going on in the presence of the caliph Hishim ibn ‘Abd al-Malik. Mihrin. fell victim to the anger of the Damascene crowd and were murdered after being accused of belongingto theqadariyya. al-Ssmit (see on him below).Dhahabi.. He advanced with his army toal-Sinnabra south of the Sea of Galilee and the tribes of Urdunn came there and pledged their loyalty to the new caliph Yazid before Sulayman. ‘I will not tolerate your behaviourwhich causes the poll-tax payers to exile themselves from their country and see no future ’ The tribesmen saw in this a favouring of the non-believers ahead of them. a Jerusalemite who was one of the chief heralds of the school of free will and seemed to be under the influence of Christianity.

Rifa‘a. 1892. Ibn al-Dumiihin al-Athir. Nagel. al-Rumiihis . a t the head of the tribes of Urdunn stoodhis cousin. 220: al-Rumiihis b. 23. 11. Baliidhuri. Unfeusuchungen.as Theophanes tells us. while he himself managed to escape. FutCh. 1 1 1 . Palestine again erupted..the end of the Umayyads [loo] Only some five years separated these events from the end of the reign of the Umayyads. 71. Feverish activities were already underway in the Tabari. 88-1011 T h e uprising of the tribes in Palestine in 745 [99] About halfa year later. The disturbances evidently continued throughout the winter until the summer of 745. Tu’rikh. Mas‘iidi. in Him:. and not as in theeditor’s note in Ibn al-Athir. These events were the result of the serious polarisation which occurred among the tribes after the murder of al-Walid. Breyer. ‘Abd al-‘Uzzii. ibid. Kiimil. who became caliph at the end of November 744. Ibn ‘Asiikir. 46. he was in charge of the police (shurtu) of the caliph Marwiin ibn Muhammad. 64. Ibn Kathir. to be responsible for the dTwin Filastin. 326. V. This rebellion. of the tribal federation of the BaniiKilib. on Thiibit ibn Nu‘aym see also: Jahshiyiiri. Abu’l-Fidi’. ‘Ibau. this time during the reign of Marwin11. once again included the tribes of Palestine. and his men were scattered to the winds. Dhahabi. al-Kawthar. Mukhtasar. Nu‘aym. His three sons. 330f.1894. 422. X. that is. Tunbih. as he did in Him:. and at the head of the jund Filastin tribes stood Thabit ibn Nu‘aym al-Judhiimi. V. al-Rumahis ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. Marwsn then appointed a man from the Banii Kinana as governor of jund Filastin. this time headed by Sulayman ibn Hisham. 32. and during its course. Tu’rlkh. 150. He descended on Tiberias but al-Walid ibn Mu‘awiya managed to hold his ground. 207. At the same time. V. another insurrectionbroke outin northern Syria. to help the beleaguered fighters in Tiberias. Bakr and ‘Imran.E V E N T S T O T H E E N DO F U M A Y Y A D R U L E[ S E C S . between ‘north’ and ‘south’. Cf. Marwan destroyed thewalls of Jerusalem. 244. were caught. 11. Mu&?. the caliph sent reinforcements under Abii’l-Ward Majzih b. al-Walid ibn Mu‘awiya ibn Marwiin. after a battle that lasted a few days. on al-Rumiihis see also: Firiizibiidi. drowned in rivers of blood. after the Abbasid coup) to Andalus and was in theservice of the Caliph ‘Abd al-Rahman. Bidiyu. 328: he moved afterwards (thatis. 209. Immediately afterwards. 111. Ibrahim ibn al-Wahd. His sons were executed and the same fate awaited when him he was later caught together with another son. I. . Theophanes. Ibn Khaldiin. The tribes of ‘the north’ (Mudar) supported Marwiin while the tribes of ‘the south’ (Yaman) opposed him. to handle the registration of the tribes and to execute the payment of allowances and subsidies.I2 Hz~mayma . The population of Tiberias (apparently the non-Muslims) also went out to fight against Thabit ibnNu‘aym. Damascus and other cities. Leading the rebellious tribes in Palestine was the same Thabit ibn Nu‘aym. The latter had been appointed on behalf of the former caliph.evidently the correct version. The Palestinian tribes at that point joined the uprising which broke out in northern Syria. ibn Muhammad ibn Marwin.

Ibn ‘AsZkir.111. which is Antipatris (R6sh ha-‘ayin). X.From that time. Zubda. Abii’l-‘Abbis al-Saffah’s ~ n c 1 e . the uncle of the Prophet. converted to Islam. 75f. III. ZinbH‘. I. cf. VI. Ta’rikh. Ibn Kathir. l3 [loll As is known. and in the end. K i d . Ibn al-Athir. Rev. I. 150f. on 2 September 749 they conquered Kiifa. 425f. 7. Mas‘iidi. Dhahabi.47ff (he writes that the governor and official of the treasury at the in jund Filastin was a man of the Ban6 Judhim. in the region of Moab. under the leadership of Abii Muslim. From Khurisiin the rebelling armies spearheaded westward. V. the descendants of the Abbasids. see also ibid.Muriij. 315. to Muhammad ibn ‘Ah of the Abbasids. Abii Hishim ‘Abdallah. Ta’rikh. the son of the above-mentioned ‘Ali. In the meantime. transferred his rights as imZm and leader of the Muslim world. The sources generally speak of the killing of eighty of the Umayyads. the grandson of ‘Abbis. he was the father of the two firstAbbasidcaliphs:Abii’l-‘Abbis al-Saffah andAbii Ja‘far al-Mansiir. Ya‘qiibi. the elderson of Muhammad ibn final defeat in January 750. 54. settled there in he fortified theplace and it became a centre for the year690 or thereabouts. al-Hakam ibn Dib‘Zn). Sourdel) in EF. 45 (92. al-‘Uyin wa’l-hadii’iq (De Goeje). the centre of the insurrection movedto Khurasiin. ‘Ali ibn ‘Abdallah. ZDMG. they were executed in ‘Qalansawa in theland of Filaslin’). Khurisin in the east and Humayma in Palestine. whounited all the streams and the sects of the Umayyads’ enemies into one movement. 11. where the Umayyads were slaughtered. See Oestrup. Lammens. Tabari. Abb. the execution being supervised by ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Ali. MarwZn suffered his Abii’l-‘Abbas. Ma‘drij 372.Ta’rikh. Ibn Khallik5n. According to the tradition (which undoubtedly has no historical authenticity). 127f. IV. to theeast of the Tigris. 324 (‘a large group of the supporters of the Umayyads were imprisoned in Egypt by Siilih b. Muhammad ibn ‘Ali ibn ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Abbis at Humayma). Kitnil. who were clients of the Hishimids. l ~ I3 I4 See: Akhbir al-dawlaal-‘abbisiya. See further Shaban. saying that theatzbi (father) Mus5 b. 51(1897).. Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi. Hakim al-Qasis (the priest) al-Adhruhi ordered the book (a collection of religious sayings). 258. governor of Egypt. 88 . VI. 11. V. 2036 Ibn Qutayba. the article Humayma (by D. 475f (on the circumstances of the arrival of ‘Abdallah ibn Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya to his cousin the Abbasid. 278. 134. 111. 111. and see also i n Lammens. the Abbasids joined the revolution under ‘Ali. Ibn Taghri Bardi. at Abii Futrus. while he was onhis deathbed. V. on the Great Z i b river. ‘Ibar. Mo‘iwia. Ibn al-‘Adim. another uncle of the Abbasid caliph. ibid. IbnKhaldGn. 453. he points to the fact that Humayma was near Adhruh and the villagers who lived in Adhruh were mawili. 297. That Adhruh was inhabited by Christians we can learn from the colophon of an Arabic manuscript in the Monastery of St Catherine in the Sinai.. the son of Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyya.000 men were killed in one day near ‘a river in Ramla’). 425. Humayma was situated some fifty kilometres southeast of Ma‘in in Trans-Jordan. 53. The last act took place in Palestine. from the year AH 288 (AD 901). an offspringof Rawh b. Muhammad ibn ‘A11 was the leaderof the Abbasids. 185. and thisis perhaps why theAbbasids settled just in Humayma. ‘Ali. Bidiya. Ibn al-Athir.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S underground of both sides of the revolution.

N A T U R A L D I S A S T E R S [ S E C . AD 734. who wereliving in Jerusalem. were killed during this earthquake. we are toldof the Dome of Rock the havingbeen hit by lightning. Aws. 1021 Natural disasters [lo21 Until now. Thirty Jewish synagogues in the town were also laid waste and the Jewish bath-houses were also destroyed. and Agapius also mentions the month ofJanuary. and in AH 116. Further plagues were recorded in AH 115. Many of the ansir (people of Medina). the quake took place on the 16th of January. The people of Jerusalem fled from thecity and remained in the fields for forty days. with the exception of the home of one man whose name was ' k . during which the eastern and western sides of the Dome of the Rock collapsed. which prevented the usual summer raid on Byzantine areas. A very devastating earthquake occurred in the year AH 130 (beginning 11 September AD 747). in which myriad people were killed and many monasteries destroyed.All his sons were killed in that earthquake. Archiv Orientalni. refers. In the year AH 80. evidence ofwhich has been preservedinTheophanesandinSyriac sources. It is possibly to this earthquake that the poem y@Zr ra'ash shevT7. was a Sabbatical year. particularly in Jerusalem. One year later. because its first victims were women. 283. but he is off the mark withregard to the year. 18(3): 88. we must outline some of the misfortunes and disasters that befell Palestine that were not ofman's doing. written by a poet named Samuel. known as the plague of the girls. A Christian source (and there are no parallels in Muslim sources) informs us of a severe earthquake which affected all of Palestine (including lordanz) and Syria. we haveseen to what extent Palestine was involved in the military and political events of the Umayyad period. AD 733. We also have information about this earthquake from Christian sources. See also Moscati. In AH 86. or AD 699/700. According to Ibn Muqaffa'. a severe plague hit al-Sham. It is possible that this earthquake determined the setting of a fast called 'the fast of theSabbatical year'.especially as a result of thecaving in of the house of Shaddad b. According to Michael the Syrian. . Indeed. AM 4508. 1950 (who does not say anything new). I have already mentioned above the earthquake that occurred in 659. Tiberias was then completely destroyed. some two years before Mu'awiya was pronounced caliph in Jerusalem. It recalls the earthquake and its disastrous effects in Ti271. The tribes living in Palestine during that era and who were an important element in the military and political system set up by the Umayyads werea permanent and active factor in these events. the year of the earthquake. a calamitous plague once again broke out in al-Sham. or AD705. Before dealing with other aspects of life in Palestine during this period.Kedrenos mentions the 18th ofjanuary.

but the quake is mentioned in the framework of evetits that took place after 740 (contrary to what is saidin Assaf and Mayer. Bidiya. 16th of January. Cf. Michael the Syrian. and in all of Syria. ‘in the landof the west’. Ibn Taghri Bard?. 466 in the original). 2302).. Tarbiz. Dhahabi. 651. 8(194@/41). The piyyiit: Zulay. points out that theearthquake occurred in1059 Sel. 330.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS berias and Ramla(‘in the Shefela. thousands of people were killed and many monasteries and churches were destroyed. n. 510 (p. it was felt from Gaza to the border of the Persian regions. Thisqibla. X. and it is not clear where ‘little children and women. S e j r ha-yishrv. Agapius. . and Egypt was not affected apartfrom Dumyat (Damietta). The incidence of the lightning: Dhahabi. whichis AD 747/8. and pointed out that it was felt in Palestine as far as the River Jordan. ‘The plague has: in the year 79). 111. was the first direction which the Prophet faced.393f: the quake occurred on the 21st of Tuba. l5 The plague in the year 80: Khalifa ibn Khayyiit. 97-104. 8). Elias of Nisibis.a village in the neighbourhood of (text). n. 156-162. 11. teachers of the Bible and the Mishna’suffered this fate.227. Pseudo-Dionysios (Chabot). which in that year (AD 748) fell on the 28th of January (Sunday). does not mention an exactdate. actually it is the earthquake of the year 747/8 which is meant). and this differs from what is stated in some of the Christian sources. some of the above references are mentioned by Creswell. the connection between the piyyiit and the earthquake of 748 was first suggested by Margaliot. 309. 11. 312. Siyar. 268. in theValley of the Sharon’). 47 (text). 61 (@‘in al-jutiyit). We haveseen that there was a different relationship to the city at the time of its conquest. ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab. so as not to behave in the manner of the Jews. Even if we assume that there is no historical truth inthis story.. Severus (Evetts). See also idem.Early Muslim Architecture’. and following him Cedrenus. I. Wasiti. and this was its transformationinto a Muslim holyplace. BJPES. Theophanes. 27 (who Ta’rikh. 111. 29:339. 374. and on other plagues: ibid. itat any ratereflects the basic approach of the Muslims during the first generationsof the occupation. IX. loyally continued the tradition laid down by the Prophet. cf. Bidiya. 11. 171 131. 82 (translation): the quake was in the AH year Mount Tabor moved fromits place four mileswithout any damage havingbeen caused. and see there the fragment from the poetPinhas. ZonarAs. Mutlzir (Le Strange). the earthquake in 747/8: 304.The difference is not great andit possibly stems from a mistake in the copying of the Christiansources. the day of the death of St Mary (the Dormition.3. The earthquake in 738: Papadopoulos-Kerameos. 311. 3(1936/7).15 The religiousstatus ofJerusalem [lo31 A most important development in the status ofJerusalem occurred duringtheUmayyadperiod. of the girls’: Ibn Kathir. 11. 10.Many were drowned at the time. who also mentions ‘the fast of the earthquakeof the sabbatical year’. 1959/60. 360. i. Yedi‘ot. IX. 84. 4 (he is perhaps mistaken. his heir and the fulfiller of his testament. which is 746. DTC. particularly in the desert region around Jerusalem. 111. Ibn Kathir. 42 (translation). Its superscription reads the 23rd of Shevat.e. Jerusalem. 7.521 (he claims that more than a hundred thousand people died in Tiberias then). set the time of the earthquake in the sixth year of Constantine V (Copronymus). Maqdisi. when ‘Umar decided that the Muslims would pray with their backs towards the rock on the Temple Mount.. but he himself ruled it out after the hijra.

strong is thy dwellingplace. . according to his words. the author ShimonBarYohai’wasimprecisewhen he attributedto‘Umarthe achievement of ‘Abd al-Malik two generations later. We have seen that the view attributing the building of the Mosque to ‘Umar is confirmed both in the Arab traditions and by Theophanes. 145. The new status ofJerusalem and the renewed recognition of its sanctity were not the result of scholarly discussions or new theological interpretation. and thou puttest thy nest in a rock’ (Num. the Prophet. Bet ha-midrish. the Biblical quotation is from the verse ‘And he lookedon the Kenites. as it is said: and thou puttest thy nest in the rock.ZDPV. the predecessors of Muhammad and his heralds.. I. DACL. O n the Prophet’s mosque see the traditions gathered and interpreted by Kister. 23a. According to Muslim tradition. and translated by the best architects and builders of the time into alanguage of pillars and arches bearing all the splendour that the imagination could possibly envision.’ Arculf.’ (they built a house of prayer in the form of a square madeof wooden planks and large beams which they constructed over the remnants [of ruined buildings]. 2304. and took up his parable. .T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [SECS. ‘Umar built his first mosque only as a place of prayer (and the meaning of the Arabic word masjid is place of prayer for the Muslims) on the Temple Mount out of respect and recognition of the tradition of the Children of Israel.16 16 ‘The mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’: Jellinek. and said. for in anycase the end of the worldwas imminent. O n the resemblance of the ancient mosque of ‘Umar on the Temple Mount. Qaysarto pray at the head of the believers in Jerusalem (in other . an idea conceived by the ruler.1962. whileon the other hand. xxiv:21). . 25:150.likethe‘booth of Moses’ ‘avidz Miisi. Musharraf. It is obvious that this structure was a of type similar to that of the Prophet’s mosque in Medina. and that only the Jews were still wholeheartedly attached to its sanctity. 11(1888). the Byzantine of ‘the Mysteries of Rabbi chronicler.askedthatthebuildingshouldbesimple. says that ‘Umar appointed Saliim b. 103-1141 signifying that Jerusalem wasnot holy to the Muslims. which linked this place with the memory of ancient the prophets. when he first decidedto build a mosque in Medina. VII(2). Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik. gives us a description of the mosque put up by ‘Umar. They were born with the Dome of the Rock. 111. quadvangulam orationis domum quam subvectis tabulis etrnagnis tvabibus super quasdam veliquias construentes. a Gallic bishop (it is not clear whether he was from the south of France or from Wales). who visited Palestine one or two generations after the conquest. In his words. ‘hollow out Mount Moriah and make it entirely into a plain and build therea place of bowing down on the foundation stone. Arculf: in Tobler et Molinier. 79. according to the description of Arculf and the mosque of the Prophet in Medina: Abel. . BSOAS. this is what the Muslims built on the Temple Mount: ‘. vilifabvicati sunt opere . a work ofinferior quality). 208. ‘The second king who will arise from Ishmael’ will. on the parallel between Arculfs description and the Muslim traditions on thebuilding of the mosque in ‘Umar’s days (or according to his orders): Riess.

111. from 688 to 692. He gathered expert builders from all over his domain. 297ff.178. Donner. cf.‘Ibav. It is possible. Marwin ‘. 67(1914). he probably copied from Ibn Bitriq and shortened it: he built theDome of the Rockon thesite of a Christian church which he destroyed. ZDPV. they set up near the building site. ‘Abd al-Malik appointedthreepeopleto be responsible for putting up the structure: Raji’ b. The work of construction evidentlybeganin 688. originally Christians). and the Muslim sources are reliable in ascribing the erection of the Dome of the Rock to ‘Abd al-Malik. evidently on the site where the al-AqS5 mosque was subsequently erected. actually he merely says that he built a magnificent mosque with therock at its centre. Muthrv (Le Strange). one started to build in the year AH 66.The income from thecollection of taxes (khavij) in Egypt for the course of seven years was invested in the building. as if he said that ‘Abd al-Malik ‘enlarged the mosque by including the rock withinit’. 366fe Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. and all his subjects consented to the plan. construction. Muhi&ra.Musharraf. 11. and its replacement on the buildinghe put up in Jerusalem. however. The Arabsources mentioned above note that ‘Abd al-Malik also ordered a treasury building to be constructed (apparently to house the money intended for the Dome of the Rock). The building work lasted four years. Slff.42. possibly. The Christian chronicler Sa‘id ibn Bitriq‘attributes the construction of the Dome of the Rock to ‘Abd al-Malik’s son al-Walid. 11. 240ff(according to him. Hayawa. RE]. 30 (Jerusalem1893/4). 23b. Bahi’ b. the caliph was represented byhis son Sa‘id. The clearest proof that it was indeed ‘Abd al-Malik who built the Dome of the Rock is the passage on the upper rim ofcentral the arches. called Sa‘id the Good. a version that appears somewhat strange to us today. and perhap . Yazid. ‘Abd al-Malik informed all the districts under Muslim rule of his decision to build the mosque. Ibn al-‘Arabi. that is AD 685/6). Neubauer 2642). Salim and his son. II. A Jewish midrash tells that ‘Abdal-Malik b. in Wertheimer. In his version. on the outer southeastern side. The midrash: Bod1 MS Heb f24 (Cat. l7 sources: Salima). From the above-mentioned descriptions in the Muslim traditions it emerges that thefirst mosque on the Temple Mount was built to the south. ‘Ulaymi. But itseems that this information is not credible. but is certainly intended to say: ‘shall build on the site where the house of theof God Israel stood’. In the building process. Maqdisi. even though the name‘Abd al-Malik was replaced by thatof the Abbasid caliph al-Ma’mtin. 4. 148. where the date AH 72 (AD 692) is inscribed. that the information with regard to al-Walid refers to the building of the al-Aqsi mosque. . Ibn Khaldiin.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S [lo41 It was during his reign as caliph that ‘Abd al-Malik had the Dome of theRock constructed. did not understand Sa‘id ibn Bitriq correctly. Butt2 midriishot. 93(1977). Yazid b. shall build the house of the God of Israel’.Beforetheystartedontheactual a model for the caliph according to their designs. Levi. a building that was in complete contradiction to the modesty of the period of the conquest. The last two were clients (maw&) of ‘Abd al-Malik (they were. a dome of gilded brass. the latter ordered the removal of the dome of the church in Ba‘labakk. Wisiti. .

‘Abd al-Malik wanted to divert the hearts of the believers from Mecca and substitute theDome of theRock for the Ka‘ba. 81. like the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. See also Ya‘qiibi. Jerusalem. ‘Abd al-Malik undoubtedly wished to convey a message to the Muslims as well as to non-believers. Aqilim. who was the appointee (custos)of the Holy See in Palestine (1651-1657). an error. first of all. 17(1951/2). when he asked his uncle whether al-Walid would not have done better if the Muslims’ money spent on buildinga mosque in Damascuswas spent on the buildingof roads and public works and defence. that is AD 684/5. Since he considered Palestine. 1669-1670. Arab sources of the MiddleAges tried to attribute to him radical and far-reaching tendencies. 61: ‘Abd al-Malik wanted to attract people to a religious visit (ziyira) to Jerusalem instead of the hajj to Mecca. which is the qubbat al-silsila. Rocrnik Orient. the same sources point out that it was the magnificence of the Christian churches in Jerusalem that motivated ‘Abd al-Malik to construct a building which would supersede them in beauty and splendour and demonstrate the superiority of Islam. 400. 11. for only in that year (towards the end) did ‘Abd al-Malik becomecaliph. part of the area which served as the principal and most loyal base of his reign.T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S . and see a detailed discussion in Sharon. Ta’rikh. Early Muslim Architecture*.. So the Muslims put up a mosque which would put these in the shade and attract Muslim attention . Rec. and in his book Terra Santu nuovumente illustratu. attractive to the eye and which have become famous. 213c cf. The inscription ‘Abd al-Malik: Kessler. See theversionin Clermont Ganneau.. because of ‘Abdallah ibn al-Zubayr. 39: ‘Abd al-Malik forced people to go on pilgrimage to Jerusalem and did not permit them to go on pilgrimage to Mecca. I. 9. Muqaddasi. O n the other hand. As the Hijiiz was in the hands of the Zubayrid rebels.one of the wonders of the world: ‘For is clear it that when ‘Abd al-Malik saw the beauty of the Dome of Tomb the [in the text: qubbat aI-qumiima. whichis. Ibn Taymiyya. or the church in Lod and the church in al-Ruhii (Edessa). son of Marwgn (il regrundejglio de Mesum[!]) in the 65th yearofthe hijra (de’ Saruceni)’. according to which the mosque was built by ‘the great king. quoted in Italian an inscription from the Dome of the Rock. Hirschberg. according to whicha true caliphis only one who governs over the two mosques of Mecca and Jerusalem. dome of the refuse] and its form. The tradition on the two mosques: ‘Ulaymi. however. 159.69. 1970. Mujrnii‘a. The tradition which crystallised in the time of the Umayyadsis interesting. Baneth Memorial Volume: 245. regarding the date it is worth noting seventeenth a century source: the Italian Franciscan Morone da Maleo. 11. the religious significance of Jerusalem in theeyes of the Muslims. ofcourse. he devoted considerable attention to the place and most certainly wished to emphasise. and so also the Christian Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. According to Muqaddasi. and within it. 319f (in Hirschberg’s opinion the story of ‘Umar’s visit to Jerusalem his interest and in the Temple Mount 18 93 . 11. 103-1141 [lo51 In establishing this splendid building. 11.his uncle explainedto him thatal-Sh2m was a Christian country with beautiful churches. JRAS. he was afraid lest it arouse respect in the hearts of the Muslims and he erected this dome on the rock’. Creswell.’* it is the building whichis still standing to the east of the Dome of the Rock. 311.

66f argues fervently in favour of the argument that the building Dome of the of the Rock. arguing that what Muqaddasi wrote on the competition with the Christiansonlyreferstothebuildingstyle. according to the view they are tryingto prove). OLZ. 12Of. according to Grabar. O f the mostrecent studies on the subject. had spreadidea the that the foundation stone was the centre of the world and therefore obviously the most holy places. maintained the contrary opinion. Different and conflicting opinions have been expressed on this subject.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S [lo61 The Dome of the Rock has caught the attention of many of those who deal with the history of Muslim art. Grabarfindsin all thisadirect appeal to the ‘peoples of the book’. in his opinion. was indeed motivated by political reasons. 1950. that of Grabar is the most outstanding. see the placing of the Dome of Rock the on theplace of the Jewish temple as an expression of the severance of the connectionbetweenIslamandJudaism (a very strong connection. Profound and exhaustive discussions on these questions can also be found in the writings of Creswell. but the verse he quotes. particularly in terms of his analysis of the artistic motifs that appear in the interior ornamentation. the Church of the Ascension on the Mount of Olives.the motivation? however. 28. and the reverent standing Islam also reserves for the earlier prophets -Jesus and the others. but mostscholars ascribe it to the Byzantineart of building and claim that the executors were architects and craftsmen brought from Byzantium. Poliak. pointing to the architectural similarity to the group of buildings of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in particular. of 94 . that the special status of therock was the result ofJewish propaganda. Early Muslim Architecture2. and also the chapteron the sanctity of Jerusalem and Palestine in ancient Islam: Studies. opposing him Caskel. and the interlinked with the need to maintain Mecca’s stature expresses a similar tendency). goes to the defence of Goitein. and also explicit examples of the use of the symbolism of the victor. that does not seem well-founded. one cannot interpret the name Quraysh as meaning the Zubayrids. Both these symbols and the verses from the Koran inscribed on thewalls of thebuilding are directed to a non-Muslim population and express three basic ideas: the principlesof the Muslim creed. 24ff. see his article:]AORS. Whereas Baer. 165. DintdwrgJubilee Volume. 70:104. maintains the far-fetched supposition. images of authorityand conquest. Some attribute the building to Roman tradition. in this he finds parallels in Persian and Byzantine art. being a rather poetic parallelism to the Umayyads mentioned in continuation. 68(1973). Crone and Cook.thesplendour. does not prove anything. These represent. who in 1924 already defined the connections between the Dome of the Rock and Christian-Byzantine architectural concepts found chiefly in three structures: the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. in a critical review on Creswell’s book. 135-148. who. Felsendom. It was mainly the Jews who had converted to Islam. especially the crowns. Creswell. hoping discover to the identity and ethnic kinship ofits builders andto clarify the architectural tradition to which they adhered. 19. Goitein challenged the view that was common to many scholars which gave too much credit to the alleged intention of ‘Abd al-Malik to establish a holy place which would competeinsanctitywiththe kn‘bn due to politicalcircumstances(therevoltofthe Zubayrids). the stature of Muhammad and the universal nature of his mission. was political. Therefore. p. and contrary to his opinion. that is the domination ofMecca by the Zubayrids.

of St Vitale in Ravenna. to the extent one can discern from the dates listed in them. He refers to buildings intended to be used in the rituals of the saints. 25:37. AO.'Azizi. upper Egypt) which deal with shipments of workers and the supplies from Egypt for the building of the mosque in Jerusalem. Ibn al-Athir. and others. aL'ajwa. The tradition on the eight openings ofParadise occurs in many places. Origin. It now appears that the time of its construction can be determined more precisely with the aid of papyri preserved in Egypt (in Aphrodito. 512 (no. IV. I. and see Grabar. with some justification. see Ibn Mija. 2:79. 216. The Muslim sources have not generally preserved any detailed information on its construction. I. 227. that they are from Paradise. Some of them attribute it to 'Abdal-Malik and others to his son al-Walid (705-715). 3456). 3:33. 101-109. It is a description of Paradise. al-'ajwa wa'l-sakhra. afterwards the rockwas added. BEO.20 [lo81 Another important step in the process of investing Jerusalemand the Temple Mount with holiness was the building of the al-Aqs5 mosque. 1143 (no. a specifically Muslim concept. 9s . and he gives comparative descriptions of various churchesof this type. 1972.T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U SO F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S . 1959. A somewhat unusual approach is that of Strzygowski. and see especially his survey of Creswell. Nasi'i. Sunan. and see more traditionson the connection between the Paradise in Wisiti. in this case. Nihdya. therefore. A wide canvas ofcomparisons withChristian buildingswithcenturiesoftradition behind them is discussed by Echouard in an article he published in 1972. I. the sons of 'Abd al-Malik.are from a periodof aboutten years. See also the article on the mosaics of the Dome of the Rock by M. 592. such as the church of St Simeon (Stylites) in northern Syria. The rock belongs to Paradise: it seems that the more ancient form of the hadith refers to what the Prophet said of a species of dates from Medina. Der Islam. generally built around the grave of that saint and intended to receive the masses who came to pray to him. 36f. 78. At the End ofthe Days. 67-123. He expressed and developed his views in detail in the second editionof his book onancient Muslim architecture. Buldiin.254.Van Berchem in Creswell's book. who tried to prove that the building style is basically Persian. from 706 to 717. which the Muslim tradition claims (in the name of the Prophet) has eight openings. the various approaches. the tradition attributed to the Prophet declares that the rock (on the Temple Mount) belongs to Paradise. 11. 213-322. for example: Ibn Mija. 1911. which is the period of Walid and Sulaymiin. 78. These papyri. that the buildingof the mosque began in the days of Walid (and it is not unlikely that building had already begun during 1 9 20 See the brief summary of various views on the architectural tradition which canbe revealed in the Dome of theRock in Briggs. but it seems to me that the basis of this type of building is. One can surmise. Early Muslim Architecture*. 11. 11.I9 E1071 A central point in all of these architectural discussions on the Dome of the Rock is its octagonal form. Ecochard. 67ff. Muslim. An attempt was made. idem. Paradise the will move to Jerusalem: see Jakhra and Yiqiit. 103-1141 Cathedral ofBusrii. to compare this aspect of the mosque to Christian structures. Indeed.1604).

and they are included in his publication: Greek Papyri in the B M . in this chapter. e. see No. The Koran itself contains nothing specific. which despite its many renovations has been preservedbasically as it was built. Unlike the Dome of the Rock. there have been many alterations in theal-Aqsii mosque and nothing remains that can tell us of its early history.e. it was the angel Gabriel who carried Muhammad. the ka‘ba] to the furthermostrnasjid whose surroundings We blessed [it is God speaking here. from the holy rnasjid [i. Early art and mosaics Muslim Architecture2. 1366 (of 710). Accordingto the hadith traditions that developed around this verse. Creswell. a lent renewed spiritual aura to the Temple Mount. from Mecca to Sinai. These caliphs laid the physical foundations which. 1414 (as the previous one). one night. in order to show to him [to the slave. that is the ascensionof the Prophet to heaven. and were rumoured tohave come from the Prophet himself. with the rni‘riij (the ladder). Jesus andall the rest. Moses. Structural History ofthe Aqsa Mosque. pluralis].and around which traditions were created and these. . 1451 (701/2 or 716/7). There Gabriel put him down alongside the gate of the mosque. and this is where the process of sanctification began. Even older traditions interpret the expression al-rnasjid al-aqsii (‘the furthermost mosque’): the house of prayer in heaven. This was evidently the turning point in determining the religious status of Jerusalem and the Temple Mount. andfrom there to Jerusalem.21 [lo91 The construction of the two magnificent mosques on the Temple Mount was contrary to the spirit of early Islam. a process which increasingly produced its own momentum. A kernel of the tradition brought about thisin way can be found insikat al-isvii’ (the chapterof the night journey) which is xvii. 1439.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik. ‘Abd al-Malik and his sons turned the Temple Mount into a magnet which drew thousands of visitors from the Muslim world who were their on way to Mecca. See an analysisof the of al-Aq$i: Hamilton. tied their horses to. who died in October 705). Muhammad] some of Our signs’. 1403 (the palaceof the caliph[auk toii amiralmoumnin] and the mosque in Jerusalem [masgida HierosolymZin] are mentioned therein). which links 21 The papyri were originally edited by Bell Derin Islam between 1911 and 1928. i. 1435 (715/6). in the manner of Muslim traditions. on the other. mounted on al-Buraq. 1433 (706/7). 1441 (706). from then on. There MuhammadpTayed in the company of the other prophets: Abraham. and considered thatmore modest structures should suffice. naturally related to the commentaries of the Koran and the hadrtth. from time immemorial. 373-380. and they tie in isvii’. IV (The Aphrodito Papyri).with most of the ancient inscriptions intact. a winged beast of burden. which denied the sanctity of theplace on the one hand. verse 1: ‘Praised beHe who took his slave for a night journey. the the night journey. from there to Bethlehem (some say to Hebron as well). and tied al-Buriiq to the iron ring that all the prophets had always.

the very close land. Muhammad saw himself. T o an Arab traditionist who lived two generations after the erection of the Masjid al-Aq$i. was already in Muslim control). after the two magnificent buildings were built there. and a number of early Christian sects subscribed to the idea in their way. In my view. it was already clear that the isri' wasnecessarily to Palestine(al-Sham. ridicules the Manichaeans and accuses them of inventing silly stories: epi tZs ekklZsias tZs en tZ eskhatia ('on the congregation at the furthermost end'). While passing through al-Ja'rana (between the two cities.T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S . in the Koran. which was to bring Muhammad into that framework (which was the Muslim community. There is no doubt that the identification of the furthermost mosque with the mosque at the south of the Temple Mount was born relatively later.Arabs) the in which the Word of God would be revealed to him as it was revealed to the former prophets. Saint Nilus. The Manichaean theology (which had considerable influence on Muhammad's views.or successive revelation. at the beginning of the fifth century. the nearby(xxx:l).who saw Mani as the seal of prophecy. calls it adna al-urd. Naturally is it impossible to reach solid conclusions on such an obscure subject. sealing the prophecy. reasonable a assumption would be that the expression was already essentially theological on its first appearance. as the last link in a chain. for they saw Jesus as the last of the prophets. So did the Manichaeans. when speaking of Palestine. Damra b. the end of the chain. in the eighth year of the hijra (when Mecca. He points to fact the that thisterm is to be found in an ancient tradition on the pilgrimage journey of Muhammad from Medina to Mecca. as we know. some fifteen kilometres from Mecca) 'he was in the state of purification' ( i k r i m ) between 'the furthermost mosque' and 'the nearby mosque'. 103-1141 the idea of 'the furthermost mosque' with Jerusalem in particular. of course. evidently speaking of the two mosques in Ja'rana. his predecessors. This idea is not Muhammad's invention. It is interesting that the Koran itself. and this certainly does not fit inwith theplacing of the furthermost mosque in Jerusalem. and there is more than onepossible explanation for the birthof theexpression 'the furthermost mosque'. namelytheidea of the chain of prophecy. a revelation whichwould be final and the last of its kind and would occur in 'the furthermost mosque'. A profound study of the development of the interpretations of the term al-masjid al-aqsa has been written by Guillaume. Rabi'a (died in 817).It seems to me that is itconnected with one of the basic ideas of Islam as expressedby Muhammad.for Goddid 97 . is this a subject which shouldbe dealt with separately) connected the idea of the last link in the chain of prophecy and divine revelation with the 'congregation at the very end' in which the revelation occurs. It would appear that is this thefons et origo of 'the furthermostmosque' in the Koran and the meaning of the 'night journey'.in his language).

266f. Medina and ‘that places (to whichthey go on pilgrimages and religious place’. The Koran was ‘handed down’ (by God) in three places. 22 . Le Musion. 117.23 [ l l l ] The praises for which Jerusalem warranted that every Muslim should comeand visit it and theTemple Mount. a See a general survey of this literature offadz’il nl-quds: Sivan. Seeon thesubject ofthe chain ofprophecy: Friedlander. but it is not unlikely that it was in approximately the second quarter of the eighth century. 302. One should note all that of Palestine merits praise. Caskel. ‘Abd al-Salsm al-Rumayli al-Maqdisi. JQR. and the translation. 12 [1945/6]. and see there additional references. See Guillaume. A rich literature of traditions attributed to the Prophet was created. 180. 858f. 154 (quoted also in Goitein. Two other treatises written before the Crusades are of al-Musharraf b. The datewhen these traditionswerefirst collected is not known. touch on the great value of the prayers said in this place. 11. O n Ja‘rina see also Zarkashi. Mtrriij. The manuscript of Ab6 Bakr Muhammad b.and claims that the furthermost mosque in the Koran meant Jerusalem from the very outset. 111. N S 3(1912/3). 341. its root is sty.1979. 124. BJPES. see al-Buraqi. One prayer in Jerusalem is worth five-hundred times more than inany other place (and there are other estimations). Abii’l-Q%im Makki b. Andalus.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS not send any prophet but from there. challenges the views of Guillaume and of others who agree with him. meaning the grave of Abii Hanifa. Suppl. 82:173.22 [110] The circle of sanctity widened and included the whole ofJerusalem. Ahmad al-Wssiti was edited by I. Damra ibn Rabi‘a: Ibn ‘Asskir.43). containing praise ofJerusalem. and see also Polotski. 246-254. nightjourney.. See a general discussion on the matter of the sanctity of Jerusalem to Islam. although the first work known to us dates from the beginning of the eleventh century. 19f. Buhl. 1953. 184. 98. derives from it. writing in the first half of the tenth century. 290. Rocmik Orietlt. 1969. al-Murajjs ibn Ibrshim al-Maqdisi (mid-eleventh century). andifhe was from some other place. See the comprehensive discussion on the various Muslim traditions relating to the furthermost mosque: Kister.PW. are Mecca.68. I. Hasson. seal: Biriini. The tradition on Ja‘rina. no longer has any doubt thatrnasjid aI-aq$i in the Koran is the temple built by Solomon. 18:323. Andrae. he wouldbe brought there during a nightjourney. According to another tradition the location of the mi‘rij was Kiifa. Masjid al-AqS2 is the firstof themosques in the world after the ka‘ba mosque in Mecca. The letter of 357. said the Prophet: in There is a verb in Arabic which means ‘to travel by night’. According to the diary ofal-Hasanb. 212C on theclaims of Mani that heis the Nilus: MPG 79. VI. Samhiidi. 17(1951/2). 63. and known as thefadii’il al-quds: eulogies of Jerusalem. ‘whose neighbourhood was blessed by God’. see Mas‘iidi. Felsendom. and of his pupil. see: Waqidi. Hirschberg. the sanctified land. took place in Mecca on the roof of the Prophet’s house andnot in Jerusalem. HerzogJubilee Volume. IOS. 1971. which was not completed (see on these personalities below).ofBaghdad (in the eleventh century). n. A‘lim. and theword isvi’. The Hanbalis shouted at them: ‘You have forgotten that there is a place in the world called Jerusalem!’ See al-Banns’. Mas‘iidi. Jerusalem. 1:263. in the article of Lazarus-Yafeh. I. In the same article he also quotes traditions which assert that the tni‘rij. Ahmad al-Banns’. the ascension to heaven. and later than it by only forty years (the intentionis to Solomon’s temple). 207. the followers of Abii Hanifa in Baghdad (in1069) claimed that the three holy visits). In the Koran itis called al-urd al-muqaddasa (v:24).

ibid. IV. Isaac.i’. the Temple Mount is the site of Jacob’s dream. ‘The descent’ of the Koran in three places: Ibn ‘Asakir. 87. Lot. should send there oil for lighting. ofthe houses. ibid. just as it was the firstplace to appear above the water after the flood. IV. and was therefore living at about the time the two mosques were being built on the Temple Mount. mihrab Da’iid. 36 (omitted by the editor ofthe new edition. See in Zarkashi.. although its praises are famous and prayers there are doubly valued. cf. Ibn Sa‘d. all the mosques in the world (including the ka‘ba) will gather together and come to Jerusalem. and this the secure city’. 103-1141 Mecca.. The d q j d and other apocalyptic creatures have no access to the rock. Fudi’il. I. 249. the traditions on th ascent of the Prophet from Jerusalem to heaven. xc:l: [God swears by] ‘the figs. Bi‘ith ul-nufiis (which also contains a collection of praises of Jerusalem). Shif. in I. Sulayman. 343: The advantage of visiting Jerusalem before the pilgrimageto Mecca. 11. etc. It is interesting that mostof these traditions are conveyed in the name of Muqatil b. 11. the olives. Tuhdhib. 350 (this Shiite writer gives Jerusalem thehonour of being 99 . is it one of the places in which God permitted the creation of buildings for His name tobe mentioned. I. Jacob and also Joseph were broughtthere. Abraham (in this order!) commanded thatthey be buried there. 319. in the siirut a k i n (‘the chapterof the figs’). the Mount Sinin. 25a-34b. 279-285. Sezgin.T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S .. Muwdii‘it. Mu‘ini. al-Munajjid). Muqatil b. I. and see the supplementary fragment in the old edition (Badran). I (l). 36f.24 [112] A tradition attributed to Muhammad Ka‘b. and one of thetraditionists adds: that is to say. Jerusalem is the localeof Abraham. 113. of prayers said there. ofJerusalem. There is also another passage of the Koran which according to its commentary recalls Jerusalem. ofthe sojourn and the passing away in Jerusalem. ‘Azizi.111. 388: the Prophet said: Whosoever does not come to Jerusalem to pray.it is as if he died in heaven. Adam. 154. a native of Khurasan (Balkh) who lived in BaSra and Baghdad. Bud’.I‘lirn. 49. b. X. It is said that he incorporated intohis commentaries on the Koran many Jewish and Christian traditions. Ibn Babawayh.107. see Voobus.The number of prayers in Jerusalem and their relative value according to thefada’il literature has its parallel in ancient Eastern Christianity: tovisit seven times theQarfimin monastery is like going to Jerusalem. of the religious visits(ziyiru) there. History o f Asceticism. in Jerusalem. see: Ibn Hajar. He died in 767. it is the place closest to heaven. ‘AjlUni. Silafi. I. Jesus. a collection of traditions on the value ofprayers in Jerusalem. Medina and in al-Sham. of al-masjid al-Aq$i. In Jerusalem people would be separated in terms of those who were to go to Paradise and those who were to go to thefires of Hell. one of the offspring 24 Shibli. 325-339. the Silwan (Siloam) spring. seea similar collection of hadiths Nuwayri. Buldin. The value of the prayer in Jerusalem: ibid. praises of the holy land. see: al-Maqdisi. 291. complains (middle of the fourteenth century) that few come to Jerusalem. andsee the collection of traditions in Yaqiit. Wusi’il. 286. A man who performs his needs should not do so in the direction of Mecca nor in the direction of the sakhra (a tradition attributed to the Prophet. 591c and the treatise of Ibn al-Firkah. It is said that ‘olives’ is an appellation for Jerusalem. He lifted Jesus to heaven andit is there that he will be put down again. 293). ‘The rock’ in Jerusalem is the place where onewill blow thetrumpet on the day of the resurrection of the dead. Subki. StSrut ul-ti#: see Ibn al-Jawzi. At the End of the Days. Fromthere. 282: he who dies in Jerusalem. and for that purpose. Sulayman. I. the gravesof the Prophets.

ibid. apparently towards theend of the Umayyad period. ‘the seed of Abraham. at the end of the tenth century: ‘You have no more honourable than the people ofJerusalem. the only one who was able to read the inscription.. as are Joseph and another forty anonymous saints. see the traditions in Tadmuri. . seed of Abraham my friend’. on the discovery of a Greek inscription on Rachel’s tomb containing details of the graves in the cave. such as the one saying that Adam. as described by one of the city’s inhabitants. 34. it has no house of abomination. is buried in Hebron. the site of thegraves of thepatriarchs. [Is. and hence the name of the city among the Arabs. name ofMuqiitil ibn Sulaymiin. I. for Abraham was called a friend (khald) in Muslim tradition (as in the Jewish tradition. loa: ‘thesanctifiedland’(intheKoran) is Jerusalemand its environs. see 63b. Ibn ’Asiikir. Muqaddasiis proud of the fact thatal-Sham was the first qibla. to other parts of Palestine as well.26fcSuhayli.there even was a shoe of the Prophet kept in th mosque at H e b r ~ n . See a collection of praises of Palestine also in Shazari. he arrives at the conclusion thatone has to believe that Abraham and the other patriarchs are buried there. he. but Mount Sinin. the Abbasid caliph (934-940). 7. X X : ~ ]‘the . whose people would build the sanctuary (haykal) of bayt al-rnaqdis. and a story from the time of al-Riidi. and primarily the city of Abraham and his place of prayer . And there was once an urnir [a governor of the city] about whom rumourhad it that he used to drink. of the Jews of Medina. See also Ibn IO0 25 . They do not drink wine in public. hence the building of the mosque on the Temple Mount is the realisation of the word of God. Accordingto him. theqibln: Muqaddasi. First was Hebron. 61a. 205f. Jared). According to some traditions. he also tells the story ofEphron the Hittite. On the graves of the patriarchs. Muqaddasi. Despite his doubts. which the traditions generally ‘say is Mount Sinai. so the people broke intohis house and dispersed those who were assembled there.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS of the Banii Qurayza. and its people are God-fearing and honest. Muqaddasi. Eventually other traditions developed. see the previous footnote).ibid. Aqilltn. and also in the Talmuds and Midrash). the Prophet alighted in Hebron during his night journey from Mecca to Jerusalem . A q i h . It appears that during subsequent generations. xli:2]. thy friend’ [2 C h .. 151.Masjid Khalil Allah. from the haram. there is no drunkenness. * ~ ‘the olives’.. again notes that Jerusalem is the place worthy of God65 (in the fearing people. special a feeling of reverence developed among the Muslims in Jerusalem. as tradition (naql) states. whose each one was. or Mecca). and in the Matthews edition: 18lc according to him one had to use the services of oneof the elders of Halab. either hidden or apparent. ’ The ideas of sanctity were extended. the city of the friend. who was also a prophet according to Islamic tradition. tells that God promised Jacob that some ofhis descendants would become kings and prophets untilHe would send the harurni Prophet (that is. (madinat) al-Khalil. who will be the last of the prophets (the seal). too. he interprets as: Kiifa. because it has no breach and no outcry. thefirst to be buried there was Yarid (thatis.

according to which it was one of the two bridal cities (al-‘ariisayst). 111: the Prophet descended during the isri’ also near Abraham’s grave. A hadith conveyed in the name of Ka‘b al-Ahbir says that whoever wishes to earn his livelihoodand be well-off andGod-fearing. 396. Buldin. It is said that the Prophet promised Ascalon that it would enjoy peace and prosperity throughout the rule of Islam. 11. The traditions interpret the saying in the Koran ‘Enter this city’ . ibid. 106. during her stay in Jerusalem. and also near Jesus’ grave (in Bethlehem!). Palestine. Jericho is also mentioned in the hadith literature. see below) apparently the appointeeover Palestine on behalf of the Abbasids. generally ascribed to the Prophet.the second being Damascus (though some say Gaza). 325. to look after Joseph’s grave. Hartmann) in EP.: Gruber. a religious aura al-Faqih. Ta‘r33b.so the Children of Israel were ordered.Ibn ‘Asikir. Muhammedanische Studien. See also the article al-Khalil (by M. and the article ‘AskalZn (by R. he went there with a number of workers. 46: Bet Shean is one of the places in which there are abdil IO1 *6 ..shouldsettle in Bet Shean. 11. and otherssay it was Bet Shean. Sharon)in EP. 421ff.I. behind Solomon’s courtyard(?). comes from Paradise and is one of the two springs mentionedin suvat al-RahmZn (lv:50). Subki. it is said of the place that it is the ‘tongue’ of the country. Its spring. Jericho: MawSili. 362f. and arranged his grave alongside those of the other patriarchs.000 people would rise up again there who would have to give no account of their deeds. ‘Ayn al-fuliis.26 [ 1141This processof lending special godliness to certain locations is well known in the Islamic world. Tadhkira. 211. 125. It was allotted a special role in the resurrection of the dead: 70. N i h i y a .313. as having been aimed at Jericho. he vigorously defends of Abrahamand those of the other prophets in Palestine. together with the original version days of ‘Uthmin (Goldziher. With regardto Palestine. and they dug until they uncovered Joseph. Vttements. who has more references. cf. though most of the interpreters say it was Jerusalem. [ 1131 Ascalon also won a certain aura of sanctity by a tradition ascribed to the prophet. 327). that the concubine (jiriya) of the caliph al-Muqtadir(908-932) requested of him. II(l). 53a. 86. I. ‘Imid al-Din.see also: Sam‘Zni. YZqGt. Its dates are mentioned in the hadith attributed to Tamim al-Dari. 64f. See the tradition on the ‘artisayn in ‘Azizi. opposite Jacob’s grave. Without going so far as to deny the primacy of Mecca and the ka‘ba and of Medina. 61. it is said of Muhammad b. Shif. Mez. ‘Ali alabout IbrZhim ibn Ahmad al-Khalanji (perhaps a relative Khalanji. Bet Shean: Ibn ‘Asikir. from the denial of the sanctity of the sakhra (the rock) and of Jerusalem to the bestowing of special sanctity upon them. see the English translation of this fragment inLe Strange.It is quite possibleto envision the stages of this process as well as its principal motivations. the customof visiting the grave O n the shoe of the Prophet see also: Dozy. siivat al-baqara (the chapter of the cow) ii:55. according to one tradition the of the Koran from the shoe was found in Damascus. we can follow an interesting course of development. concerning the special holy qualities of certain places. In ‘Ulaymi.674.i’. 11. Suhayli.T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S 103-1141 .the other is theSiloamspring (Silwin). 111. There is an extensive literature offa&’il (praises) containing traditions. 101.

to be distinguished from the periodof conquest and the first generations thereafter. (something like the ‘lamed-waw’. during the days of Umayyad rule. placed servants there and demanded that people encircle it (carry out the [ a w i just as they encircle the ka‘ba.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S emerged around Jerusalem and Palestine during the second half of the Umayyad era. will take the place of the he addsthattherefore‘Abd ka‘ba’ (a stonefor a stone!). Unfortunately it is impossible to determine whether this happened after the Abbasid revolution or earlier.which he attributesto‘Abd al-Malik ‘. Reservations of this kind could also be found in the description. everyone praying in the al-Aq$i mosque has his back to the sakhva. who turned the Temple Mount into a centre of attraction to visitors from all over the Muslim world. But the fact that this has been recorded is evidence that this was a demonstrative act. Ibn Taymiyya. the heavenly command tochange theformer rite of facing Jerusalem to that offacing Mecca). and that it is unacceptable to turn the rock into a qibla due to the presence of a naskh (uprooting. contained in some Muslim chronicles of ‘Abd al-Malik’s decision to build the Dome of the Rock. This aura of sanctity was the direct consequence of the great building enterprise ‘Abd of al-Malik and his sons. mentioned above. the thirty-six Jewish righteous. . Ya‘qiibi makes some veryexplicit commentsonthe subject. True. used to pray in Jerusalem with his back to thesakhva. ‘Umar al-Awza‘i. who refused to take advice to build the mosque to the north of the rock. Even after theDome of the Rock was already standing on its site. we find that one of the greatest scholars of al-Sham in the middle of the eighth century. argues that it is impossible to perform the[awiifaround the rock in Jerusalem.theclearest reflection being the antagonistic and disrespectful remarks openly expressed bymore than one of the Muslim men of letters about the process sanctification. as he is facing southward to Mecca. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. It is interesting to note that there was an awareness of thischange among the Muslims of theMiddleAges. . which according to the tradition the Prophet put his foot on as he was ascending to heaven. which is to the north. Refuting the holinessof thesakhru evidently continued fora long time. and some say four). I02 . He even provides evidencefrom theact of ‘Umar. as if it sprang from a wicked desire to deny the sanctity of Mecca. and this rock. hung silk curtains therein. the mosque in Jersualem will take the place for you of the ka‘ba mosque.Furtheron al-Malik built a dome over the rock. in which they saw a dangerous innovation and perversion from the truecreed. that is. in Bet Shean there are two. writing in about 1300.

Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya. Abraham’s grave. who lived during the first half of thetwelfth century..T H E R E L I G I O U S S T A T U S O F J E R U S A L E M [ S E C S .‘ilm) deny this. he states. some of them turned it into a mosque. 103-1141 and builtit to the south in order that the Muslim facing Mecca would stand sanctity of the sakhva with his back to thesakhva. but the scholars (ahl al.e. there was cognisance of the fact that the extensive publicising of the traditions about the sanctity of Jerusalem could be ascribed tothewarwiththe Crusaders. The famous cadi and writer ‘Iyad. would customarily perform the ziyara of Abraham’s grave nor of any other prophet’s grave in Palestine. However. Ibn Taymiyya adds. are merely deceptions. either before or after the conquest of Palestine. decided that all the traditions ascribed to the Prophet and which speak in praise of Ascalon were false. when he wished to divert the attention of the Muslims from Mecca and attractthem to the xiyiva (visiting of holy places) in Jerusalem. dealing as it were with the footsteps of the Prophet or thecradle of ‘Is5 (Jesus). Among the learned Muslims in the Middle Ages. Opposition to the idea of the sanctityof Ascalon or Hebronis also to be found in the writings of these two learned men. according to him. al-Aqsa). shortly after Ibn Taymiyya. is like the status of the s-abbath with regard to time. and whoever came to Jerusalem would pray in the al-Aq$i mosque and return to his home without visiting the maghavat at-khalil (‘the cave of Abraham’.‘of the refuse’) and churches in Bethlehem. and he stresses in particular theban on visiting Christian churches. Another scholar. and when the Muslims recapturedthe place. he writes. and to them. reliable sources from the tenth and . i. from the period of ‘Abd al-Malik’s war with the Zubayrids.whenthe whole Muslim world was trying to awaken the sympathies of people towards Jerusalem. that there was no precedent for praying over graves or building mosques over them. and all the traditions that tell of the Prophet descending during theisra’ (the night journey) on any otherplace than the al-Aqsii mosque are fake. claims that none of the s&ba (the Muslims contemporaries of the Prophet). nor anyone of the subsequent generations. All the traditions about it. of the patriarchs). its statusas a place The sakhva is merely the qibla of the-Jews. Ibn al-Jawzi. Mount Zion and elsewhere. This whole matter of the began. are lies and inventions.. was closed and enclosed and it would not have occurred to anyone to pray there. Ibn Taymiyya also looks back at the first generations and points out that nothing of the kind existed. he writes. also denies absolutely the holiness of the sakhva. Only with the Crusaders’ dominationof the cave. The only place fit to pray in Jerusalem is the mosque of ‘Umar (that is. was the gate opened and the place turned into a church. All the alleged traditions. such as the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (al-qumama.

Mnjmti‘a. 244.. he had it in mind to makeJerusalem his official seat. after Jerusalem was reconquered from the Crusaders). Le Musion. etc. Al-Awzi‘i is also mentioned in a Samaritan chronicle: ‘‘Eved harahiim [the slave of the Merciful i. When hewas proclaimed caliph. 296. 127ff (he was an inhabitant of Beirut). S2fCthe opinion of ‘Iyad. 47. Ta’rikh. son of ‘Abd al-Malik. 99.** [ 1161Sulaymin b. near the ~ a k h r a and . Aqiilim. 195f. 61fC cf. for it is said that at the time of the deathhis of brother. it was introduced in Jerusalem. ‘Zqd.and was sitting on the Temple Mount. Sulaymin: Maqdisi. note 80. Tqfirr. 27 28 Ya‘qubi. Ibn Taymiyya. similarly also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya. see: Subki. ibid. Ibn Kathir.. His predecessor. 86-91. on al-Awzi‘i see: ‘Ulaymi. IX. V. he was staying Palestine in and bay ‘a). Shi‘’.e. 111.*’ The achievementsof the Umayyads [115] We have already found that there was a special relationship between the Umayyads and Palestine. 11. which links the ‘some say they only have heard about this hadith after the victory of the Sultan Salih al-Din (that is. al-Munir. Bidiya. Zubdn. this is confirmed by Muqaddasi. . Muriij. see chapter 3. 45(1902). 446. Ibn Khallikin. was very attached to Palestine. quotes a to Mecca with the ziyira and notes: hadith ascribed to the Prophet. V. Schacht) in EP. of the generation before the Crusaders conquest. 45. Ibn al-Athir. 231. 106 (who argues with him and speaks in favour of this ziyira). 167. I. Shreds of information that were preserved in the chronicles speak of caliphs and their families visiting Jerusalem and other places in Palestine. which has more sources about him. Apparently. Kiimil. See what Ibn al-Jawzi hasto say on the traditions about Ascalon: Mawdii‘il. 259. ‘Ulaymi. ‘Abd al-Malik is also the caliph to whom the building of Ramla is attributed. al-h!funiv. RE]. IV. lived in Irbid in Trans-Jordan (Arab sources: in the Balqi’) at the end ofhis days anddied there in January 724. Ibn Qayyim alJawziyya. Kister.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS eleventh centuries give evidence of thefact that Hebronattracted Muslim visitors even before the Crusaders’ period. who lived in Beirut’. who counts among the things for which Jerusalem excels the night which ends the reading of the Koran in the al-Aqsi mosque and ‘also the nightof the middleof Sha‘bin in Iliyi’. he adds somethingto the list of aberrations from the right customs of the proper Islam: the prayer in mid-month Sha‘bin is an innovation introduced after the year 400 (that is. the building of the town started before he became caliph. Sulaymiin b. and that the tribes ofPalestine were an important foundation of Umayyad power and the governmental system it established. 183. Zarqashi. in the name of Musharraf ibn Muraji. see in Adler et Seligsohn. there he would receive people in audience and there his orders would be written. 434. 11. delegations came to Jerusalem to pledge their loyalty (to convey the Before he became caliph. see Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi. while still governor ofjund Filastin. Zarqashi recalls in contrast to this another hadith in favour of the ziyira to Jerusalem. 94. in ! h e eleventh century). see Ibn Taymiyya. the judge of Damascus. see the article al-Awzi‘i (byJ. 82(1969). he wouldsit in one of the domed buildings on the Temple Mount. 249. When he became caliph. ‘Abd al-Rahmin] ha-Wazi‘i[!]. ‘Abd al-Malik. Yazid: Mas‘iidi. For sources on religious visits to Hebron. 11. 31 1. Ibn aL’Adim. ‘Umar I1 ibn ‘Abdal-‘Aziz acted in the same way. Z ‘ l i i m . 11.Mtrthir (Khilidi). Yazid 11.

They also built a canal known as bavada (‘middle of theeye’?) and also dug wells for drinking water. a Christian whose name was al-Bitriq b. on the Temple Mount. and when they realised that Lod was also not suitable as capital of the region. 115-1211 the caliph al-Walid (on 24 February 715). Sulayman b. who was then governor ofjund Filastin. for Sulaymiin began to destroy Lod and forced its people to move to Ramla in its place. ‘Abd al-Malik. as aforementioned. it is possible that ‘the hill that was spring’. which was formerly capital of Pulaesfina p i m a . to which God brought Mary and Jesus (siivat ul-mtl’minTtz. although the city was not founded until some three generations later. Those . According to Koran a haven and has a commentators. who collected money for the renovations. to build himself a house. permitted anyone whowished to do so. teaches us that the affairs of the region were at first handled in Jerusalem. ‘Abd al-Malik.untiltheAbbasidcaliph alMu‘tasim (833-842) transferred this responsibilityto the governors of the province. Afterwards they erected a building known by the name ofdZr al-$abbighitz (the house of the dyers. However. mentioned in the Toseja.T H E A C H I E V E M E N T S O F T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . maintained the wellsand canals attheir own expense. and after them the Abbasids. on the other hand. Then they built a mosque there andat the same time. Sulaymiin was in Ramla. The city achieved quite a reputation in the Muslim world. like Arabic vaml). but it is also possible that a town called Ramla (by the Arabs) actually existednear Lod before the Muslim era. The tradition I have mentioned earlier on the stay of Sulaymiin b. xxiii:52) was Ramla. appointed one of his officials. and the meaning hereis: textile dyers) which also contained a pool. The building of the city beganwith its fortress. It is interesting that the Muslim traditionson theconquest of Palestine sometimes mention Ramla. or Bakiir. From the Muslim traditions. ‘Ariikhin. it seems that the genuinely non-Muslim surroundings werenot congenial to the Muslims. when he was governor of jund Filastin. Possibly this is the result of some confusion in defining dates or in the use of the name Ramla instead of Filastin (for Ramla was the capital ofjund Filastin). they undoubtedly wishedto dominate the coastal roads. The founding of Ramla led to the decline of Lod. it was decided to lay the foundations of (or develop) Ramla. it evolves that the Muslims did not maintain regional administrative institutions in Caesarea. evidently out of fear of Byzantine attacks from the sea. Naka. to supervise the building work. again because of the nonMuslim population. Until about 840 the Umayyad caliphs. A Christian chronicle which describes the renovation of the Christian churches after the Persians devastated them tells that the monk Modestus. It is perhaps the &lit ha-me@x (h6l meaning sand. ii:8. also went down to Ramla to obtain money.

but the patriarch appeased him. I. Ibn Bip-iq. especially at the time when Palestine became subject to Egypt. 29a. that is. The ancient residential section of the city was apparently built around the mosque. 323: some say that the hill (in the Koran) is Ramla. 200f: some say it is Ramla and some say it is Jerusalem. due to its proximity to both the Mediterranean and the Red Sea. he also has the name ofthe one who refused to hand over the land he wanted: Ibn al-Bitriq. some Fustat. if it were not for the quality of its water. 143. as did the rest of the population. 11. One can assume that the Jewsof Lod moved to Ramla. 102. probably: an administrative building) on land which was the property of the church of St George. In May 789. 817ff. and they formed the basis for the relatively large Jewish population living in Ramla afterwards. Bulditz. Ta’rikh. 11. that is. Sulayman was induced to use pillars in building the mosque in Ramla. mentions alongside thetraditions on the building of Ramla. He also points out its central position for commerce. it was an act of revenge for the people of Lod refused to permit his adviser.. 48: I 06 . Yiqiit. Ibn al-Faqih. I. ibid. the24th of February. during the days of the Abbasid caliph HZriin al-Rashid. a pool was built in Randa which exists until this very day. the reason for Sulaymin’s anger with people the of Lod. The building of Ramla created a new administrative cehtre. the traditions on the building ofRamla and the ruin of Lod. that Ramla could be considered one of the best of thecities of Islam. 201: in the long run. ‘Azizi. under the command ofal-Tadhiriq. Ramla served as a warehouse for the Egyptians. 11. and to its connection to them by adequate roads. Shazari. With thehelp of theByzantines. for the building of the mosque. Tabari.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S who refused were punished and prevented from receiving supplies. which were specially hewn for this purpose in the same cave in al-Dlirzim from which the pillars in Lod were hewn. a military base for units in a state of permanent readiness.29 29 Sa‘id ibn Bitriq. Muqaddasi writes. and the sources state further that was the city a vib& like other seaports along the coast of Palestine. 1281: on the day of al-Walid’s death loyaltyto Sulaymin ibn ‘Abd al-Malik was sworn. 11. It became the capital ofjund Filastin and actually the most important city in Palestine. Ta’rikh. I.715). See in: Ya‘qiibi. known particularly for its very unusual pointedarches. and this was a secret cave known only to the Byzantines. One chronicle reveals the reason for this. some say Damascus. according to the sources from the eleventh century. known as the ‘white mosque’. Ramlawas destroyed by earthquakes while Lod was rebuilt. Balidhuri. Futub. SulaymPn also considered transferring the pillars of the church from Lod to Ramla. Jahshiyiri. towards the end of the tenth century. Many central figures in the political life of the Muslim world chose to live in Ramla. in the ninth century. which was poor owing to the saltiness of the wells. 351. 2399: ‘Amr sendsan army (during the conquest) against Ramla. Dimashqi. 217 (Modestus in Ramla). and he was then in Ramla (Saturday. to build himself a house (meaning. According to him. Ibn ‘Asikir.

and their inhabitants enjoyed special privileges. and then advised Sulaymin tobuild Ramla. He quotes the inscription saying that the pool was built in Dhii'l-hija 172 (May 789). what makes it singular is the great number ofsharply pointed arches. MeqGrGt. a root meaningtobind. which then became the majornaval base. in the days of Hiiriin al-Rashid. Caesarea. of considerable importance however. Furti1. Acre became the chief naval base in his day and it was from here that the army set out in 647 to conquer Cyprus. See also: Sam'ini. an expressionforpermanent it was Ibn Bitriq who asked for the land for himself and was refused. Afterwards it counts terms ofpriesthood which amount 155 is. which makes no sense. Mu'iiwiya also adopted a policy of settlement in the ports.(singular m i y ) that is. a splendid unfinished palace attributed to the caliph Hisham ibn 'Abd al-Malik (724-743). O n the white mosque and the supposed residential quarter see: RosenAyalon. The Umayyads viewed the coastal cities as urn$&.T H E A C H I E V E M E N T S O F T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . the conjecture on the Jews moving from Lod to Ramla. Ish-Shalom. points out that Ramla was a new city: Assaf. See on the antiquity of Ramla. See Neubauer. 228ff. the shipyard was transferred to Tyre. He mentions some of its streets (durib):Bi'r af-'asknr (the well of the army). in addition to theaforementioned construction works on the Temple Mount and Ramla. Restoration and fortification works were carried out in Tyre. called al-Ramla'. describes Ramla. in Him? and in Antioch. Arab army units were garrisoned at these ports. see: chronicle.their collective appellation was al-saw2hil (from sihil meaning coast). informs us that the Umayyads took pains to reclaim the ruins of the country and persevered inits settlement and development enterprises. that mentions is 634.119. Mu'awiya stationed carpenters and artisans and set up shipyards in the coastal towns. and to D5jiin. 36. As to the date in this chronicle: the earlier date it to years. 165 and n. 240. and the army units stationed there were called rnu~iba~a from . In the year AD 662/3. to Lod. Cathedra. 23. 26(1976). According to him. to Fustat. to Jaffa.a Samaritan 'in his days (of the great priest 'Aqbiin) a new city was built. Acre and others. VI. Acre was also the site of the shipyard of the jund Urdunn but during'Abd al-Malik's time. 64. and there the information that Ramla already existed in the days of the Children of Israel. 115-1211 [ 1171 Fragmentary information. See also El'ad. Jaffa and Ascalon. 164f. the TdidZ. 8(1977/8). fortified frontier towns. and see there also the story of the pillars. . Aqiliin. Muqaddasi. he moved Persian army units who had come overto the Muslim camp during the conquest of Persia and who were stationed in Ba'labakk. Acre. 169. Chrorlique samaritaine. The fortified towns along thecoast and other vital places were called rawZ6it or ribitit (singular: ribit). An impressive remnant from the days of their reignis Khirbat Mafjar near Jericho. to the seaports of jund Urdunn: Tyre. the mostancient known tous. I.1(ascribed to Wiqidi). HaJrot. and called by their names. a Muslim fleet and The Umayyadsinvested great efforts in developing in renovating seaports in Palestine and Syria. See also: Ibn Taghri Bardi. though it is impossible to pinpoint with any certainty the identity of the builder. 10. 6. and rnasjid ' a m b o and also roads leading to Jerusalem. the building ofRamla should have been in 789. I€]. 195ff. such as granting rights to the tribesandindividualssettledthere to collect taxes. that is. Short Accorrnt. on the pool of Ramla: Creswell.

The author assumes that thepalace was built by the caliph Walid ibn Yazid (February 743-April 744). 130. among them that ofTheophilos. . Baramki describes inhis article (the second) an Arabic inscription written by 'Abdallah b. Ta'rikh. an example being the aforementioned occurring during the insurrection of the Zubayrids. and they were encouraged to settle in Tripoli on the Syrian coast. El'ad. and which include many Greek names. ser. Milik. 8(1977/8). IV. butI could not hear what he said. . 8:51. According to a tradition in Balidhuri. 1960. We know that theMuslims launched raids on Byzantine areas. ofBanfi the Tamim. . . as is evinced in Tabari. It is said that Mu'5wiya purged Kiifa of 'Ali's supporters. I came in through the back entrance of the tent-camp. in who hisopinion may have been aJew (a name mentionedalso in the Ahima'a? Scroll). He ordered a meal and it was brought to him . 156-163.p ~ r t s . 5:132. See: Baramki. I asked the man sitting between us what they had spoken of. thoughundoubtedly they happened quite often. Rendiconti. Then Mu'iiwiya ordered the artisans (ship-builders) and carpenters to be assembled and have them placed in the s e a . particularly in Iraq. No details are available concerning the canal or its site. was undoubtedly a similar course of action. and it appears that these seaports served as their departure points. but ofcoursethis is only aconjecture. who were then considered loyal. 1946. QDAP. alMuthanna b. See also: Fahmy. 126ff. 1936. in around 743. 8. except that it was in the north. The transfer of the Jews. Usd. it appears that the Umayyads were accustomed to using it as a place of exile for tribes and leaders who caused them trouble in other parts of thecaliphate. and the bibliography therein. On Qa'qi' see: Ibn al-Athir. 207. no.and he said he was enquiring about the water See a summarising review of Khirbatal-Mafjar: Hamilton. Then he addressed someone who sat alongside him and spoke to him. 69. Schwabe describes ten inscriptions he found in the digs there. ~ ~ [ 1181 AsPalestine was close to the centreof government. It was excavated in the days of Walid 11. 1968. O n the ports and the transfer of the Persians: Balidhuri. 52fC Eickhoff. but tribal wars and inner dissension prevented its completion. I. 23:69.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS readiness. 1939. Palestine advanced in the development of its seaports and ship-building compared with the state of these matters during the Byzantine period. Fcrtiilj. Mu'iwiya tells: '. 1. Tabari quotes a witness of Walid's last hours before he was killed. especially on p. there was a SinZ'u (ship-yard) only in Egypt.31 [119] We learn of the Umayyads' concern for the agriculture of the country from the canal they dug in jund Urdunn. 'Umar for thecaliph Hishim. one of the heroes of the war against the Persians who participated alongside 'Ali in the 'Battle of the Camel' and who was exiled to Jerusalem. including Qa'qi' b. I came to al-Walid. See on the building works of the Umayyads also: Strika. Cathedra. until the year A H 49 or AD 669. 12:20. Less is knownaboutthe Byzantines' contra-raids. 143f. Schwabe. 117f. I08 . 'Amr b. when Alexandria was evidently the major supplier to the empire's navy. Khivber al-Majar. The purge of Kufa: Tabari. QDAP.

358. 28(1874). indicated the distance from Damascus (although only the number 100 was preserved). a great king who will rule for nineteen years [undoubtedly ‘Abd al-Malik] . eight miles. RB. 6:104. 292.’ Walid was indeed killed by Yazid. 53ff. see Graetz (Hebrew). V. 1803. Graetz and Steinis said in the schneider did not know the passage in Tabari. in the days of ‘Abdal-Malik. 13:97. . 39 x 57 centimetres. Bet ha-midrib. A fourth stonewas found in theSea of Galilee. See Lagrange. The reason given by the midrash for Walid’s murder is interesting . 1834. Z D M G .suggesting that it was due to the catastrophe that occurred during the digging. to know how much still had to be excavated there’. 1933. 115-1211 canal he is digging in Urdunn. The ‘Mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’ speak of ‘. on onethe distanceof seven miles from Jerusalem was inscribed. T w o were found in the neighbourhood of Abii Ghosh and Bab al-Wad. 1897. contrary to Braslavi’s opinion (following Graetz). and on the other. who willplantorchardsandrebuildruined cities [thecoastal towns mentionedabove]andwilldigditchesforwaterwaystoirrigate his plantations’. will come . and their chiefs. 111. . The stones are of white marble. discovered in Koziba in the Judaean hills.Ibn al-Athir.]POS.1894 on the stone marking eight miles from Jerusalem. 11. Masse. and it commemorates the paving of the road pass in of the Afeq. and further. in which he promised that he would be thrifty with the state’s money and refrainfrom waste and disparity in the distribution of allowances to the tribes. who to the king and kill him became caliph in his stead. 436. he proves that the Arabic mile was 2. See the Hebrewversion: Braslavi. as Braslavi believed. The connection between what ‘Mysteries of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yohai’ and the passage in Tabari was first noted by Braslavi: Braslavski. for all those details could havebeen found in the Arabic chronicles. . and the . when they heardof it. As Braslavi has shown. 111. 11. 63.Jellinek. . Le-heqer. K i n d . the Muslims began to mint 32 33 Tabari.T H E A C H I E V E M E N T S OF T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . . ‘another king will make way for the water of the Jordan and bring workers from afar to dig and make conduits for the water of the Jordan and irrigate the land and the earth they have dug will fall upon themand kill them. but was caused by his policy towards the tribes and his prodigality on building projects.500 metres long (3. he also pledged not to continue with building projects or the digging of canals.underthesupervision of Yahy5 b. Steinschneider. A third stone. it is possible that there is a hint ofthis inYazid’s sermon after he became caliph. brother of Marwan). the nesi’ftn in the ‘Mysteries’ were not the Umayyad leaders but the heads of the Yamani (Kalb) tribes which joinedYazid in his war against Walid. RB. 79. .32 [120] That the Umayyads were responsiblefortherenovationand improvement of the roads in Palestineone can see from somemilestones that have been discovered to date which bear the name of Caliph ‘Abd al-Malik. the bitterness against Walid was not necessarily born out of the caving-in of the trench. See also Lagrange. 638. near Semah.al-Hakam(the 33 caliph’s uncle. and not as Braslavi would have it. 3:136.000 cubits) and similarly in Samhiidi. and this is missing in Hinz. Tu’rikh. there is nothing in the ‘Mysteries’ that can serve as proof for the time of its writer. [121] During the reign of the Umayyads.

418f. Van Berchem. 266. I IO 34 . from Iliyi to this mile there are eight miles’. included in the Theodosian Code. 1948. During the Byzantine era. 240. Der Islam. BSOAS. Kimil. Bet Guvrin. 15.Tiberias. RB. Palaestinaterfia.and Tyre. Lod. I. 203. Ixxiii-lxxvi. but later they began to be imprinted with Muslim versions. 37. of blessed memory. Ramla. IV.It was at this point that the Muslims began to mint their own coins. see also a coin from Ascalon from the time of the Umayyads: Stickel. 23f.Yavne. 22. ‘Asqal5n Filastin. 1966. The Byzantine emperor threatened that if they would continue to dothis. M I € . at first in Iraq (Wasit). From the mint of Bet Shean. 416. 17. ~ ~ The administrative division [ 1221The administrative division ofPalestine was determinedgeneral in terms immediately after the conquest and it was developed during the Umayyad period. See there also on the stone from the monastery of Koziba. 40(1886). ‘Baysan’. If. this division followed along the lines that existed in the days of the Romans and the Byzantines. ‘Amman.ISLAM S T R I K E S R O O T S their own coins. Z D M G . The first part inscription on the stonesaying: ‘the building of this road was ordered byamir ai-mu’minin ‘Abd al-Malik. There were among those coins from Bet Shean some with the Greek inscription ‘Skythopolis’ together with the Arabic. By and large. but appear to have been gradually replaced by Arabic. coins were found with Greek inscriptions. lxviii. which replaced the Persian and Byzantine coins which had been used until that time. and it appears that they were again in use during the days of the Damascene caliphs after ‘Abdal-Malik. Cf. Ibn Taghri Bardi. Gaza. the Byzantines would mint coins stamped withinsults to Muhammad. Palaestina s e c t d a . O n the stone in the Sea of Galilee see: Sharon. See Vincent. or AD 695. 29:367. see also Rippertoire d’ipigraphie arabe. 81. 15(1926). According to the informationon this in Ibn al-Athir. for their buildings. 40. 39(1885). Previously the Muslims exported papyrus from Egypt which was exchanged for dinars from the Byzantines. Walker. The papyrus would be stamped with a cross and Christian sayings for the Byzantines. See Ibn al-Athir. the mintage of coins began in the year A H 76. The inscriptions on the coins were Iliya Filastin. I. 13:121. 12:271. Sharon finds here proof that the road from Damascusto Jerusalem passed to the south of the Sea of Galilee. 3(1900). also Bjorkman. xviiif. These are explicitly mentioned in an imperial order of 23 March 409. 11. and coins from Tiberiasand Gaza. 205. Catafog~re(1956). evidently from the time of Walid: Monete crrjche (Museo di Milano). 1903. and the like. Palestine was divided into three parts: Pulaertina prima.Sepphoris. Ixxixf. at a mint whose operation was committed by al-HajZj ibn YGsuf to aJew named Sumayr. Bet Shean. on the stone marking seven miles from Jerusalem. Ascalon. Some of these mints were already in existence during the Byzantine era. The finds of coins indicate that there was an intensive production of coins in Palestine in the followingplaces: Jerusalem. and see also Nassar. nos. 97: the Crusaders used all the milestones they could find. or ‘ B a y ~ a n ’ . QDAP. 177.

One should take note that these terms were a direct heritage from the Byzantine administration.Eleutheropolis). I11 . Lod. the commander] who is in Jerusalem’ (perhaps he meantthecadi). According to some sources. . this would shortly be called jund Urdunnafter the conquest. and from Jaffa (Yafa) to Jericho (Riha. Hijiz and Palestine was the including Acre and Tyre. Arabia Petraea) and the entire‘Ariivi.: i q d l m ) . ‘valley of the villages’. or Ariha). Samaria (Sebastia). which was the capital of Filastin. Judaea and Samaria. Jund Filastin covered the stretch from Rafiah (Rafah) to Megiddo (or Lajjun. itincludedthefollowingdistricts:Tiberias. and the western part of Peraea (the land stretching east of the Sea of Galilee). ‘Imwas. As tojundUrdunn. . Daniel ben Azariah mentions (ca. as the papyri found in the excavations of Nessana go to prove. the Dead Sea (Bahr Ljut). In the ninth century. Caesarea. The second sector contained upper and lowerGalilee. as this valley was part of al-Sham and not Hijiz. The Muslim sources emphasise the point that the Jews were not evicted from there when ‘Umar ibn al-Khattiib evicted all the Jews from the Hijaz. kl?ra.theGaonSolomonben Judah refers tohim (at theendof 1042) as ‘the governor in the holy city’. also So‘ar and Jericho. Bet Guvrin(BaytJibrin. theByzantineshad called it Maximianopolis). which were called iqliin (pl. whereas he uses the following formula when writing about the governor of Filastin: ‘. we find that thechief administrator of Muslim rule. in the days of the Byzantines . that is to say. and capital its was transferred from Bet Shean to Tiberias. jund Filastin included the districts ( k u w a r . singular: ktrra) of Ramla. and Gaza. the great governor in Ramla’.T H E A D M I N I S T R A T I V E D I V I S I O N [122-1351 included the coastal area. In the eleventh century. and its capital under the Byzantines wasCaesarea. for in them we find r u i n k i r a ghnzza min iqlim al-khalus as against klimatos ElousZs khoras Gazes. Jerusalem (iliya). The district. while Jerusalem was under one of his subordinates. the governor. was dividedintosub-districts. Jund Urdunn included the Jordan valley (which is the g h a w r ) along its entire length. also including the Galilee. was still stationed in Ramla. The third sector. no longer existed as a separate region and was partly absorbed into the jund Filastin and partly into the jund Dimashq. to Eilat in the south and up until Bet Shean in thenorth (somesay: including Bet Shean). and over all. which included areas of Edom and Moab (Palaestina Salutaris. Nabulus(Shechem). the entire area of the Sea of Galilee and part of coast the from ‘Atlit northward. Ascalon. Yavne. This sectorwas calledjund Filastin shortly after the Muslim conquest and its capital undecided until Ramla was built. 1055) ‘the al-qis+z [the chief. northern Samaria. Bet Shean also belonged to jund Filastin. Jaffa. The border between place called Wadi’ 1-Quri.

one part of Samaria. one can assume that not infrequently when meaning jund Filastin.30-35: the ‘Jifar’ is the area ofnorthern Sinai. Judah: 132. And he continues ‘and some say it is a district (kuru) in Urdunn’. Solomon b. Sebastia. Ibn al-Faqih. The term undoubtedly originated in Hij.As to Bayt Ra’s. 57: Egypt begins atEilat (written in the fifteenth century). in Gilead. II2 . 184). is the region of Ammon and its main city. 327C Ibn Hawqal. 11. it is Beyt Reyshi. 776. 180).12-14. that is. 182) of the year 675 (August).as is also noted by Nisir Khusraw.: Jerusalem is in the smui~dof Ramla. 30. and Tyre. thus forinstance Ibn Sa‘d tells:I(l). Syria and Palestine.Avel. part of it belonged to jundFilastin and another part (from Bet Shean northward) to Urdunn. Gider. 107a. Widi’l-Qura. l59f. as aforementioned). 395: the border of Filasyin starts at the place known by the name ‘al-Shajara’ (the tree). as explained by Ibn ‘Abd Rabbihi. and then the dual Shiman is used. is the area of ‘the people of Lot’ and the Dead Sea. (Abil). about Abraham who settled in Beersheba. he intended Ramla. see for instance: Balidhuri. the Arabs applied their own names to places in Palestine. No. 186. lines 2-4 (p. Muqaddasi speaks of iqllm al-Shim. 78C Ya‘qiibi.. Buldin. Gader (Jadar). ibid. Acre. cf. ‘Amman. Grohmann. being thevalley which starts from the Sea of Galilee southward. No. which stretched between Moab (Ma’ib) and Zoar. i. and is a well-knownplace between al-‘Arish and Rafah. both in al-Shim and in the Maghrib (and vice-versa. 37: the southern border of Filastin . Avd.. 61. 157f. 154f. the other part. cf.its main city was Jericho. a place between Jerusalem and Filastin. 11. is the Biniyis. which is the tip of the land of Egypt and the border between it and al-Shim. One must remember that many of the Arab chroniclers lived far from Palestine and were not always precise.z. See Ibn Khurdidhbih. Ge’6grijju hislGrit [Hebrew].says it is the name of a villagein Bnyt al-maqdis. Barq. of the year 675 (October). No. 161). of the year 674 (October-November).in the entry Bayt Ra’s.. Buldin. ‘al-Hula’ is according to Yiqiit the region between Tyre and ‘al-Sharih’. VI. Bayt Ra’s. 21. Bad’. 28-35. At a later period. the ‘Ghawr’. Aqilirn. I t is worth mentioning in particular some border regions described by the Muslim geographers and which are part of what hasbeen assembled by Le Strange. 150. ibid. Yiqiit.62. belonged to jund Filastin. Palestine. region of Moab. 103. 55fc Muqaddasi. Siisita (Susiya).See also Ibn Shaddid. Kapitolias (see Avi-Yonah. 60. they said Ramla). Muriij. meaning a much wider geographical area and instead of the termjund one used sarutik see for instance: Maqdisi. 11. and see the mapibid. some of which were genuinely Arabic but most of which were born out of different pronunciations of the original names. and its main city Adhriih. and as we have seen. Daniel b. b.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS Samaria. Salmon ben 35 Codex Theodos. XLIIIff. See: Nessana. from lake Tinnis in the Delta. 388f-389. jund Filastin and jund Urdunn. Ibn Taghri Bard?. (Simira . the term iqlim was used. and one should not deduce from him that there was at some time a village by this name near Jerusalem. Futuh. Bet Shean. Zoar) was considered the border of the Sharih. al-shim al-thiniya (the second). facing p. 19 (text). Abel. lines 2-3 of the Arabic part (p. IV. to the border of Palestine. So‘ar (Zughar. Samhiidi. 251. . which isSab‘. 171-178. I. Palestine on pp.e. Azariah: 357.two trees between Rafah and al-‘Arish. there is a clear reminder of the Byzantine heritage in the expressions al-shim al-Sli (the first). 34. Possibly in saying Filastin. Palestine was part of al-Sham. Fihl. HirbetMird. lines 2-4 (p. 168fC IStakhri. see ibid. 699. [123] As one can see from these lists. VII-4. He adds that Bet Shean is between the two. Mas‘hdi. by which he may have meant either Jerusalemor Palestine.. 1. Sepphoris (Safuriyya). and referred to the large area that stretched to the north of the Arabian peninsula. 21. Le Strange. ‘al-Balqi’. 116. Thelatter is undoubtedly correct. 65 (translation): the town of Ramla is called Filastin. Qedesh 35 Naphtali (Qadas). G i o g r . 11. Sometimeswe find expressions of the fact that in al-Shim there were actually two different units. see Bakri. 73.

t~shima’~ meziizi: according to Rabba): ‘in Arabic. 11. one says (a kind of door that is exempt from the balad al-Shiim.. Sijistini. that which is now called Palaistine’. To the ancient writers it was obvious that this name was taken from that of the Philistines. it is clearthat among the Jews the most common meaning of al-Sh5m wasPalestine. Muriij. An Arabic translation of the Bible renders Gen. Vilnay. white and eastward) . 11 as the sin became shin (in Arabic he ShZmin. going from Hijiz. 86.75.T H E A D M I N I S T R A T I V E D I V I S I O N [122-1251 Yeruhim explains in his commentary on Ps. Osar ha-ge’6nim to Erubin. see for instance: Sib! ibn al-Jawzi. and among them thatit was the name of one of the sons of Canaan. 107) and Eilat. in the eleventh century AD.in our Talmud. Allony. 190516. Mir’ih (MS BM O r 4619). Mas‘iidi. cf. when the writer is referring to jund Filastin. Some say: after Shem. The name is naturally not an Arab one. the ‘Ariiklr. From this and from many other places. 192: after Shem. .. in speaking of the 36 Muqaddasi. Bacher. al-Faqih. in the Jewish land [Ioudaia] and in the land of the Philistines [Philistiaia]. etc. Leshonenu. the Philistines had stopped them: ‘Sadhi al-filastiiniyiin’. See Dimashqi. K i t i b al-sab‘in laf~a. a fragment from an Arabic Talmud. facing (shimit) on its earth: red. Goitein. in Men. from Egypt one goes to al-Shiim. line 6: al-talmiid nl-shimi. the Palestinian against this. that is.that is. . 30(1965/6). Goldziher Memorial Volume. 111. unlike the Israelites..tashi’um. And see TS AS 161. & d i m . that Palestine is [like] the most beautiful boughs of a tree in the world). p. la. 33b:pitl. land of thePhilistines.e.36 [124] It is already clear from the foregoing discussion that by the name Filastin the Muslims meant only a part of Palestine. Kha@’. Epiphanius. Gharib (MS India Office). and sometimes we find this expression. 97b. xxvi:15: For all the wells . on the sides of the north): Zion is on the sides of the north. the joy ofthe whole earth. for Palestine (balad bayt al-maqdis) is to the north of Egypt.’ (i. .who lived in the interior.VIII. 151E one says al-Shim because it is the beauty spot (rhZma) of the ka‘ba. the son of Noah. referring to the expressionBT. the Philistines were well-known to them. some say because of the spots black.talmudna . some say it is because ofits bad luck (shtim). and commentary on the Talmud. in letters from the Geniza. Also among the Jews there was the awareness that Filastin is none other than that ‘land of the Philistines’. Jawiliqi. Zion. which is in Egypt) since in his words. is calledSim). some say because those who go there turn left (that is. northward. emphasises that the spelling is al-Shim. 8:564. line 9: f. which is the Land ofIsrael’. quotes a series of explanations for the name. Badri. see: Le Strange. As they were ethnicallyclose to theGreeks. Commentary on Psalms. C f . Lands. thatis to say northward (shim) from NGf (or Memphis. cf. ed. without a hamza.is mount Zion. ad locum. but a distortion of the name of the country in Greek and Latin. . the Babylonian. xlviii:2 (Beautiful for situation [niifl. See SalmonbenYeruhim. that is. and between Bilis (a city on the Euphrates. who were the inhabitants of the coastal strip in Biblical times. 139fE becauseit is to theleft of theka‘ba. 146. The Iraqis call al-Shim everything beyond the Euphrates. 27: ‘beautiful for situation the joy of the whole earth . the alifbeing a mater lectionis. one of the writers of early the Church (whodied in May 402) could explain that: ‘the seed of Abraham is widespread in the land of Canaan. the son of Noah. A Samaritan chronicle.69. 13ff. Ibn 92: al-Shiim is the region between Kiifa and Ramla. 5(1940). . 189b. 211. JQR.

RE]. The Karaite Sahib. only Bayt al-maqdis (in the name of Ka‘b al-Ahbar). 11. who wrote atthebeginning oftheninthcentury. It was at that time that the claims were first heard that it was forbidden to use the name iliyi.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS Muslim conquest. principally starting from the eleventh century. does not mention this name at all. Bakri.also known to Arab writers: Yeriishalayim. that is the 3’ 38 Epiphanius. 41. 305 he points out that the city was built by Antoninu? (in the printed version: Abtiilis) and itis he who first called it Iliy5.whichBakri emphasises should be written Sihyiin. Sometimes it meant the Temple Mount and sometimes (in mostcases) the city ofJerusalem. 21: it is forbidden to say Iliy5. It seems that the Arabs began to use the name iliyi at a very early period. means the houseof God. 128: after the nameofIliy5 Adhriyiniis.and this is what itis called to this day. additional references listed by the editor. Mukhtasor (following al-Muhallabi): Jerusalem was rebuilt gradually after Titus destroyed it-and called it Iliyii. which means: House of the Lord. Under later Byzantine rule we do not find it in Greek sources. .1 19.293: Iliyii in Syriac (the language of Adam) of God. Only later. Abii’l-Fid5’. also the name Bayt al-Maqdis began to come into use. 45(1902). such as that it derived fromElijah (Ilyas).the Samaritan chronicle: Adler et Seligsohn. 11. whereas Muslim writers were still using it in the tenth century. city of the temple. 241. do we find that the name al-Quds was in use.and Zionor Sahyiin.Urshalim. 217. or that it was the name of the woman who built Jerusalem.Shalem.844: Iliy5 = the house so also Suhayli. a name which could be taken for a shorter versionof Madinat Bayt al-Maqdis. Tu?$ lob. Samuel: ‘Know that I came from the beyt ha-rniqdcish to warn’.38 Muslim personalities in the Umayyad period [126] We can now examine more closely the figures who actually held the reins of government in Palestine in the political field. in Murtsj.Sometime aftertheconquest. Masliah evidently means Palestine when he says inhis letter to Jacob b. T a n b h . Ibn ‘Asikir says of ‘Ubidab. al-Samit: ‘he died in bayt al-rnaqdis in Ramla’. being called after Hadrian:Aelia Capitolina. KhaEiji. see the fragment of the Arabic translation: TS AS 70. and see in the notes2 and 4 on p. Theophanes. or that its meaning was ‘the house of God’. 22. 235. The term bayt al-rnaqdis became open to various other meanings. Indeed.^^ [125] As to Jerusalem. we find that its ancient name among the Arabs i the period preceding Islam and also in the first generations of Islam. was the city after Iliya. 209. But there were those who knew that it was the name of a Romanemperor. This name undoubtedly came from the Roman of name the rebellion of Bar Kokhba. Mas‘iidi. Other names were . supplanting all the other names. as it was a heathen name. MPG. but at times also the whole ofPalestine. Muslim writers tried to interpret the name in many ways. says that ‘the Ishmaelites came and captured the land of the philistine^'. Wisiti.

n. 63. Ibn ‘Asakir. Themoststriking case. Zarkashi. and the best part of al-Shim is al-Quds. also knows that i_t is the name of a Roman emperor. These Umayyads who were appointed particularly with reference governors were mostly under the aegis of al-Haijij ibn Yiisuf and his favourites. Naturally. we find ‘Abd al-Malik’s grandsons occupying positions in Palestine and involved in the wars of the tribes in 744-745. 354. VII. 96. I. evidently Yibiis (=Jebus) in the original.wasthatof Sulaymiin b. he says that thebest part of God’s world is al-Sham. 277f. Similarly. Yiqiit. Mu‘awiya b. See Sahl b. who adds that it is the name of the woman who built Bayt al-maqdis. ‘Abd al-Malik himself appointed his brother. also appointed his relative al-Wahd b. whichwe came across duringthe discussion on thebuildingofRamla. 39 . Maqdisi. 65. 394. Balidhuri. preferred their brothers and sons to others and entrusted to them the governing of Palestine. in the name ofKa‘b al-Ahbir.accordin ance with thetribes’ wishes however. in Assaf. in the sense ofJerusalem or Palestine. Zrlarnic History. in the legal arena and in the religious and spiritual spheres. because it is the name of the woman who built the city. Abii ‘Uthman Abdn as governor ofjund Urdunn (at the same time as he appointedhis own son Sulayman to govern Filastin). Zion. thatis to say. the Sufyinids. ~ ~ [127-1301 Apart from the members of the caliph’s families. at firston behalf of his father ‘Abd al-Malik and afterwards on behalf of his brother al-Walid.Marwan as governor to jund Urdunn. who even before he became caliph was already governor of Palestine. Ibn ‘Asikir. Zlotrrik Jrrbilee Volume.4Of. we find the caliph’s families.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [SECS. the sources See also: Ibn al-Faqih. or ‘Bet hamiqdish’. to govern over jund Urdunn In the former branch of the Umayyad dynastyas well. the Umayya clan. Ansiib. See: Shaban. O n Abin b.see examples of the use of ‘Bayt al-maqdis’. Khalifa ibnKhayyat. and the offices which they held served those who eventually became caliphs as anexcellent school for their future careers. and other strange names which are evidently distortions of distortions. A‘liirn. 1 l5fC who deals with this policy in appointing governors. 30. Marwin. both the Sufyiinids (Mu‘iiwiya’s branch) and the Marwanids (the branch of Marwin ibn al-Hakam and of his son ‘Abd al-Malik). one should say Bayt al-maqdis (in the name of Ka‘b al-Ahbir). ‘Umar. jund ‘Abd al-Malik’s son. and the best partof al-Quds is the mountain of Nibulus.11. IV. The last Umayyad caliph. see Ibn ‘Asakir. left his brother Sulayman inhis position injund Filastin. Urshalim. and he quotes for this purpose a verse by al-Farazdaq. also uses the term al-Quds for Palestine when. 110. al-Walid. Meqordr. see also: Ibn Qutayba. Buldiin. IV(B). in Pinsker. 53. see on the matter of Arabic names for placesinPalestine: Vilnay. 1940. IV. I. to the Marwini branch. we find Caliph Yazid b. 5: 73. Masliah. 87: Iliyi.‘Abd al-Malik. O n ‘Ubida ibn Simit. 155: one should writean a l i f ( h a m z a ) at the end of the word: Iliyi’. In the first rank.417 (onthegovernorsof‘Abd al-Malik andWalid). has a lengthy discussion on the names of Jerusalem. and appointedhis own son. and adds: Bayt al-quds. For names of Jerusalem see Goitein’s article. Mo‘iirif. Marwan. 592: one must not call Jerusalem Iliyi. 11. Mu‘iiwiya appointing his son Khalid to govern the two junds of Filastin and U r d ~ n n . 208. Bad’. such as Bibiish. Khatii’. 126-2011 administration and the army (though it is generally difficult to differentiate between them). LiqqUy2 qadrnoniyot. al-Khidr (a figure in Muslim tradition identified with Elijah). 13. Jawiliqi.

and not Meyshan. one of the first Muslims in Medina) ‘Amrb. Ibn al-Athir. 11. of theBanii Sulaym. al-Harr and mentions that hewas governor ofMeyshan (Maysin) for forty years. ‘Umar appointed him governor of Jerusalem and also responsible for half ofjund Filastin. 11. Ibn Khaldiin. Ibn ‘Asikir. quotes thelineage of ‘Alqama b. See also:Ibn al-Athir. ‘Ibar. 44.42 In the daysof Caliph ‘Uthmin. 154 (‘Alqama b. a man of the Banii Tamim. 3058. Tabari. IV(A). 137. To this post. Sufyan. or who lived (or had settled) in Palestine. who was one of the highest commanders during theconquest. 4o 41 42 43 Ulaymi. I 16 . 535. which is in Iraq. Malik ibn alKhushkhash Abii’l-QaliiS. Sahmi. I. He settled in Palestine and died there. Ibn Hazm.jamhara. 2866. aclan of theQays ‘Aylan. from the ‘Anbar clan. Hakim was in charge of the other half and was stationed inRamla (which had not yet been founded.‘+O Evidently he was put in chargeof what was afterwards jund Filastin. Usd. 334. was ‘Alqama b. ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab appointed Abii’l-Harr HuSayn b. he ordered them to be freed. perhaps Baliidhuri was referring to him in Ansib. While in Urdunn. 144f (called also ‘Umayr). Kitnil. al-Mujazziz came of the Banii Murra. I. ‘Awf. 36. He seems to have maintained this position for forty years4’ Another governor placed in office in jund Filastin by ‘Umar was ‘Uwaymir b. 11.Jarnhara. 2526. IV. Ta’rikh. after the deposalof Khilid ibn al-Walid. 501.. a Medinan of the Banii Aws. 43 [131-1331 The next governor ofjund Filastin was Maslama b. al-Mujazziz and the tradition that hewas killed in a campaignagainst the Ethiopiansorganised by ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib. ‘Alqamab. Mujazziz (or Muharriz). Abii’l-A‘war ‘Amr b. 371.86. of Most sources mention that he governed the junds Him? and Qinnasrin (northern Syria). the intention may possibly be Lod). governed jund Filastin. Sa‘id. whom Mu‘iwiya appointed governor ofjund Filastin. see ibid. One source stresses’his decent behaviour towards the dhimmis: on seeing a group of dhimmis being taken into custody for not paying the khariij. ‘Alqama b.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS mention otherswho filled governing roles in Palestine. who was the governor of Jerusalem on behalf of ‘Umar. calls him Husayn b. 81. when speaking of the Ansiri (that is. of the Banii Kiniina. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). 209. was in charge. 949. ‘Uwaymir was one of themostimportant Muslim commanders during the warsconquest. and occupied this position when the plague of ‘Imwas was raging (639). Ibn al-Athir. The man responsible for governing jund Urdunn was apparently residing in Bet Shean in the period immediately after the conquest. Hakim. 253. 545. and they too were a branch of the Banu Kinina. IV. It seems that the first of those mentioned was a certain ‘Ubayd. Usd. 14. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). Sa‘d. of the clan of ‘Amr b. while ‘Alqama b. Muharriz). Responsible for the remainder ofjund Filastin. IV. Makhlad. Ibn ‘Asikir. and one can easily seethat this is a mistake and that it is Bet Shean which is being spoken of. See Ibn Hazm. These weregenerally heads of tribes who took part in the conquest.

the governor mentioned in the papyri of Nessana. This may possibly indicate not only an administrative division in geographical terms a local tribal grouping that is not clear to us. Khalifa ibn Khayyit. Ta’rikh. The Banii Khath‘am clan. Mu‘iiwiya’s reign.& [134-1371 In 682. I. in 683-684. to stand at the head of the tribes ofjund Fila~tin. and was a descendant of the familyofHimyar b. QaySar. ‘Umar. or AD 658/9. Dinawari.I. a clan of the Qays ‘Aylin. who was cadi in Trans-Jordan (in BalqH’). 46. Yazid. see Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). Muhammad. Muthir (Khilidi).~O 44 45 4 47 48 49 Nasr b. began to govern Egypt in 682.~’ At about the same time. see Ibn Hazm. Ibn al-Athir. Hibis. sahib al-Balqa’. during Yazid b. see: Ibn Hajar.) This appointment was apparently connected mainly with the organisation of the tribes in Palestine during the war against ‘Ali. Yazid of the Banii Azd.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . 394. History. Muzahim speaks ofahl FilastFn. That but also the formation of governor was ‘Umar b. 222. Ibn Taghri Bardi. According to Ibn Abi’l-Hadid. 157. 156. 126-2011 (Nasr b. line 10: Meslem despotos). in the days of ‘Abd al-Malik. 111. and it is said that his descendants continued to live in Jerusalem. by ah2 he andother writers always mean the tribes. Sabi. Sa‘id b. Nessana. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). 118. Lane-Poole.Jarnhara. 33. 11. it was ‘Ah who appointed Maslama b. Makhlad is the same as Meslem. Maqdisi. . From the Ban5 Khushkhish we later on find Khilid b. a governor is mentioned in the papyri of Nessana by the name of Abii Ri~hid. Ya‘qiibi. Kh5lid. from Yaman (from those who claim descent from Qahtin). Ibn ‘Asikir. Ta’rikh. 649. who was an uncle of al-HajZj b. Tahdhib. Akhbiir al-dawla al-‘abbasiyya. which means the governor of Balqa’. Usd. .49 Afterwards. 11. which implicitly meant at the head of the army stationed in the area and in this way. known by the nickname Ibn Khushkhssh al-Hilali. in the position he occupied. 226. Muzihim. and not Mu‘iwiya. Makhlad. ‘Uqba. The governor was appointed primarily to stand at the head of the tribes. But perhaps that governoris Muslim b.170. It is likely that this Maslama b. 11. 435: he wasone ofMu‘iwiya’s retainers. Yii~uf. southern Trans-Jordan. the ruler of the place. 57. 264.~ Coming * originally from Palestine. 326. the caliph appointed Tarif b. while in jund Urdunn. before the campaign against Medina (the battle of al-Harra). cf. Jarnhara.~~ in the year AH 38. that is. when these tribes and theirleaders stood staunchlyby M u ‘ a ~ i y a Afterwards. of the Banu Thaqif. that is ‘Amr ibnSufyan al-Sulami. a southern tribe. cf. 206. 224. 33. we come across a position that is generally not mentioned. Mu‘awiya appointed Shumayr al-Khath‘ami as governor of jund Filastin. Ibn al-A‘war was from the Banii Sulaym. 34. Khalifa ibn Hayyzt. It was said that he was not very effective there and that ‘Abdallah ibn Zubayr removed him from his post in less than two years. Ibn Hazm. turns things around and calls him: Muhammad b. was in fact. I. VII. between 682-689 (see: Nessana.45The local governor in Jerusalem during Mu‘awiya’s time was Salama (or Salma) b. he left the aforementioned Abii’l-A‘war. 125f. 172: Maslama b.

‘Abd al-‘Aziz of the Banii K i n h a . in jund Filastin. stood Jabala b. 11.. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). alSamit. he requested that the tribe Sadaqa. the names of the following governors of Palestine appointed by him are mentioned: al-Rumahis b. but ‘Umar demanded that the tribe pay the poll-tax.53 [141-1441 The first cadi of Palestine was Abii’l-Walid ‘Ubada b. They later fled together with the caliph when the Abbasid army pursued him.51 Al-Hakam b. Ibn Hazm. Ta’rikh. for having slapped Jabala in the market-place of Damascus after Jabala’s horse had injuredhim. ‘Awf. Ya‘qiibi. Afterwards. According to one version. T a ’ r l k h . In the days of Marwin b. Muhammad. 111. Dib‘an b. He belonged to Khazraj tribe. In the very respected clan of Banii Ghanm b. the last Umayyad caliph. Duringhis stay in Palestine. and took part in the two meetings in ‘Aqaba and also in the battle at Badr. 168. Qays and Rawh b. and there his descendants were known of for some generations. as it had not yet been built).Rawh.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS [13&139] The leaders of the Ban6 Judham also governed in Palestine at that time. he died in Ramla in the year AH 34.of the B a n i ‘Amila. 161. at the age of seventy-two (once again we are faced with the Ramla problem. 644. 107.52 [140] In addition to the people I have already mentioned and whom of it is explicitly told that they were appointed to governin Palestine and over the tribes living there. butafterwardsreturnedto Christianity and went with 30. Ibn Qutayba. pay like the rest of the tribes. to Ba‘labakk. 11. Tabari. one of the most important oftribes the in Palestine. 248. 193. Zinba‘ and his sons. the names of some personalities who were involved in the political life of Palestine and who were active in various administrative positions are known to us. or one of the Twelve. and see ibid. 47. remained head of the tribes of Filastin instead of al-Rumahis. According to Ibn Sa‘d and many others. ibid. Jabala went over to the Byzantines because Abii ‘Ubayda refused to have a man executed or to have his hand cut off. of the ‘Aqaba. Ibn‘Asakir. Some say thatJabalaconverted to Islam. injund Urdunn. Tha‘laba ibn Salama. At the head of the Christian tribe Ghassan. These were Nitil b.for he thoughtthat Mu‘awiyawas not behaving j1 5: j3 Tabari. al-Ayhamof the Jafna clan. but after a short time was also obliged to flee.. Jarnhara.000 his of tribesmen to join the Byzantines in Cappadocia. IV. where the people of the new regime caught him and had him put to death. who have already been mentioned in describing the political and military event of the time. 372. 393. he quarrelled with Mu‘awiya (who was then commander of the army on behalf of‘Umar). He was one of the first to turn to Islam in Medina. of the Banii Judham. or AD 654/5. 46.He fought on Byzantine the side in the battle of the Yarmiik. . Ma‘irif. the Prophet made him naqib.

334). Ubayy.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . ‘Amr (who is perhapsthe‘Abdallahb. I. Dhahabi. Maw:&. 47. Tu’rikh. 146: he lived in Jerusalem together with Shaddad b. Ibn Hajar. the chief cadi. Tu’rikh. Abii Muhammad (there are some who say he was Abii Nu‘aym Muhammad b. VII(2). who was also of the Banii Khazraj and had settled in Jerusalem. the namehis of successor to the rank of being in us as ‘Abd charge of legal affairs in jund Filastin. from thetribes of Yaman. the also settled in Jerusalem. Jurnhuru. the order was‘handed down’ in the Koran forbidding the Muslims to make pacts with the Jews or the Christians (siirut ul-nisi?. He lived in Palestine (it is not known where) and died there. 28 (No. who was also one of the veteransof Islam and participated in the battles alongside Prophet. who after listeningto his complaints ordered him to return to al-Sham. Mu‘irs 255. 51 (No. Muthir.^^ ‘Ubayda’s brother. Ibn Hajar. 317. Tu’rikh. 57. 139. 129f. 311: ‘Ubida participated inall the battlesof the Prophet.57 [145-1491 After ‘Ubada. Busti. n/lt~ubbur.2. Dhahabi. ‘Abdallah. 25c Ibn Hishim. 11. III(2). Ibn al-Athir. At first he resided in Him? and afterwards moved to Palestine. 11If. the name of al-Mukhariq b. 208ff. Ibn Hazm. I. oftheinscriptionin Khirbat Mafjar). who hailed from Yaman. 4. V. His offspring were also known in Jerusalem for some generation^. he was one of Mu’awiya’s most loyal followers. 239. Ibn Habib. 183. Tuhdhib. . Ibn Qudima. Ibn Taghri Bardi.58 Following him. He served in this position during the days of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz.55 Another Jerusalemite was ‘Ubayda’s step-son. Muqaddasi. I. he announced that the alliance was annulled and invalid.Bidiya IV. al-Rabi‘ b. of a branch of the Banii Jumah. Mawhib. I(1). 123. IV. Tuhdhib. Talzdhib. ofhim Because and‘Abdallah b. 11. he was very tall.~~ From Mu‘awiya’s time. 190: his graveis in Jerusalem and its site is known. Sursqa al-Madani). 63. Ibn Hajar. Ansib. 54 55 56 5’ 58 Ibn Sa‘d. ten spans in height (m. some say from the Hamadan and others say from Khawliin. 2960.54 His son-in-law.40 metres). 251f (he also claims he died in Ramla). alHarith al-Zubaydi is mentioned. Aws b. died there in 718 at the age of 93. 93. VI. 118. 270. and after the hijra.Tabari. It was said that It is noted that ‘Umar sent him to al-Sham to teach the Muslims the Koran. One ofits important branches settled in Trans-Jordan after the conquest. He complained to ‘Umar. Khazraji calls him amlv Fil~stln. from the family of Mas‘iid b. al-Siimit. 126-2011 honestly as the man in charge of al-Sham. 1336 Balidhuri. Somesay he died in Ramla. I. and others Jerusalem. 147. The clan of Zubaydwas affiliatedto theBanii Madhhij. IV. He was a man of Quraysh. Tu’vikh. Khazraji. Tuhdhib. Ibn Kathir. Usd. Busti. Khazraji. 253. Itis said that he died in Ramla(!) in 652. 111. Nawawi. 137). ‘Umar. Ibn Qutayba. Umayya. Khazraji. idem. Abii Ubayy ‘Abdallah b. Aws. ‘Ulaymi. the chief cadi in jund Filastin was ‘Abdallah b. 1. Ibn ’Asikir. 160.a large tribe which was actually an alliance of tribes. iv:143). Dhahabi. Wusi’il. Ibn al-Athir. 244. 52. VII. Ibn Sa‘d. VII(2). is known to al-Wahhab b. X. Siyuv. I. 159: a hundred and eighty-one hadiths are told in his name which he heard from the Prophe he was one ofthose who already knew the Koran by heart in the Prophet’s day. 106f. He was an allyof the Jews of Banii Qaynuqii‘. Usd.

127. I. 111. 11. ‘Uqba was appointed head of the infantry corps in Damascus. 740. as we have already seen. points outthat in the year AH 37. 222. See the subject of the governor Meslem mentioned in the papyriof Nessana. and ibid. Kitnil. Tuhdhib. 468.‘Awf. Muslim b.b. Khazraji. 92 (MS).63 Another client of ‘Abd alMalik’s clan was Nu‘aym b. I. Yazid(or Zayd)b. al-Ayham deserted to the Byzantines. he also fulfilled this position under Caliph ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. he wasknown as al-Madhhiji.who lived in Palestine. 11. 158.294. he senthim back to Palestine. the commander of the army whichYazid sent in682 to suppress the insurrection against his reign in Medina was one of theheads of the tribes in jund Filastin. Zinbi‘. which was AD 657/8. andhe had 5. Muzahim. Ibn al-Athir.60 At the same time he placed Shurayk (or Shurayt) at the head of the tribesmen in jund Filastin. KhalifaibnKhayyat. 172: Zayd b. and some say: Huyay. Ibn al-Kalbi. he was the leaderof the Banii Quda‘a. Khalifa ibn Khayyat. Salama.(j5 60 61 62 63 64 65 Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). Ibn Hajar.ofthe Banii Kiniina. Nasr b. Ya‘qiibi. a new leader was appointed. 259.206.62 [150-1521 In the days of ‘Abd al-Malik’s sons. Dhahabi. the plebs. T o the Banii Ghassiin. 172.000 from Urdunn. who is Abii ‘Ubayd al-Hijib. V. headed by Hubaysh b. that is twenty-five years earlier. which is incorrect. 383. who acted as a sortof chief secretary (responsible for the &win al-khitim . a client of the Yaman tribes there. 11.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS Mu‘iiwiya appointed Mukhiriq head of thetribesmen in jund Urdunn. the commander of the Umayyad army in first the quarter of the eighth century AD. Muzahim.61As I have already mentioned. Tu’rrkh. This tribe afterwards settled in Urdunn. he was evidently a client of theBanii Madhhij. 24. The reason for his dismissal was that he was arrogant to the tribesmen(al-‘imma. 207. Tu’rikh.000 tribesmen from jund Filastin under his command headed by Rawh b. whose leader Jabala b. and see ibid. 270. 222: Shurayt. According to some sources. 303. Sulaymsn brought him from Palestine to Damascus when he became caliph. 437. Nay.. 11. above. and certainly the tribes are meant). Ab6 Zur‘a. Dhahabi. Harith. Khalifa ibnKhayyit. When ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz took over as caliph.Dinawari. Muhubbur. that is. he wasAbii’l-Qasim‘Abdallah b. He was asort of privy councillor (probably similar to theByzantine cubicular) evidently of Jewish or Christian origin. Ibn Habib. Tu’rlkh. Muslim b. ‘Abd al-Malik. Tabari. Muhubbur. according to Dinawari. al-Harith. we know the name of a client (mawli) of Sulaymiin. and 1. It was said of him thathe was a Palestinian by We also know the identity of origin. Dulja. of theGhatafan tribe. 298f. ‘Uqba. and some say: Hamid. the editor’s note: on the margin ofthe manuscript is it written that he was called Hay. Tu’rikh. He died around 730. Ibn Habib.64 the man responsible for taxes (kharij) in jund Filastin under ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. and there he died in ca. I20 .‘the office of the seal’) of Maslama b. Hecame from theBanii Murra. IVY138. 838. 432. XI. Khalifa ibn Khayyit.

See also:Caskel. is also mentioned. 901). IQ. Abii Zur‘a. 172. and ibid. Ibn Hajar. Tu’rikh. and it is possible that under his influence. Ibn al-Jawzi.~~ thesame period. Mu‘iirij 472. Ibn ‘Asikir. the tribes ofjund Filastin are recalled as having participated in the campaign under Asad ibn ‘Abdallah against the Turks in central Asia. Nawawi. 42 (MS).Tuhdkib. Tu’rikh.1972. or perhaps Persian. 11.where he hadconsiderableinfluenceinthecourt ofthe Umayyads. 111.Raja’ died in theyear AH 112. See-also Shaban. and persuaded him toproclaim his cousin ‘Umar as his heir. or AD 730/1. see Dhahabi. The son of Raji’. Ibn Sa‘d. ‘Ibur. Sulaymiin. 186f. In the days of Hishimb. Tu’rikh. Dhahabi. Raja’ b. IV. Khazraji. 11. 304. V. ‘Umar introduced his innovations in the matter of taxes. Tuhdhib. At the head of the Palestinian tribes stood Mus‘ab ibn ‘Amr of the Banii K h ~ z a ‘ aDuring . 99.fromwhichthefamous Imra’l-Qays also stemmed. 266f: as to the name of his grandfather (thefather of Hayawa) it is said that he was called Jarwal. I have already mentioned the role he played in the building of the Dome of the Rock. V. 504. Bosworth also attributes to Raj5’ decisive influence on the decision of Sulaymin b. 161f. Ibn Hazm. 111. 238 and see ibid. but Ibn Hajar saw an exact writing ofhis name: Khanzal. 161. 86. Mayshin is probably a distortion of Baysin (Bet Shean). Ibn Khaldiin. which according to Bosworth may indicate that his origin was from the Nabatis who spoke Syriac. $ifa. following the quarrel with the church about the parcel of la_ndin Lod (see above). 126-?01 J [153] A central figure during the reign of ‘Abd al-Malik and also during the reigns of other caliphs who succeeded him was Abii‘l-Miqdam (some say: Abfi Nasr) Raja’ ibn Hayawa. He earned quite a reputation for his knowledge of Muslim law. and that actually he was a client of the Kinda tribe. 1341-1345. ‘Abd al-Malik he was known by the title of ‘head of the tribes in jund Filastin’. Hayawa earned unusual praise in the Muslim sources.we find another outstanding personality from the Banii Kinda. I21 67 . Ibn Qutayba. 39ff. also above. IV. Felsendom. 429. He also had considerable sway over ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. 11. 16:36. ‘Abd al-Malik to build Ramla. Tu’rikh. Tabari. itand appears that the reason for this is that the appointment of ‘Umar ibn‘Abd al-‘Aziz as caliph (who was considered the only righteous one of the Damascene caliphs)is attributed to him. 190. Tabari. I.66 [154-1571 In the year AH 119 (AD 737). Khalifa ibnKhayyit. In the original seen by Bosworth.Banii ‘Amr. Ibn Khallikin. Raja’ was of the Banii Kinda and claimed descent from the clan of the heads ofthe tribe. Busti. and somesay: Handal. This is not even hinted at in the Arab sources. 76f.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S[SECS.a position in simiIbn al-Kalbi (Caskel).]umhuru. He filled a central and decisive role in the appointment of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz as caliph. Kiimil. 117 (No. VI. theinformationfrom a manuscript that the origin of his family was from Mayshin inIraq. 312ff. T h e ‘Abbiisid Revolution. IX. He first resided in Tiberias (some say: in Bet Shean) andfrom there seems to have moved toJerusalem and then to Damascus. Cf. 1609. 484. Ibn Kathir.. since he was the chief adviser to ‘Umar’s predecessor. ‘ASim. ‘ASim died around 770. note 41. 261f. 11. VII(2). Bidiiyu. 301ff. 23 andsee also the article dedicated tohimbyBosworth. 11. Ibn al-Athir. In thedays of ‘Abd al-Malik hewasresponsibleforthe treasury.

I. but whereas the formerwas active mainly injund Filastin (before transferring to Damascus). 87f. 23. Slzam ‘lit? (Simon). and also a daughter whose name was Khazraj. that seventy years passed between Shaddad’s deathandthe h8 69 ”) Ibn Sa‘d.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS lar to that of Raja’ b. Tahdhi6.AD 683/4). including Shaddad’s sons. 11. however.he took part in the conquest ofJerusalem with ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib. 270. Tnhdhi6. Zayd) the father of Rayhana (a a concubine after captive from among the Jews whom Muhammad as took he killed her husband. the closest to Muhammad. or who came to settle there in succeeding generations. Ibn al-Athir. 1428). a Jew of the B a n i Qaynuqa‘. with three sons. who was from the Banii Qurayza). which he built for himself in Jerusalem.was a notable figure among the An$ir. Usd. and in the days of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz he becamegovernor of the region. VII(2).69 Another Jew. he was the nephew of thepoet Hassan b. V. 3636 Khazraji. the latter was appointed by ‘Abd al-Malik chief cadi injund Urdunn.7‘’ [15&161] Ab6 Ya‘la Shaddad b. who had been one of the retainers of the Prophet. Shaddid died a t the age of ninety-five in Jerusalem in the year AH 58 (AD 678). towards the end of Mu‘awiya’s reign (but some say that he died in the yearAH 64. 159. 162. who survived but lost a leg. 113. Of his offspring arementioned Ya‘li.Muhammad. married to a man of the Bani Azd. Thabit. Muhnhhar. Khalifa ibn Khayyat. 199. 111. KhunZfa). Muqaddasi. Hayawa in jund Filastin). in the days of the Damascene caliphate. 11. Dhahabi. Hayawa. Aws b. Dhahabi. 4. ‘Abd al-Wahhab and Mundhir. Balidhuri. 261c Ibn ‘Asiikir. which belonged to the Banii Khazraj. Ibn ‘Asiikir. Zayd b. 296. namely A b i ‘Amr ‘Ubada b. in According to Wiqidi. One should remember. Among those whom the Muslim tradition links with Jerusalem we find Abii Yisuf ‘Abdallah b. Nawawi. IV. Aws also settled in Jerusalem. settled in Jerusalem according to the Muslim tradition and preached sermons on the Temple Mount. ‘Ubida died in AH 118 (AD 736). who passed on ancient traditions in the name ofhis father. Yenrsllnlayirn. Nussay. Siyar. I. Salam. 93f (his full name: Sham‘un b. Thabit. VII. the first Muslims in Medina.He resided in Tiberias andwas designated ‘head of the tribes of Urdunn’ (similar to the status of Raja’ b. Ibn al-Athir. withthe exception of Muhammad. whois Zayd (or b. Goitein. from the Bani Nadir. 443. who turned to Islam with the arrival of Muhammad Medina. V. Kiimil. VII.68 There were also quite a number of well-known Muslim figures living in Jerusalem immediately after the conquest. I22 . 453f. I have already mentioned that Shaddad’s house. Ibn Habib. 1953/4. A n s i b . A4tltlzir. and died in Medina in the year AH 43 (AD 663). collapsed in the earthquake of748. His father. Busti. Ta’rikkh. 2146 Ibn Hajar. 180 (No. They were of the clan of the Banu al-Najir. It is saidthat the building’s collapse buried many Muslims.cf.

186. of whom it is said that he settled first in Basra. Ibn Kathir. 174. who was one of Muhammad’s freedmen.. Tabari. ‘Amir al-Qarani. O n Murra b. according to Ibn Khallikan: ‘Adiimi or Adam?. I. Ta’rikh.Siynr. claims that Thawbin settledin Him?. V. 312. 140. ‘Amir al-Himyari. ascribed to the Prophet. Usd. 11. 314. idem. a place situated behind Shighb and Bada. IV. 136-7011 earthquake.IbnQutayba. I. Iriba. 632). Dhahabi. III(2). Bidiya. 139. Ibn Qudiima. 111. 54. moved afterwards to Palestine. Shihab alZuhri (of the Banii Zuhra. Nawawi. See: Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). see Sezgin. Bidiya.on his stay inJerusalem see ‘Ulaymi. I. Him? and in Fustat. Usd. VIII. notes thefact that the offspring of Aws b. 249: he had houses in Ramla.He died in720 in A l e ~ a n d r i aAnother . I. He was said to have taken part in a convention of Muslim preachers which took place (evidently in Palestine) after the assassination of Caliph ‘Uthman and that he quoted praise of the murdered caliph. mention should be made of Murra b. Ansib. Dhahabi. VI. 196. see: Ibn al-Athir.74Among the founding fathers of Islam who settled in Palestine. of the Banii Madhhij. Khazraji. that is to say that he stemmed from Himyar in Yemen. Yamrud. some say he lived in Him:.11. a Yamani tribe. 124. some say he died in AH 41 or 42 (AD 661. and one must therefore conclude that is probably it his grandsons or great-grandsons that are being spoken of rather than his s o n ~ .72Another Jerusalemite was the adopted son of Ka‘b al-Ahbar (the son of his wife). Cf. Ibn ‘Asikir. ~ ’ Among the Muslims who lived in Jerusalem during ‘Umar’s time we find Uways b. 95. I. IV. but died in Egypt. 87c Ibn Hajar. Abii’l-Hitim al-Rizi wrote about him in his book (in manuscript) Zuhd al-tkaminiya rnirz af-tibi‘in. who is described as one of the first righteous souls of Islam. 1778: some say he lived in Him? and others in Ramla. see about him further: Ibn al-Athir. VII(2). Ibn Qutayba. Ka‘b. 11. Ibn al-Athir. and similarly Balidhuri. 480. who belonged to the Sahaba.378ff:he lived in Ramla and had a house there. 242 noted that one can see his grave until today (around 1250) before Bib al-Rahma. and died in Urdunn in the year 677. Ka’b al-Sulami al-Bahzi. 111.~~ Yemenitewho lived in Jerusalem was Ab6 ‘Abdallah Thawban b. Ma‘irjf.. 243f: he was aged seventy-five when he died. 50(1896). IV. Tahdhib. 111-1 15. and there different opinions on his origin. VII(2). 111. and it is said that he had an estate in a place called Shi‘b Zubda (as in Ibn Kathir. Ta’rikh. in order that he beget heirs (however he did not succeed). Dhahabi. I.75 [162-1681 One who was considered as having laid the cornerstone of Arab historiography. 64. and see ibid. I. Abii Bakr Muhammad b. 63. It is said that he settled in Jerusalem by the Prophet’s own decree. V. 7: about eight people whose sayings form the basis of Muslim mysticism. I. 11. 39. 493. I. ZDMG. 328-333. He died in 674. 147. ibid. which two are valleys or two villages between Hijaz and 71 72 73 74 75 Ibn Sa‘d.Thibit live in Jerusalem. Tubay‘ b. Siyar. idem.662). 315f: his grave is in Jerusalem. 522. 179 (No. Tuhdhib. IV. Usd. Balidhuri. Ibn Sa‘d. a clan of Quraysh)lived in Palestine.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . K i n d . 580. Goldziher. Ibn al-Athir. Ta’riklt. Sezgin. See also Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). Muslim b. 151f. He was one of the followers of ‘Ali and was killed in Siffk. Ibn al-‘Imid. 351. Ibn Sa‘d. 253. I. see also Ibn Kathir. 123 . 271. Arzsib. Ma‘Zvif.

144. Tabari. Horovitz). He lived in Jerusalem during theAbbasid revolution and died inAH 151 (AD 768).of ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Amr ibnal-‘As. 251.. 111. ‘Ulaymi.in EP. 126. 340-348. 156. Ibn Hajar calls him: al-Ramli while ‘Ulaymi: al-Maqdisi (the Jerusalemite). Abii ‘Abla (who is Shamir b. VI. Ibn al-Athir. al-Khatib al-Baghdiidi. 130: he died in Shaghba near Badii. butsomesay. Busti. and cf. taken from contemporaries of the Prophet. Turghib. Ibn Hajar. 373f. Muhayriz. he is possibly the author of Kit& al-NuwZdir attributed toAbii Shanbal al-‘Uqayli. ‘Aqraba al-Juhani. 116. 351. 117 (No. that is of the clan ofJuhayna. he was from Jurjin (to the southeast of theCaspian Sea). Dhahabi. I. Nawawi. His father wasa mawla of al-Muhallab. He participated in the battle against the Byzantines in707.Bidciyu.He died at the ageof eighty in AH 135 (AD 752/3). Tuhdhib. Tuhdhib. 111.424. B S O A S . Shamir al-Filastini al-Ramli. . Tu’rikh. 1957. 162. See further: IbnSa‘d. 279. Yiiqiit. Dhahabi. He died in AH 125 (AD 742) (but there are other versions) . Ibn Khallikiin. Khazraji. See also Duri. in the same neighbourhood’). I. Sezgin. 106. Tuhdhib.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS al-Shim. under the command ofMaslama b. I. 1192. Their mother was a mawhh of ‘Ubida b.76 ‘Abdallah b. a client of ‘Abdallahibn ‘Umar(‘Umarthe caliph). Tu’rikh. I. 445f.80 The governor of Ramla during the days of ‘Umar ibn al-‘Aziz ‘Abd was Abii’l-Yaman Bashir b. ‘Ulaymi. Sulami. 177ff. I. of Quraysh. I. He was a learned man and many traditions ascribed to the Prophet are quoted in his name. 360-381. of theBanii Jumah. evidently from theclan of ‘Uqaylb. To’rikk. VII. Ibn ‘Asiikir. Tuhdhib.79 Ibrahim b. 302: Shaghb. Ka‘b of theBanii Kilib. I. Ibn Hazm. 19:1. Ibn Hajar. MUdi!t. IX.They were originally Palestinians and it is said that their father was a mawla. II(2). 117.Jumhuru. V. Ibn Sa‘d. in Jericho. somesay: Nu‘f. Abii Muslim (who is ‘Abdallah.]umhura. and some say MaySara). 11. Dhahabi. 531. of the BaniiQudi‘a. 257. 9. Kitnil. Ibn Hajar. According to al-Khatib al-Baghdidi. IV. and died in AH 99 or AD718. Khazraji. Tuhdhib. 20. ‘Abd al-Malik. 44 (MS). and more references in these two places.77 Two ofhis contemporaries were brothers who settled in Jerusalem: Abii Nasr Ziyid and ‘Uthmin. Hilyu. Yaqzin al-‘Uqayli. 266f. He was oneof the retainers of ‘Abd al-Malik and of his successors. 86. Ibn Hajar. 142f. 334f. VII(2). 903). Abii ‘Amr al-Saybini.181. 192c Ibn Hajar. 111. 280ff. of the clan of Sayban (who originated from Himyar inYemen) lived in Ramla. was one of the important settlers in Jerusalem. Ibn al-Athir. IX. 111. Abu Zur‘a. 212ff: from Balkh in Khurisin. 76 78 79 81 Ibn Kathir. 22f. and seeibid. I.78 ‘A@’b. Sa‘sa‘a) was a poet. 11. Ltrbib. 254f. 215-227: Ibrihim b. the article al-Zuhri (by J. of the tribal federation of ‘Amirb. IV. Ibnal-‘Imiid. 135f. He earned much praise for his piety and his knowledge of the Koran. 11. the sonsof Abii Sawda. and was brought to Jerusalem to be buried. Ibnal-‘Imiid. al-Simit. ‘Ibur. Ibn Hazm. Khazraji. Ibn ‘Asiikir. Abii Nu‘aym. Abii Zur‘a Yahya b. 9. 11.81In the middle of the eighth century. especially of al-Walid. IV. mentionedby Sezgin. He was a cousin of thecadi al-Awzi‘i. Tuhdhib. was a man of KhurisZn who settled in Jerusalem. No. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). Buldcirz.

he was a tnuwli of Quraysh. Tuhdhib. idem. 148.s3 ‘Abdallah b. Hawala. Dhahabi. ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. Tuhdhib. 441. ‘Abd al-Malik.s5 A number of people who settled in Ascalon are recorded in the sources: Khalid b.. we find the son of the great-grandson of Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib. VI. Usd.86His contemporary in Ascalon was Abii Bakr Aban ibn Sdih ibn ‘Umayr ibn ‘Ubayd. IV. 383f. ~the ~ following generation in Ascalon.of the Banu K h ~ z a ‘ aIn . I. 144. ‘Umar ibn Muhammad was one o the army commanders in Ascalon. under the rule of the Abbasidss8 [175-1781 Some Muslim personalitieswho lived in Eilat are mentioned in the sources of the period. 366. Tuhdhib. VII(2). Tuhdhib. He was among the transmitters of the traditions of Malik b. V. 111. 248C Ibn Hajar. Tuhdhib. 260. died AH in 58 (AD 678). 539. Tu’rikh. Ibn Sa‘d. a clan from Madhhilj. Dhahabi. Ibn Hajar. Jubayr alSuda‘i al-Tabarani. 495f. XI. Ibn Hajar. Tu’rikh. A number of hadith traditions ascribed to the Prophet in praise of living in al-Shim are transmitted in his name. Khazraji. I. thename of another man living in Tiberias is recalled: Abii Muhammad Sdih b. . Ibn Hajar. al-Khatib al-BaghdZdi. IstPib. Ibn ‘AsPkir. of the Banii Sulaym. 180C Ibn Hajar. IV. ‘Asim. of the Banii Azd. from the days of the caliph ‘Uthman (who also came of the Umayya clan). Ibn Hajar. Ibn Sa‘d. Some say he was called al-Dimashqi. VII. One can assume that they were either Christians or Jews who had 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 Tabari. 52. 111. ‘Umar ibn Muhammad ibn Zayd ibn ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Umar ibn al-Khattiib. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. of the Banii Azd. I. He carried ‘Umar’s shield.Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. or clients. 62. I. ‘Ibur. a number have been mentioned: Ka‘b ibn Murra al-Bahzi. IV. He lived at first in Basra and from there moved to Palestine. who died in around 740. ibid. and others say al-Ramli. for at that time intown the there werea group of rnawiilT. 126-2011 some say that he participated in the campaign against the Byzantines un the commandof Maslamab. Otherwise called al-Aidi. Ibn Haiar. VIII. in the days of the Abbasids. Ibn ‘AsZkir. who was responsible for the lists (diiuiin) of taxes (khaviij) and the allowances to the tribes (thearmy . Khazraji. Dhahabi. XI. 194. Dhahabi. Isti‘ib. I. He died inAH 148 (AD 765). 85. 265. Ibn al-Athir.s2 [169-1741 O f those Muslims who lived in Tiberias. 1326. ‘Zbur. 589. VI. Khazraii. 215. Tuhdhi6. 111. Eilat was particularly connected with the Umayyads. He made a journey to Baghdad and afterwards to Kiifa as well. He died around 740. Anas. See Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . flaunting it in public all the time. VI. I. 242. Zayd and Waqid. Usd.al-jund) in the days of ‘Umar 11. Durayk. He had four brothers living in Ascalon: Abii Bakr. Hedied in about 760. Ibn Sa‘d. Tuhdhib. SudP. and everywheremasses ofpeople came to meet him. 234.84T w o generations later. IV. He died inAH 57 (AD 677). Tu’rikh. andhis offspring continued to live in that city. 86f. 111. 94f. Kitnil. 894. Ibn al-Athir. Ibn al-‘ImPd. 104. 133. 11. 1864. Tu’rikh. 246: al-‘AsqalZni. Ibn al-Athir. V. 258. Tu’rikh. I. 229: one ofthe most honourable of his generation.

that is AD 761/2.No. that is. as it was set down in the days of ‘U. Abiin b. Klmil. ‘Anbasab. al-‘As. He evidently died in the year AH 29 (AD 650.during theconquest of Palestine. commerce flourished and there were many markets. ibid. ‘Uqayl died in AH 144. ‘Thiibit the final version of the Koran. 62.Yazid b. ‘Iyid. he settled in Eilat.we find the offspring of those mawilt of the Umayyads. AghZni. Khiilid b. XII. as we have seen. he died some fifteen years his after teacher. among themthis ‘Uqayl.It is said that he and his father emigratedfrom EilatandsettledinAlexandria.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS accepted Islam and became clients of the caliph. I 26 . Yazid. who lived at the same time as the aforementioned. Ibn Sa‘d. 1454. 380. I. Also mentioned as having settled in Eilat was a kinsman of the Caliph ‘Uthman. Urd. Sa‘id b. The guide and the living spirit of this group was Ibn Shihiib al-Zuhri. 410. Busti. in particular supplying them with drinking water. 174. 313. 79: in AH 141 or 142. but see idem. Abii ‘Ali (Khiilid?)is also mentioned. Yazid was a pupil of ‘Uqayl ibn Khiilid and of al-Zuhri.89 Two or three generations later. Isbahini. where perhaps they felt more secure than in their native city. Busti.as ishis nephew. forEilatwas an important way-stationontheroad to Mecca. Abii Yazid Yiinus b. If we considerthis together with the fact that the aforementioned Yiinus is said to have died in Egypt. Ibn al-Athir. Ibn Hajar. V. according to him this family were mawlliof the caliph Mu‘Zwiya. Yiinus b. 35ff. I. mentions several people who lived inEilat. Sam‘Zni. Some say that he was the person who dictated to Zaydb. because he desired ‘solitude and relaxation’. XI. Sam‘Ini. 325. Tahdhib. Ibn al-Athir. Ibn al-Athir. V. I. also called Abiin b. Yazid b. 450ff. From him. They weregiven the task of caring for pilgrims. Kirnil. 1452. 608.. Those converted clients were known for their erudition in everything concernin a centre of knowledge of the beginnings of the traditions and Eilat became Islam as well as in matters of law. Khafiji. 183. I. Abi’l-Mukhiriq. 183. I. His brother. Abii Khalid ‘Uqaylibn Khalid ibn ‘Uqayl died in about760.90 Abii Yazid Yiinus b. he therefore had to write everything down and kept a notebook. No. It is said of ‘Uqayl thathe was a favourite of al-Zuhri and his friend. This position rendered Eilat a certain importance and developed it economically. there are some thirty other 89 91 92 Maqrizi. who lived in that region.92 [179-1861 Apart from these personalities. 528.we mayassumethatthewhole group waspersecutedunder Abbasid rulebecause of their close connections to the Umayyads.9* Another personality in this group was ‘Abd al-Hakam ibn A‘yiin ibn al-Layth. Lublb. Abii’l-Najad heard and learned traditions. VII(2). Khazraji. X. Sa‘id). 206f..thmiin. Khitat. Ibn Hajar notes that Yiinus had a weak memory. 267. Ibn Sa‘d. howeverit seems that these other sources may be speaking of his grandfather. ibid. AD 758 or 759. and is it possible that because of this some of them fled to Egypt. some say it was earlier.

98 Amongthose who settled in Jerusalem.93 The poet al-Rabi‘ ibnMataribnBalkh. Ansib. Usd.96Jubayr b. 219. Sa‘d in EI2 (by C. probably in646. Tuhdhib. 306f. Nufayr (or Nusayr) lived at first in Him? and afterwards in Palestine. ‘Ulaymi. . 257. took part in the conquest. Sa‘id. Ibn al-Athir. VI. It was said of him thathe was the scribe of theProphet and that he would change what was dictated to him. Ghanm. 111. or AD696/7.oftheBaniiTamim. we find Abii Qirdifa Wathila b. lived in Palestine and died there around 657. 188f. Ibn Tiiliin. He was close to Marwanb. Kitnil. 112 (No. 358). 175. other sources say that he died at the age of 105 in AH 83 (AD 702/3). livedin Urdunn. 126-2011 figures recorded in the sources who were active during the Umayyad rule in Palestine.in the region of Tunis . he abandoned Islam and fled to Mecca. Busti. 449. Tu’rikh. ~ ~ Muhammad‘Abdallah b. 351: he died suddenly in Ascalon during his prayers. I. or who had some connection with Palestine. Ibn ‘Asakir. he is entered under a different name (and it is not certain which 93 94 95 96 97 98 Baladhuri. He stemmed from Hadramawt (of the Kinda?) and at the time of Abii Bakr. came of theYemenite tribeof Ash‘ar. 53 (No. XII(1945/6). I. accepted Islam in the days of Mu‘iwiya. He died in AH 57 (AD 677). 358 (points out that some say he died in Ifriqiys . I. Busti. 302. 11. 10. H. Goitein. In Ibn al-Athir and in Ibn Hajar. cf. Kimil. After the murder of ‘Uthman. I. When this was discovered. al-Asqa‘ of the Banii Kiniina. Ibn Hajar. 851). He died in AH 75 (AD 694/5. 157. and died in Ascalon or in Ramla. Abii Yahya ‘Abdallah b. Nawawi. Tuhdhib. 432. where he died during the time of Caliph Y a ~ i dAb6 . and somesay in Ramla). 124f. B’PES. al-Hakam and visited Egypt with him. converted to Islam later dates are also menti~ned). Becker). ofthe clan of ‘Amir b. Taltdhib. however. of Quraysh. Ibn Sa‘d. He lived at fir Bazra and from there went toPalestine (al-avd al-mtrqaddasa). 14tlstib. 1. He died at the age of ninety-eight in Jerusalem in AH 85 (AD 704). Ibn Qutayba. 64. Ibn Taghri Bardi. He played an important role in the conquest of Africa. See the article ‘Abd Allah b. of the Banii ‘Amir. he moved to jundFilasiin. IV. 250f. VII. 123. Ibn al-Athir. 269. of the Banii Khawlan. Ibn al-Athir. V. Khazraji. Umuri’. Tuhdhib. Ibn Hajar. ‘Ulaymi. It was said that he was one of theProphet’s retainers. ‘Uthman managed to obtain the Prophet’s pardon for him and when ‘Uthman became caliph. V. 94 he says that he was murdered in Palestine.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . 82 (on p. Abii Nu‘aym. VII(2). ibn Abi Sarh. 197.but he denies this). Mu%$ 300ff (ascribes him to Madhhij). Lu’ayy oftheQuraysh. Ibn ‘Asakir. 257. He built himself a house in Egypt. Nawawi. and settled jund in Filasiin. HiIyn. Dhahabi. Baladhuri.~’ ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Thawb. who was considered outstanding in his generation for his knowledge of traditions. al-Sa‘di. 235. 111. Ibn Hajar.was involved in Palestinian affairs. and wrote poem about Tiberias and Bet Sheamg4 Abii Muslim ‘Abdallah b. Tuhdhib. 111. appointed him governor of Egypt. who was governor of Egypt after ‘Amr ibn al-‘A?. He died in AH 78.

293. it is said of him that he was of &iba. Busti. who lived in jund Filastin after Damascus and Him:. cf. 221. Ta’rikh. in Bukhiri. Tahdhib. and in the printed version. 572) has: Farwa b. 44. 11. 118 (No. ‘Abdallah b. Ibn al-Athir. 230 (No. 12.~~ settler in Jerusalem was Abii Bishr. Tahdhi6. 2823): Hani b.lo4 Al-Qiisim b. VII(2). 127 (No. Ta’rikh.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS version of the nameis distorted): Jandara b. Khazraji. frequently keeping silent. who were so-called. He lived in Palestine and was one of the 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 Ibn Sa‘d. appointed by ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz and moved afterwards to Jerusalem. ofhis death in the days of ‘Umar Sharik. 307. VIII. ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz proposed that he become governor of the jund. Yaqiit. fought alongside him and wasinjuredinoneeye. a Persian by birth. Ibn Hajar. Ta’rikh. a village mentioned by Yiiqiit as being ‘near Ramla’. who died in the year AH 90 (AD 708). K i n d . Khazraji. of the Banii Hudhayl. It is said that he achieved great success in the daysof Mu‘iiwiya. Kulthiim b. 11. wasalso of the Banii Kiniina (though some say Kinda) and lived in jund Filasiin. and giving to charity. Lubib. IV. Dhahabi. Ibn Hajar notes in the name of Ibn Hiban that he is buried in A s ~ a l o n Another . 228. VII.Ibn Hajar. 111. quotes Bukhari with regard to Kafr ‘Ana. Tahdhib. Tahdhi6. 917: sets the time ibn al-Khattib.hesettledin Jerusalem and also participated in the rebellion of Mukhtiir. ‘Abdallah b. on this matter: Gruber. Mujahid was a man of Palestine. Ibn ‘Asikir. Buldntz. Sharik. 105. Kulthiim b. Usd. Ibn al-Athir. 106 (No. Ibn Hajar. Tcl’rikh. a village in the neighbourhood of Ascalon. 358. a nruwlii of the Ban5 Lakhm. in Safariyya. who lived in the region of Mecca. which is certainly an error). XI. 803). He is also known by the name Ibn Hibb5n. 68. 14: while in Damascus he met Ka‘b al-Ahbir who showed him a place in the city where one prays as if praying in Jerusalem. 128 . ‘Ibar. MujZlid(!). 297. Ta’rikh. 461f. 129. there is no way of knowing the place with certainty. and not because he was an Ethiopian. Tabari. 22. Khazraji. V. 154f. Dhahabi. YZqiit. and some say he lived in Siniijiya. IV. ‘Ulaymi. 321f. 119. Ibn Hajar. BukhZri. B d d i n . He lived in Kafr ‘An5 in Palestine and died in about 720. Ta’rikh. Ibn ‘Asikir II(1). Kafr Ghami.loo [187-1931 In the following generation. was called al-Habashi because he belonged to a clan in Himyar (Yaman). Kitnil. IV. Khazraji. Ibn Hajar. 714. ‘Ulaymi. IV. but he refused. we find Abii Sinan Humayd b. He died in around 720. Mas‘iid. Ta’rikh. Judayr. or Abii Bisr ‘Abdallah ibn Fayriiz. 111.lo2 Farwa b. 264. VIII.lol Sharik b. 109. 11. Dhahabi. 264. was cadi in Kiifa. 262. ‘Abd al-Rahman b. ‘Uqba of Quraysh. 94. 276. V. Dhahabi. Ibn al-Athir. a man of the Banii Taghlib (who were Christians in the time of t conquest) who was close to ‘Ali ibn AbiTalib.1°3HZni b.After Mu‘Zwiya becamecaliph. 111.lo5 Abii Saliim Mamtiir al-Dimashqi al-A‘raj (the lame) al-Aswad (the black) al-Habashi. 269.350. Ibn Khaldiin. 177. Ibn al-Athir. IV. IV. IX. I. He died inAH 120 (AD 728). and see there further references. 111. Talzdhi6. 266. Dhahabi. the the circle of the Prophet. 254. V. 254. where he was noted for three qualities: praying at great length. Busti. Khayshana.

1467). of Sulayman and of ‘Umar ibn‘Abd al-‘Aziz. and was the first Muslim to manage the affairs of the diwiins. 110 Ab6 Siniin ‘ k i b. ‘Atiyya. 2362).l13 and al-Walid b. as he evidently belonged to the clan of theBanii Hanifa of theBanii Bakr b. 111. 181 (No. 109. 21 1. He served as mtr’udhdhin in Jerusalem. Tu’rikh. 271. Tu’rikh. VIII. was one of the Palestinians who accepted Islam. who lived in Palestine anddied there inabout 765. 112. we find Abii’l-Walid Rudayh b. VI.M U S L I M P E R S O N A L I T I E S U N D E R T H E U M A Y Y A D S [ S E C S . VI.l14 [201] Special note shouldbe taken of Abii Ruqiyya Tamim al-Dari. Tultdkib. IbnSa‘d. lo6 Sulayman b. Ma‘bad. Tu’rikh. was a maw15 of Sulaymiin b. Siniin was a Palestinian. Abii Umayya ‘Abd al-Rahmiin al-Sindi lived in Niibulus.*12 His contemporaries were Sawwar b. apparently of theBanii Kinina. Busti. a clan of theQudii‘a. lived in Palestine in Bet Guvrin and died in around 760.He is credited with an astonishing knowledge of the Christian (or perhaps the Manichaean) sources and as a result had influence over the Prophet. Dhahabi. he was also called al-Hanafi. He died around76O. VI. Dhahabi. who lived in Ramla and was a pupil of ‘Abd al-Rahman al-Sindi.who died in around770. Bukhari. Jamil. who was learned in the traditions. Samit. V. Tu’rikh. 205. Dhahabi. 263. of Quraysh. settled there with the al-Qasiimil clan of the Banii Azd and was thus known by the name al-Qasmali. 296. Ibn Ijajar. X. 94. of the Banii Lakhm. 314.1°’ Masarra b. Dhahabi. IbnHajar. Bukhiri. He was an Arab of the Banii Lakhm. V. Ltrbiib. VI. perhaps after the Abbasid revolution. Dhahabi. VI. Sa‘d was a Palestinian from jund Urdunn (Tiberias?) who converted to Islam and became a rnuwlZ of the Ban6 Khushayn. Busti.It was he who introduced thegreatinnovationintheProphet’smosque by proposing the use of oil for lighting instead of the palm tree branches 106 107 108 109 110 Ill 111 113 114 Dhahabi. 280. 142 (No. According to the Muslim traditions. Ibn Hajar. IV. Tuhdhib. Tuhdhib. VIII. lo7 [194-2001 In the generation which experienced the Abbasid revolution. Ibn Hajar. one of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz’s retainers.Wa’il. 1436). 276. 102f. . who lived on the Palestinian border before the advent of Islam. Kathirwas an inhabitant of Ramla. Tu’rikh. 11. VI. Ibn ‘Asakir. X. To’rikh. 184 (No. who stayed as a guest in ‘ki’s house in Jerusalem whenever he visited there. Tu’rikh. He emigrated fromPalestine to Basra a t some unknown date. 207. 169 (No. Ibnal-Athir. He was the scribe of ‘Abd al-Malik and afterwards also of al-Wahd. ‘Abd al-Malik and afterwards served as secretary to ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. 94. 126-261 J pupils of ‘Ubada b. Tuhdhfb. IV.ll1 ‘Abbad b. He was the first to transcribe the lists of the diwiin (the collection of taxes and the distribution of allowances to the tribes) from Greek into Arabic. ‘Ammara. Tuhdhib. Ibn Hajar. Tu’rikh. he joined the Prophet and became his follower during the latter’s stay in Medina. He died in 760. He died around730. 2490).

Ibn ‘Asakir. Halabi. I. notes that he himself saw the document of the Diris ascribed to the Abbasid caliph al-Mu bi’llih (1160-1170).and then Ghazili said that the cadi was a heretic. In Ibn Sa‘d a version has given by the Prophet to Tamim. bearing gifts. I. Tahdhi6. 11. Qalqashandi. who came to the Prophet at the time of the Tabiik campaign. 1939/40. because before Islam. Mtrljanr.. See also: Suyiiti.000 dirhams. 14. Maw& Wasii’il. I$iba. I. XIII. about the Sea of Galilee and the spring of Zoar. 188ff. 289. It is said that ‘Umar warned himagainst enslaving the local population or selling their property. and its Cairo edition. al-Diriyin. 23b-24a (according to kitib al-madina of ‘Askari). 177f. Dhahabi. he mentions that in 1092. Khafiji. Bakri. ‘Ulaymi. 1972. Suhayli. Tu‘$ l l b . two villages: Ijibri wa-bayt ‘ayniin). called al-Diriyya. Ibn al-Athir. and points out that they are in Hebron ‘until this very day’ (around 1170). Wafi’. 75. $464. 19:150.. Khatii’i. who asked its companion details about the dates of Bet Shean. 183f. from the word dayr (monastery). 100. and quotes a hadith in the nameof the Prophet on the virtue of feeding one’s horse during the holy war. 243. in the days of Ghazili (that is. he would receive Hebron and Bayt ‘Aynun (some sources mention also Bethlehem). I(2). Tayalisi. I. the rnawiili. . his treatise on Tamim al-Dari. Among the traditions Tamim al-Diri related to the Prophet is the badith al-jasiisa (an apocalyptic creature). The latter evidently served in administrative positions which undoubtedly involved writing 115 Ibn Sa‘d. 111. VII(2). apart from a comparatively small number of clients. 422. Maqrizi. 120ff has the version of the letter of rights given to Tamim by the Prophet and which ‘Umar renewed. 344-357. jamhara. p. (One must remember that heis writing at a time when Hebronwas in the hands of the Crusaders. the cadi ofJerusalem Abii Hitim al-Harawi al-Hanafi. one learns that during this period mostof them were tribesmen. 111. Nawawi. Usd. 428f. when he stayed in Jerusalem). 345.) Ibid. Samarqandi. which been preservedof the bill of rights was copied by ‘Ali ibn Abi Tilib. ‘Umarfulfilled the Prophet’s promise and gave that region to Tamim al-Dari. refused to recognise the validity of Diris’ the document.Ab6 Bakr renewed the letter of rights after the death ofthe Prophet. Tamim al-Dari had rights of possession (orso it appears) given him by the Byzantines on those two places (qaryatnyn. The chroniclers andother writers of the Middle Ages maintain that those areas are occupied by the descendantsof Tamim al-Diri ‘until this very day’. 11. When Palestine was conquered. Bustin. 11. Busti. 11. and to be content solely with collecting taxes. 156.]POS. and the Prophet immediately sold these gifts to a Jew for the sum of 8. in Matthews. 301: the al-Dar clan came from Yaman. 289. Tabarini. who knew take how good to care of his horse. 88.111. He was promised by the Prophet that after conquering Palestine.ISLAM S T R I K E S ROOTS which were set alight there previously. 229. describes him as the prototype of a Bedouin fighter. 52 (No. he was in a monastery. Ibn Hajar.. an they are a large group. Ibn Hazm. 511c idem. I.Il5 The tribes [202-2211 From the above description of Muslim personalities. Shibli. Ta’rikh. 138f: some say his name was al-Dayri. 42b. 129f. and quotes the version in which Bayt ‘ayniin and Bayt Ibrihrm are spoken of. tells of thedelegation of the Tamim clan.so it is told. 353). Ibn al-Jawzi. Actually it appears that he was collector of land taxes (khavij) there. see further ibid.

especially in the sphere legal literature. nor dideverytribehaveenoughpeople whodevoted themselves to collecting or inventing traditions. The fact that there were a large number of tribesmen among the Muslim notables who settled in Palestine should not surprise us. It should be remembered that the ancient Arab sources preserved only the memory ofthose people who played active roles in the political and military life of the period. were among those who laid the foundations of historical writing and of the new Arabic culture. We are sufficiently aware of the fact that thisso-called geographical division did not comply with the reality as it existed at the time ofthe appearance of Islam.a hostile attitude was adopted towards people of the Umayyad administration. during Abbasid rule. because in later generations. One can undoubtedly assume that in addition to those clans and tribes whose few members merited renown. that is from theregion of Yaman. for not every tribe had talented individuals who could fill central political roles or take on military commands. The possibility of being included in biographical compilations was mainly the of lot those personalities in the Umayyad era who provided information on the days of the Prophet or who taught others hadith traditions attributed to the Prophet. Some of theseconvertedMuslims. and so on. In the lightof these facts. which was intentional. regardedas the usurpers of the Prophet’s family.likemanysimilarly placed peoplein other regions of the Muslim world.apart from thefact that many of the chroniclers identified with the‘Alids and were filled with antagonism towards Mu‘% wiya and his heirs and circle of followers. along the Palestinian . at all. 202-2351 and keeping accounts. there is little to glean from the rather archival list of names I have recorded above. there were many others in Palestine about whom we know nothing and the tribes’ relative numerical strength and the extent of their authority cannot be surmised from biographical lists of Islamic personalities. not every tribe had sufficient connections with the Damascene court to enable people of their rank to merit major governing positions. Many were forgotten. We havealreadyencounteredtheinter-tribalwarsandwitnessed something of the split between the north and the south. as conveyed in tribal traditions from generation to generation. Many of these traditions were not authenticat all and reflected attitudes prevalent during the lifetimeof the conveyors or the desires and interests of various groups. Furthermore. were actually to be found in the area of Mecca and Medina or even farther north. when a whole series of tribes which the traditions describe as having stemmed from the south. The number of clans and tribes from which these personalities stemmed was about thirty. drafting official documents.THE TRIBES [SECS. with regard to the status of the tribes and their comparative influence. for the Muslim conquest was in its essence the conquest of cultured countries by the Arab tribes.

6. claiming descent from the Banii Lakhm. 110.131 Kiliib. 1lOf. theAws and the Khazraj (the Qayla tribes or Banii Hiritha). 83ff. 73). 129 Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).. and 116 117 118 See Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). the son of a cousin of Hajaj.~~~ Madhhij.lZoHimyar(alsoYamanin general) and the Saybin clan. lest doubts should arise about the connection between Bethlehem and the Lakhm tribe. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). 119 Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).l16Judham (I have already elaborated on this tribe). Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). who was a member oftheir tribe. in the Balqi’. in the article on Yiisufb. 35ff. 41ff.VU. Thaqif.124 l ~ ~ Qudi‘a and the clan of Juhayna within it.59.andthe clan withinit. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). of Tiberias.. 45f. 126 Ya‘qiibi. 128 Watt.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS border.lZ6 Lakhm. 1Olff. 127 Watt. 111.122 K h ~ z i ‘ a . 56f. 125 Watt.. 53ff. 327. 1:1. They. but we know that members of this tribe also lived in Trans-Jordan. as the Judhiim.VII. See Watt. ‘Umar al-Thaqafi. 61ff. Ibid. 54 (sec. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). 53ff. 112ff. too. 122 Ibid. 73ff.ll8 Kha~lan.127 Among the ‘northern’ tribes. Buldin. 47ff. where his tribe were living. 39ff 124 Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).121 Kinda. 91ff. it seems they were located mostly in jund Urdunn. Similarly in Ibn Taghri Bardi. andits name is linked with that of Bethlehem (Bayt Iakhm). 130 Ibn Khallikan. see Ibn alJawzi.Zubayd. 16f. 83ff. A marked exampleof this is the Ansirtribes in Medina. 121 Ibid. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). which apparently lived injund U r d ~ n n .12* the Sulaym clan of Qays‘Ayliin. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).125 Ash‘ar.JSAI. see also Kister. 66. The following are the ‘southern’ tribes whose offspring we find among the inhabitants of Palestine during this period: Khath‘am. After some two-hundred years. was to be found on the Palestinian border before the adventof Islam. . ruled the state. emigrated in the distant past from Yaman northward. ‘Amila. 120 Ibid. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). IV.ll7 Ghassan. was certainly represented in the administration of Palestine during the time when H a j i j ibn Yiisuf.seem to have lived mainly in jund Urdunn. after al-Walid b. Azd. and the clan of Banii ‘Amr. see about this tribe Watt. who mentions that Lakhm is a tribe that lived in Yaman and in al-Sham. 66ff. we still find one of the important Muslim personalities in Palestine. the birthplace ofJesus. the writer Sulayman ibn Ahmad al-Tabarini (see below). this southern tribe were the majority (evidently among the Bedouin)in Tiberias (probably meaning the Tiberias region). ~’~ whose centre was Tii’if in theHijiiz. 1979. 131 Watt. who according to their tradition (and there is no reason to doubt it).. this Yiisuffled to the Balqi’. when Yazid ibn al-Walid became caliph. M u n t a ~ a m .Murra. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).130 Banii Ghatafan and the clan of Murra within it. writing in 892. Yazid was murdered. 123 Watt. 19ff. we find the following represented: Kiniina and its clan. the name of the place is not Bayt lahm but Bayt lakhm. according to Ya‘qiibi. llff.

Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). containing lists (partial. Watt.134 Hudhayl.ThuswefindinTabarithat 132 133 IJ4 135 136 Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).T H E T R I B E S [ S E C S . who as has been mentioned. Ya‘qiibi. are mentioned.who claimed descent from theancientfederationoftribesofKhuzayma-Asad. 180. which was the result of a study of the names of personalities. we find information about their political and military rise. two important elements are not included and these are the Banii Quraysh on the one hand and the descendants of the An$ir of Medina (Aws and Khazraj)on the other. That Ya‘qiibi’s list can be considered limited and does not entirely reflect the real situation. 7.IbnHazm. ‘Amila. wrote his book in 892. or who have come there for religious reasons. 3:113. the tribe that was Christian during the time of the conquest and lived on the border of Palestine. 137fC Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel).one can imagine that this is copied from an old version. But according to the evidence in Tabari it appears that at least by the end of the Damascene caliphate the Yamani tribesmen had the upper hand. 27f. the Judhiim (Goudam). Qays and Kinina . In the tenth and eleventh centuries.JESHO. most of the Umayyad army in al-Sham (and one should bear in mind that army meant tribes) were the Yarnaniyya. notes that in jund Filastin there was a mixture of tribes . One should note the small number of the An@r. Kinda. Jumhuru.Lakhm. preferring to settle there rather than in Iraq. This may have been enhanced by the benefits enjoyed by the people of al-Shim.135 [222-2231 At first glance. The tribes evidently found Palestine very profitable. in which no less than 59 (!) clans. 90. Judhsm. Tu’rikh. Watt. the southerners. .In theory.136In the foregoing lists. According to the same source. Ibn al-Kalbi (Caskel). and Qays. Shaytin b. tribes who lived in Palestine the Taym (al-Ribib) must also be evidently added. not even in the days of the Umayyads. At any rate. 175. 1971.133 Taghlib.*3’ Tamim. To the list of ‘northern’. 1965. Tabari. which was borderland country subject to Byzantine raids and whichalso served as a base forraids into the latter’sterritory. 1775. is proven by the papyri of Nessana from the second half of the seventh century. 3:24. they are generally there more as individuals who have been given ruling positions. Sa‘+a‘a. this list conforms to the one (a much more extensive list) presented above. Banu Quraysh were naturally involved in administration. 13ff. 7fC and see Kister. speakingof participants in the battle of Siffin on Mu‘awiya’s side) of tribes in Palestine. as well as two tribes. and when we find them (particularly clan the of Jumah) in Palestine. mentions two clans who belonged to theBanG Khuzayma (Asad): Ja‘wana b. which was correct at the time of the Umayyads. the first were ‘northerners’ and the others ‘southerners’. 11. 202-2351 Banii ‘Uqayl within it. from the federation of tribes ‘Amir b. and see also two unidentified manuscripts printed by Hinds in Abhith. it seems as if Palestine was equally divided between northern and southern tribes. they are almost unmentioned among the eminent figures in Palestine.

They were farmers. Tn’rlkh. Religion was a not sign of being non-Arab. About the latter. Jews. 340f. a process of Arab settlement and abandonment of the nomadic way of life began and an urban Arab population grew up. Tabari. the Arabian peninsula. the word ‘avab meant Bedouin. merchants. Alongside the prerogatives. These Arab tribes. on the preference of al-Shim. who were neither nomads nor lived in tribes. 74. They wereconsidered Arabs.there was alsoa non-Arab population living in the Arabian peninsula. but under Islamic rule they were not considered ah2 al-kitd (people of the book). for there were Arab tribes who had taken on Christianity. It is well known that for generations prior to Islam. 7:17. O n the other hand. Christians. and as I have said. and who were not of tribal origins. and ‘Amr ibn Kinina. al-Hakam to fulfil his promise to the Banii Kinda in al-Sham to allow them tosettle in Trans-Jordan (in the Balqa’). even if their ancestors had emigrated from there many generations earlier. 11. according to Baladhuri. Oriental Society. he also mentions Judhim. both those who had formerly lived on the borders of Palestine and those who came to it within the framework of the Muslim army. which despite the differences between various dialects was quite uniform and understandable to the members ofall the tribes and spoken b them. and that thisarea should be the source of their livelihood. Islamic History. he notes that they are very few. Another identifying factor. 329. Leeds Univ. O n the questionof the Greek transliteration of Arabic names see: Isserlin. wholived in jund Filastin. 87ff. Arabic. These tribes had a common homeland.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS pressure was put on Caliph Marwanb. Persians and members of various sects. naturally. Ncssana. nomad. see: Shaban. was their common language. although there are exceptions to this it applies inmost cases. 137 . enjoying privileges that were bequeathed to successive generations. The leaders of Islam tried to protect the tribes from assimilating to the local populations and to maintain their traditional way of life. 1975. To be an Arab at that time meantto belong to the ruling class. there was also the obligation Wahb.the culture of the camel. with the addition of the new Islamic element.nomadismwasconsideredthemostnaturaland common state of the Arabs. such as that in Mecca and Medina. V. however. 125. Attnual. Thus we find in the first century of Islamic rule almost complete synonymity between the terms Muslim. One must remember that the ‘avab term during the Middle Ages meant Bedouin. 13’ [224] The period of the Umayyads was undoubtedly the golden age of the Arab tribeswho penetrated into Palestine with the Muslimconquest.in the neighbourhood of the Dead Sea. Ya‘qiibi. Nimr’s request). such as the B a n i Taghlib.because of their nomadic past. however. people of the tribes. craftsmen. Ansijb. whoaccording to him lived in the region of Bet Guvrin. Arab. Under Islam. Bulditl. tribesman and horseman in the service of Islam. See on Khuzayma: Watt. 487 (HuSayn b. were a separate entity of the population of the country. But their chief characteristic was nomadism .

and they had no responsibilities towards any other sectors of the population. it would be possible to compromise. the episode regarding the Balqi’ referred to the clan of Sakiin. and this does not refer to theNabateans. Alongside the constraint to accept Islam. Mazyid b. ‘Umar imposed on the Christian Taghlib tribe the condition that they would not be permitted to raise their children as Christians. the Jews of Medina. ‘Ubida remained in Him? while Abii’lDardii’ went off to Damascus.The Arabs who were idol-worshippers. however. if not in this generation thenin the next. were given only one choice . in Abii Yiisuf s words. such as the Persians. but double the sum which the Muslims paid. They were not farmers.139 [226-2291 The Arabs were the military. 1938.‘UbidaandAbu’l-Dardi’volunteered. 81. the horsemen. had a tax imposedon them. Islam was absolutelymandatory. Abii Ayyiib and Abii’lDardii’. REI. even if there was some doubt as to their being ‘people of the book’ and even if they could actually be considered almost idolaters. 197fc and see the comprehensive discussion in the excellent article by Poliak. their spokesman being Mdik Ibn Hubayra. Hudayr. In the days of ‘Umar. and shouldaccept Islam’. the first whom ‘Umarsent to collect the sadaqa (an yu‘nduhiva) from theBanii Taghlib.T H E T R I B E S [SECS. ‘Ubida b. the leaders of Islam also launched an educational campaign among the tribes. Ubayy b.unlike on theah1 nl-kitd but like on the Muslims. who lived insouthern Palestine in 128. one of you shall go to Damascus and one to bund] Filastin. andMu‘idh. For the Arabs. VII. If these Arabs were from among the ‘people of the book’ (speaking mainly of the Christians). 12:35. andsee also Ibn Abi Shayba. of Kinda. Ka‘b. 138 [225] Therefore it is possible to conceive of a tolerant attitude towards non-believers who were not Arabs. which they considered a demeaning profession only taken up by the Nabat (a collective term for Aramaic-speaking villagers. and if you are satisfied. 111. See on the matter of the Bani Taghlib: Abii Yiisuf. for it was this belief that gave the Arabsthe dominion of an enormous empire. Muhammad b. who were Christians.‘a choice dictated only tothe Arab idolaters’.Islam or death . 138 139 . Ka‘b al-Qurazi: Five men of the Ansir already knew the Koran by heart in the days of the Prop Mu‘iidh b. reported: ‘he ordered me to putpressure on the Christians. Abii YUsuf. which has served as the basis for the discussion here. and so ‘Ubida went afterwards to Filastin [and remained there] until he died. that is gdaqa. on the other hand. and Mu‘idh to Filastin. 202-2351 to serve the creed that brought all this about and to fight for it. .And‘Umar commanded them: Start in Him?. So ‘Umar requested three people to help him in this matter . Abii Sufyin [Mu‘awiya’s brother. al-Siimit. Ibn ‘Asikir. Yazid b. 210f. not of thepeople of the book. who wa the commander of the Muslim army in Palestine and Syria until he died of an illness] wrote: in al-Shim there are many tribes and they need someone to teach them the Koran and the laws. According to him. evidence of which is found in the account of the offspring of the b. Qurayza. theBanii Taghlib. Jabal. and they would be given time to accept Islam. but Mu‘idh died in the y of the ‘Imwis plague. saying: they are an Arab tribe. . 144: the Banii Taghlib.

14? Particularly strict was the rule that Muslims should not take on the praying customs of the infidels. from Mu'iiwiya's grandson. 11.Wisiti. 111. and censure of people who pray alone loudly andlift up their hands in the manner of the Jews. 103. we hear of considerable interest on the part of theUmayyad caliphs andtheirretainers on estates in Palestine. A hadith in the name of the Prophet forbids entry to the dhimmis' homesor houses ofprayer without their permission.144 Mu'iwiya also had estates in Palestine. Buriqi. who was citing Abii Salma b.on condition however that they did not build more than three rooms per person (that is. tribesmen were not permitted to build themselves proper houses. Adub. in 'Azizi. it is said that 'Umar prayed at first in the Church of St Mary but regretted it afterwards. I. did not approve of imitating the urban and village customs of the subdued populations. forbidding the Arabs to mix with the local population and preventing damage to the protected peoples' holy places. 'Ajlijni. I. Suyijti. who settled in Palestine: 'do not settle in the villages. Of 'Amr b. 'Abd al-R&mSn b. 2972. the Arabs were forbidden to enter churches. 157.143 [23&232] Nevertheless. Lu'Ili. In the Middle Ages. 140 There is no doubtthat at the outset. It is told that when 'Abd alMalik became caliph. one of Muhammad's freedmen. 'A&. 141 In Jerusalem. the region of Beer- I4l 142 143 l-14 136 .brought in thenameof Thawbin. the leaders of Islam. There was a tendency to avoid anything which would involve real settlement. in Sab'. where he stayed when the war between 'Ali and Mu'iiwiya began. 'Awn (who died in 94/713 in Medina.Only after an enormous fire broke out and destroyed everything were they allowed to build houses of bricks .. Simit. for he who abides in villages it is as if he abides in graves'. starting with 'Umar ibn al-Khattiib. howeverthisban can beinterpretedin two ways. Tu'rikkh. 115ff). al-'AS. placing hands on the hips during prayer in the manner of the Jews(?). 11. only reed ( q a p b ) huts were allowed. 85. al-QPsimal-'Utaqi (who died in Egypt in 191/807. I. 253C see a hadith which forbids ikhti@r. Kushf. It is told that 'Ubiida b. See Musharraf. 124. as long as they pay the taxes as due . Their approach to farming is expressed in a hadith attributedtotheProphet. 478. per family). 'Ulaymi. a buildingwhichhousedthe See the saying in Bukhiri.see Ibn Sa'd.a custom called tuqlij in Turtijshi. people of the book (?). weread that he had an estate (day'a) in jund Filastin. V. particularly those in the Kidron valley. in his palace in a place called al-'Ajlin. he bought the al-Khadrii (the green palace). 262.see 'Azizi. 59. for instance. 461. at the military and urban base set up by the Muslims in Iraq. 21. saw a man praying in the mosque and putting his shoe on the right side (or perhaps theleft side). Yazid. when he was in Jerusalem. i. 128.I S L A M S T R I K E S ROOTS previous generations).90b. Khiilid b. 11. in the name of Abij 'Ali al-RahmPn 'Abd b. Dinawari. whether in the economic or in the religiouscultural spheres. 2967. see GAL S I. one of the commanders of the invasion of Palestine and Egypt. and he castigated him for behaving like ah1 ul-kitib. In KGfa. that is in the region of Beersheba. 299).or to offend their wives. Tabari.e. 355 (and see there: the people of the villages are people of catastrophe).

the spendthrift. VI. that the possession right on these estates was passed on with the change in leadership.‘Aji’ib. Thibit. and that just as the Abbasids had taken overwhat had formerlybeen held by the Umayyads. as well as their manager Ibn al-Hirith. 14’ We have seen that the Muslim chroniclers have left us important information concerning the involvement of the Palestinian tribes in the internal sheba was known by the name widi’l-sub‘of see Tadmuri. he chose ‘Imwis and in jund Urdunn he chose ‘QaSr Khilid’ (evidently a palace which had belonged to that Khilid).JPOS. LatZ’ij 231f: there was a famous spring on this estate which habitually gushed forth for seven consecutive years. Kister. and was evidently expressed inthe authority to collect taxes due fromthe inhabitants (non-Muslims) of that place. Mu‘Pwiya acquired two estates for himself.133. Abii’l-Fidi’.487: the Banii Kinda (the Sakiin clan) request for themselves as ma’kala southern Trans-Jordan (the Balqi’). II(l). which he said was a place of moderate rains. Tabari. the estate of al-Midhari’i: Tha‘Plibi. 11. cf. particularly the coastal towns. It appears that when the sources speak of ‘acquiring’ estates they are actually referring to buying the poSsession rights.al-BatnPn. We find that in the tenth century AD. and in the edition of Matthews. Mukhtasar. see above. near Tiberias. when speaking of estates that were ‘bought’ by the Umayyad rulers. Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr. he bought four other estates in the four junds of al-Shim. Ibn ‘Asikir.see HassZn b. 26. 136. see Jahshiyari.145 This type of right was called ma’kala. I. This same story is found in Qazwini. they also took possession of their estates. 279. according to his rank and social status. 270. or apalace. 11. Ahmad b. 51. were some sort of permanent ‘government property’. . 185. 11. ‘Abd al-Malik also pursueda policy of confiningunits of tribalhorsementothe cities. 202-2351 administration. Wiet Memorial Volume. Ta’rikh. and others which are not mentioned. Rustum al-Midhara’i. He initiated the lists of taxes and subsidies to be paid and determinedhow much each clan or tribe would receive. n. who was responsible for the taxes (kharZj) in Egypt on behalf of alMuqtadir (from 8 April 919) had a Ijay‘a named Munyat Hishim. it is told that Talha ibn ‘Ubaydallah bought land in Bet Shean in the days of the Prophet . then stopping for seven consecutive years. O n the other hand.T H E T R I B E S [ S E C S . when he regulated the relationship between the Muslims and the local populations. 111. 61a (quoting Musharraf). and not arid like al-Diriim nor wet like Caesarea. in the Ascalon area. Isti‘ib. Ibn KhallikPn. 43f. 160: ‘Umar introduced thelists: duwiwin. One can assume thatthese. 146 [233-2351 One can surmise. ‘estates of the Ikhshidids’ in Palestine are mentioned. 764: therefore the Prophet called him al-fayyid. 136. and one can surmise that the purchaser would then proceedto build himself a house. also Abii ‘Ali al-Husayn b. and it seems that this involved the grant of rights to these tribes to a part of the incomedervied from taxes. 17 (1937). These arrangements were evidently introduced shortly after the conquest by ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab. Apart from this. in jund Filastin. It is possible that these rights were also linked with living in the place. a word which does not indicate very strong objections. and for which he paid forty thousand dinars.

Islamic History. and Marwan b. as Filastin. I would reiterate the fact mentioned above. 1609. Less is known of the participation in external struggles. Yazid. At that time. I. Muhammad). while the tribesfrom jund Filastin settled in Shadhiina (Sidonia) and this too was named after them. cf. 152. 44f. I. . Histoire. which was then named after them. that of the participation of the tribes from jund Filastin. 11.Filastin and Urdunn. 149 14* IJ9 Tabari. Yazid b. K i h i l . 491 (under the year AH 139/AD743). From the little that is known to us about this. Levi-Provenqal.lJ8One can imagine that the tribes took an active part in the campaigns against the Byzantines as well. But there is no doubt that the tribes did take a part in the wars which were conducted in distant lands. under the command of Muz'ab b. such as in Central Asia. Concerning the active participation of thetribes of al-Sham in the North African wars we learn from Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. al-Walid. Ta'rlkh. speaking of the days of the last Umayyads (al-Walid b. also settled in Spain. Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam.ISLAM STRIKES ROOTS strife within the caliphate. in thewar against the Turks in Central Asia in AH 119 (AD 737). Tribesmen of Urdunn settled in Riyya (Reiyo). V. tribes of the two junds. Shaban. 'Amr ofthe Banii Khuza'a. 223c Ibn al-Athir. as Urdunn.

the facts and findingsof the eleventh century can shed lighton the entire period. In choosing this path. in Palestine. warrant discussion in the context of the first hundred years. that is. Although most ofthe facts in this sphere were also determined in the first hundred years. during the Damascene caliphate. We shall try to make our way through the sources. Therefore at this point. with the exception of afew issues. or the administrative division of thecountry. dealing with the composition of the population and the status ofthe cities ofpalestine. which are at times very sparse. Due to the'conservative character of the social and administrative patternof those times. between the rulers and the ruled. An important incentive in choosing this path lies in the fact that the information available to us gradually increases the further we approach the eleventh century AD. beginning with the conquest. who did not hesitate to interrupt the continuity of the chronological account in order to devote . before discussing the political and military events that occurred in Palestine after 750. such as the question of the religious status ofJerusalem. it is appropriate that we pause to discuss in general terms the question of the relationship between Muslims and non-Muslims. These have been described in chronological order. we shall have to go beyond the confines of this period andstudy these matters as they appear over the course of our entire chronological framework.3 THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS 3F [236] Until now.thoughtheyextend beyond the chronological framework ending with the year 750. we have followed the course of the conquest and the events of the first century of Muslim rule in Palestine. I also bear in mind the example of distinguished Muslim historians of the early Middle Ages. when the principal foundations were established.Thesesamequestions. to remain valid until the end of the period we are dealing with.

With regard to the status of the Jews of Palestine. This was the situation until the Abbasid revolution. no significant change tookplace. The wholepopulation of Palestine now became the protected people of the Muslims. thePersians and other Muslims who were not Arabs. as was generally the case during the period of the Umayyads. and even killed some of them.particularlytowardstheJews and the Christians. The cadi al-Awza'i criticised these deeds harshly in writing and promised the perpetrator that he would suffer severe punishmenton the Day ofJudgment. the Muslims did not discriminate between Jews and Christians. The new element naturallywas the changed status of the Christians. because he had touched the hand . in other words. according to precedents established by Muhammad duringthe Tabiik expedition. the Arab tribes who made up the Muslim army were the rulersoftheurbanandruralpopulations of Palestine. there is the story of the governor who exiled the protected people of Mount Lebanon because they did not pay their taxes. In theory. O n the other hand.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D T H E MUSLIMS space and effort to the writing of a separate discourse on a subject they considered important. The protected people We have seen above how the attitude of Islam towards the subjugated population was first expressed. they were considered inferior to the Christian inhabitants. For example. The governing body and its administration would gradually pass into the hands of those elements as well. If in the events described below we find that at times there existed collaboration and affiliation of Muslims with Jews against the Christians. The Muslim traditions are mixed in their attitudes towards protected people.We have seen a further expression of this in 'Umar ibn al-Khattib's treaty with the inhabitants ofJerusalem. in which the Arab element would gradually give way to the Turks. Fromnow on. when the role of the tribes was taken over by the battalions of the Caliphate. this would notbe the outcome of principle but theresult of politico-historical . Within the context of the Byzantine Christian empire. who were in this respect now equal to the Jews. in accordancewith the words of the Prophet who warned against using aheavy hand against 'the people of the agreement'.circumstances which we shall discuss separately. men learned in law and judges would no longer be exclusively Arabs. and religious personnel. they would be inferior to the Muslims. or vice versa. There are those which praise justice and tolerance towards protected people and others which are steeped in contempt .particularly towards the Jews.there is atraditionin Dhahabiwhich relates thattheangelGabriel refused to shakeMuhammad's hand before he washed it.

It is worth noting some other documents that are characteristic of the early Muslim period and are stamped with the mark of authenticity: the surren1 See comprehensive discussions with references to sources on the state of the protected people in Islam: Goitein. There is no doubt that the intention here is to thecaliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khaattiib (and not ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. 236-2401 of a Jew. ‘Abdallah al-RahmZn b.As stated by ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz to one of his governors: do not destroy a synagogue or church (kartlsa. Strauss (Ashtor). 458 (‘Ali said that it was not worth while greeting a Jew). Dhahabi. I.. 232. And counter this. 11. Miziin. REJ. Ta’rlkh. to the effect that the Jews and the Christians do not deserve to be greeted.T H E P R O T E C T E D P E O P L E [ S E C S . which religious law recognises as legal and sanctified by God. 1949. 332C Ibn Hajar. Compared with what was happening at the same time in the Christian world. I.2 [238] At a comparatively later stage the traditional rules relating to the dhimmiswere collected intoonedocument called ‘theconditionsof ‘Umar’. in the name of the Prophet: ‘clean your courtyards. and ‘Umar forced him to pay because he had no written confirmation of clearance of the debt. Hirschler Memorial Volume: 73. 1372. the story of the cadi. with intervals: after ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz dismissed himfrom his post. who was cadi in Egypt from 709 until August 717. 162. first and foremost from the economic point of view. Thebasic principles of these traditional rules were decided upon according to precedents from the days of ‘Umar ibnal-Khattab. See Kindi. One can cite further instances in both directions.Ray.Jews and Arabs. I have already mentioned above the treaties that were signed in Tabiik and Jerusalem. or to ‘Ali. 384. Fortunately for him. ‘Abd b. FtrtrSh. br‘a) nor a house of Zoroastrians whose existence has been ensured by the peace treaty. the Jews made a claim against him o money he had borrowed from them. The sheep should not be dragged to the slaughterer and one must not sharpen the slaughtering knife on the head of the cattle thatis being slaughtered. 2:1. Rawda. See the tradition which recommends that a portion of sadaqa and khurns go to the poor of the dhimmis: Ibn Abi Shayba. R I D A . 178. 28(1894): 75. because his money is useful to us through the j i z y a . as claimed by some scholars whose opinions are today accepted by many). ‘Azizi. In the early period we are dealingwith. but also no synagogue [or church] or house of Zoroastrians shall be built anew.’ [237] However. and be not like Jews the who are dirty and their courtyards are dirty’. the caliphs were well aware of the fact that protecting the rights of the dhimmis was of importance to the Muslims. the good and the bad. There are sayings attributed to Muhammad. . 284. the general approach in Muslim religious literature is that the rights of the protected people should be respected as determined by theprecedents and sayingsof the Prophetand the early caliphs. or after he dies without heirs’. 111. Ibid. 62.bless him: may God multiply your money. 11. Hujayra al-Khawlini. and we find them in treaties of surrender which were preserved in Arab historical writings. Goldziher. Naysibiiri. Abel. he succeeded in bringing witnesses that he had paid the debt. 2 Tabari. 127: ‘if you wish to bless a Jew ora Christian. find we here a climateof decency and legality. See Balidhuri.

271 is of the opinion that ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz wished toact on the example of ‘Umar I and hence he was the first of the Umayyad caliphs who renewed the decrees of the latter. agroup of people to whom. a Hebrew versionof 38 ‘conditions of ‘Umar’. they would have to be submissive. The treaty of surrender of Damascus (in the name of Abii ‘Ubayda): Ibn ‘Asikir. T o these people the Koran promised that the Muslims would no longer fight them. as translated by Jacob Skandari. is included in Joseph Sambari’s chronicle (the second half of the seventeenth century). and identical with the Koran. God ‘handed down’ through the medium of messengers (the prophets) the Book. see also Shayzari. Schacht) in EP and the references in these two articles. NS 23(1932/3). They would have to differ from the Muslims in their outward appearance and some other aspects They would be permitted tofulfil the which I shall explain in detail below. see in Fischel. FutrS!t. Cahen) and Amin (by J. The meaning is not simply thattheyare peoples with a book. in that verse was explained by Kister. it seems that the major innovation he introduced was equality between the Arab and the non-Arab Muslims. Adam.^ [239-2401 The underlying concept of Islam regarding the Jews and the Christians is that they are ‘people of the Book’. see Yahyi b. 378. In addition. XIII. As to ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. that is the Muslim state.see: Gibb. Caliphs. or their profits. as we have seen above. 106f and the supplement ibid. The documentcalled ‘The conditions of ‘Umar’. 23. 2407. because it suits the accepted policy afterwards(though it was not always enacted). IV. nevertheless the non-Arabs still had to pay land taxeson their estates. Utnm. 5(1940) 209ff. Subh. is certainly comparatively late.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS der agreement of Najran (of the Prophet’s time).4 Non-belligerence. 10. The treaty of Najran: Balidhuri. See the articles Dhimma (by C. 3. The treaty of Lod: Tabari.. 1964. because their land wasfay’ (agij from God the to Muslims) and the owner of property. This was the condition under which they would receive protection. ‘Umar’s treaty with the people of al-Sham: ibid. aman. I. with foregoing all means of self-defence and the acceptance of protection from or under the aegis (dhimma) of the Muslims. as being: according to their ability. 563f. was entitledto compensation. a book which is in its essence one and the same. and its earliest version is evidently that in Shifi‘i (died in 820). in earlier generations. This explanation is preferable to others. Arabica.according to this ideology. 2(1955). that is to consider themselves inferior to Muslims and to act accordingly. see the version of Qalqashandi. and ‘Umar’s pact with the people of al-Sham andthe surrender agreement of LO^. Caliphs..Ta’rrkh. the Rabbi of Alexandria. Zion. 118ff (see the English translation: Tritton. particularly with regard to dress. 11:272. that is. 12ff). 3 See doubts as to the attribution of the conditions of the dhimmis to ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib (and evento someone from the Muslim army command in his time):Tritton. on condition that they submit and pay their taxes. 63-65. the surrender agreement of Damascus. Finkel. a compendium oflaws relating to the legal status of the dhimmis. ah1 al-kit&. to their dependants and property. Security was given to men who paid the tax. The intention of this by-name was that each of the two religions is an umrna. 12. 120. was bound up. or the right to survive. 504f. J Q R . Nihiya. from an unidentified Arabic source. Arabica. two for middle-range incomes. The expression ‘an yadin. and one dinar for the poor (or their equivalent . namely thejizya and kkarijj’. ‘Fay’ means whgt they [the Muslims] obtain by peace treaties. which introduced three categories for the payment of the poll-tax: three to four dinars per annum for the rich.

239. in Cahen. K i d . of the year A D 12. see: al-kitib af-biwi fil-a‘rnil al-sultitriyya (MS Paris. inheritance regulationswould also d e ~ e l o p . 384. As to j i z y a . which meant in later generations specifically poll-tax. this sul!r was signed with ‘Saliibi ibn Busbahri. k i w i in the chronicle of the ninth century of 173. 121. 505: ‘we shall not ride on saddles and weshall not keep any arms or in our houses. there it saysthat thepeople of Najrinwill submit their arms.457. or May AD 633. I believe that this too is Aramaic in its origins. Byznrttion. VI.2182f. when a surrender treaty (&) was signed between Khilid ibnal-Walid and the Jewish population of Babylonia. 5. who compares the kharza and the kharij Ibn Khurdidhbih. See the detailed discussion on the identity of Saliibi (= Silbv2. Ibn Kathir. According to Ibn Sa‘d..Orientalia. in make any Ibn ‘Asikir. 2018f. 10(1952). and notkhovegia as isexplained in E F . Yiqiit. I. ~ The taxes [241] Taxation policy had not yet been formulated in the days of the Prophet. Blddin. The paymentsmadebythe Byzantines to theMuslims according to peace settlements (or armistice) between them were also calledj i z y a . Ya‘qiibi. Adam. 1935. and in another collect a certain portion ofthe income agricultural in produceor textiles. Ta’rikh. n. 333. ‘we shall not keep arms nor swords and will not bear them at home nor on journeysin the land of the Muslims’. II(2). FutGlt. Ta’rikh. The termsjixyaand klzarcij still indicated a tax in general. the tax was ten thousand dinars. and see also Caetani. and shall not wear swords’. ~ 64. 176. IV. 2462). VII(2). At the time. JHhiz. ibid. 48(1978/9).6 in dirhams). . Cf. 343. A I E O . 241-2651 obligations of theirreligion. 242f. 11. cf. payment. and this in addition to klrarza of thePersian king (Kisri). and not from the Arabic root jzw (to recompense) asis commonly believed. and as was also believed by Henning. horses and all riding beasts. 11. as we have seen in the Prophet’s covenants and have learned from the treaty with Jerusalem. The time: Safar. and see the treaty ofDamascus (al-Shim). an Iraqi source is still using the term fasq (fasqi in the Talmud) as meaning a land tax. See also the treaty of Najrin in Balidhuri. Ibn al-Athir. . ‘Umar’s freedman.they would have no military or political duties. Annuli. this sum would have to be collected chiefly by the imposition of a poll-tax of four dirhams. It appears that theearliest stage in the development of tax laws in Islam after Muhammad’s death isreflected in the events of the tribes’ first raid beyond the Euphrates. Bidiyn. One can assume that the none other than the Persian-Aramaic kargi. 52f. who lived on the banks of the Euphrates. Tarbiz. 484. I. Caetani. Subsequently. 11. Certainly the two are tied together inan inseverable knot: the acceptance of the Muslims’ protection and the rightto survive in exchange for the payment of a tax on the one hand. 4. 1030. a Syriac-Aramaic word Arabic kharij is meaning crucifier) in Gil. Stern. who mentions these sums in the name of Aslam. Yahyi b. see Tabari.which is found also in the Talmudic sources and its meaningis income.undercertainrestrictedconditions. I. 152ff. not even during the great conquests. Ta’rikh. 2165f. 140. in exchange for the paymentof one thousand dirhams’. Ar. 2049f. from the root g x y . Balidhuri.392. and not the term kharij. See for instance Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam. It is interesting thatin the neighbourhood of the eleventh century. We have already come across the demand to hand over arms and horses in the discussion of the Prophet’s treaties. 971. Dhahabi. Buriqi. According to Tabari. andrelinquishing the of any means of self defence on the other. Each place had its arrangements. ‘Uthrniniya. NS 4:291. 212.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . 20(1950). 34f. 253. nor servein publicor governmental posts. This was money paid by the 6 . See also another version (’for the Christians in the land of al-Shim’). the Muslims would impose a global sum in oneplace. and only in the following generations would the former mean a head-tax and the latter a land-tax. F u t d .

212: ‘and whoever dies of them in the same year a portion ofhis inheritance shall be taken as the part which has passed ofthis year’ (that is. If. 20 (1950). the dead man’s land would be given tothe village. 5(1940). according to their ability to pay. from theGreek meizones]. the land would be givento the Muslims. the j i z y a was a certain sum imposed on each head. 239. marut [read: tnaziit. in its later meaning. and the organisation of the distribution of this sum would have to be carried out by the dhimmis themselves. emperor when he felt too weak to fight. however. 152f. that of poll-tax. The remainder of the khariij would be imposed on the villagers themselves.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [242-2431 In those areas thatwereunderByzantine rule (Palestine. Egypt) wefind a clause relating to taxes in all the letters of protection and surrender agreements which have been preserved in the sources. ru’asi’) would be called together to estimate the area of land cultivated by the inhabitants of the village. strangers who came to a town ‘may stay there four months without having to pay any tax’. what happened in the days of the Fatimid caliph al-Mu‘izz: Stern. corresponding to their sowing plans and their ability to pay (‘ala qadri tiqatihim). The elders (‘trvafi’. Byzantiorz. the mature and the married living in these villages. In the continuation. has in the course of generations become a synonym of jizya. Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam. they would “pay for the months during which he was still alive). at this stage they would deduct the donations to the churches and other public institutions and the expenses for housing ofthe unitsMuslim army. the expression is undoubtedly parallel to xenoi. This version evidently also reflects . and he continues by saying essentially that the methodof collecting taxes from the Egyptian population (al-QibF. Jews and Christians). Syria. rather thana tax on each individual (jizya rntrsammih ‘nli’l-qavya). Fischel.Zion. the Copts) remained as it was under Byzantine dominion . according to their ability to pay (i(ztim2l) and the tax to be imposed on the jiliya (literally: the exiles. The termjdiya. but we generally do not find any specific details as to how the payments would be made. Afterwards a general assemblyof the district(kiira = klzora) would be held. cf. see what is saidin the version of the conditions in Sambari. In this connection it is worth noting the tradition preserved in Ibn ‘Abd al-Hakam: if a man died in a village on which a global tax has been imposed. Here the chronicler comments that the intention was to the ah1 al-dhimtna (that is to the protected people.they would collect taxes according to the size of the population in every village. and one can discern the tendency to collect a global sum from each town.’ This traditionclearly implies that inthe main they would imposea general tax on the town. aliens). Then they would decide on the extent of the tax to be imposed on the craftsmen and the hired people who lived in those villages. it says that ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz introduced a law that thejizya wouldbe imposed onevery head and not on the land. intended to be applied to people living in a village who are not locally born.

.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . Palestine was. whether headquartered in Damascus. 55. and thus the 2. 1. which is a receipt for the land tax. There are also eight orders regarding supplies for the Muslim army fromthe people of Nessana in the years 672-677. Naturally. and the land tax is called the dZmosia. Cf. F t @ . The treaty of Najrln: Balldhuri.assumes that the payment ofsixsolidi was a tax imposed on the individual. dating from about the end ofthe seventh century. as described by Ibn ‘Abdal-Hakam and as is perhaps discernible in the papyri of Nessana. Contrary to what we are inclined to believe today. Indeed. .* [244-2451 Direct evidence of thecollection of land taxes in Palestine is supplied by a document fromNessana. In 8 an ancient Egyptian tradition. 241-2651 The Byzantine tradition in the matter of taxation. but one can easily deduce that in all the periods it was a matter of hundreds of thousands of dinars. the question of taxes did not have only asecular and financial character. and made peace for 2. Apparently the Muslims carried out a new measurement of the land in ordercalculate to the taxes. ibid. a sort of gold mine for the central government. both on behalf of the people of Najriin. I am inclined to believe that it was a payment on account of the general sum imposed on the town. as bequeathed by the Byzantines. It is noted there that they are speaking of anof ounce forty dirhams.000 in Rajab. the equivalent of the Muslim dinar which appeared later (some 4. As to the roots of this system of lump payments.35. we know that the money from the poll-tax was consideredas a kind ofsacred money.000 in Safar and 1. we can say that it was a matter of hundreds ofthousands of monthlywages. and onecan add what was said of theagreement with theChristians in the city of NajrZn in the southern part of the Arabian peninsula: ‘The master of the townand thejudge (?) in it (al-sayyid wa’l-‘iqib) came to Muhammad. But we have seen this system also in the treaties of the Prophet himself. 63. Baghdad or Cairo. as preserved in the first generations of Muslim rule in Palestine. which is the dTmiisya in Talmudic literature.000 hullas were some 250 kilograms of gold. O n the other hand. If we take into account that the average monthly wage then was some two dinars. as Table 1 indicates. O n the basis of data preserved by Muslim chroniclers and geographers is it possible to reconstruct the sums collected in the treasuryat various times from the two junds. can be seen in the papyri of Nessana. Hinz. and in that document it was said that the tax was imposed accordingto the measurement of the land carried out by the Arabs. and document No.000 hullas. one can indeed be impressed byits continuity from Byzantine timesonward. in one place there is mention of a payment of six solidi. the security situation had a noticeable influence on the amounts. each hulla weighing one ounce. during the entire period we are dealing with. 33.2 grams of gold). See Nessana. The editor. Kraemer. Filastin and Urdunn. 172f. The poll-tax is called there epikephalion.

THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Incomejom non-Muslim taxes. like the payment owed by the slave to his master. ' I l d . 288. and this is what the founder of the Jerusalem mosque wished to prevent (and we have no details concerning him or the mosque). in dinars Source (rounded) Total Urdunn Filastin Time 670 780 450. See Maqrizi. Ta'rikh. from jund Filastin.000 175.000 429. 541. a payment order has been preserved written by Abraham Maimuni to the effect that a sum of 81 dirhams had to be paid urgently to thecadi Shams al-Din. Palestine. TS Box K 25. 416.In an inscription discovered in Jerusalem. it is written that no dhimmi may come into the mosque. governor of Gaza in order torequest a decrease in taxes. Maqrizi.000 97. near the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.000 350. 80(1948).000 630.000 ratls (= pounds) of olive oil per annum. the payment order of Abraham Maimuni (no. Documents.1945. See the termistikhrij clearly meaning the collecting of the poll-tax inYahyii Ibn Sa'id. 11. Lewis.000 100. 45fC see the detailed references therein.000 850. the legitimate ruler) of the Muslims. a cadi was in charge of collecting this tax and he was obliged to keep it separate from the rest of the treasury's income.000 195.000 304. Itti'&.000 310. one mustadd: 300.000 406. e. poll-tax) with the income from port taxes.. which means collectionor income.000 Ya'qiibi Ibn Khallikan Jahshiyari Qud5ma ISfahini (in Ibn Khurdidhbih) Ibn Khurdidhbih Ya'qiibi Muqaddasi9 800 820 840 (?) 860 890 895 general. for this was the remainder of whatis owed for thejiliya for the year 614 of the hijra (AD 1217/8). I. 107f and see ibid.000 170.000 96. this was 'the good and pure money'.239. Among the documents in the Cairo Geniza. from theFatimid period). I. As Maqrizi once said. l1 See the document from Nessana in Bell.1° [246-2471 The collection of the j i x y a was generally called istikhriij. 89:531. Table 1 follows that of Le Strange. T o the taxes of 780. No.000 310. for the dhimmis are slaves (mamilik) of the imim.000 407. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. To the Shiites. The figures relating to 670 (Mu'awiya's time) are according to: Ya'qiibi.000 109. 114. was considered a direct debt of the unbelievers to the imirn (that is. See Ibn Biibawayah. Gil. the poll-tax.000 180. 240 [ll]).000 175. even if he comes in matters of the istikhriij. evidently dating from the thirties of theeleventh century (i. 187. 114.000 350. the jizya.000 400. 146: Ya'qiib IbnKillis and 'Asliij forbade the useof dinars which were . Cf. another document tells of a delegation of twenty people appearing before the PEQ. It is reasonable to assume that the dhimmi would usually come to the mosque to pay the cadi the poll-tax. Khitat. and it would be indecent to mix the money from the jiliya ( = j i x y a .

d. see: Bjorkman. 163. We learn that the ‘great’. 97. 15(1926). such as the opinion of Mujahidin Ibn Abi Shayba. We have seen above the clause in ‘Umar’s treaty with people the ofJerusalem. BJPES. 2149 (vol. lines 9ff. Joseph mentions in his letter thathe wrote from Jerusalem in the spring of 1025 to Ephraim 12 not the coinage of al-Mu‘izz for the purpose of istikhrij. Tritton. The question of whether it is permissible altogether for dhimmis to enter the mosque is discussed in Muslim legal literature and sometimes the answer is positive. begat sons. . although it dates relatively late .’’ [248] Although the information in the CairoGeniza documents is not explicit. undoubtedly the well-to-do. whether we are many or few. evidently in 1057. that if they would return to their homes. a. a man of Sijilmissa. 11. appeals to the Egyptian communities for help. Solomon b.The Gaon Solomon ha-Kohen b. The Jerusalem inscription. notes that this man settled in Jerusalem. Ripertoire ckrutdogique. Dunash. 13(1946/7). paid a dinar and a quarter in Jerusalem (and this was not mu compared with the four dinars was that asked ofthe rich in otherplaces). and a drawing of the inscription ibid. 162. it evidently reflects customs thathad continued from the time of the conquest. became a Jerusalemite and paid ‘the tax as the great do. writing from Jerusalem in ca. and it is very likely that this continued from the days of the caliph‘Umar. Mediterranean Society. every year we have to borrow with interest in order to fulfil it’.T H E T A X E S ( S E C S . but they entered nevertheless. Recueil. Tarbiz. Hirschberg. lines 15-17. 10). one can nevertheless learn from them what was the regular annual sum that hadto be paid. see also Lazarus-Yafeh. Judah. married a woman ofJerusalem.. Here the CairoGeniza comes to our assistance. 11. 219. but this is not what is written in the letter.The Gaon Solomon b. they would only be asked to pay taxes after the harvest. 241-2653 The question of taxes in Jerusalem is a very special one. 1942. writes that it was a matter of marriage to a woman of Tiberias. 37: (generally) it was forbidden to dhimmis to enter mosques. for some four hundred years. The clause in ‘Umar’s treaty with Jerusalem promising people from the towns and villages (who evidently foundhaven a in Jerusalem) is also worth noting. as we shall see).the eleventh century. 804.The circular letter: 420. I. The letter of Solomon b. J R A S . 1034 on the subject of Farah b. according to which they had to pay the j i x y a just as did the inhabitants of othercities. 49. who were Christians. which is a dinar (xdzfiv) and a quarter’. 51(1981/2). Judah asks Abraham that he save the aforementioned ‘from the hands of the Egyptian oppressors’ for he is going there (Goitein. 526. but there are nodetails in that treaty about the conditions of other cities’ payment of the j i x y a (there are some details relating to Tiberias. From this we can assume that the Jews of Jerusalem had to pay a regular lump sum annually. The circular letter comingfrom theyeshiva ofJerusalem. Der Islam. cf. 308. VII. No. Hirschberg assumed that istikhrij meant theclearing of refuse and related this to the information on the Jews engaged in cleaning work on the Temple Mount in the period after the conquest. for a person could not be asked what his creed was on entering a mosque (according to Ghazdi).pointing to ‘thetaxandtheregularpaymentsimposed on us. Judah: 118. Clermont-Ganneau. It seems that in the course of of sum among the Jews of generations a form of internal distribution this Jerusalem evolved. see 1. the and see further examples on the same page and on the following page.

Occ. edited by Mann.8). Solomon Gaon and Tobiah 'the third'. Mediterranean Society. c. Judah. De prima inst.15).THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS b. repair its walls and pay its watchmen.29. 11. With this payment. please its governors. . Texts. his successor to the seat ofGaon. Judah: 112. Theseare specified in detail in a letter of theyeshiva ofJerusalem fromthe year 1057 which I have already mentioned above: '. William of Tyre. in which the 'fixed tax' to paid to the governor and to the 'boys' is mentioned: 'and to the boys a fixed payment' (1. '. was 70 dinars. a. that theJews ofJerusalem had to pay 100 dinars. Judah. which means both gate and port. the right to enter Jerusalem as a pilgrim was 'acquired'. in contemporary terms: to collect the refuse. He continues: 'and we obliged ourselves to take from this diyoqne 20 dinars (xehtrviwz) for the debt wehave to pay each year'. 29f. RHC. lines 34-35. in a letter to thesame. TS 24. Shemaria. I. l 4 We also know that Christian pilgrims were (auveus) on their arrival in Jerusalem for the right to enter the city. In about 1030. etc. Expenses of the city ofJerusalem: 420. leader of the Jerusalemites in Fustat. he mentioned that the community was asked to pay 150 dinars everyyear as a regular tax ( v i t i b ) . 'and to satisfy thegovernor and the boys'(1.70 were considered khavij. Joseph: 49. sent by diyoqne (in Arabic: s u j a j u ) with an Egyptian Jew whocame on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Ezekiel. in Jerusalem. maintain the walls and pay the watchmen who guard the walls. The letter of 'Eli ha-Kohen: 443. that is they had to use most ofthat amount to pay the regular global annual tax. confirms thereceipt of twentynine and one eighth dinars.15In the l3 l4 l5 Solomon ha-Kohen b. who was the pavnis of the community. Further details regarding this annual sum are gathered from a letter written in about 1060 by 'Eli ha-Kohen b. the personwho came to the city was a dhiwzmr. . and the last 30 were evidently intended for the local securitypeopleandthecity's needs. 367ff.13 [249-2521 We have learned that the regular annual amount which the Jews in Jerusalem had to pay on the basis of a custom thatbegan immediately after the conquest. . In this letter. the tax of the Muslim authorities. and a further 40 for municipal expenses there. TS 20. V. 62c sha'ar shel-ha-yam as against the Arabic thaghr. 30. cf. maintain the sewage system. We know of asimilar tax inAlexandria from aletter from the Geniza written in 1026 by Joseph ha-Kohen. Solomon b. and bribe those in official positions.115. a very faded fragment that remained from anotherletter of Solomon b. line 16c Solomon b. of which 70 were thekhaviij. the needs of the city: to clear its refuse.. Goitein. to Ephraim b. lines 12-13. the judge (dayyan) of Alexandria. I. Entrance to the city was evidently linkedto the payment of a if tax. signed also by Joseph ha-Kohen b. clean its drains.. This was a tax of two and a half dinars per head: 'We gave the master of the gate two and a half gold asked to pay one dinar coins'. We may assume thatout of the 100 dinars mentioned. 40 for the armed guards (ahdith). Shemaria. lines 8-10.that is the man in charge of money matters. 402.

A similar version: 109. Solomon b. and one cay. Frequently the istax called ‘onesh (punishment).on the Mount ofOlives. Judah in which the main subject is the tax burden. the remnant of a letter written by Abraham. . thehivZr). is warned about revealing things to ‘the Christian secretary’. Judah.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . which exhaust the body.to pray alongside them. you would have been amazed and deplored them. . and bird&. See for example147. which we would not have thought that we would be able to bear even partly. Appeals of this natureweremorefrequently repeated during times when additional special taxes were imposedon the Jewish population. In this passage ‘people who do notpay tax’ are mentioned and there was something about the keneslyot (synagogues). gharirna.*’ [253] Letters written byJoshiah b. Judah explicitly mentions that the regularlump sum which the Jews ofJerusalem paid was also intended to ensure that the Muslims would not harass the pilgrims. 384f below). generally urging the addressee to try to aid or organise aid for the people of Jerusalem. as the description of the rebellion may suggest (see pp. the addressee (perhaps Ephraim b. the impression is clear that they were unable to bear the heavy financial burden. Shemaria. or in Arabic. . written inca. written in the spring of1025: ‘the living had to be guarantors for the dead and those who remained were guarantors for those who fled. still read there ‘they are eating us alive . Judah mention the receipt of the dlyoqnZ sent from Fustat in order to help pay the tax. Head of the Jerusalem yesh16 ‘7 105. The preoccupation of the people of the Jerusalem yeshiva with taxes can be seen in a fragment of a letter in the handwriting of Abraham b. his letter to Ephraim b. Aaron. Joseph. (the more so) as such an ‘onesh as that which was imposed on the city’. the son of Solomon b.even out loud! . Shemaria. saying qidcssh. This perhaps hints at collaboration between the Bedouin rebels headed by the Banu Jarrah and the Christian tax officials. and in which thereis mention of a’christian ( ‘ i r d ) secretary’. Solomon b. 241-2651 above letter. lines 5-22. Thus for instance. in their going up to (Jerusalem) and coming and going about on the gates of [th temple]. torn on the rightside: ‘for there remained there but few of themany [and they hadto pay the dues] fixed. and to pray . Someletters of Solomon b. . 1045. If you would have seen who paid all these sums. apparently in connection with the destruction of the synagogues in the days ofal-Hakim. in a letter of Solomon ha-Kohen b. and said: how did suchpoor people pay such a big ‘onesh?’ And in another of his letters: ‘since ‘onishlrn were imposed on us. lines %lo.165. lines 13ff. and going up to the Mount [of Olives]’.to therulers of the city and its boys so that they should not harm the people of Israel . that the Jews ofJerusalem would have permission to encircle the gates of the Temple Mount together with the pilgrims. until theypaid the ‘oneshand then they were obligedpay to a further tax. which means both a debt and a fine.16 The subject of taxes is frequently mentioned in letters of the yeshiva.

an especially large tax is mentioned. 27. . See 36. Finkel Jubilee Vobrme. Joseph: 49. . Index. (to the governor) of the city and all his servants . and it appears that it was the Fatimid army. Meqorot. Goitein. the Hebrew version may be interpreted differently from the King James version].by the Jews. . .b. . warns the governor ofJerusalem that if they will demand such sums. ‘Abdiin.. same root as rag?) by silver. Shemaria: ‘what they collected was not annually. idem.. See a similar text in 420. See also: 45. . in which ‘omishitn. ed. . tobe paid. meaning taxes. Mediterranean Society I. Also in another letter. since to satisfy them oneneeds pieces of silver’. they have to pay a fixed tax on every head. written by a number of people from Jerusalem. .133.000 dinars was added. 50. i. came back empty-handed . The letters of the Gaon Solomon ha-Kohen b. v:9[10]). bribes. line 13: ‘For two years. pieces of silver. being a total of more than 17 [aris. line 12. see: TS 16.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O NA N D T H E M U S L I M S iva.’. xcvi. See his commentary to Ps. and as our emissary dinars . is used: ‘the ‘onishim . The representative of the Gaon. To that amount. speak of ‘anisha. half by the ... 89. and one should read instead of rag?: rid5 in Arabic. ‘half the population will flee and the city will be destroyed in front of your eyes. there is a hint of extraordinary taxes. in the first quarter of the eleventh century. the lenderscame and demanded we 18 . bring the poll-tax and special tax at any time. the subvention given by the Fatimid rulers to the yeshiva was interrupted for two years (he mentions the subvention in this letter). f. we were no longer able to request aid from the kingdom’. and you yourself will haveno security against a change of governors’.Abii Nap. a big debt. ed. on the Muslim authorities: ‘The Children of Kedar [i. 20. which imposed the tax. evidently in 1024. and one of the pantZ~iin ofJerusalem went onan urgent mission to Fustat in order toget special heip to pay the tax. . we are informed about an ‘onesh imposed on the entire city of Jerusalem.18 [254] At approximately the same time. written around 1060 by the scribe of the yeshiva: ‘and the regular dues and the ‘omishitn’: The fragment of Solomon b. Some say: with pieces of silver. . mentioning of 2. b. 140fC TS 13J 16. Judah’s letter: 165a. Assaf. so we were forced to borrow the rest’. 122. lxviii:30 (31). 11. ‘an enormous gharima’. lines 1-3. that is the a special tax heavy taxes imposed by the authorities of the day. lines 18-19. the Bedouin] oppress us very much. lines 10. One of the letters also describes the bargaining with the authorities. (Marwick). broken (resusitn. 11. since several years . Theletter of theJerusalemites: 33. their throat is an open sepulchre’ (Ps. on which the dues are inscribed . . . In this same letter.000 dinars. . d. 23. and the ‘cinesit to be paid. which was legal tender in Sicily. means to say that Israel who are among these gentiles are tread underfoot. a letter from Solomon b. then fighting on Palestinian soil.. . to the extent of 15. .500 dinars. . now even moreheavy taxes are imposed. lines 10-12. in other words. lines 13. Judah to Ephraim b. . ibid. they area company of spear-men who submitthemselves with pieces of silver [Ps. a letter from Sicily written in around 1020. .e. line 18 (gizar5ma kabiru) and see the story of the bargaining in lines llff. the [oriwasl / 4 of a dinar. being 4l/2 faris. lines 8ff ‘the 120 dinars . . certainly an enormous sum. both silver and money). another sum of 6. and this year we still owe 30 officials of the tax [demanded] the remaining . .e. . line enough to pay the ‘cineshwe owe 10. This apparently occurred during the war against the Bedouin tribes. by depriving themof their money’(kesef. and we wereforced to borrowthese dinars with interest sell the sacred objects’. prior to the heavy tax imposed on our brethren. Yeruhim (in the middle of the tenth century): ‘Submit himself with pieces of silver. rms? keseJ is a play of words on Ps. 383. Similar things were written by the Karaite Salmon b. . satisfaction by silver.37.

some of us mortgaged their houses with interest in order to pay and some sold them completely. and we were forced to take the rest.theKaraites). 5:4) of captivity. . Jews three thousand on us. . lines 12-16: 'our burden is heavy and everyone eatsus with all his mouth and the dues added uponus . by 'our mighty one' he evidently meant Ephraim b. Some were forced to sell or mortgage their houses or whatever other property they possessed. with the tax twice doubled. 241-2651 Rabbanites and half by the Karaites. Many died from the terrible torment of being required to pay the tax and some in cases. Judah will act in this matteras the nesi'im of theKaraites do. five hundred for nearly a thousand (that is. and also 405. The Rabbanites in Jerusalem expect that Solomon b. The Karaites. apart from the debt incurred by the special tax (this is evidently how one should understand the word neshe.also t o o k .T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . and the burdenis too heavy to bear . in the time of the tax. naked. see below) would get them the money. as happened to one of the Karaites' neri'im (from which one can deduce that the same Karaite leader was also imprisoned because of the debt).. lines 3-14. poor.19 [255] A very typical document. Neh. . Solomon b. Shemaria.See also 89. See also 210. and the compulsion of the ledgers. even a dress for himself or houseware. . See also Solomon b. Levi explains (in about 1029) why he went down from Jerusalem to Ramla. . too. Judah's letters. in addition to which he states 'for of forty dinars we borrowedatnine the special debt[neshe] which is known to you. sad. almost at the same time. and struck them without pity. obliged to return almost one thousand for five hundred dinars) from the rulers of thecity. 'for the debt is more than nine hundred dinars. but nothing was found on them. our mighty one'. . a draft of a petition from the Jews of l9 See 49. though they receive considerable support from Zoan (= Fustat). and the intention of the writer was apparently that out of fortydinars sent (to help the poor ofJerusalem?) they were forced to take nine for paying the tax. and we were forced to take on interest the dues imposed on us'.. and against that. lines 20-30. for instance 88. still owe 800 dinars and hope that their ttesi'im (that is. . some hid in pits because of the strength of the blows and the force of the afflictions and all with that (we did not arrive at) more than two thousand and five hundred. vi:27). the Karaites). which is worse than anything'. lines 9-15. for there were those who put blame on them. lines 40f:Zadok ha-Levi b. people from theexilarchic familiesamong theleaders of theKaraites.andlikewisetheinhabitantsofthe sela' (thatis. Judah mentions the prisoners held in jail because of thesame debt and insists on the urgent need to get the moneyfrom therich ofEgypt. a letter written by Joseph ha-Kohen b. because Jerusalemis 'torturous and breaks every body . and nothing remained to in his house. from the root nshh). of subjection to physical torture. Solomon Gaon. andclaim that he must show more initiative in this matter because he was not included as one of those responsible for the debt. .. a.. The Jews succeeded in collecting 5. In 84. Fifteen thousand gold coins and add to that some six thousand fell on the . on promissory notes for double the sums they had actually borrowed. . Many died of this suffering.000 dinars andthe two communities had to borrow money at exorbitant rates of interest from rich Muslims. which is so important for an understanding of the question of the is tax. Afterwards learn weof some Jews who were imprisoned because they were unable to defray the heavy debts. they. how can we possibly defray Out it? of the barnfloor or out ofthe winepress?' (2 Ki. the Tustari brothers. the same on our brethren (that is. the fleshes and the middu (the tax of the Babylonian king. and we gave two thousand and five hundred gold coins until we went out of everything we had empty.

the hk+r from Fustat.cameespeciallyfromAleppowherehewasstaying.‘Umar’streatywiththeChristiansin 20 See 249 and 251: it seems that they were both in the hands of Ephraim b. If he is the same as Hillel he-haver b. written byEphraim.Some Jews claimed that they were of Khaybar stock and thus exempt from paying taxes. Faraj. His son. evidently to Ephraim b. thegixbiiv (treasurer) is in the hands of wicked cruel people. Certain collectors of Muslim traditions have provided evidence of the fraudulent nature of claim the and have accused them of forgery. in order that the global sum shouldalso be larger. to look after the affairs of his father. it was customary.Several versionsof the letter of rights (which is indeed forged) have been preserved in Hebrew writing. One should bear in mind that Tiberias was the capital of jund of the city Urdunn.Joseph. and now this elder. Here we see that in Tiberias there were also Jews whoclaimed to have originated in Khaybar and as a result were exempt from paying [256] As I have said above. From this we can deduce that in Tiberias as well. apparently from very early times .The representative of the Tiberian Jews was Sibii‘ b. and they would also display this document. This apparently takes . A new governor who was appointed to the city demanded from the leaders of the community that they should put pressure on the rich to increase their share. Shemaria. a man known for his charity and certainly a rich man. the Jews of Khaybar were ousted from their place in the days of ‘Umar. known for his destruction of churches and synagogues and for issuing other restrictive of Khaybar from the laws against the dhimrnis. Shemaria in Fustat. who wish to end his life’. to impose a lump sum as tax on the Jews of the city. The reference hereis to Abraham the treasurer. there is a draft of a deed of attorney. and went to Fustat for the same reason. Joshua. It seems that the division of the sum between the Jews was determined by their ability to pay. this isproven by the fact that on the back ofthe sheet on which 249is written.to Tiberias. in which also he refers to theheavy pressureplaced on the Jews of Tiberias with regard to taxes: ‘they have imposed on theman ‘onesh. The matter of the people of Khaybar mentioned in that draft of the petition is also of considerable interest. it doubles the importance of a letter written by this Hillel. It is worth noting that according to Yahya ibn Sa‘id. even the Fatimid caliph al-Hakim. The offspring of the Jews of Khaybar (or whoever claimed to be their offa spring) used to claim that they were exempt from paying tax by virtue of special letter of rights granted them by the Prophet.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Tiberias concerning their taxes.perhaps since the Muslim conquest. exempted the people restrictions placed on the Christians and the Jews. after the Muslims had overrun their villages during the time of the Prophet and made them into tenants. According to what is said in the Muslim traditions.

229. This was apparently the global sum imposed on the Christians in Jerusalem. 11. theirbanishment is recalledinmanysources. 341-2651 Jerusalem did not include any details of thejizya which they had to pay. cf. Itti‘iz. Mediterranean Society. then the sum of 70 dinars that the Jews ofJerusalem were asked to pay annually is also understandable.seeforinstance:IbnSa‘d. How did this payment of one dinar per head become a global tax? It is likely that both sides. Tabaqdt IV. as well as in other place in 1048. to ease the collecting process. See Braslavi. after the killing of Abraham the Tustari (see 251: ‘due to our many sins. 1932/3. and more references therein.508. n. Samhiidi. as noted above. 32(1970). 265. 293. V. 11. We have seen above that the Jews who served in the cleaning and maintenance on the Temple Mount in the seventh century were exempt (as were their descendants) from paying poll-tax.Wifi. It isstated there that similar conditions were imposed on the inhabitants of Damascus as well. 8f. was also one dinar. IV. 9:507. al. 44f. according to which the Jerusalem Patriarch pays the Arabs (ad Sarraceutos) 580 dinars annually. II(1). and see also Maqrizi. Braslavi and others were inclined to believe all sorts of late sources with various stories about the Khaybaris. the matter is also mentioned in Ibn Khallikan.21 [257] This special tax regime that existed in Jerusalem. SI.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . One can deduce from this thatat the time of the conquest there 580 were Christian families living in Jerusalem. Goitein. in order to avoid modifications. thatis. If indeed the tax in Jerusalem wasone dinar per adult head of a family. O n al-HHkim: YahyH ibn Sa‘id. and on thepart of theMuslims. Kiryat Sefer. the helping hand of the old man was done away with’) when the imposing of oppressive decrees against the Jews became frequent. Here it is worth noting the information found in the list of Christian holy places De casis Dei. an alleged agreement between the Prophet and the Christian Bedouin Banii Taghlib: Abel. Bidiya. 326. considering thefact that seventy was the number of families at first permitted to settle in Jerusalem after the conquest. Ibn Kathir. Ta’rikh (PO). see Gil. which. except for the general statement that it would be the same as in the other cities. an unheard-ofpossibility). meaning that the Jewish scholars were exempt from the decrees. 4. 388f. see the copy of theletter-of-rights inHebrew script from theGeniza printed and interpreted by Goitein. 11. That the original sum was one dinar per person in Jerusalem is suggested by the tax on Christian pilgrims entering Jerusalem. Muntazarn. 386f. Muslim complaints with regard to the fraudulent letters of the Khaybaris. see the discussion on a similar forged document. As to theKhaybaris. 93 (the editor read habibiru instead of khayibira). Subki. VIII. I. I. while Goitein adopted a more critical approach. Jews and Muslims. For the sake of comparison. were interested in it being so. the Jewish community in Jerusalem evidently did not impose on 21 . 41ff. and was possibly statutory since the time of the conquest. ha-Tustarirn. Safadi. 203. De Slane in the English translation of the aforementioned evidently read [tayibira instead of khayibira and translated: their doctors (that is: of the Jews. 1-52. Le-heqer. also Mez. We already have more exact information about Tiberias and we have seen that at the time of the conquest (January 635) its inhabitants (and one can assume that the majority were Jews) were obliged to pay one dinar per person annually. see for instance: Ibn al-Jawzi. 35. and brought up the conjecture that those Khaybaris were Jews who came from Iraq. 219.

he would have to pay all that he owed the tax office for the years he was absent. De cask Dei.as a qitirz. We can learn from this that as long as he remained in Jerusalem. that is the wzaks. We have no precise details about his life at that time. Nissim. Nathan (= Ibn Sahliin). maybe because he was an alien. and see the discussion o n the poll-tax in ?* ." [358] The documents from Palestine and its surroundings contained in the Geniza provide us with information about additional kinds of taxes. The them participation in the annual sum it had topay. I. a Maghribi merchant who was the cousin of the better-known Nehorai b.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N DTHE MUSLIMS cities in Palestine. 305. explaining the reasons for this to Nehorai. Upon his release he stayed in Jerusalem for year a and then decided to remain there. The death of one of the partners brought to light the matter coming before the court of the yeshiva of Palestine under the Gaon Daniel Azariah. The letter is full of complaints about the port authorities in Tyre and the clerks of the khavij (here meaning taxes in general). While in prison. From what he writes. Nissim b. In the Geniza documents. We find Israel b. See 469. that is. but who as an inhabitant of the island was exempt from import tax. he was not required to pay any personal tax at all. He had also sat in a Byzantine prison. Nissim. he was registered with the tax office (ft'l-khavij) . a permanent resident. it appears that he if returned to Fustat after an absence of ten years or more. Halfon. called in this document al-'issiir min isshmi'd (the tithe of theIshmaelites).e. one detail of the transaction is important. there is information on matters of the poll-tax inEgyptwhich could be comparedwith the tax regimeof Jerusalem.see: Tobler et Molinier. especially those imposed on imports.one of theagents of thegreat international merchant Nehorai b. Taxes ofthis kind werelevied chiefly on foreigners. writes from Tyre about flax sent from Egypt. b. In around 1055. who was not the owner of the shipment. lines 7-10 (evidently writtenin 1059). He had married a woman in Byzantium and remained there for a few years. Judah. but his letters reveal that his marriage was a failure. created circumstances that could be thought advantageous in comparison with those of cities in other countries in the Muslim world. after having previously been registered as fir. namely that a large shipload of various goods sent to Sicily was registered in its entirety in the name of a certain Moses b. b. new or temporary (certainly after he arrived there from the Maghrib). In Fustat. writing to Nehorai fromJerusalem ten years after leaving Fustat. he pledged that he would live in Jerusalem for a long time if he succeeded in being released. owing to the special conditions that existed in Jerusalem. Concerning the matter we are discussing here. A quite clear picture of this state of affairs evolves from a deed of partnership written in Fustat. i..

line 2. He asks that the tax be reduced by two dinars. he had to bribe the 'Samaritan'. in which there is a detailed description of import and export matters. line 11. According to 'Azizi. themonk Bernard testifies that every merchant who owns a stand in the marketplace alongside the Latins' hostel in Jerusalemis obliged to pay two a w e i (dinars) annually to the overseer. Azariah: 395. at least. 241-2651 letter written by the Maghribi merchant Avon Sedaqa b. A letter from Abraham. as we have seen in the instance of Sicily. contain evidence of a special tax on shops. 6:278. Dhohab. However. evidently the tax official.k h u ~ i j .The Gaon Solomon b. from line 24f. Ismi'il al-Itribulusi. particularly in the ports. maks on Muslims is harim. writing from Tyre. line 13: Jacob b. 23 2J 25 . line 19. the religious law. J E S H O . see Tobler et Molinier. 447. see for instance 494. $ubh. 11.24 [260] Three letters written in about 1060 by 'Eli ha-Kohen b. and certainly not with regard to those dhimmis who were not permanent residents of the port city in which itwas imposed. written at approximately the same time in Tyre. he too had complaints about the maks.. written in Ascalon. Bribery was self-understood. a. which amounts seven to dinars. 184C Qalqashandi. there was no intention whatsoever to cancel the maks. 449. the 'z&r (meaning here maks) is only legitimate when imposed on Jews and Christians but not on Muslims. See 446.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S . There are more instances of rnaks mentioned in this region. see for instance 487 in the right-hand margin. 38. mentions that he spent all hismoney on bribes (in around 1060). 470C and see the article Maks (by W. Abraham sonof the Gaon: 170. 380-394.25 [261] We have seen that one of the advantages promised to the Jews of Jerusalem in exchange for the global tax payment was an exemption for pilgrims of the paymentof an entrance tax. on 11 November 1064 in Jerusalem is similar. Judah the light of the Geniza documents: Goitein. Mediterranearl Society. 111. by Jacob b. and this alone goes to provethat these cancellations did not last long. from line Sf. Joseph b. succeeded he in getting a reduction ofnot more than half a dinar. Isma'il. n. 314. 10f and more references ibid. The writer asks his relative in Fustat to try to get him a reduction in the tax pays he on his shop in Jerusalem. apart from all kinds of grievances about the hazards of maritime commerce. ~ ~ [259] One should note that accordingto Muslim law maks meant a tax of which thereis no hintin the sources recognised by theshavr'a. Avon b. son of the Gaon Solomon b. and see also 394 and 396. Maqrizi. The Muslim sources repeatedly mention precedents of rulers who cancelled the maks. He also mentions thehead of the office of the maks. I. dealing with the same matter. 88. Khitat. lines 30-31. idem. JSAI. dealing with sundry wares exportedto Egypt. See the discussion on 'ushr in the days of the Prophet in Kister. Judah. from line 18. Ezekiel.Bernard. 1(1979).1963. Bjorkman) in El'. a. 41. I. The question posed to Daniel b.495.and especially commerce with Sicily. the sahib al-maks. Approximately two hundred years earlier. 11. a letter from Jacob b. Ismi'il al-Andalusi. one of the leaders of the Jews in Jerusalem. also mentions the maks d . The year prior to that. it appears that with regard to the dhimmis. The letter from Tyre: 489. with a quarter ofa dinar. See editor's note in Maqrizi. Sedaqa: 500. and for this.

‘Amram. as it mentioned the matter of our poverty-stricken brethren. 384fC 612. 11. Samuel about the Rabbanites. lines 18-20. Hayyimin Fustat. we cannot stand up to a small part of it. line 6 (this part is written in Arabic script. he would be in for a great deal of trouble.ruq‘a (pl.~~ [263] At times. unlike the beginning of the letter: one can still read a&b and apparently it is to be completed: al-jdiya). namely the confirmation that he hadpaidthepoll-tax. recommends to the parnis ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. Masliah wrote some eighty years earlier to Jacob b. who were counted in order to collect taxes from them just as from the rich . A similar request we findinaletter written in around 1065 by Judah b.a respected Jewish scholar. written around 1035. [the letter from Fustat] saddened us.In a letter he wrote on 29 November 1042. MediterraneanSociety. leader of the Jews of Ascalon. b. 31f. It is interesting to compare this with what Sahl b. to the head of the congregation of Jerusalemites in Fustat. lines 19fC 456. riqi‘).THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS distinctlymentionsthatthepeople of Jerusalemmadeextraordinary efforts in order that the authorities should not affect another right of the pilgrims. See 586.26 [262] From other evidence. who is travelling to Egypt on business on his first trip there. that they ‘boast and subject them (the Karaites) to bans and excommunications and with the of help the rulers of the to aliens. .forif it wasfoundthathedidnothavethis confirmation. and he expresses fear lest similar decrees are imposed in Palestine as well: ‘. . in his letter of 26 October 1093. 46. lest it extends from there to this country’. lines 2-4. Nathan ha-Kohen b. and the remainder every yearis taken in interest: in order that the pilgrims to the holy city should not be caught and required to show the tax-notes’. fines) forcing them borrow on interest and give it to them’. . a Maghribi living in Jerusalem. the receiptfrom the tax authorities confirming that he had paid the poll-tax (in his language: dayn [ = debt of] al-jixya). we learn to what extent the obligation of settling the tax affairs affected the traveller. a teacher travellingto Fustat. . therefore he asks the parnis of Fustat to help him find his way in this alien situation. ‘Eli he-haver b. we find the Jerusalem Gaon expressing anxiety about tax matters in Egypt. A traveller was obliged to carry the bavii’a.Goitein. Solomon b. His particular worry is tax matters. 133. He asks him to help a certain Saadia. . Abii Sa‘d b. Mevorakh. Judah mentions a census that was taken in Fustat with the intention of inscribing all the poorand demanding of them taxes. 11. . see in Pinsker. who needs nothing besides assistance with the tax arrangements of the ‘masters of the jali~a’. Pinhis of Damascus. and‘oni5hirn(which as we already know meant special taxes.Abraham. healso mentions another Arabic synonym. . and we fear . We see that the termpitiq (fromGreek:pittnkion)is used to mean bari’a. despite the fact that he is carrying with him the bavii’a dtwiiniyya. The Jews of Jerusalem endeavoured to be punctual in paying the global tax imposed on them: ‘We are few. namely that they should not be asked to show the bavii’a. 28 26 27 105. LiqqiifZ qndrnCniyCt. n. Cf.

lines 15-18. 355. to Nehorai b. b. Therefore perhaps. while another leader whom he does not mention by name.29 [265] We have seen that the principle of submission and inferiority of 'the peopleof the book' towards the Muslims is already to be found in the Koran. lines 10-12. on Muharram. The following is the version as it appears in the Damascus treaty: the Muslims are permitted to enter churches by day or night. and he does not know how todeal with the police and the governor and scribe [official clerk] and tax official'. and God will double your reward.' At about the same time. theyshall not try to convert Muslims to their belief and may not prevent members of theirown religion from turning toIslam. his blood be on his own head (jiu-qud khuli'a 'uhdutzu. The letter from Damascus: 285. 505. Judah's heir to theseat of Gaon. and no one comes or goes there (lidikhil wa-li khirij . are ingveut trouble [Hebrew in the original: be-sa'ar g&l] abouttheirtaxin each and every city. the Gaon writes that 'our people. 11. which mentions that Farah ibn Sahliin. the fact that they are being asked to pay the tax before paymentis due. may God help them. bless His name.30 29 30 95. Nissim. . They demand the possibility ofpaying thetax once a year. the latter's uncle. the Jew mediator: 84. On the other hand.j rnujdisihirn). is 'impatient.T H E T A X E S [ S E C S .writing from Jerusalem on 28 August. they must stand aside and make way for them. Ibn'Asakir. you would find it possible to 'champion their rights. Avon b. lines 19f. the Christians may not raise pigs in the neighbourhood of Muslims and shall not sell wine to Muslims. b. We find it again in a new version in thetreaties of surrender. 241-2651 [264] It is not surprising that the Gaon praises Ephraim b. lives in Muslims' houses. 1065. they may not enter Muslims' houses but are obliged to host and feed a Muslim ina reasonable manner for a period of three days. Furit. . they must stand up before them and giveup their seats for them. Sedaqa'sletter. as one of the Gaon Solomon b. to save those caught for taxes'. they shall treat the Muslims with respect wherever they are located (or in their councils . especially in Damascus.Azariah. Solomon b. Shemaria. also had atrustworthy helping hand in tax matters in the person ofAbraham ha-Kohen b. in the margin. the haver from Fustat. Judah's circle describes a Jew 'whosat many years serving theclerks of the tax and inheritance'.a physician with considerable influence. they may not curse a Muslim and whoever hits a Muslim. Sir. literally: the treaty of his [defence] became invalid). the Jews Damascus of themselves write to the yeshiva and mention among their other difficulties.Daniel b. In a letter to the latter written in Arabic in around 1055. In one ofhis letters he writes thathe is 'concerned about all public affairs. and has no time to go into the law. act. I. Isaac b. there were Jews who co-operated with theauthorities with regard to thetax.563f Cf. he would serve as a sort of mediator between the Muslim tax officials and the Jews and determine the extentof the tax.

AnsZb. where it is clearly stated thata Muslim is not tobe killed for the murder of an unbeliever. in n. 'Adi. see Ibn Hishim. there was equality not only between Muslims amongst themselves but also between 'Arabs and nonArabs. then killed thatArab murderer. See the story of Ziyid in Balidhuri. the Muslims 'alayhi). The principal motive behindthese regulations was the desire to preventsocial contact between Arabs and the local populations. 220. cf. Ibn Sa'd. butat the same time. Mu'awiya's step-brother. 52f. that is. 172. There are hadith traditions ascribed to the Prophet in which there is condemnation of the killingof a dhimmi. and ibid. IV(A). apparently he wants to say that no one dares to break the custom which bans entering there: 501. Perhaps at first there mayalso have been some security considerations. b. 'The constitution of Medina'. and on this basis had him arrested. He refused to allow the execution of an Arab of the Banu Asad who had murdered a dhimmi (a Nubuti. 'Ali was credited with the opinion that a Muslim who had killed an unbeliever shouldnot be put to death. 342. an act which Ziyad and Mu'iwiya considered to be a guilty one. Actually it was accepted that ransom payment for a dhimmi was half that ofa Muslim. The genuine belief of Muhammad was in fact expressed in 'the constitution of Medina' which was drawn up a short time after the hijra. Hujr b. that is a villager who spoke Aramaic) and imposed on the murderera ransom to the family of the murdered man. 62 further references.As to the custom in this matter during Mu'awiya's time (evidently also during the entire period of Umayyad rule) we can learn from the instance of Ziyad. 178ff.31 Dress regulations [267] The truest indications of the inferiority of the dhimmis were the prohibitions regarding dress and the rest of theregulations differentiating them inappearance from the Muslims. lines 8-12. and this is clearly and specifically echoed in the Muslim corpus of traditions. but there is no evidence of this. who was governor of Iraq. but they refused to accept it and claimed that according to the existing law on this matter. whether a Muslim who kills a dhimmi is endangering his own life or not (orwill pay the same ransom as for thekilling of a Muslim). At any rate.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS The responsibility for the life of the dhimmi [266] Muslimreligiouslawdid not reach aunanimousconclusion concerning the extent ofits responsibility for the lives of the dhimmis. Gil. one of the main followers of 'Ali and afterwards leader of the opposition to Mu'awiyain Kiifa. See the discussion on ransom money for a dhimmi and the responsibility for his murder: Tritton. 31 . I(2). 4(1974). Caliphs. IOS.

Tu'ri-kh. they shall make a double knot in the laces of their shoes. quotes from al-Siili of honey ( 'asall). The dhimmis on the other hand saw it as evidence of their humiliation and it is not surprising that they tried to avoid those distinguishing marks whenever possible. from the time of the conquest. Ibn 'Asiikir. especially to Harun alRashid (786-809) and al-Mutawakkil (847-861). In addition.However thereis no doubt that they were theoretically imposedin Palestine. in their riding. they shall place on their saddlesa piece of wood resembling a pomegranate. will reveal that the embryo of these decrees exists in the early agreements with local populations. Wusi'il.32 [268] An even more important question is whether these decrees really began only in the Abbasid era. to Hiiriin al-Rashid: lest they resemble the Muslims in their dress. I. On the decrees regarding dress of al-Mutawakkil (in 850) see Tabari. they shall wear tall headgear (qaldnis)with holes. 82. Except that here. whichis the only explanation for the fact that they had to be renewed from time to time. see Ibn al-Jawzi. VI. 151. 93b. . The prohibitions regarding dress aregenerallyascribed totheAbbasidcaliphs. as onlycottonwasallowed. Sib! Cf.DRESS REGULATIONS [SECS. 33 32 33 See the recommendations of Abii Yiisuf. and so on. nor in their dress or their saddles. 563c see also Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam. ibn al-Jawzi. to attach coloured patches to the hats and the dress. 267-2681 saw in these regulations a symbol of the superiority of Islam and its adherents. that is in the days of Harun al-Rashid. 76. 1389. many turned to Islam (and he mentions names). the girdle(zunnir) shall be made of rough threads. A more careful examination of the earliest pacts. there a was differentiation between Christians and Jews. but to the best of my knowledgethere is nothinginthesourcesindicatingtheirparticular application in Palestine. details of Mutawakkil's decrees: the obligation to wear clothes the colour to ride in a special way. Munta+m. Mawsili. and more.andtheymust notstudytheKorannor teach it to their children. nor be called by Arab by-names. who imposed the wearing ofyellow dresson the Christians and Jews (later. 111. Mir'dh (BM Or 4618). he says. Additional marks were added. they could not insert Arabic in the inscriptions on their seals (there are some distorted versions on this matter which say the contrary). According to Ibn 'Asiikir's versions of the pacts with the local people of Damascus and al-Shim. These restrictions were imposed by the rulers in Palestine as well. to attach painted distinguishing signson theentrances of the houses. to wear girdles (xuninF~). because of this. and more. as elsewhere in thecaliphate they were not rigorously observed. on similar decrees in 907/8 (the days of al-Muqtadir). the drawings over the doors to had be ofimages of devils (shnydtii~).distinctive marks while entering a public bath-house. they must not resemble Muslims in theiroutward appearance. they had to differ from the Muslims in matters of culture and language. and their outward appearance. such as the interdiction on women with regard to silkengirdles. the colour of the Christians being blue). 36b. they were obliged to shorten their forelocks in the front and leave the hair loose. 505.

not a single undamaged church was found in the entire area.alsointhesucceedinggenerations. in Baghdad for instance. In 807. had to be evacuated. these decrees were carried out in Palestine. a decree was issued by al-Mutawakkil to destroy all the new places of worship of the unbelievers (and also to take over a tenth of their homes for the Muslims). or to what extent. it appears that similar acts of destruction took place. the synagogues in Palestine were also destroyed. in a source saying that in the days of ‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-‘Aziz. The Christians had to take it upon themselves to practise their religious customs modestly. even to renew the old ones which had fallen into disrepair. as would those ofJerusalem and Ramla). It is quite possible that the intention was to destroy only those places of worship that were built after the Muslim conquests (in which case.which mustnot beaccompaniedbytorches when passing through Muslim quarters. With regard to the Christians. Apparentlythe timeofthedestructionofthe synagoguesandByzantine churches. against whom they waged perpetual war. It seems that the fate of the synagogues. not to intone the ntiqiis in public but only within the churches. was a better one. All the treaties I have surveyed above contain a clause enabling the protected people to maintain their houses of prayer. In 850. but not to build new ones. As early as in the treaty of Najran it is stated: ‘there shall be no disturbance to their religion and their way of life’. and according to certain versions.We have no knowledge of whether. old churches and synagogues which were still functional would become mosques. we are again told. was thatof the Muslim conquest or shortly afterward. in the large cities at any rate. As to the outcome of al-Hakim’s decrees to that effect at the outset of the eleventh century. There was certainly a gap I 60 . Hariin al-Rashid decided to demolish all the housesof prayer of the unbelievers.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Freedom of worship and itslimitations [269] The formulae of the principle of freedom of worship. but it is not clear to what extent this decree was carried out. for example. all the housesof prayer would have been destined for destruction.also to be quiet and modest at funerals. for the Muslim rage to destroy churches was fed to a large extent by their hatred of the Byzantines. with variou restrictions. also date from the very earliest times. There is evidence of widespread destruction of the dhimmis’ houses of prayer in the ninth century. or at any rate. Clear evidence of this has been preserved regarding the region of Damascus and the Ghawta (the valley surrounding the city). It appears that at the time of the conquest many churches and synagogues were destroyed by the invading tribes. not to conduct noisy processions holding the cross on high. whose remnants were and are still being discovered in various parts of Palestine.

among the Muslims and their mosques. There were also synagogues in Ramla which were built after the conquest. 504f.as to al-Mutawakkil. in: Grayzel. 21ff. 831):it is permitted to repair synagogues but not to build new ones. although there is no doubt that no synagogue existed there at the time of the Muslim conquest in638. whose correct interpretation seems to be destruction. Te'uda.]ews. letter to Abrahamha-Kohen b. Cf. but without displaying their banners.]ewish Community. PROFESSIONS AND OFFICES [ S E C S . the noise of the knockingon the naqiis was disturbing and anuisance to the Muslims. Tabari. See on thedecrees of HZrhn al-Rashid: Tabari. 64 (Najrin). Isaac b. and so the church was demolished. lines 14-19. if the peace treaty permits them to maintain it. 111. xvi-8. 7(1991). do but not allow themto build new ones'./u$. although Tabari adds: so that they should not be like the Muslim graves. The Church.In the middle of theeleventh century. Baron. 111. Ta'rikh. regarding compensation for their church in Damascus (which was destroyed by the Jews according to Caliph al-Walid's decision). earlier than the aforementioned by nearly two generations. can be seen by a regulation found in the code ofJustinian is (it found in: Starr.FREEDOM OF WORSHIP. 3 . Ibn al-Athir. see Mez. Ibn al-Athir. 111. the order of destruction of Hirhn al-Rashid it is said that houses of worship in the ports (al-thugtrr)were intended. see: 404. see ibid. Such a law prohibiting the building is first mentioned (as far as we know) in 423. 1390. VII. 713. also a story of negotiations between the Christians and 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz. 161 . Krauss. that the Jews of Sens built a synagogue taller than the church its in neighbourhood. n. it appears that Zen0 the bishop ofVerona (362-380) hinted at such a law. 145[no. al-Mutawakkil: Tabari. if this is done outside the town. 469. (In addition. which says: 'do not destroy any Jewish or Christian house of prayer or any templeof the Zoroastrians. 563f. Futtih. the affairof thechurch which was much too tall.in his opinion. this idea was taken by the from west theMuslims (one need not necessarily believe him). I. that is. and which was expressed in the relationship between the Muslim authorities and the institutions of leadership of the two communi34 Ibn 'Asakir. and only on oneday in the year. Melila. 47. O n Kitnil. 34f. in some unidentified place (but it seems to refer to a city in Palestine) who did not take into consideration the existing prohibitions at all and built their church even higher than the mosque. confirmed by the Geniza documents from the eleventh century. but they are not allowed to take out thecrosses inside the city.206. cf. such as the complaintofPope Innocent 111. See on the destruction of the churches in Damascus and the whole area: 'Imiid al-Din. cites'Umar ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz's order. See further Abii YUsuf.354ff. 25. according to the version in Gil. Kitnil. 1949/50. The law prohibiting the dhimmis to put up buildings (and certainly houses of worship) which were taller than the Muslim buildings was apparently introduced in later generations. 11. 2. allegedly the intention was that the graves should not rise above the ground). 20f.One should note that the Byzantines had a similar as view. See his remarks in of synagogues his letter. 106. Badri. A notable fact is the existence of the synagogue in Jerusalem. 269-2701 between the laws and what actually took place. 1372. 141: 'Umar ordered Abh 'Ubayda not to disturb the Christians whenthey are taking the crosses out on the holidays. 52. we find an episode in connection with the Christians. see: MPL. Balidhuri. Ta'rikh. included in his decrees is the destruction of cemeteries of the unbelievers (taswiyat qubtirihim ma'a'l-urd.)34 Professions and offices [270] The religious autonomy given to the Jews and the Christians is an issue on its own. Tadhkira. 332. 11. see the Theodosian Code. Furat. VI.4 : 77. Juster. Ta'rSkh. I.

on thecontrary. such as al-Muqtadir’s order in 908/9. the caliphs issued orders prohibiting their employment.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D T H EM U S L I M S ties in Palestine. Manstir of Damascus. The participation of both Christian and Jewishdhimmis in various administrative roles was particularly marked in the days of the Fatimids. and certainly since they were mawali.there was a distinct opposition to thedhimmisholdinganypublicposts. he disclosed that the secretary was a Christian. but one can rely on the approach of the caliph ‘Umar ibnal-Khattab in this matter. In this sphere. as we have seen. True. We have already seen a few such instances above. and dealing with otherareas. particularly Christians (from families that had formerly been Byzantine officials) in administrative posts. and below we shall encounter central figures in the Fatimidpolitical scene who were Jews (some of whom convertedtoIslam). Although the Muslim law did not impose any restrictions on the economic affairs ofthedhimmis . from the Koran onwards. Some of them converted to Islam. we have considerable information from both Arab sources and from the Geniza documents. O n the other hand. and even from Muslimsources. their advance would have been much more rapid than if they had maintained their former religion. do not take Jews or Christians as your aides.thatthe Umayyadsemployeddhimmis. this is not formulated in any of the early sources in which legal principles with regard to the dhimmis are to be found. that the dhimmis should continue to pursue their occupations. and that Abti Miisi replied that he could not bring the secretary into the mosque. for they aid one another’. with a varying degree of intervention on the part of the authorities in their affairs. It is known fromthe Egyptian papyri. as soon as their reign was established. we find Christians serving in administrative positions despite the fact that. however. One can also assume that Jewish and Christian physicians were called upon to serve at the courts of the caliphs in their professional capacities. v:56) ‘Oh.When ‘Umar asked him the reason for this. This roused ‘Umar’s wrath and he read him the words from the Koran (strvat al-ma’ida. In the Abbasid periodas well. as outlined in Muslim law. for they had no people of their own who could fill administrative posts. A basic fact was the uninterrupted existence of these institutions for almost the entire period. the Muslims had to continue to employ officials who served in the former administration. It is said that ‘Umar ibn al-Khattib himself appointeda number of the captives of Caesarea as administrative officials. It was natural that at the beginning of the conquest.and who wereinvolvedinthe affairs of I 62 . is ittold that‘Umar one day requestedfrom Abti Mus5al-Ash‘ari to bringhis secretary to him to read him some letters from al-Sham.theMuslimswere interested. particularly with regard to finance. particularly the family of Sarjtin b. ye believers. from time to time.

a rule which is in keepingwith the basic Muslim approach whichplaces considerable weight on the religious partnershipin human relationships . such as Manasseh ibn Abraham al-Qazziiz. 18(1851). the Tustari brothers and others. and see there on pp. for example. however. 77.d Z m yuzid wn-la p ~ r ~ q t r s ) . 136.There was. RE]. See a comprehensive discussion of this subject: Schreiner. while the Arabs call him ‘the honourable the case of a Christian who still bore the title nmir’. after a Greek official urinated into the ink. for dux. an inclination toconfiscate dhimmis’ property when they died without male heirs. 18. 387fC cf.I refer and here to the laws of inheritance. The hadiths are cited in many places. ~ ~ [272] In the Muslim law of inheritance there was a loophole. Muslim courts [271] Another sphere in which Muslim law influenced the life of the dhimmis was thatof the property of the family. 111. Mawtji‘it. In general. According to a hadith. Ibn al-Athir. There was even a governor in Jerusalem who was a Karaite (Ibn ‘Allfin) and agovernment official in Jerusalemwho was a Samaritan. where he was put in the place of the Christian Sarjun. Caliphs. the Prophet said that a Muslim does not inherit from theunbeliever nor does the unbeliever inherit from the Muslim.. for accordingly Jew a who converts to Christianity loses his rights of inheritance as well. 230. which Caesarea: Balidhuri. 428. I. 81. 142. However. as does one who converts to Islam. see also Tritton. 366ff. Caliphs. based on Geniza documents. Jimi‘. 374ff on this subject: ‘NonMuslim government officials’ (and see ibid. 87. Mediterraneart Society. Ghizi ibn al-Wisiti. This approach is very objective on the surface. ‘UyrTn. FtrtMh. they claimed that the Muslim cannot inherit from the unbeliever.M A T T E R S O F I N H E R I T A N C E . PEQ. see: Lewis. 255 (No. There werelegists who accepted the first hadith as it stands and rejected the authenticityof the other.271-2741 Palestine. see Ibn al-Jawzi. Sa‘d to introduce Arabic script. 112.itwasfirst used in matters of taxes in jund Urdunn. 11. 4e sCr. 208. Tritton. 29(1894). and the supplement ibid. VIII. See also the survey in Goitein. for instance. 43. instance. 728). Al-Muqtadir’s order: Ibn al-Jawzi. 212. Jacob ibn Killis. Milik.an emphasiswhich gives them priority over family relationships. see. 80(1948). although they first allotted to the widowsand daughters what was their due in Muslim law (according to which the women and daughters have a share in the inheritance). that is AD 700. Afterwards he transferred him to Damascus. . Mtrntazam..35 Matters of inheritance. the lawrecognised the rightofJews and Christians to deal with matters of inheritance accordingto their own laws as the leaders and judgesof the communityinterpretedthem. See Nuwayri. since the year AH 81. The caliph then ordered Sulaymin b. the corresponding notes). Tayilisi. M U S L I M C O U R T S [ S E C S . the case of Ab6 Musi: Ibn Qutayba. 19ff many additionaldetails on the employment of Christians in administrative posts in various places of the Muslimworld during the period under discussion. The employing of local administrative officials isshown by the Egyptian papyri. at variance with this is another hadith of the Prophet which says that Islam only brings about profit and not loss ( a l . 198C according to him Greek was no longer being used in financial management in the days of ‘Abd al-Malik. Belin. that is. VI.JA. X.

165f. this amendment prescribed that the husband must give the wife a divorce immediately. .who points out in onehis ofresponsa. but we do not admit deeds of gift and the like’). were usually considered absolutely invalid. Also with regard to divorce. on condition that it was ‘a gentile court which does not accept bribes andis non-biased’. we only admit deedsof purchase and the like. particularly when speaking of women. Nevertheless in certain instances Muslim law was prepared to acknowledge the right of the women to receive a divorce EP even without the agreement of husband. there were some women who applied to the Muslim court. an amendment (taqqina) was decided upon. and Hiin2 in Sura (about 650). in the hope that the cadi would grant the claimant advantages he could not have obtained at the hands of the Jewish court.101 and ibid.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N DTHE M U S L I M S allowed for appeal to the Muslim court. while her paternal family 3’ See the letterof Sherira (Lewin). we have the evidence of Sherira Gaon. in the note the text his of responsum to the scholars of Qayrawan and more references of the editor.and see alsoSchacht. Schacht) in (whomentions thispossibility. there wasno still clear-cut Muslim law with regard to divorce. O f this.opposedthistendencybyemphasising again and again the ancient prohibition on appealing to the gentile law courts. the andsee the articleTaliik (byJ. . or the Muslim authorities. There is mention of a conflict concerning a woman who had converted. Naturally.37 [273] This tendency to apply to the cadi can be seen in Jewish sources of the period. One can assume that similar processes occurred among the Christians. and onecan only view this information as incidental evidence of the Muslim authorities’ intervention in instances in which the woman succeeded in convincing them that she had been mistreated and that the Jewish decision had been contrary to their sense of natural justice. Introdtiction. like non-payment of a debt). the husband considered estates belonging to her as good as dead and that he was her heir. at such an early date.It was accepted thatone needed a special authorisation from the Jewish court in order to give evidence in the gentile courts. . on condition that she renounce what is written in the marriage deed (ketubba). they would also find a way to permit this when speaking of ‘robbery’ (gexel. A verdict or deeds acquired by the coercionof the Muslim court. when Rabba was the head of theyeshiva in Pumbedita. The Jewish public for whom the authority of their court was the very nerve centre of religious-nationaluniqueness. named after the daughter-in-law of Rav Zavid. because ‘the daughters of Israel were relying on the gentiles to get their divorce by force’. The common attitude was that one could apply to them in commercial and financial matters but not with regard to property(‘. but does notgointo detail). but we have no specific knowledge of this. we know that when the husband refused to grant a divorce. that a short time after the conquest of Babylonia by the Muslims.

who was Solomon b. Moses and Abraham. 87):theview of the (evidently toChristianity): Ge'onemizriihJ-ma'ariiu.M A T T E R S O F I N H E R I T A N C E . Sudayq (a pet name for Sadaqa). evidently because of demands from the tax authorities and also. 51 (No. 199). see the 165 . Mukarram claimed that the legacy was theirs is not (it clear what degreeof family relationship there was between them and the deceased. A document written in Arabic and signed by the cadi certainly made the required impression on the authorities. This is a letter from the Gaon to the community of Rafiah (Rafah): 'A'isha (a distinctly Arab name). 63b. Actsof coercion: the responsum of Saadia Gaon. according to the law of Ishmael. thiscan party expect excommunication. depriving a convert from inheritance: Ge'one mizriih ti-ma'ariiv. Then they 38 See Hark_avy. Fudayl (a pet name from Fadl) and his sisterandhersonKhalafb. Qidd. As to Palestine. Osar ha-ge'znim. do not allo a convert to inherit the properties his of father. The first source is from the days of Josiah Gaon b. . that is. 99(No. and he decided that they were the heirs of their cousin. from the eleventh century. Aaron. Hayy Gaon).because of the need to feel more secure in the face of pressure and expropriation. 11).290. It seems that we have here an instance of difference between the paternal family and that of the husband.TeshJvCt.applied to the local dayyin. the sons of Mansiir. for 'the Muslims. The opinion of thePalestinian Geonim was also that the marriage deed of the woman who had converted belonged to her family. andthe Palestinian Gaon is ready to assert his authority vigorously in thosecases in which one party appeals for help from the Muslim court. 30f (Nos. apart from the information mentioned above concerning the attitude of its Geonim in the matter of the marriage deed of the woman who had converted. thereupon our Sages relied so as to deprive sucha man of his father's inheritance. had died. Palestinians ('the Westerners'): Sha'arP @eq. who undoubtedly died before she did).271-3741 demanded her property for themselves and the Babylonian Gaon decided in favour of her family. 82). in around 1020. Saadia. perhaps.. They applied to the Muslim court. daughter ofJoseph b.'38 [274] The realitythatemerges fromthe Geniza documentsinthe eleventhcentury AD is of a strongJewish legal autonomy. 'Amram b. though this is merely an assumption.A special permit: O y r ha-ge'znim. 22). The Geonim permitted the decisionto rest with the Muslim court and with its help. to the applied to cadi. The woman who had converted 20b (No. all our knowledge of this matter is derived from the Geniza. sonof Sudayq. invalidated the right of inheritance ofa Jew who had converted.53a-53b (No. the habit ofregistering deals of estates with the Muslim court as well as with the Jewish court became widespread. M U S L I M C O U R T S [ S E C . . BQ. Ge'one mizriih tLma'arZu.8a-8b (No. Her cousins on her father's side. Ge'onP mizriih J-ma'aviiv. perhaps they were the brother and sister and nephew of her husband. and he made the same decision as the dayyin.O n the other hand. 4b (No. 78-90).

who holds ‘a deed of attorney validated by the signature of his honour. Shemaria in Fustat. I 66 . andlandinherited from his ‘his houseandthat forefathers’. Tobiah. Salman began ‘to complain and curse andstorm against the laws of Israel and its judges. the infantry (probablythe vijiiln. The Gaon pronounced them excommunicated. Judah writes to Abrahamha-Kohen b. the yeshiva in Jerusalem) and hand over what they had taken. ‘Ezrun. Herzog Memorial Volume: 493. Judah. but discussion on these questions: Mann. When the court found in favour of Sulayman the Jerusalemite.’.Shabib al-Ashqar (the redhead). 140f. mentioning a man of Jerusalem who was reduced to poverty and went to Egypt. Nissi demanded to be judged by the cadi. Solomon. In spite of the very poor state of the manuscript. he too would be excommunicated. a smithofJerusalem. Shemaria immediatelydecreed a ban on him ‘until he agreed to accept the verdict’. however. . Abraham. head of the yeshiva Ge’on Ya‘aqov’. probably in 1028. Fudayl’s brother (it is not clear why ‘Amram himself was not indicated) was obliged to appear together with his sister before the great court (that is. Ephraimb. soldiersinthe service of theExecutionOffice) arrested her brother.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N DT H E M U S L I M S the qii’id. She demanded her share of her father’s legacy through the medium of the ‘gentile laws’ (for. At about the same time there occurred theaffair of Mubaraka. is in Fustat. including of his son-in-law. 11(1920/21). and this Salman swore that he would not accept but the gentile laws . the judge in Fustat. Clearly the appellants rely on the Gaon’s opposition to applications to the gentile court. If he refused. Judah writes. who escaped. In around 1030 Solomon b. Solomon b. son of the Gaon Solomon b. Muslim law grants a share of a legacy to daughters as well). Furat about a deposit demanded by Samuel b. Sahl. the Gaon’s granddaughter. see also Hirschberg. N S 10(1919/20). to Ephraim b. .as mentioned above. Salman lives in Fustat and the claim against him is brought by Yefet ha-Levi b. In August 1030. to the ‘Judge of Judges’ (qii&”l-q~&h). thegovernmentauthority (apparentlyaTurkish or Berber commander. in which a memorandum of the court complained that she had evaded the verdict of thecourtand applied to the Muslim court. Isaac fiance of the b. the great and holy Lord and Master. 457. and caused him tolose all his property. it can still be understood that this person fell victim to someone who did not hesitate to apply to a Muslim court. in charge of affairs on behalf of the Fatimids) and they managed to get part of the legacy with his help. against Salman b. from a man called Nissi (the deposit was left with Nissi bySamuel’s mother). the aforementioned ‘Amram 6. when the court there examines the complaints of a certain Sulayman. Because of her. who owes Sulayman four dinars.]QR.

He asks Abrahamtotrytointervenewiththe cadi inRamla. at the gathering on the Mount of Olives. al-Muraji b. in the Geniza documents there is clear evidence that in Palestine Jews did not hesitate to turn to the cadi when it seemed useful or necessary. and anyone who applies to the laws whoever obtains an inheritance by their laws. whose addressee we do not know): . although they are people who 'oppose anything done by someone else'. . The house was confiscated on the basis of false evidence in favour of an old Muslim named al-Shami. We have evidence ofthis written by the orphan daughters of a certain D&Z. that the house is in fact the property of the Shuway' family. also dealing with the Shuway' family. Some time afterwards. (you say) let us excommunicate who desecrates the Sabbath of God! but the as is prescribed? And majority do desecrate it. we find another letter from Solomon b.to get the support of the amlv (the governor of Ramla) who should write to his colleague (the governor of Jerusalem) not to pay attention to these accusations.is there anyone keeping the Sabbath of God.271-2741 his wife sharply objected to this. Ibrihim alMaqdisi. Judah reveals in one ofhis letters that the influence ofthis act of excommunication did not have much effect. as was the accepted customoftheRabbanites in Jerusalem. many whom our laws do not favour. author of thefadi'il. Judah refused to sit in judgment on this dispute. In Jerusalem. as he was Samuel's relative. a malicious person who was co-owner of the house. to the same Abraham ha-Kohen. the family of Shuway'. A deed of attorney written in Tyre at the end of 1036 or the beginning of 167 . on the Mount of Olives. Judah to Ramla. The eldest daughter turns to the public on her own behalf and that of her younger sister. . on people who a letter in ofcomplaint applied to a Muslim court. This time the Gaon writes in their favour. he states (in a letter written apparently in 1035. a work mentioned occasionally in this book) concerning the house of the Shuway' family. that is the family of Joshua b. expressing his opposition tothe annualexcommunicationofthe Karaites. one would proclaim a ban on the seventh day of theFeast of Tabernacles. Although Solomon b. a respectable physician who lives in Ramla. complaining that they were deprived of their shareof their father's legacy by their two married sisters. M U S L I M C O U R T S [ S E C . and the Gaon requests Abraham ha-Kohen. . against anyone who obtains an inheritance in a Muslim court'. . apply to the lawsof the gentiles. Solomon b. and her remarks include the following phrase: 'you use to proclaim a ban. rivals of the Gaon. The Gaon and all the other Jews of Jerusalem know the truth. perhaps from 1035. nevertheless.M A T T E R S O F I N H E R I T A N C E . but they [the Karaites] say that it is we anyone who desecrates the holidays of the gentiles and who desecrate them. Abii'l-Ma'ili (evidently he is al-Musharraf b. accused him ofsiding with one of the contestants. Indeed. Simhiin.

dated Thursday. the debtor Salmin b. there is an error in Mann on this matter and see Goitein’s corrections ibid. lines 20fc the episode of SulaymanJerusalemite: Shabib. forinstance. b. 177ff) from 1428 Sel. Manasseh b. or 16July AD 1047. and the correspondingnotes. Israel al-Dustari. of ‘gobbling up the money of the Maghribi gentleman’. drafted in Mahdiyya and validated in Fustat by Ephraimb. who lived inJerusalem.accusing Hayyim. ha-Tustarlm. the he says this only to exemplify the lack of logic in the proclamations of excommunication. Itsays there that he was also provided with a letter ‘to the elders of the Ishmaelites. and ibid. The episode of Samuel b. letter: 75. they would approach him [every week] in this matter’. a transaction carried out in 1023. 395-402. including those of the Karaites in the Fatimid caliphate. 11. the orphans’ complaint. see below. Judah on the ban: 121. in Goitein. Jews. and in full: Texts. Saadia to collect money owing to the deceased father of thefamily. It mentions that he received goods according to a list ‘in hagavi [Arabic] writing’. we find an accounting between partners after the death of one of them. it seems that the applicants are members of the Karaite community(oroneofthe Karaite communities) in Fustat.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS 1037. validated in Fustat. the Maghribi merchant (of the circle of Nehorai b. ‘Ezrih: 101. In a draft of evidence regarding the sale of a shop in Tiberias. the passage ‘and they shall not apply to judgments ofthe gentiles in exchange for the judgments of the I 68 . that is of the family of the Tustaris. so that no one would hinder him and that no one wouldexpress doubts in thematter’. Bod1 MS Heb a3. In a draft ofdeed a of attorney written in Tyre. His opponentspour abuse on him in the Muslimlegal institutions. Here thereis proofapparently that the Gaon ofPalestinewas considered by the authorities as being responsible for allJewish matters. who were Karaites.writesfrom there on 17 March 1055. al-Muraji. Shemaria and others. 49fc Solomon b. is mentioned in the deed TS 13 J 9.ofwhich only a fragment is preserved. and that they used ‘documents of the gentile courts’drawn up by ‘thejudge wholives in the city of Tyre’. that is according to the document of the court which was in Arabic script. Judah’s the 102. 11. includes a power of attorney given byhis mother and two sisters to Joseph ha-Levi b. without clarifying the matter . see the marriage deed of the Karaite woman wedded to a Rabbanite. Mediterranean Society. and such a document could only have been written in the Muslim court. The Rafiah episode: 43. 45.39 j9 See the discussion on applications to Muslim courts and the relationship between the two legal systems. andamongthe witnesses we find the signature ofJoseph b. cf. in the preface). 5. AM 4807. 19th of Tammuz.I t is worth noting that theKaraites also emphasised the ban on having recourse to Muslim courts. 42 (partly edited by Mann.212. apparently in 1041. the house of the Shuway‘ family: 117. on Abu’l-Ma‘ali al-Musharraf b. apparently from the beginning of the eleventh century: 217. Avon b. Gil. Isaac. f.(AD 1117. f. His letter is filled with complaints about conspiracies and judgmentsagainst himself. Sedaqa. Apparently it refers to a confirmation intended for the Muslim courts. Solomon b. to Hayyim b. lines 5fc one should note thathis comments on thegentile courts have no direct connection with the matter of Karaites. Nissim). Mubiraka: 44. ‘Ammiir in Alexandria. ‘and things have cometo such a pass that if a governor [‘irnil] or supervisor ofbequests [sahib mawirith] were to be appointed every week. 11. it is noted that the draft is a copy according to al-rnah&r d ‘ a r a b i .

11. 3. 35. b.000 cubic metres. he found that out of 293 towns. Social and Economic History. as it is said: these are the judgments which thou shalt set before them (Ex. The basic fact that should serve as a starting point in this discussion is that at the time of the conquest. It appears that the map of localities was no longer what it had been even after ‘Umar ibn al-Khatt5b introduced order in the relations between the Muslim tribes and the local population. the assumption of the editor that the destruction was caused by the Abbasid revolution has no 169 . Guy. 193 were abandoned. 156. lines 20ff. lines 6 . lines 32-33. a. See also Benjamin al-Nihiiwandi.as a result of the agricultural uprooting during the Muslim period . There is no doubt that many of the small towns and villages were destroyed during the conquest. Yehiidi. Palestine was inhabited by Jews and Christians. The Arab tribes were to be found in the border areas. line 14. We now know that out of ninety-three towns in the Sharon of which a geographical survey providesevidenceduringtheRoman-Byzantineeras.4o 40 Torah’. 3a: ‘and it is not permitted to apply to a court of the idolaters in a difference with someone of Israel. when the density of the population reached its peak. the shop in Tiberias: 245. apparently mainly because of soil erosion. n. 1954. even when they judge according to thelaws of the Torah. decreased from fifty-eight to seventeen! It is estimated that the erosion of the soil from the western slopes of the Judaean mountains reached .. and can one imagine that the war andtheslaughter ofthepopulationconsiderablydecreasedits numbers. See a slightly different version in Mann. see the same saying also in the Karaite marriage deed which precedes this by so hundred years. until ‘anyone whose relative died had to go to him to write petition a for him to the government officials in charge of inheritances [this is certainly what is meant here by asbib al-mawiwrith] certifying that the deceased had heirs’. the evidently because of the inter-tribal warfare among the Arabs which completely undermined the internal security of the area.). xxi:l).the gigantic extent of 2. the power-of-attorney from Tyre: 274. 52fC see also Kochavi (ed. 1959 (and especially the table on p. Ashtor. 4:77. IEJ. one of the most obscure subjects concerning this period is that of the populationand localities. Sedaqa:497.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S275-3341 .000 to 4. In a survey made byGuy in1938 on theregion of Rehovot-Ramla-Lod-Ramallah. about the Jew who mediated with the Muslim authorities with regard to taxes and legacies. 24. BJPES.onlyfifty-two remained at the end of the Crusader period. cf. 11. One can assume that at that time the inhabitants abandonedplace. from January 1028: 305. See also 84. data on the state of the towns in Judaea(in the mountains and in the S h e j l i ) in the Byzantine period. Avon b. lines 12-17. Karmon. We find direct evidence of the destruction of agriculture and the desertionof the villages in the fact that the papyri of Nessana are completely discontinued after the year 700.Jews. The populationand localities [275] Undoubtedly. O n Nessana see: Nessana. Townsin the western strip and the central strip (the region of the red sandhills and the swamps) in the Sharon. 130). in keeping with arrangements made with the Byzantine rulers. Israel may judge Israel’. power-of-attorney deed: 276. line 8. 23: 111. 1&13.

we find in Ibn ‘Asikir the foundation. the Muslim element consisted. for instance. but we have no way of knowing the size of that part. of and certainly not in agriculture. During theAbbasid andsuccessive periods. such as Hebron and others’). while the attention which these sources paid to the dhimmis was negligible. This fact lends singular significance to those scraps ofinformationwhich have somehow reached us throughthe medium of these sources. Thus. I shall deal with personalities who were active subsequently. . when Palestine was ruled from Egypt. there was certainly a marked decrease in the importance of the tribes and place theirwas largely taken by the prominent element of non-Arab Muslim military personnel and government officials. This latter element certainly didnot reach impressive demographic proportions and its numerical weight was very marginal. 2a: ‘the places which were completely destroyed so that no memory of them remains. as well as religious personnel. etc. although is it very likely that the population diminished. I have summarised above whatis known of Muslim personalities in Palestine. like pair are theplaces which havebeen destroyed and ruined. It seems probable that in this early period the Muslims did not implant real roots in the towns Palestine.). 1lSf. one should not assume that the Muslims were the majority during this period. and the Negev became a wasteland. Cf. .THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [276] There is no reason to assume that the proportions in the structure of the population varied drastically in the period in question. who also points out that the distress of the inhabitants became acute after the year 700 and conditions became unbearable. and the second despite this there are guards and people living there. until the Crusaders’ conquest. . and of menof religion and officialdom. as we have seen. although naturally is it this element on which details are preserved in the Muslim sources. Ms. we are almost entirely dependant on Arab sources. 61:4 (And they shall build the oldwastes. One should remember that in this field of the demographic portrait of the population. 80(1948).forthedocumentsstop two generationsearlier. One can assume that the same conditions were imposed in other cities in Palestine as well. and thatfrom then on. thetribes constituted certain a part ofthe population. fol. the inhabitants of Tiberias had to give up part of their dwellin in order to house the Muslim tribesmen. as against some sixty Christian houses of worship at the beginning of the ninth century. but Samaria . during the period of the Damascene caliphate.. mainly of tribes who derived their livelihoodfrom taxes from the subdued population. partly due to the general political situation and partly because of the worsening attitude to the dhimmis. also Lewis. In other words. Below. Al-Iztakhri mentions in 951 that in all of jund Filastin there were approximately twenty mosques. ‘Ali expresses awareness of the fact that there was great destruction in Palestine andthattherewere places whichremained uninhabited while there were other places to which people returned and settled. See his interpretation ofIs. The Karaite commentator Yefet b. During thedays of the Umayyads. We have already seen above that at the time of the conquest. Paris 287. PEQ.

writing at the end of the tenth century. see Ibn aL‘Arabi. Tyre. Gaza. Muhammad alMahdi was governor of Damascus. Ribla. According to him. Muqaddasi. Yahy5 b. . as Karaite sources indicate. The information concerning the extent of the Muslim population in Palestine during the Crusaders’ period is not unequivocal. O f particular interest is the passage which states that Yahya was ‘from the Jews living in the Balqi” (win y a h d al-balqa’) and so we learn that at that time. See on this question thearticle by Cahen. Aqiilirn. Syria. Haifa. ‘the son ofJeremiah’) who in the days of Hiriin al-Rashid (when Ibrihim b. the outset of Fatimid rule in Palestine. leader of the ‘Babylonians’in Fustat (the letter was 4* 42 The number of mosques: Istakhri. Hebron. I. 15:351. ‘Abdallah al-Ma‘ifiri al-Ishbili (man of Seville). With even greater justification.and I shall describe the matter in greater detail below. most of theinhabitants of Palestine on the eve of the Crusaders’ conquest were Muslims. when the Christians (mostly but not only the Jerusalemites) collaborated with the Bedouin in their struggle against the Fatimids and indirectly against the Jews as well. As to the rural population. 267. 356f. At the beginning of the eleventh century Samuel b. in the cities of Ramla. cf. we can assume that there were relatively large Jewish communities in placesless distant from the centres of government. . . apparently. copied from him by Yaqiit. Isaac ha-Sefaradi (the Spaniard) writes from Jerusalem.inabout 800) joined two of the partisans of the Umayyads and together they practised highway robbery.j2 The strength of the Christians in Jerusalem is also borne out by the events occurring during the first two generations ofthe Fatimid reign. 167. Elhanan. Acre. in the main it was still Christian on the eve of the Crusaders’ conquest. According to Prawer. and here we have the explicit evidence of the distinguished Andalusian writer Ibn al-‘Arabi. IV. Tiberias. 81 : dl-hiliid lahrrrn ya’krrrfina diyi‘ahrrnr wa-yaltazimfim adyiirahi wa-yu‘ammiriirra karrii’isahi.41 [277-2791 Jerusalem was certainly inhabitedmainly by Christians during the entire period. who stayed in Jerusalem in the years 1093-1095. but he does not indicate his sources.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [SECS. to Shemaria b. 11. nurture its monasteries and maintain its churches’. 275-3341 information about the Jew Yahyib. who is Ab6 Bakr Muhammad b. Irmiyi: Ibn ‘Asikir. 596. most of the inhabitants of the city were Christians and Jews. Ascalon. and who states very clearly that: ‘. We have thespecific evidence of the Jerusalemite Shams al-Din al-Muqaddasi.and at any rate one cannotlearn from it about theperiod under discussion. the country is theirs [the Christians’] because it is they who work its soil. there was still a Jewish population in southern Trans-Jordan.-and especially pp. Ha-salvinim. the Jewish community ofJerusalem is a subject on its own. Irmiyi (that is. Rafiah and Eilat.would it appear as if this was akind of resistance movement against theAbbasids. Mez. Buldiin. 58. 1934. 129. 388. From the account of their adventures and capture. that there were few learned Muslim religious personalities (‘trlarni’) in Jerusalem.

Aqilinr. In the letter he describes the affairs of a proselyte who abandoned Christianity and fled from his home in Damascus in order to be among Jews. for in Jerusalem the Christians were persecutinghim:‘the ‘ a d i w [theuncircumcised]curse him again and again all the time’. was an immigrant.probably from Syria. from the little we know. Lands. Samuel b. opposite pp. which has no major mosque ( j i t n i ? and its people make their living from plantations and raising sheep and of the Caspian Sea. ibid. more than 20. which is Biyir Jumand.) Further on. 356f. printed by Golb. Isaac found this proselyte in Jerusalem together with Jewish pilgrims from Damascus. ibid. 335). and was told by him thathe wished to leave Jerusalem and go to Fustat.describestheplace: a small town. a central figure from among the Karaites arrived in Jerusalem from Qiimis. particularly the Geniza documents. Past ayd Presetlt.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D THE M U S L I M S written before 1011. it appears that most of them were immigrants from distant lands. Also the old Muslim who deprived theShuway‘ family of their house in Jerusalem (see above). Shams al-Din al-Muqaddasi himself states that his mother’s family (his a k h w d ) came from BiyZr in the region of Qiimis. for he would then have been impressed by the number ofJews as well.al-Shiimi . Their influence is considerable. Muqaddasihimself. these were mostly religious personalities or people who came to gather in the shadow of the Sakhra in the belief that the place had a holy character. one is inevitably impressed by the considerable proportion of Christians in the population. 6f.~~ the sources of the period. Daniel al-Qiimisi. 8 (1963/4). the place is to the south-east Maps V and V I 1 1 in Le Strange. 357. Cahen. see Le Strange. on the edge of the great desert (see camels. as can be seen from his name . because they have ‘most of the secretaries governing the lands’ (that is: many government off i c i a l ~ ]Studying . One must bear in mind thatthis eminent scholar was not familiar with Jewish sources. . inDhii’l-hija)inJerusalem. on Biyir.000 men assembled (that is. the beginning of the tenth century. 6(1954).but onecannot ascertain whether he meant thenumber of pilgrims or all the Muslims then See ULC Or 1080 J 115. and he points out that quite a number of the Muslims from Qiimis living in Jerusalem camefrom BiyZr. According to him. 185. we shall encounter many Muslim personalities who lived in Jerusalem who were immigrants from various parts of the Muslim world.45 [281] N5zir Khusraw points out that many Muslims came to Jerusalem because they could not reach Mecca. the year of Shemaria’s death). 4 j Muqaddasi. (It is interesting that at about the same time.44 [280] As to the Muslims in Jerusalem. He came from a notable family and influential Christians were trying to persuade him to return to his former faith. 366.. 88ff.but even an offer of money did not entice him to return to Christianity. Cahen notes that at the end of the eleventh century there was evidently numeric equaiity between Christians and Muslims in Palestine and Syria. &&not.

see for instance: Ibn al-Athir.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . According to Ya‘qiibi (writing in around890) tribesmen and non-Arabs were living in Ramla side by(akhlit side min al-nas min al-‘arab wa’2-‘ajam). Apart from this.the outcome of the transfer of Christians from Lod to the new city. see what he says on Egypt. For the time being. O n the other hand.This additionis undoubtedly distorted. was among the Eastern Christians the sabbath before Easter. whose daughter was an abandoned wife (‘agiinl). See the waqfinscriptionin Ramla: Sharon. and he adds that the dhimmis there were Samaritans (wa-dhimmatuhasamira). though it frequently does mean this. The only remaining written evidence (as far as we know) of the of a certain Jabiir. Tabari. 185. 111. Solomon b.]imi‘.. all the ‘ajam of Egypt are Copts. Apparently the Jewish population of Ramla was greater than that of Jerusalem. VI. but it seems that Ya‘qiibi. Arabic and Islamic Studies (Bar Ilan). I.‘ainm wn’l-sZmird (‘they live there side by side . 275-3341 found in the city (Niisir Khusraw stayed in Jerusalem in the spring of 1046). from theyear 913. 188. 2374C Muqaddasi. the great sabbath. Arabica. when he wishes to speak of Persians in Palestine. existence of Christians in Ramla is a funerary inscription dated 14 April 943. See for instance what he writes about Itribulus and Jubayl. words have been deleted from the list after the expression ‘ajam. 1966. see what he writes about NZbulus. Bad’. Ashtor. ibid. and visited the city frequently. the meaning ‘ajam of here is not Persians. the non-Arabs and the Samaritans’). as in reference to Ramla. V. 340: wa-‘ajam miyjami‘uhi al-qibt. and a comprehensivediscussion therein. as mentioned above. it will suffice to point to thefact that as it was on the highway to Jerusalem it served as an assembly point for pilgrims. and some of theheads of the Jerusalem yeshiva built themselves houses in Ramla. also here. 328.the tribesmen. ibid. for we are well aware that many Jews lived in Ramla and there were certainly also Christians there. He states that he could no longer bear her weeping and complaints and therefore decided to cut shor 46 47 NiSir Khusraw. We can presume that there were also Christian inhabitants in Ramla. and this was at the end of the list.‘arclb wn’l. The funerary inscription: Sharon. after the opening sentence. 1978. and as he hadno house of his own in Ramla. uses the word Persians (al-J. 66 (translation). in which he explains that al-sabt al-kabir. had a list of what he calls ‘ajum. Judah stayed there at the beginning of the winter of 1040.. AESC.. he stayed with a Jew of Ramla. 1:1. contrary to his opinion. 327. 27(1972). which was founded by the Muslims. only the word Samaritans remains. Buldin. cf. one should note that Ya‘qijbi himself. 2:31. 13:77.46 [282] We have some information on the population of Ramla. Ya‘qiibi. 1974. and incorporated the inhabitants of Lod.47 [283] Later on we shall see that Ramla is frequently mentioned in the Geniza documents. Authentic written evidence of the Muslim part of the population of Ramla is the dedicatory inscription ( w a d of an inn @ m l u q ) . Ibn ‘Asikir. . Shalem. which shows that herehe is using the word tomean Christians. Ta’rikh. 328C ‘rua-biltii nkhl& rnin nl. 354. and from this list. See anextended version ofhis discussion: Sharon.33. this fact and thefact that the inscription is inArabic script exclude the possibility of its being a Jewish inscription. 20 (text). ibid. but the initial meaning of this root is: non-Arab.lrs).

480 (Friedman. the name of the groom: Menahem ha-Kohen b. Abraham: 183. in Ramla thecity near Lod’. 552. see Goitein. Ramla near Lod: apart from the documents my in collection. Judah see: 130. In another letter. as we have seen. the influential Jewish physician Abraham ha-Kohen b. dated ‘the first year of theweek (i. Abraham b. There were three Jewish communities in Ramla: the Jerusalemites. the ritual bath-house. line printed in: Friedman. lines 25-26. which was very rare among Jews). that is about 5. of the sabbatical cycle of seven years) in the year four thousand andseven hundred and seventy and five years ofthe creation ofthe world(1014/5) . Mediterranean Society. the Babylonians and the Karaites. In a letter written in February 1039by Nathan b. . 155. from the year 1139. Solomon Judah’s b. the city near Lod’. In about 1035. lines 15ff. and to get him to demolish the buildings that were set up illegally.000 souls. a fragment of a marriage deed from Ramla Marriage. who shall be spoken of further. and it appears that in the eleventh century it was still the centre of northern Letters of Solomon b. Abraham. Abraham is asked to try topersuade him at first in a gentle manner. The letter of Nathan b. from this letter as well it appears that the Gaon used to stay in Ramla for a long time.more than thatin the qi‘a (entrance hall) . and an upper story opposite the entrance hall of the synagogue. Isaiah. Furat lived in Ramla. marries the daughter of Pinhas b. In the middle of the eleventh century. one learns thatintheeleventhcenturytherewerethree synagogues. 223). Isaac b. here tooAbraham b. line 19. but see document No. 11. As one can deduce from the documents. 159. rival. From this we may learnthattherewereapproximatelyathousandJewish families.47.one if is to judge by the name Ayyiib. in which the rniddh. One can discern thesignatureofSolomon ha-Kohen b. Abraham b. 1065). mikwi?. Samuel ‘the third’. See Dropsie 364 11. n. Box 44.Joseph (?). it was customaryto state in a deed: ‘Ramla. a reminder of the days when Lod was the major centre and Ramla insignificant. Sedaqa signed. the synagogue in themiddle. it is mentioned that some400 people gathered in the main hall in Ramlaon Purim . 11 (TS Ar. of whom20 per cent were Karaites. He was a man of considerable influence with the authorities. Judah mentions Solomon b. 362). f. Solomon b.asks Abraham ha-Kohen to use his influence to rid the area around the synagogue ofAbti ‘Ali b. Samuel: 228. it is possible that the ruined house he mentions was the result of the earthquake in 1033. lines 20-21. is referred to. Levi (the name of the bride has not been preserved) in the sixthyear of thesabbatical cycle and this can be 1062 or 1069. also a fragment of a marriage deed. TS 12.. From theexpression al-kanisa al-wusti. Sedaqa (his name is found in 425. 19. The letter of Abraham b.359. ibid. and points out that in Egypt there is no hint of a rniqwi? before 1200. . Ayyfib (perhaps a Muslim. lines 7-1 1. a. a very faded fragment of a deed. who built himself a little house near the miqwe. 31 .among them some 200 Karaites.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS his visit to the city. Docurnants. see: TS AS 151. in Gil. and was growing vegetables on the plotof a ruined house which belonged to the synagogue. and others: Mevorakh . Semah al-‘Attar (‘the perfume dealer’) who would render services to every learned man who came to Ramla.he emphasises (miqwZ) was actually attached to that one cannot learn from this letter that the ritual bath the building of the synagogue.e. The synagogue in the middle: 306.4* [284] Tiberias was the capital ofjund Urdunn. 11.

thejiiwli‘:Muqaddasi. 341ffi Nasir Khusraw. mawilr of the Umayyads from the days of the caliph ‘Uthmiin. they dance because of thefleas. itseems that Tiberias remained a Jewish city to a large extent. One can surmise that these mawdr were descendants ofC h r i ~ t i a n s . even as late as the eleventh century AD. Descriptiones. ‘Amram. which was the direct outgrowth of the Sanhedrin.) Shabbat. I. he writes. Solomon. that is. l_O. With regard to its Jewish population. Despite many political and military vicissitudes. Muqaddasi mentions there the unbearable heat in the city. the ‘Jasmin mosque’. see: Tobler. See further fragments from Muslim writersdescribing Tiberias: Le Strange. When he visited Tiberias in AH 324. for two monthsthey sink. when we find some references to the city in the Geniza documents. in about 810. suck on sugar cane. 304. for two monthsthey nibble. 15. Moses b.324. which unlike mosques in othercities has its courtyard covered in gravel. because of the jasmin growing there. and sink in mud’. 11. for two months they bang.275-3341 Palestine and the northern coastal cities of Acre and Tyre (and evidently also Sidon.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . the principal mosque. Muqaddasi mentions favourably its jzmi‘. for two months they go about naked.they go naked because of the burningheat. the translation in Sefr ha-yishuv. The yeshiva of Palestine. and see De Cnsis D e i .Azhar ha-Levi (b. and has a monastery for virgins as well as five churches. that‘for two monthsthey dance. As totheMuslims. for two months they blow on canes. finds in these jasmin bushes remnants of the worship of Baal. Bishop Willibald. Joseph. ~ ~ [285] As to the Jews ofTiberias. on the other hand. nibble on the fruit of the jujube. lived in Tiberias. they say of the people of Tiberias. 161.17 (text). one of Jerusalemites and the other of Babylonians.Niisir Khusraw (1047) mentions another mosque in the western part of Tiberias. which seems an exaggeration. containing the annals of the Umayyads as well as their -fidi’il (praises). ‘Eli ha-Levib. we know that Tiberias was the major Jewish city and site of the Sanhedrin. The fact that Tiberiaswas a centre of non-Muslim population is reflected in a hadith according to which it is one of the four cities of hell (madi’in al-nir) together with 49 . 103. 182. Aqiilitn. Palestine. Mansiir. sec. there seem to have been two communities. Willibald. Mez. they bang on pans to chase away thewasps from themeat and the fruit. or AD936. found ‘many churches and a Jewish synagogue’ there.Itriibulus) were subordinate to it. Aaron. and this can be deduced from theflowery language of entreaty in one of the letters in the Geniza: ‘to the holy communities who sit in Hammath and Rakkath’ (the ha-Kohen b. still remained in Tiberias after the Muslim conquest for many generations. 56 (translation). Khalaf b. in Tobler et Molinier. Michael the Syrian. n.is not correct. we find details in a Christian source: thecity is the seat of the bishop (Theodoros at the time). he saw a book they kept. speaks of thirty synagogues which were destroyed in the earthquake in Tiberias (in 748).Briefevidence in Mas‘iidi mentionsthe fact thatthe descendants of converts to Islam. and Tripoli.wehave seen abovethatTiberias became a centre for the Urdunn tribes and that Ya‘qiibi mentioned particularly the Banii Ash‘ar. Mansiir ha-Levi b. see above. Some eightyyears later. who visited Tiberias in 723. Michael the Syrian.

in the market called strwayqat (little market o f ) al-. Hassin b. inTiberiasinaroundthe year 1000. it appears that the testator was the owner of a large compound (ha@v) in Tiberias. Theletter of Nathanha-Kohen. the local haver. 1. Pashshit. apparently from thehead of the community. 92fc the query. . etc. Lu’di.lines 6-7. see Suyiiti. Hiba (Moses b. drawn up in the presence of a cadi.50 [286] Tiberias was also a centre ofJewish spiritual life during theperiod Constantinople. . . Elhanan. in the singular. of Tiberias: (receive. Isrri’il bought a shop inthe western row of the Jewish market ( a L ~ u f f a 2 . Abu NaSr. whose main content is brought at the end of the responsum. The responsum: Mosseri VI11 421 (R19). The copy was brought to Fustat by‘Joshua ha-Kohen ha-mumhe (specialist in law) b. However wealso find the singular: ‘To thegreat holy community in Tiberias’ (using the ancient form. a relative of thedeceased on his mother’s side (son of her sister) and another man namedYahyi. the Gaon recognises the father’s side of j 0 . dated approximately 1000. and if this is the case. . and from this we learn that thejudge. who brought with him a letter.Jews. Yeshii‘a of 30 August 1034. evidently. I. one can see that the copy was made from a deed of the sale of estates and fields. Samuel b. apparently Elhanan b. Yish‘i b. A very old and important documentis the copyof a deed drawn upin Tiberias in the year A H 328 (AD 939/40). Salman. the local havev. According to the fragment which has been preserved. 459. 450. such as: Hashmanai. in a responsum of a gaon which was sentto Tiberias. Mi-sijut ha-ge’onim. Nathan) b. dealt with matters of the inheritance of Nu‘minha-melamrned (the teacher) b. mentioned are Mayrniin b. Tunbih.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N DTHE M U S L I M S latter according to Joshua.contains among the signatures of the witnesses a number of uncommon names which are of typical Palestinian heritage. see: ENA 223. Isaiah. xix:35. Hasan. who was the uncle of the deceased. Makhir. a deathbed will of Khalaf b. The copy was requested by R. Shemaria. I. ‘Ajliini. printed by Assaf. Salmiin. . 263. printed by Mann. Tiberia. 336. In 1023 Musifir b. was calledYa’ir ha-Kohen. on the rnuwdi see Mas‘idi. Tiberia. relatively A ancient document (probably from the end of the tenth century AD) being deed a of attorney concerning property in Tiberias.du (perhaps al-ruwda. which was common a t that time). Antiochand San‘i. II.g h a r b min ~ siiq al-yahiid) in Tiberias for the orphan (ul-fzyal-yahtrdi) Mus5 b. f. In the original deed (written in Arabic script) there were the signatures of six Muslim witnesses. Another signature was that of Abraham b. Ya’ir he-haver’. lines 18-19. the brother of his father Abii NaSr. In another document. perhaps the Palestinian Gaon addressed ‘his’ community. it shouldbe dated about 1020. Some deeds deal with transactions in estates in Tiberias. and also from the language a of letterfrom Nathanha-Kohen he-haver b. The seller is Hillel b. Moses b. from the son of a deceased to the father’s partner.60f. the scribe. from the two parties living in Tiberias’. Sahl. undoubtedly a by-name for Tiberias). Nissim and the purchaser is Benjamin. Manasseh. .) ‘much peace . that is the Jerusalemites. Hamrnath and Rakkath are vocalised with upper punctuation. the garden)..

wedding Isaac b.a dirge by Judah b. . and bearing the signature of the central figure of the Babylonian community in Fustat. Ya‘qiib al-Fayyiimi (should be b.arethe words of David Qimhi. Asad al-Tabarini. We have no information about a the family’s right to inherit and negates the mother’s side. One can see that we are dealing here with very obscure sources and it is difficult to decide either way. Mansiir. Yahyii b. Muqaddasi. andSa‘id b. one can see that he considered him a Karaite. ‘Ali-‘Alliin] the ascetic (ha-niizir). 195f. Ribbiiy nishim. O f the existence of Babylonians in Tiberias one can perhaps learnfrom adeed of attorney written in Malij Egypt in in 1047. ha-Tustarim. scribe in the sense of a book copyist. the sage of Tiberias mentioned by Mas‘iidi.that is. The testament of Khalaf: 253. ‘Alliin the Tiberian. Pinsker. mayGod have mercy on him’. on p. 161. Yiisuf that is. line 24.22 May AD 1035. If we combine the two shreds of information. and so on. we can imagine that the market (perhaps the ‘Jewish market’) continued parallel to the Sea of Galilee between two parallel streets.in which he says the people of Maaziah. O n the basis of his use of thephrase ‘my learned man’. Mas‘iidi mentions that he personally knew Abii Kathir Yahyii b. Gil. Sahlin b. 35. 275-3341 under discussion. and the shop which MusZfir purchased wason theside of the street farther from thesea. Aqdim. probably written in Fustat. The ffagment of thecopy of the deed: 244. Yefet ha-Levi mentioned ‘the @On [commentary] of our Lord and Master Judah b.Abraham: ‘in the city of Tiberia Colonia’ (written qlwtty). though this is not proven in any way. According to him. daughter of Mansiir. 162). and elsewhere he mentions: ‘the grammarian of Tiberias. concerning a deposit belonging to the Tiberian woman Rayyisa.73. Levi b. The shop in the Jewish market: 245. Ba-merkazim. after 932. thoughnot identical. Zakariyyii’. with Hesed al-Tustari. triedto identify Yahyii ibn Zakariyyii’. which is Tiberias. headof the Jerusalem yeshiva. Cf. Zakariyyii’ died according to Mas‘iidi in the twenties of the fourthcenturyofthehijra. Yerushalayim. example. ‘Alliin of Tiberias. 12 NisanAM 4795. Joseph b. The formTiberia can be found on deeds. inhis book Me’6r ‘eynayim’ (‘light of the eyes’). the latter was one of the Jews who translated the Bible into Arabic. Undoubtedly similar. 115f: Rayyisa gives her brother. which is one of the favourite expressionsofJudah Hadiisi. printed byAssaf. see. that he found in an ancient Karaite prayer-book (written in around 1300). notes that the market in Tiberias covered thearea between two streets (wa-siiquhi win al-darb ili’l-darb). 246. 1952/3. Saadia Gaon) learnedfrom him. Abraham. one should read: ke-dahwin (like a table. with Judah b. a power-of-attorney to go to Fustat and there receive her dowry which was deposited by her uncle. who mentions the quire of ‘Ali b. The deed of attorney: 12. Husayn al-Duliiki. my learned man’. ‘Alliin. see Friedman. Abramson. Judah [that is. cf.andafter him Steinschneider. Asad b. pronounced theY and the doubler differently from one another. the marriage deed of Ni‘ima daughter ofThursday. 910). and possibly that his stay there lasted ten years (evidently fromca. Pinsker pointsout in his LiqqtstZ qadm. Assaf read the names of the people involved a little differently. ‘Alliin of Tiberias mentioned by Judah Hadiisi in Eshkd ha-kofer: ‘We also found in Judah b. line 3. ‘the Tiberian scribe’ (al-k&ib al-tabariini). for of Moses the cantor b.see TS 24. Hence we find that Saadia Gaon stayed in Tiberias on his way from Egypt to Babylonia. 93. not Judah b.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S .

Allony . 17. BIRHT. like his predecessors. nor have we information about a Karaite community in Tiberias. and Pinhiis. is identical with Or ‘eynayirn mentioned by Abraham ibn Ezra. Judah h a .n i z i ~and .THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS head of the Jerusalem yeshiva by this name. in which he praised the translation by Hunayn ibn Ishiiq. As to the identity of Mas‘iidi’s Yahyii ibn Zakariyyii’.187. I. Abu Kathir al-Tabarini is mentioned (apparently following Mas‘iidi) also in Ibn Hazm. Tanbih.‘Allin was a Karaite. The idea of the identity with Abu Kathir Yahyi ibn Zakariyyi’. Levi b. 34(1969/70). ibid. didnot stress the fact that actually no ancient source referred to either of the two books as being thework ofJudahb. Sefer Mikhld (Lyck 5602/1842). meaning. who places mutakallirntitz. Leshotrenu. LiqqiitZ qadrncjniyot. And see David Qimhi. whether its author was a Karaite as Judah Hadisi claims. a pupil of Tobias b. 115. suggested identifying him with Judahb. 2). Yefet. 315. that the whole matter of the book Me’ijr ‘eynayim is a sort ofpuzzle. 232f. He mentions the book Me’irat ‘eynayim also on fol. Friedlander. He defines Yahyi ibn Zakariyyi’ and Sa‘id(Saadia) .we are still in the dark. which he ascribed to ‘Ali b.as Ashrnn ‘ntlzls. He quoted additional sources in which the names Judah ha-nixir b.. ibid.59ff. if it actually existed. 173). JQR. for a passage refers to his sitting in the squares of Tiberias and listening to the speech of its inhabitants. 171. and see also Alder. 5. Eleazar ha-Kallir. 233 (n. . V. Also. 15(1969). in the eighth century. however. Eleazar (author ofLe& ~ f i v )and . and he is not to be confused with Pinhis.. Yehoshii‘i. 12(1986). in the sense oforal law. f.who denies this and points out that the book Or ‘eynayim was writtenby Meir of Kastoria. QevtiZat ma’arnirirn. the latter (from Kifri near Tiberias) was a man of Tiberias living in the Muslim period. in Pinsker. and from the poem he wrote about the fast of the earthquake of the sabbatical year.‘on a tradition’.. ‘AllZn. on the matter of‘Ali b. found in the Geniza. Me’or ‘eynayirn. that is. NS 1(1910/1). See Allony. It should be added that Mas‘idi’s remarks were made in the context of a short survey on translations of the Bible. ‘Ali and Judah b. Jacob. 139. J Q R . 144. 13(1900/1). Yose. the earthquake of the year 748. 63b. . who denies the assumption of Allony concerning the Geniza fragment which he edited. Geiger. and assumed that the book ascribed to him. 69b (No. the prayer-book. ‘Alliin arementioned.~~ appended a detailed study on the linguistic issues included there. See Steinschneider. 64. and if it did. 175f. him among the Jewish Eshkol.. Yannai. See _the editor’s note (Poznanski) ibid. 257). If. The origin of the expression is evidently Babylonian-Aramaic. Allony returns to the subject again and proves that the Me’Or ‘eynayim of the‘Tiberian grammarian’ cannot be thesame as the O r ‘eynayim mentioned by Abrahamibn Ezra in the introductionto his commentary on the Pentateuch. Judah ha-nizir see: Dukes. 111. seems it that thattreatise was written by a man of Tiberias. he printed a page from a treatise on the foundations of Hebrew. His full name was Pinhis ha-Kohen b. Zikkircjn. seeHadisi. At any rate. 52 [287] Among the group of ancient Palestinian poets: Yose b. 112f. 11.See: Vajda. n. Harkavy. Qun[rZs. Alei Sefer. head j1 j2 TS Arabic Box 32. cf. as we have seen above. M i l d . 81b. 1. denies thatJudah b. nshrnu‘ta . This we learn from his acrostic. ‘Alliin. 98c (No. Mas‘iidi. of course meaning: Rabbanites (the expression is also used in other Arab sources).

cf. lines 15-16 . Yehoshii‘a.’khtyfw. Here onehas to correct the reading of Mann. As to Abii’l-‘Umytar.T H E P O P U L A T I O NA N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . Haviv b. translation. who is perhaps the same as Abii’L‘Umaytar in a parallel version). what I say about them is that they read’. 1 in Mann. 2862. Abi Shayba. Allony. Cat. and that See: Saadia Gaon in the introduction to the Agron.Jews. Nehemiah ca.79. 275-3341 of the yeshiva mentioned in Seder ‘darn ztcti. f. from the Crusaders) and given to the synagogue ‘of the Jerusalemites’ in Fustat. Moses of Gaza. Moses Miihi. j3 . Semah ibn al-Siyira (who is Semah Abii Sliitiim). 875-900). and Pinhas. read wthlthh. 54 [289-2901 Another source of names of masoretes is thededicatory colophon in the famous keter aram-~6uZ(the Bible codex of Aleppo). ibid. See: Bod1 MS Heb. Yannai. (3) Nehemiah b. j4 See Mann. and Ahiyahii ha-Kohen (‘the haver from the city of Maaziah’ that is.. This colophon was first copied by Jacob Zeev for Jacob Saphir. ibid.315. 31ff. e 74. Moses b. also there is no need to read qtrr’in instead of qiniin as suggested by Mann. etc. Kitnil. and see the editor’s introduction. read: w’hyhw. 44.manuscripts that were kept by the Karaites in Crimea (Tshufutkaleh) and whose parallels were foundin the Geniza. 249. and Pinhas. (5) Moses b. 43.. 900-925). idem. 61 (1966/7). f.. 51. line 13 . 11. who finds support for the opinion of the relatively late date of Pinhas (the Muslim period) in the expressions: ‘Qediir and Edom’. (6) Aaron b. has Abraham RiqZt (and not b. Biiyii‘i. 59. it may have been writteu in theoriginaltextthatthisAhiyahu ha-Kohen lived a t the time of the revolt. VI. Eleazar. and n. BMO r 5554A. Asher (ca. mentions threeof them. Asher (ca. Asher . (4) Asher b. Qirqisiini. see Ibn al-Athir. Riqit) and further: ‘and Riqiit his father before him’ (in Mann’s version the words ‘his father’ areomitted).wthlthyn. it is to be notedthat the MS. 368ff. 609. Se+r T e v z r y i . line 12. Tiberias. Mann reconstructed the following list of masoretes from Tiberias: (1) Riqit and Semah b. It is noted there that this book of the Bible is dedicated to the congregation of the Rabbanites in Jerusalem. Moses (ca. Riqit. text. Eleazar. See also: Zulay. Yerushalayim. 69f: al-shu‘nri’ al-awwalitl (the ancient poets): Yose b. Another note mentions that the copyist was Solomon b. and there details also on earlier studies. Pipim (the Greek name Pippinos). and further thatit was ransomed from the spoils ofJerusalem (that is. 154. ‘Ishmaelites and Edomites’. There is a list of ancient masoretes and vocalisers whose centre was Tiberias. Yannai. O n the basis of these sources. which is to be found in the manuscripts of diqdiiqe the ha-te‘iimlm by Aaron b. 850-875). 43ff. Sitlai. ed. Pinhis the head of the yeshiva. who lived at the end of the eighth century. 29v. Nehemiah. 825-850). Yose. Asher b. in Mann ibid. who printed this copy in his book Even Saphir. ‘Abdallah. who lived in approximately the first quarterof the ninth century.Furat. Abraham b. this was the by-name of the ‘Sufyini’ ‘Ali b.the word allidhi a t the beginning should be deleted and the meaning will be: ‘asto this rule whichI am discussing. line 4. 1952/3. is superfluous).w’hyyhtu. for the latter was not a k~hen. (2) Abraham b. on p.~~ [288] Tiberias was also the centre of the masoretes andvocalisers and it was here that the masorah and vocalisation were finally formulated. leader ofthe revolt in 811 in Damascus. read: ’ k h t v u (and n. Fleischer.

did they sell it to Israel b. somewhat before the middle of the eleventh century. Simhaof BaSra. Asher. What Baron writes (SRH]. anddeposited with the(Karaite) nesF’i’rmJosiah and Hezekiah. 12b and 5. Saphir believed that this was done because he wanted to get closer to Salmon b. is erroneous. Gottheil believed that that Bible had been dedicated to the Karaite synagogue in Fustat. that is. which Jacob Saphir did not understand. Ephraim. Undoubtedly what Gottheil found was a page of the copy which Firkowitch prepared forJacob Saphir. Saadia b.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS its vocaliser and masorete was Aaron b. Masoreten des Westens. 13a. Yeruham is written instead of b. Yeruhim. Kahle mentions another dedicatory colophon in the same Bible: ‘qodesh before God. andfrom there. who examined the colophons for him when he visited Aleppo. This colophon had also been copied by Joseph Saphir (although Kahle brings it from another source). the inscription indicates that this Bible was firstly in the hands of the Rabbanites in Jerusalem and only afterwards. 447. Biiyi‘a. for Israel.it reached the synagogue ‘of the Jerusalemites’ (Rabbanites) inF u ~ t a tAs . BuyZ‘ii’. and this shallbediscussedbelow)andtheKaraitecommunities on Passover. as we have seen. Israel b. the Rabbanites who dwell in the Holy City. Jacob Saphir mentions that he was assisted by Abraham Firkovitch. and that the book was dedicated to Jerusalem by a man of BaSra. and the Rabbanites should also be permitted to read it. seeespecially notes 2 on fol. who dedicated it to the Karaites. when in fact it was first dedicated. reprinted it. n. after it was in the hands of the Crusaders. who visited Aleppo in 1886. A leaf with a copy of the colophon from Aleppo was found by Gottheil in a manuscript of the Biblein the Karaitesynagogue in Jerusalem. on fol. and arrived at the conclusion that what was said there about Aaron b. but in general he did not accept his corrections. to the Karaites in Jerusalem. noticed it). kanisat Yeriishilayitn is the synagogue ‘of the Palestinians’ in Fustat (to bediscussed below). jj See Even Saphir. they commonly I 80 . I. He recognised that this was a copy in modern script. examined the colophon. the sons of David b. ~to ~ Solomon ha-Levi b. it is the correction made by Firkowitch. Simha b. 9. the Karaite writer. Shavuoth and Succoth in Jerusalem. Asher was a forgery and a later addition of the Karaites. I. In Kahle’s opinion.See Harkavy. The permission given to the Rabbanites to examine was it apparently oneof the conditions on which it was sold. for he wrote ‘b. Hadishim (reprint) 104ffi Kahle. the synagogue in which the Geniza was kept. Boaz (here there was an error in copying and Jacob Sap (mujdis of the Karaites. 16) that the Rabbanites (in Jerusalem) on no account called themselves Israel ha-rabbinitn except when they wished to make a distinction between the Karaites and themselves. Yeruham’instead of ‘b. Harkavy. 12aff (read ifiikiik instead of ijiikiiq). Not to be sold nor redeemed for ever and eternity’. It was to be takenout for the meetings their houses of prayer. as can be proven from many Geniza documents. Buya‘ii (as noted by Jacob Saphir). VI. but he could not make out what that copy was. in which b.

who quoted Isaac b. and evidenceof this can be found in the account of Qirqisini. see also in Allony. See the scroll of Abiathar: 559. 275-3341 he is also mentioned in other manuscripts of the Bible which were in the hands of the Karaites in Tshufutkaleh. 6(1960). If he thought so. QirqisZni. and n. states that the people of Tiberias are the most distinct (ajah) in their Hebrew. Tamim. Eshkol. 1968. line30: ‘we. Texts. See: Gottheil. for example. 394. Textus. . Klar. and see ibid. 12ff. Yeruhim! He also did not understand what synagogue in Fustat was being referred to (see ibid. 650f. Gottheil was indeed led astray by Firkovitch’s correction. Textus. Jonah ibn Janih’sS. for instance.]QR. whatis written in 420. all the references to the sources. 60b (written in 1148).andnotesthatthis is the good Tiberian trait. 294f. 4633. f. 11.thesameinEnglish:Ben-Zvi. The Karaites saw in this a proof of weakness on the part of the Rabbanites. See also: Ben-Zvi. evidently a Palestinian. It is not clear whether he wished to imply that’the creators of this correct reading were Karaites. 6:106. for there is in the language of the Hebrews of Tiberias thetci’ (should be: the +xi’) and the$id referred to themselvesas Rabbanites. also speaks of the Tiberias accent: ‘. Biiyi‘i is also mentioned. 651. as the latter were also divided amongst themselves concerning vocalisation. 69. the discussion on p. lines 2-3. See MS Firkovitch. in Mann. 31. Cf. and there a new copy of the dedicatory inscriptions and also comments Firkovitch’sforgery(hedoesnotmentionGottheil). nicknamed Balqiiq (= Abii’l-Qiiq). see Hadisi. 17(1904/5). He writes this in a commentary to Genesis. who cites examples of these differences. who is Isaac Isri7ili.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . 43(1957/8). whereas the Karaites believed that the Bible had been vocalised from the outset. 320ff. b. 56 [291] As we know.. Farjaway is found. the congregation ofRabbanites’. losf. I. he notes that the manuscript was written by Salmon b. 181 56 57 58 . Allony. Farjaway and his pupil Solomon b. Solomon. and was apparently the brother of Solomon. 135ff. which is the Palestinian (‘the reading of al-Sham’). which they did not view as having been ancient but rather as something decided by the scribes. and he mentions Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali. and it suffices tosee.57 [292-2931 Nevertheless. Ephraim b. 1lf. and on 651 p. who discusses the Geniza fragment in which the name (fragmented) of Sa‘id b. 11. Biiya‘i and his brother Ephraim. while the account attributed to Diinash b. He was a pupil Sa‘id of b. . both in their versions of the Bible and in their pronunciation. Mehqiirlm. it is likelythat he would have said The good accent of Tiberias is mentioned in a number of places in the Middle Ages. Sinai. 3). who formulated this manner of reading.ibid. Farjaway. and evidently both were Tiberians and lived at the endof the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth. xlix:21 (Naphtali is a hind let loose: he giveth goodly words). c. ha-viqmci. we find an anonymous Karaite writer. speaking in praise of the learned of men Tiberias who had determined the correct manner of reading. No. thePalestinian Tiberias school differed from that of the Babylonians. see: TS Arabic Box 35. O n Sa‘id b.

. in thelist ofbooks TS10 K 20. well explained. 9. was Further evidence of this can be seen in the poem ofMoses ben Asher on ‘Israel who are likened to a vine’. fol. Wilensky-Tenne. which is Tiberias. as Essa M e s h i l i was written against the Karaites. . 170. 243-284 (Tiberias. he might have understood it as being similar to the wordfa&’. particularly in the colophon in the Book of Prophets in Leningrad. Also. cf. 107(1946/7). in Hebrew’). and he would read ajino’ (instead of: afdino’. l b . ed. The view that they were Karaites is based on the fact that the Karaites possessed most of the manuscripts of the Bible which have been preserved until the present day. xi:45) . one wouldfind an old and established school of Karaite learned linguists. f. The most outstanding of the scholars who claimed that the Ben Asher family were Karaites were Graetz and Klar. 29.’59 [294] At this point. . empty space. Asher wrote this nlahzor of theBible accordingto the good hand of God on me. 20. it does not seem reasonable to assume that at a time when they were justbeginning to arrive in Palestine.An important colophonwas copied by Jacob Saphir: ‘I Moses b. 110.60 j 9 Jonah ibn Janih. written at I 82 . p. Meir b. Asher’ is mentioned. as is the case in the use of the adjective rnaskil. As to a j i n i j . it was assumed that Ben Ashera Karaite. one must bring up question the discussedat length in research concerning the Ben Asher family. More recently.). . 343: ‘Tiberias uses a clear language in the Torah morethan anyone in the world. the kit& al-zi’ wa’Z-nidis mentioned. manuscripts which have colophons whose masorah and vocalisation are attributed to Moses b. Cairo Geniza. as blessed by Jacob their father’. 39. Another proof of his being a Karaite was seen in the heading on the title page of Saadia Gaon’s Essi M e s h i l E al-rudd ‘ala ben A s h a r ‘ibrini (‘the response to Ben Asher. Dotan concluded the discussionwith evidence of Ben Asher belonging to the Rabbanites and that Saadia Gaon’s opponent was not Aaron b.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D T H EM U S L I M S (should be: d i d ) . Tripoli).notes 91-93 of the editor and his introduction. see: Mann.Sefr ha-riqmi (Derenbourg ed. RE]. courtyard. Qunfrps. RE]. Asheral-Jabali. Another important fact is that we know nothing of the existence of a Karaite community in Tiberias at any time. 72(1921). grammarians and Masoretes in Tiberias. The immigration of Karaites that evidently began in the secondhalf of the ninth century was directed towards Jerusalem.are almost all written in Hebrew. Dan. Asher and his son Aaron. Vajda.since they have a graceful speech. in the city of Maaziah. and would read qf~i-an (because they did not differentiate between 4 and g). n. the renowned city. .as we shall see below. one of the leaders of the Karaites in Saadia Gaon’s generation.Asher but Abii’l-Tayyib Samuel b. lines 11-20. Thereare instances in which Aaronis called ‘Aaron ha-rnelarnrned’ (the teacher). 73. I. See etc. in which ‘the teacher Aaron b. See: Kahle. see Dukes. A. Some saw in the by-name ‘the teacher’ something characteristic of the Karaites. 2 .. Moses b. Tyre. this is difficult to understand. 109C and see also Pitriin TiirZ. It is worth noting that the documents in my collection. which is whether they belong to the Rabbanites or to the Karaites. .

Yeshii‘a the cantor al-Jiibari. See Even Saphir. It appears that the Masoretesknew this manuscript of the Bible which was brought from Jericho. and that they would frequently send emissaries to obtain help for theseill-fated beings. who has full details on the history of the argument and references. See about the emigration of the Jews from Medina to Jericho: M. Read and printed anew by Gottheil. See: Dotan.seventeen documents dealing directly with this subject. particularly the gnawing pain of hunger: ‘from great expense and terrible hunger and a pittance to live on’. Yeshii‘ii. 111.61 [296] A sad affair revealed to us by the Geniza documents is that of the Jewish lepers living in Tiberias. . with eczema they decrease . .butthiscannotserve as evidenceconcerningitsdate. especially as we have no information on the Jewish population in Jericho during the period we are dealing with (apart from the Muslim tradition according to which some of the exiled Jews of Medina went to Palestine. when Solomon ha-Kohen b. some lack a limb. recalled by the Masoretes and which I have seen mentioned in someplaces as belonging to the Muslim era. Ben Asher. . Liturgica. 310c see the discussion there in the continuation. We find at first a letter of recommendation for the lepers’ emissaries written by Hillel b. Onecan deduce from this that there may have been prepared forms for this purpose in the community of Tiberias. See: Ginsburg. 41(1956/7): 280.see his previous publications: Sinai. no. idem. From the ‘alima: yesha‘ yu@sh. leaving empty spaces for the names of the emissaries. 17(1904/5). suchas: ‘from boils there’s no release. suggestedbyKlar. The correct readingofthe Arabic title was Westminster College. 276fC ‘thepoemofthegrapevine’. see also Zucker. There are . The lepers call themselves ‘the tormented’(ha-meyussirTm) and add rhyming descriptions about their condition. Margoliouth. Massorah. apart from others which mention these lepers incidentally. J. 639.which cannot be known precisely. Aaron. was head of the yeshiva.this gives us JQR. 135. ibid. SaadiaMemorialVolume. some are deaf.Catalogtre.275-3341 [295] T o this question of the Masoretes. a (895) .’ and the like. 481 (MS 3. who was the judge and leader of the Jews of Tiberias in the thirties and forties of the eleventh century. These were more painful than the disease itself.An unsigned letter (apartfrom thephrase ‘your tormented brethren in the city of Tiberias’) addressed to Samuel b. In the endofeight hundredand twenty seven years after the destruction ofthe second temple’ clear evidence of the time of Moses b. version copied after him in many places. 718. Essii meshiili was edited by Lewin. 28(1957/8): 61. 14b. 40). Sixout of the seventeen documents are in the hand-writing of the &vi+ Hillel b. one should add the subject of ‘the book of Jericho’. Joseph. Introdtrction. and some are lame . fol. whose ‘alima it was. Mehqiirim. Tarbiz. and . . 433. 350. 179 (= O r 2696).T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . namely to Jericho). Ezra contains not onlya description of the writer’s personal distress caused by the illness but also details of the general suffering. vol. which were still unknown to him. one can deduce that the date of the letter is 1025. some are blind.

Tarbiz. tranquillity was restored and requests foraid were renewed.who undoubtedly acted there as judges and community leaders. and it appears from this will that he was a man of means who dealt in 1 84 62 . one a leper and the other a healthy person. See lettersrelatingtothelepers: 252fC andalsothesupplementary:262a. and then be sent to Tiberias (as Tyre was part of jund Urdunn. the death-bed will of this Khalaf has been preserved. people who had been community leaders in their home-towns) as well as ‘family heads’. people of the Palestinian yeshiva. and see the ‘al9ma (the concluding formula) on p. and he would distribute it to the sick. also of everyone who gavesomething’). the a manof Aleppo (SOv9) whose name was Khalaf (ha-melammed. it is said thatamong thediseased there were‘heads of cities’ (that is. The had to diy6qnZ be collected from Samuel ha-Levi b. to the leader of the community in Fustat. of which Tiberias was the capital). also it appears that the money was collected in Fustat by means of a special campaign (‘may the Almighty double the reward of thehaver. . Ra‘biib.Hence. With the victory of the Fatimids over the Bedouin. Moses. Letter of recommendation: 252. Tarbiz. . Shemaria b. Nathan ha-Kohen he-haver b.265a. Saadia haLevi b. because thatis where they came from originally. Yeshii‘ii. for apart from Hillel b. Yeshii‘9on 254 and thenote there. who was himself ill of leprosy(fromwhich we learnthatpeople with thisdiseasewere not prevented from travelling and being in contact with the public.62 M. The wars also led to the discontinuance of letters and the help they had formerly received from Egypt. 235. From the text of the letter. evidentlyas a result of theBedouin wars fought in thatarea in 1028-1029. in which there is mention of the death of one of the envoys of lepers. b. Money would be deposited with the ‘merchants’ representative’ in Tiberias. Saghir brought with him from Egypt to Tyre. Yeshii‘ii. Indirectly we learn from these letters that in Tiberias there were two havZrim. the teacher) ha-SGvi b. ‘Eli b. Isaiah is also mentioned. ‘Amram] . which Solomon b. of Tyre.and their suggestion that in fact these Jews returned to Jericho. He confirms having received a diyoqnz from Fustat for 14 dinars less 2 qirats. to be distributed to ‘our tormented brethren’. written in about 1050.itappearsthat two emissarieswere sometimes sent. Fromsome letters. ‘Amram. 266 (revised). onsee thesubject oflepers in Islam: Lazarus-Yafeh. This was done and the money given to a merchant travelling ‘to Tiberyi’.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D THE M U S L I M S another letter. Interesting information as to the manner in which the money was transferred is found in the letter of Samuel he-haver b. A building had been placed at their disposal in Tiberias. Kister. see the signature of Hillel b.the money would first reach Tyre from Egypt by sea. 48(1978/9). ‘in the presence of the haverim and elders’.It seems that it was customary to announce the arrivalof an emissary in the synagogues so that the public could come to theiraid. 51[1981/2]. Moses. [that is ‘Eli b.255. 215). that is to say that the distribution was carried out publicly and in the presence of the community leaders. but itwas demolished. Saadia b. 254. Al-Jiibari.

However. Jews. is it clear that this refers to the lepers of Tiberias. Shemaria b. one named David ha-Kohen ha-me‘ulk ba-haviiri (the excellent one of the yeshiva. includes an appeal to help ‘the tormented. Afterwards he would not come to the bathhouse any longer and in the course of seven days(so one should understand) he’would be healed. .The sick entered through a small door carrying lamps and incense and sat there the entire night. Shemaria in Fustat. Actually. see 262.in plain terms . in Tiberias (evidently after coming there from Aleppo because ofhis illness). who died some years ago’. 236. Ge’5grcifa historit. the text of one of the letters confirms this: ‘Your tormented brothers. and from this we learn that appeals for help were also made to Jerusalem. In the evening. but actually he was from Tyre. line 9. towards the front of the pool there was a basin which was filled. 63 . an honorific title).the lepers lived outside of Tiberias. who live outside Rakkath’. 262a has an additional detail. Moses: 283. 262. known as al-Azraq (‘the blue-eyed’) the magician. Antoninus: Tobler et Molinier. This tradition has evidently been preserved for generations and the place to which the lepers of Tiberias went to be healed in the springs was indeed Hammat-GadEr. As early as the late sixth century. one can also assume that these lepers would go toget healed in the springs of Tiberias proper. written in about 1026. Semah. and the other whose name was not preserved. line 18. 946 cf. Moses al-Duliiki: 278. Ra‘bub was a man of Tiberias. Muqaddasi mentions that there were eight unheated baths in the city as well as ritual pools (rniy$) of hot water. 275-3341 [297] The lepers’ purpose in coming to Tiberias wasto ‘get healed by the water and the air’. Couret.-lamrna)which apparently could heal various diseases within three days. Abraham. 168. and even bought himself a &#r. among them those of ‘Moses b. There was also an inn there (xenodochium) supported by public funds. men and women’. I. Around 1045. ‘Outside Rakkath’:265. ‘Ezriin the Jerusalemite. only the name of his father. Moses of Tyre wrote to Ephraim b.. is evidently Samuel b. The letter from Solomon b. 159f and references in n.‘Heads of cities’: 265. who is addressed in this letter.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . the baths were filled. Antoninus of Piacenza (Placentinus) tells us of the springs of Hammat-Gad&.undoubtedly Hammat-Gader. The purpose of their arrival: 263. falling asleep. Samuel the haver b. See253. that is a compound. a. . ‘who sold wares in front of the Jadariyya baths’. The name of the healthy envoy was Obadiah. assumed thatthis Samuel b. 1. Samuel hehaver b. Avi-Yonah. lines 11-12. Mann. Jadariyya is. la Palestine. and more references there. and that is that the sick were obliged to pay to the people who laundered their clothes. called ‘the baths of Elijah (the prophet)’ which cured the lepers.63 textiles and perfumes. Samuel b. Ezra. lines 31-32. 72. asking him to clarify the matter of certain money deposits inEgypt. limb by limb. and thenthedoorswerelocked. also He describes the springs of Hammat-GadEr (aI-I. 265a is a fragment of a letter carried by two of the lepers’ envoys. and not refugees from the earthquake of 1033 as assumed by Mann. Judah. I. which concern Na‘ima b. Moses alDuliiki (from Duliik in northern Syria).Jews. A sign of healing wasa certain dream which the sick person would describe. The baths received their waterthrough canals from the hot springs. I. 133. That is . That there were women among Letter of the lepers one can learn from 266: ‘and we fell. the exiles from their homes’ etc.

. Niisir Khusraw. see further: Idrisi (Cerulli). Nathan (Sahliin). 342. Tiberias. Eretx Israel. According to Ya'qiibi. see inSchechter. 150ff. to Nehorai b. A letter from Nahum al-Baradani to Samuel b. 66. head of the yeshiva of Sura. The father was Joseph the cantor. Buldin. who visited Tyre in February 1047. It is now a village which belongs to Turkey near the Syrian border. Joseph's son. 30(1976). from Tyre. 185. Nathan. NS 9(1918/9).it appears thatTyre had a relatively large Jewish population. Solomon. Topographic. people of different origin lived there alongside one another. sons of (who is Yannai) al-Baradani. The Baradanis: 492. around 1030):'For there are no people in all of Palestine as helpful as the people of Tyrealone'. writes that most of the Muslims there were Shiites while the cadi. was a man of Acre and the young couple were to move to Acre aftera year of marriage. ManSiir. Muqaddasi. ha-Baradani. who lived in Acre. and Baradanis also in: Scheiber Acta Orientnlin (Hung. Barq. and actually the most important port in all of Palestine and Syria was Tyre. sec. 364. Sourdel) in EP. the ancient Dolikhe. written in Tyre. Israel b. where theywould be given a house by the father of the bride. Sandyann. 115. Hofni. sons Sahl of al-Baradiini. see: Dussaud. About the Jewish community living there. 334f. in Tyre. Margoliouth). Assaf. Ibn Abi 'Aqil was a Sunni. al-BaradZnT. 366a. writtenin Qayrawan on 33 I 86 .). Nasir Khusraw. The matter of the legacy: 270. which lived on local industries and maritime trade. who writes to Nehorai b. O n the close ties between Palestine and Tyrein the consciousness of people living at that time onecan learn from 212. Tripoli and Aleppo. 161. In approximately 1060 we find Joseph and Nahum. 154f.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [298] The port ofjund Urdunn. TS 8J 1.In around 1020 we find the marriage deed of Haziyya (the root of the name means: luck) b. withtheir trading ventures covering the entire area: Gush (which is Gush Hiilav).. 360. The groom. the letter ofJoseph and Nahum. Yannai. Nissim in Fustat. interpreted the matter Sahl of the house incorrectly. line 3). The special ties with Tiberias andAcre can be seen in a fragment from a court deed written in Tyre in around 1015 which deals with thelegacy of a woman who died in Tiberias. and ibid. and one of the heirs. see the subject of the hot bathsin Tiberias also in Ya'qiibi. Fromthe Geniza documents. is mentioned in a poem in honour of Abraham 'rabbenu' (our master). b. 1(1950/51). 140. 14 (text). We have no further details about the Muslims in city the nor about the Christians (if there were any). 106a.]QR. Nissim on 29 November 1061. Palest. seeon him: Mann. Levi. also a comprehensive discussion on the see about the Baradanis. and see also the article Duliik (byD. 115.an important and well-known Babylonian family who had apparently immigrated fromIraq at the endof the tenth century. lines 29-30 (Zadok ha-Levi b. Ya'qubi. 8.tells of visiting Tiberias (in around 1130). who notes the springs outside the city of Tiberias (certainly Hammat-Gad&-) to which all kinds of sick people come to be healed. see below. Ibn al-Shaddad. either as guests or else permanently. Nahum the cantor. mentions that 'the Baradanis are living in Tyre (see 479. The bride's parents and their children had the rightto stay in the house when they cameto Acre. Tyre wasthe home of the Baradanifamily. Aqilirn. Nathan. 47 (translation). Sam'ani (ed. Btrldin. he stayed there for one nightand visited the bath-house. Index. the sons of Nahum were: Baruch. n.64 on Duliik. Mansiir: 279. see more sources: Le Strange. we have a good deal of informationfromtheCairo Geniza.

320. 122. was among the documents of the Geniza and was edited by:Goldziher. written .. In a deed of attorney written in Tyre on 25 January 1011. the comments on Nahum al-Baradini and his poems. RE].Yannai (Sahl) and his sons: Nahum and Joseph (Tyre).100. . our Lord and MasterNahum the cantor. homeland of the Radhini merchants. son ofour Lord andMasterJoseph. as can be deduced from a power-of-attorney written at that time. It was at this time that the Palestine yeshiva moved to Tyre. 95fc see ibid. J Q R . the scribe of the yeshiva of Palestine. 19 includes three fragments. in Mann. Ba-rnerkarim. NS 9(1918/9). ENA NS70. also called Ridhin (in Arab sources and also in Jewish sources: Jikhi). 50(1905). Nissim in Fustat that he urgently obtain the evidence of the youngest son. 151f. 153. as well).it seems . . 91. Joseph. in the matter of the rights of a Jerusalemite woman to alegacy in Qayrawan (see 513). Evidently he became hiivi? in about 1025. Semah. ibid. which is a court document issued in about 1065: Nahum the cantor al-Baradhi (who settled in Qayrawin). ‘Amram from Nehorai b.theGaonrequeststheaddressee(evidentlyin Qayrawzn) to inform him as to thewell-being of the same Nahum. see Shaked.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S 275-3341 .183ff(Goldziherreceivedthemanuscript. [299] Tyre is mentioned frequently in merchants’ letters printed inmy corpus of Geniza documents. with alist of Geniza documents in which they are mentioned. the generation order: Joseph (Baghdad) .written on vellum.. the letter of Hayy Gaon. 493. At anearlier period. The name Baradinis evidently Bihridhan (Be-Ridhan). .by the ‘Rav’. fromSchechter. I. 7 August AD 999. It seems that Yannai and his sons moved from Qayrawin to Tyre when the sons were already grown. he is still not called haver. and also ktrhl. 71(1974). and It says therethat Nahum came from the Maghrib and brought books with him. in I.. the Baradanis are mentioned. 49). as we shall see below. the family was already in the Maghrib. At the beginning of one of the fragments. assumed that the court document stemmed from Baghdad and was sent to Egypt. See also on the Baradinis: Goitein. 300f. Texts. in which he mentions ‘our treasured beloved friend.Nahum (Qayrawin) . the Talmud and other books. A4editerrarrecln Society. it is Joseph ha-Kohen b. as is shown by the request of the Jerusalemite Abraham B. See the fragment of the letter together with another fragment. This shows that from 1006 (when this letter was written). and more references. Jacob ha-s6@r who was head of the Jews in Tyre. in his handwriting.. leader of the Maghribis. 111. Mann. nor in aclearance deed (receipt) from 24 November 1019 (in his handwriting). this was a province which stretched east of Baghdad along the Tigris. there is also a record of evidence relating to a house in Aleppo from 18 October 1028. as an example of people ‘of decent ways’. evidently at the end of 1036 or the beginning of 1037. as I have shown in]ESHO. See further: TS 30. but it was lost later on. f. I. n. 107. Moreover. which shows that he was already in the Maghrib for more than a year. n. we have no less than sixteen Geniza documents written in Tyre during the first half of the eleventh century and another four from the end of the century and the beginning the twelfthcentury. buthe was mistaken: the document was from Jerusalem and the defendant was from Ramla (Mann repeats the above-mentioned opinion Texts. In a power-of-attorney written in Tyre by Solomon b. in Abramson. three generations of Baradanis are mentioned in 426. lines 31-32.thegreatcantor’.who is Judah ha-Kohen b.see this letter in Mann. Joseph ha-Kohen of Av 1310 Sel. he mentions a letter he had written a year earlier. similarly in another deed of attorney from 1012. The Nahum whosettled in Tyre was the grandson of this Nahum. Joseph.Nahum writes there that he is delaying his departure from the Maghrib because of some matters of business in Spain. 106. his son Yannai (Sahl) and the sons of Yannai: Joseph Nahum. 151.

‘Eli b.355. From his letter to the latter. but ‘Jacob the candidate(ha-me‘uttid) b. RE]. sufkljas) signed by b. in the middle of the road between Aleppo and Manbij’. in cryptography (atbash) meaning: b. Shemaria andto his heir to the leadership of the Fustat Jews. As to Aleppo. evidently by Ephraim b. ‘Amram. Joseph he-Hasid’. Jacob b. which is a copy of a letter sent to Joseph ha-Kohen the haver b. Judah. and the people of that community were very interested that he remain with them. It is also evident that he served as a scribe for his community. Aleppo and other cities. 59ff. He survived Josephha-Kohen and is mentioned as a witness in a power-of-attorney on 12 December 1050.4 No. 11. MS Reinach (which was in the possession of Theodore Reinach) edited by Schwab. Moses: 279.278. It seems that in the days of Samuel b. later documents: 600-603. Jacob in Tyre. which shows that he became one of the central figures in the Palestinian yeshiva. ‘whose title is haver. deed of compensation: 271. Judah’s letter to him. mentionedintheyears 1010-1015) thedeceased. Elhiiniin. It is worth noting thesignatures ofJoseph ha-Kohen. The aforementioned Jacob. and then he was still not titled hZvEr.line18. 11. Jacobha-siiJi. who says thatit is ‘a large village. Mawhub. some information on it from this early period has been preserved in the Geniza. as he indicates in his letter to ‘Eli b. See alsoJNUL. edited by: Friedman. Joseph. even before he became Gaon. ‘Amram. evidently a code which I have not managed to decipher as yet.65 [300]Together with Joseph b. 145. Moses: 278-283.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Tyre signs: ‘thefourth in the havivi?. in his handwriting. see also the Geniza letter. His Arabicname was Mawhiib.and references there. Samuel he-hiver b. We are also informed of an impending visit from this Jacob in Tyre. Marriage deeds in the handwriting of Samuel b. the Jerusalem Gaon. see the articleby this name (by J. we find another leader of the Jews of Tyre. See 54. The letters of Samuel b. 280. see 283. Solomon b. Rabi‘. It appears that he had friendly relations with thehaver of Aleppo. surrounded by tiny letters. Rabi‘ (Solomon b. was on friendly terms with Solomon b. add Ibn Khallikan. ShemariainFustat. as there are two marriage deeds from Tyre from the Geniza written in his characteristic handwriting.Isaac was supposed to have cashed in Fustat. the haver of Fustat in the middle of the eleventh century. We know the name of his grandfather by the small letters surrounding his signature. lines 24-25. 4’577. Sourdel Thomine) in EP. Tyre was a livelycentre of social intercourseand regional communal activities for the Jewish communities in northern Syria. Buzi‘a.see 55. an important figure in Tyre. Witness to the power of attorney: see 307 (a Karaitemarriagedeed). record of evidence: 273. Marriage.whichHasan(Yefet) b. haver: the 281. deeds of attorney: 268. first appointment as haver: 272. Moses. R. of 28 November 1023. ElhinZn.Joseph ha-Kohenis calledin the florid introduction to the above-mentioned letter (line 18).concerningthemoneyorders (diy6qnFs. His letter to Jacob. Some of these letters concern personal matters in which the letter-writers were i need of assistance from the people of Fustat. Jews. 98. and indeed Samuel writes for them to Ephraim b.v. cf.269. Tyre.66 65 66 Documents from Tyre from the first half of the eleventh century: 268-283. Six documents written in his handwriting are included in my corpus of Geniza documents. 38ff. like the scholars ofJabneh’. 70(1920). See theletterssurroundinghissignature: 273. I. we learn that he visited Buzi‘a (some40 kilometres east of Aleppo). Mann. the haver. R. Moses he-hivFr b. 188 .

b.Zubdu. of whom we shall hear more below. The oldest piece of information exists ina colophon from a commentary onIsaiah by Saadia Gaon. that is. Ayyiib and was purchased from him by Josiah he-&ver b. 24 (1926/7). Isaac b. in the retinue of Abiathar Gaon. Isaac he-hivzr. The descendants of this Abraham Gaon. it is also known that he wrote a commentary to the Talmud. At the same time. a power-of-attorney from 1037 written ‘in the city of SOvi. Solomon he-hivZr. Afterwards. 188. Abraham. Hutequji. who is evidently a young relative.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . settled in Acre where we also find the nephew of Josiah he-haver. See on himand the Aleppo community: Mann. Aaron to Ephraim b. Zadok. His son. see: ULC Or 1080 J 96. . Shemaria in Fustat. Ibn al-Shihna (copied from Ibn 36 (translation). In that year. it seems. b. 275-3341 [301] Acre. was apparently neglected during the first part of our period. We come across him in Tyre. on the last page of the book a l f t ~ al-miqri. Meir Gaon and his son Aaron. who signs his name and notes the year AM 4800 (AD 1040).His brother. 19:105. 1947/8. Aaron ha-rne‘ulle b. the leader ofthe Shaddid). which are not clear on this point). those who preceded the aforementioned Abraham Gaon. Elijah b.as can be seen from a letter written by Elijah b. namely Tamim. It appears that this family were descendantsof Palestinian Geonim of the tenth century. I. Josiah. There is a hint of truth in this (apart from memorial lists. situated on the river Qiiqiybn’ (Qiiqiybn = Quwayq). until the last quarter of the ninth century. av of the court in Acre in the year AM 4791 (AD 1031). in which is it written that the book had formerly belonged to Jacob he-haver b. Josiah. a Biblical dictionary which he copied for his own use. itstatesinthesameletter. the northern gate. 155. also lived in Acre. Nethanel ‘the banker’. when Ibn Tiiliin decided to reactivate its port. Turbiz. requested Elijah. was ‘third’ of the yeshiva. We have some slight knowledge of the Jewish community in Acre. some of whose letters have been preserved in the Geniza. 44 (text). evidently until the seventies of the eleventh century. The grandfather of this Josiah was not Josiah Gaon. Aqilrm. but also from Solomon to Jacob. This Isaac he-hiver (who is Isaac he-hiver b. Jews of Aleppo was Baruch b. 352fC Assaf. and he is then ‘the third’ in the yeshiva. and apparently they flourished at the end of the tenth century. the hivEr. there was another leader inAleppo. Josiah became av of the court of the Palestinian yeshiva. in which he confirms the receiptof a money order (sz4jaja) for Isaac he-&ivt?r. Abraham Gaon. 135. but Josiahthe av of the court. Aaron b. Josiah was granted the title of hiivcr. to cash the money order. and in a letter written by Solomon b. Towards the endof the 11th century. Tobias. we find expressions of regret at his having to leave Fustat. another port in jund Urdunn. of the descendants of Meir Gaon) also livedinAcre. Ibn aL‘Adim. Isaac. The importance of the Jewish population in Aleppo is Bib ul-Yuhtid: see borne out by-the fact thatone of its gates. It was at about the same time that he visited Fustat. was called Muqaddasi. but Abii’l-Fad1 Meshullam (the banker) claimed that the gold (the dinars) has not yet arrivedfrom Tiberias and that it will arrive shortly. and here he is already called h4vEr.

who was Meir Gaon’s grandson. who was granted the title of haver on behalf of the Palestinian yeshiva on v6sh ha-shZni. which Abraham. During the latterhalf of theeleventh century. Ezekiel. Israel the cantor. stayed in Acre. Abraham. the mother of the two. apart from the above-mentioned Josiah and Isaac. the parnas of the Jerusalem Jews. theSpanish commentator Moses b. In Acre. There appears to have been a centre of learning in Acre. and he was evidently another haver who lived in Acre. Eleazar appears there. whose praying is not heard (and with whom he evidently is on very bad terms). Abraham. In this letter. Preserved in the Geniza is a letter written bySaadia ha-lahid we-ha-sijv (student and scribe. Sedaqa and Hulda. was receiving financial help for himself and his family from the people of Fustat. Another personality among the Jews of Acre was Saadia b. ittells that there was a sort of colony of people from Tiberias inAcre. Nathan (not the son of Nathan the av of the court. on . that is. to Abraham al-Tustari. and his brother Mevorakh. [a. at the end of Adar. who will be dealt with below) and given to Mevorakh b. that is. This matter connects up with the appeal of Moses ha-sijv. to help him travel (to Palestine) to visit his sick father. mentions in a letter to Sahlrin b. Ezekiel. He says that he prays for the well-being of the addressee with a group of the elite. Saadia. ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. The signature of Joseph he&vev b. Hence it seems that Isaac he-&vev.One may assume that this is probably an invitation to come to the synagogue in Acre. as can be inferred from the letter from a refugee from Acre writingto Alexandria (in about 11 15). The family of the correspondent was also originally from Tiberias. a power-of-attorney was written in the name of Radiya. who were all from one family: Wahban. Some thirtyyears later. Isaac he-havev informed him that he has received the money. Judah b. Saadia ‘the haver of the great Sanhedrin’ writes a responsum to a certain sayyidial-lmziitz concerning the calendar of the year AM 4838 (AD 1077/8). both from the ‘Palestinians’ (Ephraim b. not of Alexandria. came from there. Hayyim in Fustat that he prayed there(as he also did inTyre) for the health of the Nagid in Egypt. Jacobtza-rntrrn&. to handle the property left her by her deceased husband in Ascalon with people who came from Acre. Shelah in whichhe asks him to ‘come down on the sabbathto his synagogue to hear the words of the Torah’. Judah. In about 1060. the widow of Abraham b. He mentions in his letter to ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. to judge by the ‘aliima yesha‘ yeqiivev which used to be that of Nathan nv b. prior to his appointment as haver) to Samuel b. 1045. son of Solomon Gaon b. made up of refugees from Palestine. Shemaria) and the Tustaris. Joseph ibnKashkil settled in Acre after wandering fromSpain to Sicily. the son of the same Isaac he-&vi?. for his father.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS merely a week after the writing of this letter. apparently a man close to one of the families of the geonim of Palestine.

T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . Isaac al-Andalusi from Jerusalem to Yeshii‘i b. in Tyre (he was ‘fourth’ before that). av-bet-&. and from there to Mahdiyya. a modest man of noble extraction. alsoof Aleppo. as zekher qiidcsh. He appears to have lived there together with his brother and they stayed in Jerusalema certain for time. and he mentions that he sees them very infrequently because there are certain reservations about them on the part of ‘the head’. appeared before the court in Fustat. Solomon. concerning the legacy of a certain Isma‘il al-‘Azizi al-Halabi. he camefrom ‘Aziz. O n 28 November 1099. this is a letter to another . Yahyi in Fustat. writes to his father-in-law Tobiah ha-Kohen b.See in ‘the Scroll of Abiathar’. whois himself one of therefugees from Biiniyis and who became a judge in Fustat. they were in great distress and their arrival became known to the authorities. Nethanel: 215. may indicate). We have here a family from northern Syria who came to Acre in Palestineat first. a day’s travel from there.as one learns from a letter of Isma‘il b. 275-3341 to Egypt. in which he speaks of the strained relations between the refugees and the people of Alexandria. Bilbays seems to have been such a haven. who has become a leaderof the community in Bilbays. where the father of the family died. we come across a record of evidence. who died in Acre. a fortified town which was the capital of a district north ofAleppo. evidently the Gaon Elijah ha-Kohen b. apparently in the wake of theCrusaders’ invasion. lines 2-3: Zadok b.. also from Biniyis. perhaps because the refugees had greater chances of coming to somearrangements concerningtaxesintheprovincial cities. slightly more than four monthsafter the fall of Jerusalem. After he and his family reached Fustat. Rabbi Isaiah Av was appointed ‘third’ by Elijah Gaon. ‘Eli. line 18: Zadok b. himself a refugee from Acre). who at first settled in one of the towns in the Delta. Nathan ha-Kohen b. The latter wanted some information about the Ibn Kashkil family. see hissermon ibid. ‘of saintlyblessed memory’ (perhaps he wasmurdered. These reservations may be connected with Moses b. Le-heqer. He speaks highly to him of another refugee from Acre. ~ ~ 67 The colophon: 221. hiding from the tax collectors. The refugee from Acre who lived in Alexandria (in the days of the Crusaders) mentions Zadok ‘the third’ who lived in Acre. written in around 1065. RabbiIsaiah. Joseph’s method of interpreting the Bible. It appears that the family wished to move to Bilbays. on the Feast ofTabernacles in 1081. ‘saintly memory’. 86). Letter of Solomon b. As the nameindicates. see599 (notas in Braslavi. see also 574. while the rest of the family escaped to Egypt.b. Solomon. whereas three witnesses.T w o of the heirs still remained in Aleppo with their families. written in Fustat. We have already seen above the letter of another refugee from Acre. not only for the people of Acre but also for people from other cities in P a l e ~ t i n e . It should be noted that Acre was still under the control of the Muslims at the time was only conquered in 1104. Samuel in Fustat. who settled in Alexandria (written to Joseph b. b. 559.

f. 1-4. Shemaria in about 1040. cf. . Joseph as in 226. The deed of partnership: TS 6 J 2. Ibn Hawqal notices the fortresses in itsarea and Yiiqiit also speaksof the Haifa citadel. Niisir Khusraw.Isaac: 511. Turbiz. Khalaf b.]QR. that part of the town surrounded by a wall) was inhabited by Jews. Isaac of Acre (‘Akkii) is mentioned in a copy of the protocol of the court in Fustat dated Monday. 9-10. edited by Harkavy. this is a list at the end ofa midrash. edited by Assis. and he also has the other 2443) b 11. Buldin. Hofni). 62. lines 19-20. Ephraim’s son-in-law. Elijah Gaon held an assembly in Haifa in 1082. edited by Assaf. 66(1913). See also Ashtor. Marmorstein. The responsum: H U C 1007.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [302] Another coastal city in jund Urdunn was Haifa. who says he obtained it when he was in Acre. Confirmation of the money order: 222. Shazarlubilee Volume. Hist. The letter of Moses ha-s&r: 224. The letter of Ismi‘il b. 157A. 118v. The lineage ofJosiah. pp. 386fc see there a fragmentof his commentary toI Sam. it is also mentioned in the description of the earthquake of the year 1033 a letter in written by Solomon b. Here it becomes clear both fromGeniza letters and from the history of the Crusaders’ conquest. 24.. ofKhuriisin. see film no. when the Palestinian yeshiva was already in Tyre. where ships of thejiidi type were constructed. details. This was explicitly stated in the refugee. The letter of Nathanha-Kohen b. Semah. a euphemism for the yeshiva). and there he as Gaon and renewed the inaugurated the year.MS Firkovitch 11. Judah (in a letter written by his son Abraham) to Ephraim b. line 5. 9(1937/8). 667. ‘Aziz.389f. Abraham Gaon.. A fragment ofa deed survived in the Geniza in which ‘the people of the citadel of Haifa’ are mentioned. Topogruphie. see: Yiqiit. edited by Poznanski. Joseph b. where Moses b. 195: it is Azetas in Plinius. unlike Tyre within the boundaries of Palestine according to the where the yeshiva was then located. Saadia b. Minutes of witnesses from the year 1099: 598.see the photostatibid. Texts.. cf. nut. pp. memoriesof Acre. 111. Samuel b. 15 January AD 1028. Solomon: TS 12. see 138. Judah on the fact that his house i. ch. to be discussed below. who visited Haifa in1047. 512f. Bodl MS Heb (Cat. lines 3. ed. a manfrom Acre who lived in Fustat. O n Moses b. xxviii (in which he criticises Samuel b. 13. BaronJubiIee VoIume. he mentions that Ibn Kashkil was a man of considera knowledge of philosophy and an accomplished linguist. Israel (Sa‘id b. The name ofhis heiress: Nijwa: BodlMS Heb d 66. The handwritingis the same ‘Eli ha-Kohenb. 3 (a very torn and faded fragment) in which on line 11 can be found Josiahb. 21(1877). 492 and n. Joseph died.f. this is a letter of Abraham. 49(1978). see Gil. Mann.Sahl. 121. II. Goitein. Aaron:223. 134. reassumed the leadership appointments to the ‘meeting house’ (bet ha-wa‘ad. Refugees from Acre: 599. who assumes thathe is the same person as the Saadia b. 196f.whose arrivalinJerusalem is announcedby Solomon b. 15 Shevat AM 4788. the Gaon’s son. fols. Shelah is perhapsSamuelb.]ews. noted the existence of a shipyard there. 2f.nJerusalem is wide-open to the needy. 19-20. Tusturis. Samuel the Spaniard.789. See also the letter 609. 213. hence the letter was written before that year. in the upper margin. 9.Hamagid. I. f. dealing with matters ofhis inheritance. V:23. Dussaud. this has regards to Joseph ha-s&r (the scribe). Isri’il): 141. Saadia’s letter: 226. 10280 at the Institute of Micro-filmed Hebrew Manuscripts in the National Library. The colophon of Elijah b. f. but that Saadia is evidently Saadia b. Mediterranean Society 111. Ridiya’s deed: 225. see also ENA 2592. Yahyi. HUCA. Jerusalem. Naturally Haifa was chosen for this purpose because it was halakha. Ezekiel: 446. in the Index. Hebrew section.53. Israel praised in64 by the Gaon Solomon b. andsee: Goitein. NS 18(1917/8). The letter of ibn Kashkil see: Mann. Joseph died in 1035. RE].av-bet-din. that the fortress of Haifa (that is. this fragment is included in the commentary of Isaac b. Israel al-Tustari.

381. when a great conflagration consumed the houses of Ascalon as well as the plantations surrounding it. 174. 1620. . I.line 13. which made it a transit point for goods travellers. line 1 . 1979/80. evidently biased in favour of the port of Acre. The fragment of a deed: 220. 550.. there was unanimity that Haifa belongs to Palestine. This can be explained not only by the accidental nature of the survival of theGeniza documents. to Haifa in particular (see in the dirge he edited ibid. and is naturally oneof the supporters of Abiathar ha-Kohen and thePalestinian yeshiva in their sharp conflict with Davidb. .68 [303] There is a relatively large amount of information preserved on Ascalon. 58 (translation). and though Muqaddasi held that theport was not amongthe best. b. in the chapter on theIkhshidids below. but who ordered the mosqueto be built in Muharram in the year AH 155. Semah: 209. The assembly in Haifa: the Scroll of Abiathar: 559. Muqaddasi. The letter of Solomon b. It appears that the most ancient information we have of Ascalon after the period of the Umayyads is the building inscriptionof the mosque and the mtr’adhdhin’s tower.). 5(1958/9). Al-Mufaddal b. that is the people of the Palestinian yeshiva. Daniel: ‘and we went to Haifa andatthetime of the prayerI was proclaimed ‘the sixth’. (No.’ The Jewish character of Haifa is most marked in the account of Albert of Aachen of the Crusaders’ conquest. M e q M t . 69 [304] A very unusual episode connected with Ascalon is the matter of 68 69 NiiSir Khusraw. especially in the Cairo Geniza. The period we are dealing with ends in Ascalon more than two generations after its conclusion in therest of Palestine. at the beginning of AD 772. butalso by the fact that the city was thechief connecting link between Palestine and Egypt.275-3341 surviving draft of a letter from Shelah ‘the sixth’ b. it was the Jews who defended the city. 11. which he claims was builtbyhis grandfather (see ibid. Hisham al-Qurashi were in charge of its construction.. one can easily see that the poet does not apply ziqne ‘agJll. 5:191. lines 19ff.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . ‘meeting house’ is perhaps the synagogue in Haifa and the author of the scroll uses here an image from Talmudiclanguage. Nahum. who became caliph at the death of his father al-Mangiir in AD 775. 166: (al-qu:Gral-mudlfa i l i hayfa). Mehqlrim (Ha_ifaUniv.Ibn Hawqal. the fire: Ibn Taghri Bardi. The inscription: Ripertoire cltronologiqrrc. The next information on Ascalon is in the year AH 237 (AD 851/2). 14. as does Assaf. Yaqiit. The letter of Shelah. See on the subject ofHaifa and the borders of Palestine: Braslavi. owing to the relative proximity of Egyptand to its fortified port. for the Crusaders conquered it only in1153. 11. 220 and notes 8 and 9 for more references. 290. and one should not take it literally. which was burnt down in 939/40. 17 (text). . as we shall see. line 38 [TS Loan 511). The bzt ha-wa‘ad. There was also a Christian population there and I shall discuss this and the subject of its church. Salam al-Namari and Jawhar b. that is. 312f. 11. Aqllim. Buldijn. Eretz-Zsrael. who apparently writes from Tyre. 42). See on the subject of Haifa during the period under discussion also the article of El‘ad. which attributes it to al-Mahdi. in which it emerges that apart from regular Muslim units (of the Fatimid army).

Muslim writers.204. notes that in 1098. 38. Ibn Muyassar. Van Berchem published the inscription in 1915 and it is indeed as al-‘Ulaymi described it four hundred years earlier. Afterwards. at the time of the Crusaders’ conquest ofAscalon. Itti‘iz. on the order ofBadr al-Jamiili. according to him some claimed that it was al-Afdal’s father. 232. No. see also the inscription after that.. 149. a similar matter).al-‘Abdari.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D T H E M U S L I M S the mosque where Husayn’s head was preserved. 56f. He mentions that theminbar was still there ‘untilthis very day’. moved this minbav to Hebron. see Van Berchem. 11. Badr al-Jamali. and therefore built this magnificent building. to the most impressive building in Ascalon and built a mosque above it. who actually built the mosque and that al-Afdal only finished it. since Ascalon was in ruins and because he wanted to add splendour to Hebron. Hebron. when he conquered Palestine. discusses this when he describes the minbar situated near the mihviib in Hebron. in the Cave of Machpelah. VII. The inscription on the rninbav can be read also in Rippertoire chronologique. Muyaz. writing in the middle of the fourteenth century and claiming that Husayn’s head is in Damascus. writing some two generations later. has no doubt about the fact that the head of Husayn was indeed brought to Ascalon after he was killed. 219-250. 11. Mujir al-Din al-‘Ulaymi. it was made in A H 484 (AD 1091). 2790. the Fatimid rulers wanted to enhance the religious significance of Ascalon.Aletter from Ascalon in mid-century contains a reproach against a group of thecity’s inhabitants for conducting a campaign of slander against the letter-writer and his ’ O O n the mosque ofHusayn’s head. writing towards the end of the fifteenth century. for themashhad Husayn in Ascalon. the 9th of Jumada I1 in the year A H 548. Maqrizi. He imagines that Saladin.mention Ascalon frequently. The Spanish traveller al-‘Abdari mentions the building of the mashhad in Ascalon when describing the tomb of thehead of Husaynin Fustat. ‘Ulaymi. B i E y a . ‘Arif al-‘Arif. 283. 450. Khiyat. Indeed. al-Afdal moved thehead of Husayn from the modest place in which it was formerly kept. It seems that during the struggle over Palestine. and particularly its Shiite aspect. He tells that the rninbav had been made of superb and beautiful wood during the rule of the Fatimid caliph al-Mustansir. 111. 1200). Ibn Muyassar. 22. . Festschr. on Sunday. that is 31 August A D 1153. evidently beginning with Harawi(ca. He depicts it as the most magnificent building in Ascalon. when the army of al-Afdal conquered Jerusalem andAscalon from theSaljiiqs. especially letters of merchants. He was perhaps right in assuming that therewas a Shiite sanctuary there many generations before the building of this mosque. 32. Vincent et al. 2791. However.70 [305] Letters in the Geniza from the eleventh century. According to its inscription. it remains there today. 26. see: Harawi. mention that therewas a memorial (mashhad) in Ascalon in which the head of Husayn was kept.-259f (No. Ibn Kathir. Sacharr: 298. the head was transferredto Fustat. VIII. Ibn Khallikan.

Shemaiah. 413. neither their relatives nor even the physician b. i. and also the ‘elder of thecity’. A colophon to a commentary of Saadia Gaon on the prayer of Shem6ne ‘e&. Joseph. mtr’ahddhins). Abraham b. Tojudge by the ‘&ma: yesha‘ ytlbash (‘a swift salvation’) one can surmise that the letter was written in1025. on the score of their good treatment of the Jews of the city. but it is impossible tospeak of evidence from something whose very existence is in doubt. Abii Hurayz. he is frequentlymentioned in letters in my collection. We find hints of the difficult 71 The letter toShemaiah. addressed to Ascalon. However. Mevorakh. was one of the judges in Fustat and his name appears on many of the court’s of the eleventh cehtury. the Karaiteelders. ‘gentiles’. Ascalon remained under Fatimid control. n.71 [306]During the period of Turcoman dominion over Palestine. evidently written in around 1070. See Mann. His son. Ab5 Hari‘. the great-grandson of Shemaiah Gaon. Mann wanted to deduce from this letter the existence of a Karaite community in Ascalon and even assumed that it had been written by Karaites. Yeshti‘a. n. V. The colophon: 528. the Ascalon community was involved to a large extent in the conflict between Abiathar ha-Kohen and David b. 415. Eleazar reached Ascalon safely. At that time. and it underwent difficult times because of the lack of security that existed in Palestine. has been preserved. See on him:Goitein. ‘worshippers of the cross’. documents. perhaps thelocal cadi. 512. 75. The writer is evidently one of the community leaders in Ascalon. The only way to put an end to the slander was that the yeshiva should pronounce the slanderers excommunicated. David. The letter from 1025: 314. cf. The Ascalon correspondents ask the leaders of the Fustat communities to recommend these two Muslim personalities to ‘our elders’. Earlier complaints did not help and no one. Meir?) reprimanded the slanderers. Abu’l-Faraj Shemaiah he-&vZv b. 82: Baron finds here evidence of the absence of any sharp struggle between the Rabbanites and the Karaites in Palestine in the eleventh century. Jews. in which there is a letter of his and letters addressed to him. meaning of course the Tustaris. 11. the periodof the Gaon Solomonha-Kohen b. The letter from Jerusalem: 529. in which the writer expresses satisfaction at the fact that Halfon ha-Kohen b. The letter is written to aJerusalemite.275-3341 household. e.beginningfromtheend Mediterrmtan Society. copied in Ascalon in 1061 by Azariah b. and he points out that aspersions are cast notonly against him.the haver: 526. Another letter has been preserved from ‘the community of Ascalon’ to ‘the two holycommunitiesliving in Misrayim’ (that is in Fustat) warmly commending the governor of Ascalon appointed by the Fatimids. Baron. 159. particularly as they were seeking help from Muslims and Christians (‘the uncircumcised’. al-Azhar (b.but also against Shemaiah’s cousin. SRHJ.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . he was mistaken in this. Daniel. I. . There is a fragment of a letter from one of the family of the priestly geonim of Jerusalem. see the Hebrew Index (his brother Solomon is also occasionally mentioned). and we have no information as to whether there was in fact a Karaite community in Ascalon at that time.

byGolb. A court document of Fustat contains a copy ofa marriage deedwritten in Ascalonon 23 January 1100. ‘Ullii. Kulayb al-‘Asqal?ini. Mevorakh: 581. nicknamed Thiqa al-Dawla. The testament of TS 18J 1. It says there that in a sack that belonged to the testator. t. a letter of recommendation for Solomon b. Yefet b. This is the marriage deed of Sitt al-Dall51 b. 41. was still alive when this letter was written. who married a certain Shelah(perhapsShelahb. During from Palestine who fled from the this time. a letter I shall referto below. the father of Nathan ha-Kohen. Mevorakh s. too.JJS. The grandson. Mevorakh were the leaders of the Ascalon community: his son. for the writer signs: Nathan ha-Kohen ha-mumhe b. his grandson Nathan and his great-grandson. f. fifty-four years after the taking ofJerusalem. ‘may he have a good end’). it served as a haven for refugees Crusaders andas a way-station for captives redeemed from the Crusaders. Mevorakh. Hayyim in Fustat: ‘. It seems that the same Yefet b. A vivid portrayal of the conditions in Ascalon in the eightie of that century. ’*The letter of Nathan ha-Kohen ha-mumhe b. fell to the Crusaders. ed. ( s l j h @v. Mevorakh.Halfon). evidently in the eighties. The letter ofJoseph b. A moving letter written by Hillel b. Halfon. K%v (who is Yefet b. From this letter. ‘Eli to ‘the holycommunity living in the cityof Ascalon’ describes the first reactions of the Egyptian Jews after the news reached them of fall the ofJerusalem to the Crusaders. whichwereevidentlythesame as thebooksof Mevorakh ha-Kohen mentioned above. In Ascalon itself. . Kiilev. orHasan b. one can also learn about a Jew of Ascalon who preferred to go down to Egypt.72 [307] After the conquest of Jerusalemand the rest of Palestine by the Crusaders. lines 8 ff. is It amazing to see how the Jewish community in Ascaloncarried on a relatively orderlyway oflife while under the shadow of the constant threat from the Crusaders. Khalfa al-Maghribi. Ascalon remained under Fatimid control until 1153. Isaac ha-tulrntd in Fustat. Maymiin b. some six months after the fall ofJerusalem. 10. can be found in a letter full of the personal problems of Joseph b. we remain at this time empty from every side’. Khalfa: 196 . there were also three books (ma$zrf> of the Bible and Prophets of Hasan b.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS situation in a letter from Nathan ha-Kohen ha-Mumhe b. the writer of the letter. 20(1958). in the discussion on the Saljiiq period. . Mevorakh to ‘Eli ha-Kohen ha-parn5s b. and who took with him books whichbelonged to Mevorakh ha-Kohen. (5July AD 1072) in Fustat. father of Nathan. Kulayb) is mentioned in the deathbed will ofMaymiin b. Nathan ha-Kohen. the descendants of the aforementioned Nathan ha-Kohen b.Towardstheendoftheeleventh century and the beginning of the twelfth.R.Mevorakh.writes. relatively normal conditions of community life prevailed until it. its sworn enemies. Manasseh (apparently a Maghribi) fromAscalon to Abrahamb. dated Tammuz 17 1383Sel.

T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . and finally after he escaped death by the sword. to one of the important figures in Fustat. a woman ofAscalon staying a letter to the Fustatjudge. and he was evidently dismissed and thus their livelihood was gone. and the extent of the grants to the needy was determined in Fustat. In around 1135. The remarkhe makes is interesting. Sa‘d. written in 1130. Benjamin. . and its aim wasto get financial aid for this Solomon b. Ezekiel). is khZdim al-yahzid. Hiscase had already been brought before al-majlis ul-‘Zl. Solomon whohad to reach thaghv ‘AsqalZn (thefortified portof Ascalon) but according to Nathan haKohen. . with the request that he intervene on behalf of a blind man from Hamiih in Syria. see on him below. a personality in Fustat. in Fustat writes Samuel the Spaniard. who is undoubtedly the same‘Eli ha-Kohen b. i. a Maghribi. justas he had helped Abii’l-Tayyib(who is evidently Khalaf b. the parniis of Fustat. he intends to go on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem . whose table was ready and whose door always open. introducing herself as the daughter of Hiliil. the son-in-law of Sa‘d b. This welearn from a letter from thesame Nathan ha-Kohen to Abraham b. who is Hiyyii b. one of the respected men of rank. who had a special connection with Ascalon. who apparently wished to accumulate some money before settling in Jerusalem. contains a request that he use his influence with Abii’l-Hasan ha-Kohen.’ The letter was addressed to Nathan’s relative. Yahyii. and twice she stresses that sheis a refugee. Hayyim (it is interesting that this time he does not write to him directly) to help the son of al-Mufawwakh al-Zajiij. Sa‘d. Another letter from Nathan ha-Kohen. whose monthly allowance has been decreased.e. O n the other hand. but on the decline and impoverished due to many misfortunes. who had been ‘the elder of the Jews in Ascalon’. Abraham b. ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. . as we see in the instance of Sedaqa ha-Levi ha-haziin b. If help couldnot be obtained in this manner. apparently the courtof theyeshiva. had not arrived yet. ‘Eli ha-Kohen b.Isaac b. and forced ask for to aid from his fellow men. who was ‘of good stock.275-3341 Benjamin. In the letter she asks the judge to use his influence to help her two brothers in Ascalon. The backbone of thewelfare activities in Ascalon was Manasseh: 593. the husbandof Thumiima b. She was also in need. ‘Eli ha-Kohen would on occasion also ask his Ascalon relative to look after people from Fustat who came to Ascalon. which was already in Fustat. thatat the time the letter was written none of the Jews of the town remained in Ascalon.Isaac ha-talmid. save some wretches @qarii’sha&idhin). the Nagid must be approached and he would undoubtedly know how to deal with someone in such a situation. beadle in the synagogue. It appears that the Ascalon community was considerably helped by the Jews of Fustat in matters of welfare.Hayyim. for they had supported her and her children. who is Hillel. one of whom. who had fled to Fustat because he owed ten dinars. Eleazar in Fustat. Mansfir.

or people of Hebron. Nevertheless there were also wealthy people among the Jews Ascalon of at that time. receipts with the signature of Nathan ha-Kohen b. We do not know the extent of its assets. The cantor and his brother organised theirown coterie. It appears thatNathan ha-Kohen died in 1144. while the cantor wanted to buy mats to sit on.Nathanha-Kohen ha-me‘ulle ha-dayyiin ha-muflii. and we learn from this that there was still commerce in scents going on through the port of Ascalon. cousins (the father of the writerwas the brother of the addressee’s mother).from theyears 1132. Halfon. succeeded in becalming the atmosphere while the people of the community managed to extort some concessions concerning the prayer routine in which the son of parniis the had formerly enjoyed priority over others of the same age (in saying the nishrnaf koI ( z q . who were clearly Jews who had fled from Hebron and found refuge in Ascalon after the Crusaders’ conquest. we only know about a flat leased at a quarter of a dinar annually to Solomon ha-Ziiriz b. The communityprotestedthat matsshould be boughtfromcommunity funds. Sedaqa al-‘Attar (the scent dealer) who was called ‘friend of the yeshiva’ (that is. Abraham b. The communitycalled a sort of strike and did not appear in the synagogue for several weeks. The writers continue to complain (evidently to the Nagid in Egypt) that the 198 .1142 and 1143 have been preserved. sixteen in number. Mevorakh. the judge.R. Sedaqa Sar Meniihii al-‘Attiir. and with the signature of his son Mevorakh from theyears 1140. Most of the communitywished to use the money of the heqddz to repair the synagogue.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS the community heqdZsh. The concerns of theheqdcsh was the thrustof an argument which broke out within the Ascalon community at the beginning of the twelfth century. may he rest in paradise’. for the sum of five dinars for his relative Abii’l-Hasan Raja’ of Ascalon.1139. 4 January):‘Mevorakhha-Kohenb. This was a family of scent dealers. Each of these receipts is signed by two judges. for instance). written in the form of a letter.1135. The letter describes the parnas as an overbearing person and describes how matters almost came to blows. In addition to a fragment of deed the of lease. may the memory of a righteous and holy man be blessed. 1145 and 1146. written on the verso of the deed.1134. One is speaking here of relatives. Rajii’ would collect the money from Nethanel ha-talmid b. who was travelling to Fustat in August-September 1116. from the twenties of the twelfth century through October 1146. with the aid of the local parniis and the khaliliyin. an emissary of the Nagid (from which we understand that there was no permanent judge in Ascalon at time). have been preserved. receipts for the rent. as in 1145 his son’s signature appears (on the 8th of Shevat: or Thursday. he was one of the donors) writesa money order. from the word ‘holy’ we can assume that Nathan his father had been murdered.

lines 9-11. Abraham.’ Thisseems to have misled Braslavi. mentioned in a letter of HayyGaon to Sahl5n b. Mevorakh (grandson of the first). In 583. 589.’~ [308] Atthetime of theCrusaders’conquestin 1153. Jews. Le-lzeqer. Goitein. 275-3341 parnas does not stand by what was agreed upon.]eu)s. 11. is mentioned in Mann. tried to identify him with ‘Allfin. and it seems that he was a partner of the Nathan ha-Kohen family in managing the affairs of the Ascalon community (see: 588. that is. line 7. 78. f. 240 (see a correction of an error on p. upper margin. 1. Yefet. see especiallyline 16. letter of Elijah ha-Kohen b. 11 is a fragment of an illegible letter in the handwriting of Nathan ha-Kohen b. ENA NS 38. in the left column). 4. a. who has details of his functions in the Fustat welfare system. their ‘alijma: yeshn‘ rnv(‘a great salvation’ like that of the Gaon Solomon b. Mevorakh (the grandson). The matter of the blind man: 590. Benjamin: 582. but see 586. From the letter it emerges that there were about one hundred Jewish families in As~alon.see in the Index. where it says in the upper margin. actually he is often mentioned in documents edited by Mann. ibid. into thinking that he was addressing his father. Cf.339. From 582. line 6).]ews. he was the brother of ‘Eli’s daughter-in-law and hence addressed him as a father. The genealogy would be as follows: Mevorakh (1) ‘Eli (the parnas) The grandfather Nathan of (2) Nathan (1) I Mevorakh daughter a Nathan (2) (2) The matter of Sedaqa ha-Levib. ‘Eli’s letter: 573. 254. see the Hebrew Index. the parnis ofFustat: ‘Your hamud [endeared. which bears his signature. Mevorakh. Solomon (when hewas still av-bct-din. son] Nathan ha-Kohen b. Shelah b. Judah). the aforementioned‘Eli ha-Kohen.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S[ S E C S . Yahyi Hakkohen and also ‘AIT b. line 12. but theyare not identical. Yeshii‘5 ‘the excellent (haver). Chapira. where his signature appears a number of times). 329. ‘Eli ha-Kohen is mentioned in Geniza documents from 1057 to 1107.. Mediterrmenn Society. Nathan ha-Kohen (the first) is the writer of 581. i. Ya‘ish Hakkohen. Hayyim. was the grandfather’s brother (on the mother’s side) of Nathan (the second) b. it appears that the permanentaddressee of thefamily in Fustat. the judge’ b. upper margin. lines 5ff. Mevorakh’s sister was married to ‘Eli ha-Kohen’s son. may he have a good end. and perhaps during arelatively peaceful period during the Turkomans’ rule. n. in the MS. the Jews of Ascalon escaped to Egypt. His son Yefet was also involved in community affairs in Ascalon (see: 592.Jew3 . 11. Braslavi was also mistaken in thinking that ‘Eli ha-Kohen was apparently a new figure in the Geniza findings. TS 8 J 4. Eleazar ismentioned in BM . A fragment of deed a of sale written byHalfon 73 Hillel b. Solomon: 583. 129. Solomon is mentioned in 421. written in his name and that of Yeshii‘a b. cf. Nathan ha-Kohen signs his letter to ‘Eli ha-Kohen. written perhaps in 1098. which are merely the names of the same ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. Copy ofthe marriage deed: 594. Mann. cf. Yefet was also one of the scholars in Ascalon at the beginning of the twelfth century. 83. ‘Ah b. see note 72) to his father Halfon in Ascalon. 45. 385. The letter of recommendation to Solomon b. f. Halfon b. Mann. Abraham b. 11. 11.REJ.after the Fatimid conquest ofJerusalem. that Nathan ha-Kohen b. his son Mevorakh is a signatory theretoas well.e. 82(1926).

‘great-grandson of Aaron. In the Geniza documents there is some information about the Jews of the city. Hillel) al-‘Akkawi.588a has evidence ofthe commerce carried on between Ascalon and Egypt at the beginning of the twelfth century while Palestine was already mainly in the hands of the Crusaders. but it seems that the Jews began to leave the city during the last quarter of the tenth century. f. In the eleventh century there was still a community in Gaza despite the constant wars raging in the area. Nathan to ‘Eli b. Abraham b. generally signed his name as ‘ben Shemaria ha-melammed (ben YabyZ) ha-‘AzZtf (andin Arabic: ibn Mahffi? al-Ghazzi). Shemaria. Husayn) and therein also the same formula. ha-Kohen b. During the Byzantine era. The matter ofb. Yefet (Abii’l-Hasan ‘Ali b.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D THE M U S L I M S b. Solomon. Manasseh. and apparently laid the foundations for this enterprise while still in Gaza. a letter containing a request for aid directed to him by Joseph ha-Kohen b. The dispute in the synagogue:595. From thefact that many Hebroniteslived in Ascalon.The signature of Mevorakhis surrounded by tiny letters which when read alternately from the top and the bottom say. Ephraim b. The Frankish monk Bernard. Some fifteen years after the Crusaders’ conquest. The family dealt in perfumes. Benjamin of Tudela (Adler). in the handwriting of Nathan b. The Eleazar. the judge (‘the excellent haver’) Yeshii‘a b. 28f. Najm(evidently Hayyim b. who visited it in 867. f. the leader of the Jews of Fustat during the first half of theeleventh century. by which he certainly means the lush plantations in the neighbourhood. 8. The heqdZsh: 592. al-Mufawwakh: daughter of Hilil: 597. Aaron and R. that is a man ofAcre who also found refuge in Bilbays. one can undoubtedly assume that the letter was written after 1099. also mentioned there is Yahyi b. notes its tremendous wealth. See T S 6 J 2. From about800 we hear about Moses the Gazan (ha-‘aziitq grammarian and hence one can assume that therewas some sort of centre for study and learning there. a fragment which is the beginning of a letter from Mevorakh ha-Kohen b. the scribe of the community in Fustat. It seems therefore thathis father arrived in Egypt after he left Gaza. Semah and R. died before that). see: 596. Yefet. 200 74 . my Holy. see ENA 4011.Sedaqa al-‘Attir. Gaza was a way-station for pilgrims coming from Egypt. Mevorakh (the grandson) and that ofhis son Mevorakh in the continuation. letter This also mentions the manwho was thecentral figure in Ascalon at the time. It mentions ‘the Ascalonians who now live in Bilbays’. through which he transacted business. 591. for thysalvation I hope’. 13: 154 (?) dinars is being spoken of as owing to the people of Ascalon residing in Bilbays. Benjamin of Tudela visited Ascalon and he found there ‘some two hundred Rabbanite Jews headed by R. Manasseh shows that people from Ascalon had lived in Bilbays even before the Crusaders conquered their city (for Halfon b. A letter from ‘the community of Gaza and the displaced’ contains an appeal to the court in Fustat in which there was severe criticismof O r 5856.'^ [309] O n Gaza there is little information in the works of the Muslim geographers apart from shortand insignificant descriptions. some forty Karaites andsome threehundred Kiittm [= samaritan^]'.

lines 3 . the Ascalonite. and as he was as yet not called hZvEr. whodied 'in the landof Pithom'. Ephraim b. I. p. who also wrote to 'Eli ha-Kohen b. or the money. One can assume that the entire Jewish community in Gaza was uprooted at the time of the Crusaders' conquest.it seems that Yeshii'a was theleader of the Jews of Gaza at that time. who asked for the legacy of his brother 'Amram. that the handwriting of these fragments and of that the Gazans' letter are identical. Zulay (ibid. Bernard. 20 I . Hayyim in Fustat . Aaron) signed in the aforementioned letter of the Gazans. 1952/3. R. 3 (1936/7). (in the Great Sanhedrin) b. one can assume that it was written relatively early. perhaps a relative of the writer. 442. his son Josiah died at the age of six (see in Fleischer ibid. p. Zulay. It seemsthatthis Eleazar wasthe son of Zechariah ha-Kohen b.) assumed that this perhaps hints at his being a descendant of the head of the exilarchic family. to 'Eli ha-Kohen b. Yedi'ot. 8). 7). that is. R. Kulayb (a diminutive from Kalev = Khalaf = Aaron. see: Le Strange.Nathan wereedited by on one of the colophons: Yeshii'i the hPvh b. the judge. 184. Molinier. in Tobler et Moses ha-naqd5n: Harkavy. and similarly 219. see on the origin of Ephraim b. see also Assaf. whomentionsthe beautiful mosque and the mashhad of 'Umar ibn al-KhattPb. 571).4 .lSSff. 9. the most important signing last: Yeshii'Z he-&vZv be-s. 47. The date of letter the is apparently about1030and it seems likely that Jews from the villages and hamlets in southern Palestine sought refuge in Gaza. fladashim (reprint). Mann. and are 'the displaced' mentioned in the letter. No less than fifteen people signed the letter.. Hayyim in Fustat. 174. apparently from Ascalon. 'the community of our people of Gaza'. b6smin ('spicemerchant')in 46. edited additional fragments from the aforementioned qedijshti. and it seems that part of it moved toAscalon. 5. Jews. Yerushalayim. Assaf. great-grandson of Gur Arie.Eleazar asks 'Eli to help him out with obtaining a prayer shawl.ibid.Shemariaandhis signatures: Assaf.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . Fragments from the qedtkhti of Yeshii'5 b.they are suspected of having spoken derogatively of someof the public figures inAscalon to the nasi. The letter from theGazans: 219.g. 75 Geographers: see forinstanceMuqaddasi. Shemaria. Nathan also in: Goitein. see on Yeshii'a the h5vEr b. 9. n. n. Aqiliin. Gil. 30. 11. 314. his signature in the qed k h t i : Yeshu'a the Judge b. 413.Shemariaconcerningthe claim of Mevorakh b. Halkin Jubilee Volume. hencehis entire Hebrew name: Zechariah b. David b. b. This emerges from the letter from the Gazan Eleazer ha-Kohen ha-mumhE. 34. Palestine.. In the letter. nn. see also his note in Yedi'ct. 2. the Gazans who found refuge in Ascalon are mentioned. Yeshii'i b. 176. 20 (= No. his signature R. line16. Meqorot. to buy one. 104. Nathan (surrounding his name in tiny letters which when read upwards and downwards alternately made up the words: great-grandson of Gur Arie [lion's cub]). Mevorakh. The people of Gaza who live in Ascalon are also mentioned in a letter from Nathan ha-Kohen b. Fleischer. Documents. Nathan. in line 64. of Gaza. see for instance: 35. 154. evidently in the region of the Fayyiim in Egypt. (= MPL 121. Zechariah. 170. Nathan is the author of a piyyiit (qedtrshti) on the death of his son Josiah. Nathan. 5(1938/9).b.that is. they also mention that Gaza is the location of the grave of Hishim ibn 'Abd Manif (oneforefathers of the of Muhammad). Nathan. 275-3341 the decision taken byEphraim b.

lines 6-7: ‘people from among theGazans who are not inhabitants of the city [that is. further: Alt. that is. 189 (No. and we can see that the scribe distorted the names and mixed up the order. . thejudge fromGaza. and to decide whether they could declare that year a leap year. 607. RB. and more references there. 512. ZDPV. 76. atleast there is no mention of in it theGeniza. The letter ofEleazar ha-Kohen: 619.33.see also ClermontGanneau. . line 15. 3. Gevul. See: Nessana. see Bar Deroma.cf. apart from one man whose name was al-Rihani. Descriptio. . Madrid.cf. Eleazar. Edorn. visited the fields in the Gaza area in order to test the iiviv. 376 years earlier. 76. five kilometres southeast of Dayr al-Balah. AD 1052. 3(1906). The visit took place in a field on the land of siiq rniizin (‘alii tzaql bi-urd siiq mZzin w i n ktrra ghazxa). about whom it is said in 529. Puliirtinajahrburh. see: Jaussen. 120. 29(1933). andinthe Targum ofJerusalem (to Num. .1974). until one reaches the border of the salty sea’ [yiirnii de-rnil&’. From this account we know that there were also Karaites in Gaza. xxxiv:15) we find: ‘. 64. ’ The visit of the Karaites: 302. It seems that the city wason the decline and nothing is known ofits Jewish population. nn. in Arabic Zughar. 118 and n. Siiq M5zin. Georgius Cyprius. Synecdemrrs. Mevorakh: 587 (autumn 1093). 1971. the Targum. 44. 476. it is possible that by yZmZ de-unilhi the Mediterranean is intended. The letter from Nathan ha-Kohen b. 636f and n. according to Musil. he came from Jericho. who visited the ruinsof Siiq Miizin on 29 March 1898. the Bedouin of Banii Sheyla built a village for themselves out of these ruins.76 [311] The Muslim geographers have little to say about Jericho as well. or Sughar. Ge’Cgrifia hist6rit. see in the Miqrii’6tgedd6t. 13. the Neophyti. who were constantly fighting one another over them. 111.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A ~ J D THE MUSLIMS [310] In the month of March. In 1906 the land of Siiq M5zin (as the Bedouin called it) was in the hands of the Banii Sheyla and Banii’l-Niijira. The most importantcity in the region of the Dead Sea was So‘ar (Zoar). 4. and also the indigo. 10. Diez Macho. 234. in February 676. 1040 in a dwelling of the Jewish waqf (qodesh) in Fustat. a group of Karaites. Klein. Abel. n. Avi-Yonah. 351). 52 (where EukGmaz6n is printed). who lived cn. that he went to Ascalon ‘as ordered’. line 8). Frequently in Arab sources. Jerusalem. During the Byzantine period Sykomazon was an important town and the seat of a bishop. consisting of both Jerusalemites and Gazans. he points out that Syk6maz6n is also marked on the Madaba map. 203 76 . 117. Ascalon] and do not know the real situation of the community. who has details that need correcting in the light of what wassaid above. 74 and n. Mediterrarzenrl Society. 740. 222. 33(1910). O n the Byzantineperiod: Hierocles. also Neophyti (ed. it is possible that Halfon ha-Kohen b. IV. and as his name indicates. V. fol. Recueil. the degree ofripeness of the growing grain. the Dead Sea is called‘the sea of Zughar’. near the southern part of the Dead Sea.. 323: ‘it fell in their lot [the area] to RJiwrz and Slliiqnraziy? and to the cave of ‘Eyn Gedi until reaches one the salty sea’ (thus in the photocopy. The Muslim sources dealing with the Dead Sea region particularly mention the date palms which grow this in area in abundance. it fell in their lot [the area] to Rafiah and ShiiqmazZyZ. and this emigration from Gaza to Ascalon is apparently being hinted at here. 4(1924). was the son of this Eleazar. like in Arab sources of the Middle Ages]. a similar expression is recorded inthepapyriof Nessana: KlZvna Sykomnz6n khoras GazCs.]POS.

The deceased. ‘Ali Kohen Fasi. No. Meir (whose nickname was b. . The court documentwas made a t the request of the son of the deceased. Nathan (who is Abii’l-Suriir Yamani al-Andalusi) was appointed trusteein charge of the property. property with so-and-so living in SG‘ar in Palestine is also mentioned (the man’s name has not been preserved). he will pass through ‘Imwisand Qaryat al-‘anab. 47: Sigor.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S ( S E C S . according to Muqaddasi. 22 [TS 20. In a letter from Jerusalem written by Hayyim the haver b. 13. and which deals with the legacy of a man of Alisana (Lucena). in a list of the details. but he [thefool] will not gothis way but will go towardsGaza and turn towards Bayt Jibrin and from there to Zughar and afterwards return to ‘Eyn Gedi and from there to Jericho and from there to Jerusalem . 287ff. describes the region. However. B M O r2517. Jacob the haver in Fustat. see Daniel the Russian. it says that the debtorlived in So‘ar (spelled Zughrar. Abraham b. mentions Sodom and Gomorrah and ‘the people of Lot’ (these details are also found in other Muslim geographers). mainly dates. 1. Arculf calls the place Zoaroi Arabiae. The sources also mention the regionin connection withthe cultivation of indigo. merchandise and moneyin Egypt and Palestine. Al-Rihini: Gil. 24 [TS BoxK 25. To sum up. line 5). which was used for extracting dyes for textile^. vellum. Abraham b. upper part. Jewish merchants were particularly interested in this region because of the indigo plant. though we have no knowledge of a Jewish community there.1681. 175. where the grave of Lot and his two daughters is situated. during the month of Ab (August). see in Tobler et Molinier I. evidently this error in spelling was caused by the difficulty of pronouncing theghayin together with therii’). itseems that the region of SG‘ar. it is mentionedthat indigo and wasma seeds (also a kind of indigo) were brought from Zughar. as is proven by a copy of a court document. 1065. It is likely that Jews lived in So‘ar.'^ 77 Jericho: see Muqaddasi. The father had left property. fol. b. who considered going there from Hebron. Muslim traditions on S6‘ar (connecting it with Lot and his daughters) see: Le Strange. 275-3341 In a letter fromthe Geniza from ca. changed his mind and forwent the journey. ‘the sea of Zughar’: see Istakhri. 354f. lines 15ff. the DeadSea (apparently at its southern end). was more active during the period under discussion than later on. carrying passengers and goods. youth (aljdith) and sick people gather at the sea of Zughar. The letter of Avon. Josephb.’ Indirectly we havelearned that S6‘ar was situated to the south of the Dead Sea. the x:15) ‘like a man who leaves Ramla for Jerusalem (Bayt al-Maqdis). Solomon to Isaac b. 2861). 179. Idrisi (Cerulli).and he mentions that there are small sailing ships moving about on the Dead Sea. . 9 (see documents No. 195. 841. Meir al-Andalusi. Palestine. 185. A q d i m . The copy of the court document: BM O r 5561A. Joshua b. n. whose original is said to be preserved in Granada (GharnaCa). Palestine.Aqilim. written by Avon b.dealing with the collection of a debt owing to this Isaac. a letter of . 503. f.if he wantsto make a short-cut.is mentioned in 159. Documents. Sedaqa. but the road from there was dangerous and one of the Maghribi merchants. f. a fact which was disputed for some time (see: Le Strange.YeruhimmentionsZughar in his Arabic commentary on Ecclesiastes. which is quite a famous road. line 33.because he knoweth not how to go to city.Salmonb. 92b (The labour of thefoolish wearieth every one of them. O n the other hand. and the region of the Dead Sea in general. it seems thatin the middleof the tenth century there were still Jews living in So‘ar. Samuel. that is. Qdiis).

201). basing his argument particularly on the fact that the inhabitants’ representative in their negotiations withMuhammad during the Tabuk campaign. 15.cf. in the original: ‘Hanes the island near the Salty Sea’ of Hanes is Tinnis. he mentions that the place is inhabited by tribesmen from Lakhm andJudhim.Marriage. which Goitein edited there. including number a ofimportant figures in the development of ancient Muslim literature. Further proof he found in a tradition according to which Marwin ibn al-Hakam was aided by 200 Christians(!) of Eilat to organise a police force in Medina when he was still governor of Medina before he became caliph. cf. 33(1974). line 30. line 22. daughter of Nahum. Yuhanni. It is not known whether these mawili were former Jewsor Christians. Lammens claimed that Eilat was a Christian city. See YZqiit. We have already seen the treaty between the Prophet and the population of Eilat. The city was considered the frontier of Palestine. is said in some sources to have been the bishop of Eilat. Yerushalayim. who was the trustee for the legacy together with Abrahamha-Kohen b. YahyZ. n. that is. who cites al-Muhallabi (endof the tenth century). a term which undoubtedly means Solomon b. 143.796. through Sar Shalom b. ‘Eli. line 21: al-bahr al-mdlih. cf.) The regionofS6‘ar(Zughar) of the avii. the m a w d i (clients) of the Umayyads (still in the daysof ‘Uthmin). R.In 1044. speaking there of a large debt left by the deceased. lines 42-43. 70 . See also the qerijvi for the eighth day ofFeast the of the Tabernacles edited by Zulay. Nathan (his name is found in my Geniza collection.is not from S6‘ar but from Hanes (as is written in line 14). Karaites went there to examine the state of the fields with regard to the i i v i ~ . where the salty water of ‘the Great Sea’ isput in opposition to the malodorous one of ‘Sea the of Sodom’. the last city before entering Egypt. andn. Golb.]NES. TS 13 14. (the first crops) there mentioned in301.In about 1020. Nahum. merely to ah! ayla. The Karaites: 301.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [312] We have detailed evidence of the Jewish community in Raftah (Rafah in Arabic). 200. 24.. who lived in Eilat.7 (= ha-Yishuv. as well as the matter of people converting to Islam. a court document dated 7 Teveth 1344 12 Sel. MediterraneanSociety. a. December AD 1032. see the Hebrew Index). Joseph. 370: al-bahral-milh (the Mediterranean). Haggai in Fustat. 11.merelythatit had aprosperouspopulationandamarket.474. ‘the (lines 14-15). in the Arabic of the Middle Ages the Mediterranean . A[aron(?)] the scribe b.Aaronthehaver b. Judah to Abrahamha-Kohen b. 7. 1952/3. The Jerusalem letter: 463. ibid. Goitein. See forinstanceIdrisi(Cerulli). EretzIsrael. Abrais hamb. a which caused one of the parties to apply to the Muslim courts. (The court document from H a n b confirms the receipt of money fromHasana. 11. Haggai. which is Tinnis. 296. ~ ~ [313] During the Muslim period Eilat became an important station on the way to Mecca for pilgrim caravans. The letter ofJosiah Gaon: 43. Goitein. however.See also: Friedman. and signatories there are: Mevasser ha-Kohen b. about which the Muslim sources tell us practically nothing.a mosque and also inns. f. but the source he mentions does not refer to Christians at all. mentioning also Joshua b. I. and that security there is at its lowest (it is difficult to know whatperiod he is talking about). 316f for an opinion similar to mine. theMediterranean. he cites ENA 1822. the Gaon Josiah writes to the Rafiah community concerning the division of legacy. the city of the island Salty Sea’ meant. J f.Mevasser. 12(1974/5). line 31: The Karaites examine the state in 1044.

275-3341 tribesmen from Eilat. vii:163-169 (strrat al-a‘rcif) ‘ask them about the city near the sea. This is also suggestedbythe fact thatitsname is notmentionedintheMuslim traditions of the conquest. fol. the ‘aqaba (‘aqabat ayla . a cook. in order to widen it. VII(2). Commentary: see for instance Tabari.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S .79 [314] Hebron is almost never mentioned in Muslim literature before the tenth century. although there are hadith traditions which point to places. Ahmad ibn Tiiliin.In the tenth century. We [i. 325. . should they want it. . 57b. describes the graves of the patriarchs. N5zir Khusraw. who visited Hebron in 1047. IV. 860). Ibn al-Jawzi. the Muslim tradition found in the commentaries to the Koran states that Eilat was a Jewish city in the period before Islam and identifies it with the city mentioned in the Koran. Ibn Hawqal and Muqaddasi. O n the other hand. see Maqrizi. IV. A g h i n i . The houseof the Jewish woman: Ibn Sa‘d. and altogether is there very little information about the city.that is Jerusalem. and evento the rich. 180ffi some say the intention is to Maqn4 or Madyan. for it was formerly impossible to pass through theroad mounted (in ca. 410.e. Khitut. which indicates that it was not rated highly.hence its name for later generations). together with its services. Sif. I. T u j i r . is This especially true in the account of Muqaddasi. the work was supervisedby his mawla. this is evidently the metamorphosis of a Jewish legend about Jewish fishermen who became monkeys on God’s orders because they desecrated the sabbath. XIII. Fa’iq. mention Hebron and we find in their writings descriptions of the patriarchs’ graves. works were carried out in the mountain-pass of Eilat. a baker and servants.who serve a open to strangers. . 206. Mo‘iwiu. In the period we are discussing here. Tu&. whose [inhabitants] desecrated the sabbath when the fish [in the sea] there cameto to do this evil which was forbidden them . IV. 30. God] told them: be outcast monkeys’. N i h i y u . This inn. among them rulers of distantcountries who left property in their wills for this purpose . He also describes the hospitality according to 79 Lammens. which boasts meal of lentils (‘adas) with olive oil to the poor and to pilgrims. the Muslim geographers Igakhri. see what is said there. however. in Mawsili. 156. The commentators generally claim that Eilat (Ayla) is intended. Aylabecame Iliy4. for since they had the nerve for them to do. who also quotes praises of thearea for its excellent fruits. namely that Eilat in the Prophet’s day wasa city with a mixed population ofJews and Christians. A house belonging to a Jewish woman in Eilat is mentioned at about the same time. especially the mashhad of Abraham (al-Khalil). which were founded by Tamim al-Dariandothers. was supported by revenue from the waqfs. Ibn Hayysn. c f rbn al-Jawzi. other The truth in this case isevidently somewhere in the middle.all this to maintain Abraham’s traditional hospitality to strangers. He furthermore mentions the inn ~ n d t r q in ) Hebron. 305. 433c who quotes from Isbahani. Maqrizi mentions that in the days of Khumirawayh b. we have no information regarding Christians in Eilat.

in Safar in AH 390. 172. In another letter. but he was afraid to go there and remained stuck at the ‘graves of the patriarchs’. complaining that his partner went to the ‘graves of the patriarchs’ and made an unsuccessful deal there in buying wheat. perhapsAbraham ha-Kohen b. Hayyim. O n visits to Hebron for religious purposes. The documents showthat there was an organised community in Hebron with a &vZv at its head. Sedaqa. Yakhin in Istakhri. the parnis of Jerusalem. Another Maghribi merchant. the pamas in Fustat. and that they were largely occupied with the pilgrims whocame to the ‘gravesof thepatriarchs’. He also mentions the gifts given to the masCzhad by the Fatimid rulersof Egypt. 1080 to Yeshii‘i b. writes to Abii’lHasan ‘Alliin b. 82. only ‘the graves of the patriarchs’. and said a special prayer there for the haver Zikri Abii and his son (Abii Zikri is Judah b. Ya‘ish. Some of the letters from Hebron are from the Saljiiq period and it can be seen from them that the Jewish community there continued to exist. and for the addressee. N5sir Khusraw. From this we learn that Hebron was also a meeting-place for Jewish merchants. together with some other people.the synagogue near the graves of the patriarchs.He swears by Jerusalem that he did so. In a letter written in ca. Miis5 (Abraham b.33f (text). Apart from these literary sources.113. lentils in olive oil and raisins. Avon complains that the same partner made this deal with money which he had loaned to him. He points out that he prayed for them while the Torah was open.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Abraham’s tradition: the strangers are given bread. Furit). Nathan. Aqilrm. in which it says that fell he in battle. informing him in the opening sentences of the letter that he went the ‘gravesof thepatriarchs’. Ezekiel. olives. 57. 99-105 (translation). writes on 28 August 1065. Avon b. of blessed memory’. Ibn al-‘Arabi (about 1095) tells ofMuslims performing the ziyzru in Hebron.80 [315] It is interesting to note that in the Geniza documents pertaining to this book. Ibn Hawqal. see: Rihlu. and all this before the approaching Days of Awe. in order to go So‘ar to (Zughar). Muqaddasi. the inscription on the grave ofa man named Husayn al-Ahwal should also be noted. The Maghribi merchantBarhiin b. Around 1060 ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. the Egyptian Nagid). whocalls himself ‘thehiver ofthe graves of thepatriarchs. Moses) al-Tihirti writes from Jerusalem tohis relative and partner Nehorai b. There is evidently an indication here that the Muslims (like the Jews) saw some advantage to being buried in Hebron. we find some detailed evidence. for ‘the prince [MY] of the congregation’ (it is difficult to know who he is referring to. the name ‘Hebron’ is not mentioned. At the head of the community stood Saadia the haverb. Abraham b. Nissim and mentions that he intends to visit the ‘graves of the patriarchs’ together with his father. Isaac b. also al-GhazUi testifies to having performed a ziyiru in Hebron himself 206 . Saadia. proof indeed that there was a synagogue in the place . who is ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. or January/February AD 1000.

A Catholic monk also wrote aboutthe synagogueclose to thegraves of the patriarchs in 1119. it sounds as if this Hebronite is a relative of the Egyptian Nagid Mevorakh. but whostill maintained contact with the people of Hebron. they lost an ass worth fifteen dinars on the way from Hebron to Ascalon. on condition that they are permitted to build a synagogue a t the entrance to the graves of the patriarchs. but it seems that most of the Hebron community fled to Egypt. particularly to Bilbays. and they have nothing to wear nor bread to eat. but in view of theclaims of the Muslim sources that the ritual a t the graves of the patriarchs only began after the Crusaders. 75 (I am grateful to Prof. He mentions that the Hebronites pray for him ‘at the graves of the patriarchs’ every day. who became the head of the community in Bilbays. Saadia the haver. VI. It seems that the community in Hebron was liquidated not long after the above-mentioned letters and is itnot clear whether it existed during the whole period between 1082 (the letterof Saadia the haver) and the Crusaders’ conquest ofJerusalem (when Hebron was also taken). As in his story he speaks of bothMuslims (theSaracens) and Jews. Saadia himself has been ill for the past two months. the son ofJudah. Saadia. wemay assumethatthatChristiansource was also speakingofthe synagogue. 775-3341 Fustat. We have found above that there was a large group of Jews from Hebron in Ascalon. From the letter. that prayer-house was splendidly decorated. Elijah atthe beginning of the year 1082 (the date emerges from the contents). In anotherletter he wrote to Abiathar ha-Kohen Gaon b. After describing how the Jews helped the Muslims take Hebron (by showing them where it was possible to break into the town). Lazarus-Yafeh for bringing this to my attention). and in view of theexplicit evidence ofthe letters from Hebron in the Geniza. he adds that ‘it is impossible to describe in what reverence that people ofunbelievers held the place. no one would enter it without taking off his shoes and washing his feet. and we have letters from the Hebronite Abraham b. H. . it is not very clear to which of them prayer-house the refers. and he sends his regards to him and to the widow of Mevorakh’s brother. Judah b. Saadia the haver expresses his joy and congratulations on the appointment of Abiathar ha-Kohen as Gaon (which is described in the ‘Scroll of Abiathar’).as we have already seen. 2078 (p.see: ul-Mtrnqidh. with gold and silver and silken fabrics. as they didon the last Day of Atonement. no. Grave inscription: Rippertoire chronologique. he mentions thathis son Abrahamcarries Hebron cheese to Egypt. and to Saadia. it appears that Abiathar sends the people of Hebron financial support and mentions thathe sent a dinar through a certain Samuel. 37). After many years the Almighty Creator and Saviour of the Universe took that whole region from these unbelievers and gave it to the Latin Christians’. Their situation is difficult.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S ( S E C S . From the letter. He (after 1090).

who conducted business in Tyre and was in Abiathar’s circle. he calls himself ‘a plant of yourhand’. lines 28f. who was a relative) visited Bilbays and hadalready left. witha synagogue in the vicinity of the Cave of Machpelah. 52f.oneofwhom was hisson-in-law (or brother-in-law? sihr) Abii’l-Suriir Perahia b. Assaf. Prawer.David b.apparentlyMoses ha-Kohen b.he had relatives in Egypt. as will become clear below. MeqCrGt. written before Passover to Moses ha-Kohen. the story of the unclear scheming in this letter is perhaps connected with the Abiathar ha-Kohen .. Abraham b. for from the text of the Latin monk one learns only that in the seventh century (mistakenly printed: the sixth) aJewish community settled there. Avon: 501. of Biniyis. Halfon (b. U m m Abi’l-Bayin (evidently Abraham’s mother). they prayed during ‘the Day of Atonement in the Holy Cave’ (b. we learn that the writer. and members of the family of Abraham b. Samuel the in Fustat. 7).). Documents. in the second letter (616). Nahum). 17. line 9. Yakhin (Thibit). Zion (ha-me’assef). Abraham Spaniard. Ghulayb movedto Bilbays and bought a parcel ofland from the local cadi. Joseph b. It seems that the Hebronitesdid not see eye to eye or live in complete harmony with other people. probably the Nagid. 55. a. We also have a letter from one of his relatives. O n that land.*l 8’ ‘Eli b. line 10. evidently he did not return to Hebron from his journey to Egypt mentionedabove. of Bilbays: 615-618. There are four letters written by Abraham. 2(1926/7). Zion. lines 3-6. In themeantime. 43. 214. of the troubles inflicted on him by the people ofHebron . the letter contains details on an epidemic of chicken-pox in Bilbays and some instances of the deaths of Hebronites there. lines 6-7. see ibid.it seems that the firstlived in al-Qihira and the other in Fustat. in the letter there is also mention of the death of Abiathar’s brother.THE L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N D THE M U S L I M S occasionally speaks of ‘the gravesof thepatriarchs’. Eleazar. and the other:Moses ha-Kohen b. tried to prove that the reference is to Muslims and not to Jews. isto Isaac b. The letters of Saadia. Joseph ha-mumhe (specialist in law) ha-Hebroni b. they also prayed for Abraham b. the servant of the eternal fathers’. see: RHC (Occ. cf. muquddum (appointee) overthe Bilbays community.a. n. Dinaburg (Dinur). V. Saadia evidently suffers from an eye disease and he asks for kuhl (antimony) to be sent him. 503. see on this conflict below. b. The Hebronites in Ascalon: 595. Abii Sa‘id. Saadia was evidently appointed haver by Abiathar. evidently from Bilbays. he mentions the ‘rumours about his mother and his sister’s daughter’(evidently meaning that they had died in Egypt). perhaps the son of Yakhin b. 315.Saadia ‘the haverin the Great Sanhedrin. for in the following letter. achieved the status of a kind ofleader. Nethanel ‘Head of the Communities’ (see some details on him: Gil. it seems that part of thefamily had already left Hebron at that time. ‘Eli. Sittit (evidently Abraham’s daughter). an important personage (/rn&ntuhu nl-siimiycr. Bayin. the address of Moses ha-Kohen remains in the body of the letter he addresses Perahia. 11(1945/6). it is obvious thatSaadia was among the supporters of Abiathar and of the NagidMevorakh and it seems that the letter was written before the deposal ofthe Nagid (1082). and also a refugee from Palestine. Josiah. Ghilib (Ghulayb). Saadia the Hebronite haver.Hiriin. The story of the monk. a.of which onlya small fragment has been preserved (615). line 14. Yeshii‘i b. they intended tobuild a new synagogue and the letter contains a description of the 208 . the matter of the prayers at the graves of the patriarchs. line 10. a. of Ascalon.and its date is the beginning of the twelfth century.617. The third letter. 614.b.‘wicked qawm yahiid khaldlyln’ (Jewish people from Hebron). foron p. son of the aforementioned Saadia the haver. Ezekiel: 452. Saadia himself: Abii’l-Husayn (probably ‘Ali). Daniel conflict. but letter the 617deals with matters concerning Bilbays and not Hebron. Al-Tihirti: 458. Bunaym. the three sons of thelatter are mentioned. the hiver of Hebron: 613. Tobiah ha-Kohen b. writes in around 11 15. In the first letter. one of leaders the of the community b. b. 309. Saadia and Yeshii‘i. lines 12-13). Jacob b. He learns from 617 that there was no longer a synagogue in the place at the end of the tenth century.a. lines 15f.

45f. 203). line 1. Shelah (who is in Fustat. Mediterrctnean Society. now lives in a new place. who died in 1026. The community does not treat him as they should and do not give him any psi@ (regular allocation). is interesting . idern. great-grandson the of Saadia the hivEr ofHebron: TS 10J 10. 11.The idiom of the oath ‘by the graves of the patriarchs’ which we find in 616. and in S e f r ha-yishuv. 567. Nevertheless the community collected the money needed and continued to build despite the disturbances (from Jewish neighbours as well). The following is the geneaology ofthis Hebronite family: U m m Abii’l-Bayan Joseph Jacob David Joseph A The letter of Tobiahha-Kohen: TS 12. Jacob. to Solomonb. Isaac. nor does it stand to reason that this whole affair would take place in the year between the re-conquest of Palestine by the Fatimids (July 1098. which is Akron.113. Shelah. but it can be seen that Abraham b. 20 (cited in Mann. who was a Hebronite. Abiathar ha-Kohen Gaon calls him the ‘great Rabbi’. One could not say with certainty that there was a family connection between him andMoses ha-Kohen b. Tarbiz. and hepraises its demolition of the old and onethe building of the new. and particularly the difficulties they had with the Muslim authorities. Yenrshalayint. considered the letter as having been written in Hebron. see on him: Mann. a. Saadia was given the status of leader in the community of Bilbays. 29. in which Abraham b. to whomAbraham b. David. ‘the great Rabbi. 6(1934/5). The fact that the writer is in Bilbays is also proved in the fragment ofa letter 618. the Fatimid wazir is mentioned) and the Crusaders’ conquest. Ghulayb. 113. 388. Samuel the Spaniard. The letter ofJoseph b. he writes to Shelah the cantor. 1952/3. It is clear that Assaf s explanations in MeqCrGt. In this letter of Abraham b. and his view was accepted by othersas well. Saadia. it seems). The letter was evidently written in the latter half of the twelfth century. about whom there are rumours that he was not buried a Jewish ingrave. line 3. Assaf. I.deals It with the burial of his brother. b. his name is mentioned in the Geniza documents from 1088-1127. Also in 553. 44. 275-3341 [316-3171 Another town in the south of Palestine mentioned in our sources is ‘Aqir. 7. 209 . it appears that he too wasa refugee from Hebron. As to Moses ha-Kohen b. or ‘Aqir according to Muqaddasi. Saadia writes) apparently in Fustat. after the cadi explained to them that one cannot build a (new) synagogue in the days of Lord ‘our al-Afdal’ (the wazir of Egypt). rZsh bZ rabbinzn ‘Zzer ha-nesl’ut (‘head of the house of learning’. Texts. contrary to Assafs opinion. b. are mistaken. f. the HebronitehZvEr. Ghulayb. of Fustat.wa-turbat al-ha-avot(!). MeqGrCt. ‘aide of the exilarchate’) can only be Isaac b. ha-murnbP (see above: Solomon b.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . and whose legacy matters are dealt with in 61 and 76. the letter also contains complaints about the writer’s situation and financial distress. He describes it as a large village with a main mosque &imi9. n. Saadia the hZvEr. for al-Afdal. ibid. line 20. Goitein. 75f. Saadia (617) his two sons are mentioned (line 7). 11. itis quite clear there that after he left Hebron. writes in the name of theBilbays community. explained that the letter dates from the end of the tenth century. Jews.

Judah. who. its inhabitantsaremixed. Aqilim. and thus did not have to go through Ramla. [but]in Ramla there are some500 of them whopay jizya’. 174. to Abraham b. It is told that Elijah ha-Kohen b. over which a mosque has been erected.Muqaddasi writes that Shechem excels in its olive groves. 176. that is in Bet Shean and S h e ~ h e r n . stayed in Palestine inthe nineties of the eleventh century. 1030. It also boasts of the theatre (mal‘ab) of Sulaymiin (King Solomon). It was a junction fortravellers to Jerusalem from Damascus.andthe Samaritans have no other city on earthexcept that’ (undoubtedly a distortion ofa tradition which said that it was the holy city of the Samaritans). admires the modesty of the women in Shechem. He also complains that the roads leading to the city are in a bad state. Muqaddasi notes that the prices are low and the fruit plentiful. one does not see them in the streets except on Friday when they go to and from the mosque. Shechem is mentioned occasionally in the Geniza documents pertaining to this book. mentions that in ‘Amman there is a market day annually on the 10th of August. it is an ancient city with ‘two holy mountains’. A(lkinz. Elijah ha-Kohen travelled there: 433. There is apparently evidence of a Jewish population there in a letter from Sahliin in Fustat.8’ O f the cities of Samaria. who he says are people with no culture Guhhil). ~ ~ [318]Of the towns in Trans-Jordan. but he is disappointed by its inhabitants. namelySamaritans. evidently at the time of the disturbances connected with the dispute with the Karaites. Aqditn. writtenin about1020. 172: ‘the people of Bayt al-Maqdis [the intention is apparently Palestine] claim that all Samaritans come from there originally. Daniel b. a Nestorian writer of the latter half of the ninth century. 1523. Ibn Hawqal. Solomon b. and underneath the city there is a city hewn out of therock. According to Ya‘qiibi. Solomon Gaontravelled there inca. A merchant’s letter mentions that its writer stayed 3 Baysin wa-Nibulus. its market stretches from gate to gate and there is another market in the centre of the It town. Ibn al-‘Arabi. Azariah passed through Shechem on coming from Damascus.including Arabs (= tribesman)andnon-Muslims (‘ajam). and that the region is rich in grain. line 6 ( i l i 210 . perhaps in orderto evade the authorities. Muslim sources mention ‘Amman. IStakhri. Abii Zakariyya’ Yuhanna (or Yahya) ibn Misawayh al-Jundi Shabiiri. Shechem is mentioned. writing in892. Muqaddasi says that it lies on the edge of the desert and is the capital of al-Balqi’. a city of the Samaritans. 82 83 Muqaddasi. It is situated between two mountains which close in on it. a. Muqaddasi. as we have seen. He notes that its jimi‘ is situated alongside the market and that its courtyard is paved with mosaic.T H E L O C A L P O P U L A T I O N A N DTHE MUSLIMS bread. 58: city of the Samaritans ‘who claim thatthetemple is Nabulus. The fortress of Goliath (qasvjilit) looks down on it from the mountain and there is also the tomb of Uriah. The Andalusian scholar Abii Bakr Ibn al-‘Arabi. In his words. has a jitni‘in the town’s centre and is a clean city with paved roads.

and the name the district is missing. letter).T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S[ S E C S . The merchant: 527.86 [321-3271 O n Bet-Shean. Buldin. a relatively late writer. It seems that he deals with the purchase of grain and the source of is ‘Amman. Judah mentions ‘Amman again in a letter he wrote on 19 December 1029 to someone in Fustat. he was from ‘Amman. Yaqtit.lines 7-8. Daniel b. He deserved to be excommunicated ‘for his behaviour towards his household in ‘Amman’ (Rubbut ber~? ‘umrn6rt). Le-/!eqev. a Geniza letter mentions a Maghribi merchant. and one can discern from this that indeed there was a Jewish community in ‘Amti. see lines 1-2. Abii Sa‘id Khalfa. 21I . AbtiSa‘idKhalfa: 525. 255. who points out that ‘Amti is ‘Amtii. is mentioned. the receipt is given by the same Mevasser b. lOOf. and in the S4 85 86 margin. supply In the middle of the eleventh century. whois also called al-Biniya~iyya. In two documents. line 14 (but see the introduction LO this document. or perhaps on family matters. who was travelling to ‘Amman onbusiness. which is Hamatin in the Talmudic sources. for it is stated that he was the son-in-law of a man from ‘Amman:Yahya al-‘Amm5ni. 13-14. itseems that the expression ‘may God pay him similarly to what he did’ which the Gaon adds after he mentions that same arnir. b. this Isaac was a merchant and it appears from the letter that the mainstay ofhis tradewas in‘Amman. ai-amir al-‘Ammsni. b. Judah and Elijah ha-Kohen b. one of the commanders of the Muslim conquest. see lines24-25. 175. The Jerusalemites’ letter:405. we find a deed of receipt from Jerusalem. In about 1030 the sameMevasser signs a letter from the people of Jerusalem to Fustat concerning assistance for the Jewish population ofJerusalem. which is east of the Jordanvalley. is not necessarily in his favour. Ya‘qtibi. evidently. fors a u d means (in Ya‘qiibi’stime) district. is mentioned only by Yaqiit. Solomon b. The matter of Isaac: 58. a. whosays that the grave of Abii ‘Ubayda ibn al-Jarrah. a. meaning tribesmen.see 381. is situated there. Shelah al-‘Amtani and his wife Ghaliya. The deed: 564. Ibn Masawayh (Sbath). The wheat: 83. the Jerusalemite Mevasser has6Gr (thescribe) son ofShelah ‘the teacher of the orphans’.~~ Of the regions of Trans-Jordan. He cites Muhallabi in praise of the spices grown in that region. 327f. In the year A M 4805. 275-3341 in which hedeals with theaffairs of Isaac of Widi’l-Qura (northern Hijaz) who was living in Fustat after having left his wife ‘as a living widow in ‘Amman some four years ago’.84 [319-3201 ‘Amta. he mentions the region of the s a w i d as well. in my Geniza collection. cf. Azariah: 468. Braslavi. Ya‘qiibi mentions especially the areas of Fihl and Jarash and notes that Arabs. daughter of Ashlimiin al-Daliti (= from Daltiin). line 1. and nonArabs (‘ujum) live there side-by-side. but there seemsto be of some sort of distortion here. Aqilitn. Solomon Gaon. possibly the intention is to the governor of ‘Amman. Buldin. which is A D 1045. A Fatimid commander is also mentioned. apart from being mentioned in the traditions nibu/lls). aL‘Amtani. lines 20-24. it may be of a much later period). line 6. 722. line 11 (a fragment from Daniel Azariah’s b. lines 18-19. 111. Muqaddasi. signed by the Gaon Solomon b.

the name of the writer: Shemaria b. A q i h . we have very little further knowledge.357: ‘[it has matters concerning] the cemetery. this is crossed out but no other shelf-mark was inserted. The letter from Gush. TS 10 K 16. as we have already seen. a Jewish population there. cantor and rnurn& [may they rest in Eden. the capital of a jund. Sahl’s letter: 492. Muqaddasi mentions its abundant dates and the growing of rice. is pr:served. the town is mentioned in a letter written from there (from GGsh)by Israel b. who visited it in ca. the SiddUq ha-din [theodicy]. 16 (text). and itspeople are righteous.In what has been said of Shechem above. tribesmen and non-Muslims. the addressee is Nehorai b.)As to Sepphoris. al-Jazfini. judging by the handwriting it appears to be from the eleventhcentury. see another version there under note f. which is supplied to the two junds. f. in Tobler et Molinier. that is.. who visited there in 1047. Sahl Hence it appears that there was al-Baradini. 474. ibid. from thecity of TirSa. Sahlfin. Sahliin that he moved from Gush Hilav to Tyre and Damascus andfrom there returned to Jeru~alem.87 Kafr Kana is mentioned by Nisir Khusraw. he recalls the beautiful monastery situated to the south ofthe village as well as its strong gate. in other words. We know from other letters of Israel b. Written by me.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS of the conquest. Joseph b. who writes at about the same time to Nehorai b. Muqaddasi. in a list of names. 163. Willibald. (I amgratefulto Dr Simon Hopkins. Jews. Braslavi’s 212 . Ya‘qubi includes it among the regions with mixed populations. b.88 Arbel is also mentioned by Nisir Khusraw. Muqaddasi says that the place looked almost like a qasaba. in a merchant’s letter. f. on the last line.Filastin and Urdunn. Nissim from Tyre.~@ 87 88 89 Ya‘qfibi. In the Geniza sources. 18 (text). Yefet. one should also mention the colophon in Mann. Joseph b. and from the contents of the letter it emerges that the writerstayed in the place and was busy copying books. NiiSir Khusraw. I. Moses.89 Gush H i l i v (Jashsh) was at the time still a comparatively large town. 260. 6. f. and has. points out the large church in thevillage. 20c. called Safuriyya. Nathan(Sahlun) in about1060. from the city of Sepphoris. that particular colophon is still missing. He says that hewas shown there the graves ofJoseph’s four brothersand the grave of‘Moses’ mother’. from Fustat: Bod1 MS Heb c 28. line 8. the garden of God]. whopassed through it on his way from Acre to Tiberias. apparently from the last quarter of the eleventh century. mentions that he passed through Gush on his way fromTiberias to Tyre and therehe metIsrael b. and the funeral oration. N5Sir Khusraw. the cantor. Muqaddasi. 11. 246. known as b. Jews. The shelf-mark in Mann: TS 8 K 13. the town of our holy Rabbi’ (that is R. where one of the six jugs wherein Jesus turned the water into wine. we found that Bet-Shean was mentioned in a Geniza document. 53 (translation). Willibald. and we have only Mann’s version. contains fragments from Josippon. ‘Amram ha-mumhe. 725. 11. Abraham. 59 (translation). who brought this manuscript to my attention. Nissim. In the copy of Mann’s book in Cambridge. in Mann. Judah ha-nisi). 14. was evidently mistaken. and it seems from his remarks that he found him in great distress. & d i m 162. b. of blessed memory. See also: al-hazZn al-Jiishi. Itsjiimi‘ isin the market place.

Joseph of Daltiin writes a letter to Hillel the haver b. cf. According to him. The letter from Daltiin: 250. In ca. 1030 Solomon ha-Kohen b. Writing some hundred years later Muqaddasi notes that Qadas is a littletown. in Mann. or Qedesh-Naphtali. ofYose and R. . the scroll of Abiathar: 559. See Braslavi. it says there that he is al-tJI al-yahiidi. Yose ha-Gelili. O n Thursday. 38ff. 63f as to the time of the list. ‘Arakh. lines 24-25. I have already mentioned above Ghiiliya. the discussion in Assaf. AM 4784 or 28 November AD 1023.. b. a. No. see from 475 onwards. rninbav). the marriage deed of Nathan ha-Kohen ha-Sefati b. 66ff. MaSliah to Exodus: MS. the Gaon Elijah ha-Kohen. (Warsaw 1877). and see see also in Heilprin.62. The Karaite commentator Sahl b. About this Mtisi. of Qadas. 274f (on the synagogue in Daltiin. and itis clear that he is referring to Jews. Seder Hod. 11. Firkovitch. Yose ha-Gelili. Eleazar b. Ya‘qiibi. cf. and Hillel. a Jewish boy. Safed is not explicitly mentioned in the sources of the period. . in Palestine they go to Dalata and to ‘Araba (and there they lay out their requests at the foot of the grave R. 327. Muqaddasi. and there is the graveof R. in Tiberias. the twelfth of Kislev. 275-3341 The townDalttin or Dalata. Yeshii‘a the cantor. Eleazar b. . . and Eleazar b. is mentioned in the ‘Scroll of Abiathar’. 45f: ‘Meron . Le-heqer. in Byzantine times). See mention of Qedesh in 250. Sahliin. 4129. . line 12. and Shammai. and Eleazar b. itis a large village with a mosque (literally: seat of the preacher. 313-318. his ancestor. He points out that many of them are dhimmis. which I still have not found mentionedin any Arab source from early the Middle Ages. It says that itis the place where the father of Abiather. together ‘with R. Texts. daughter of Ashlimtin al-Dalati. 11. Azariah. There is no doubt. Le-heqer. . the Adler ed. therefore. Hementions the bathhouse there. and all the righteous’. thejzmi‘ situated in the market-place and the manufacture of mats and ropes from which th inhabitants derived their income. 54. Qedesh is mentioned once in a letter written by Solomon ha-Kohen b. Benjamin of Tudela(Asher) I. 87f. Solomon’s wife was written. relating to a transaction which took place in 1023 before a Muslim court. .~~ At the end of the ninth century. . doubts. that is.29f: ‘ ‘Alma . ‘ArPkh and R. Aqilim. However. See a fragment of the commentary of Sahl b. . Ya‘qiibi mentions the kiiva. that is the district. Qedesh Naphtali . Azariah . do not seem to be founded. ~o-and-so’).THE POPULATION AND LOCALITIES [SECS. dealing with the copying of books. and there are the graves of Hillel and Shammai. which is his source of income. Nathan) b. of Daltiin. ‘Uziel. Masliah mentions disparagingly (about the middle of the tenth century) the custom of the Rabbanitesto visit the graves of the righteous. . 161. and R. and there is the grave of R. .92 Fir6d (Faradhiya) is another Galilean town which gains Muqaddasi’s attention. which according to himis a very important one. ‘Arakh’. Buldiin. and around him Jonathan b. who mentions that he sent there a quarter of a dinar. Miis5 b. Eliezer b. Hiba (= Moses b. evidently in Tyre. . Joseph. M e q c X t . Theletters of Israel b. is buried on top ofthe mountain. Salmtin al-Sefati is mentioned in a draft of evidence written in September 1034.

It appears thatNathan b. a large part of the population of Baniyas. 143. Kulayb mentions ‘the son of the hZv2v who is in Biiniyas’. The Geniza has preserved some details about Baniyas. Nathanha-Kohen: JNUL 4O577. which I shall discuss below. Marriage. Nevertheless. Ge’ogriifia Izlstorlt. Le-heqer. The intention is to Talmudic Farod. by which he undoubtedly meant the Byzantine conquest in the summer of 965. According to Muqaddasi. We have already encountered Ghiliya. AM 4816 (11 July A D 1056). Husayn b. the daughter of Ashlimiin. but we have no further information on the subject. 11. Hiba: 245. who reached Ramla andasked the followersof Nathan b. see Avi-Yonah. or so ‘the son of the haver’ seems to have claimed. 38ff. At a later date. ed. No. Abraham visited Biniyas himself.Piimis is defined there as being di-sharne‘ii Ze-darnesseq. The deed was made out in rnedtnat dun hu-qeviiyiipitnts (the city of Dan namedPamis) like the name of this town in Talmudic literature. al-Jabban (the makerof cheese). We may assume that these refugees were Jews and Muslims who fled from the Byzantine conqueror. which was growing constantly. According to Ya‘qiibi. Joseph b. al-Baniyiisiya. the grave of Nahum of Gamzu is mentioned. known by the name QitGs. in his words. even stating the title he desired . see Braslavi. It is quite possible that he copied this informationfrom an oldersource. Mahfii? (MahfGz: evidently his Hebrew name was Shemaria) the rightto act on his behalf and receive the dinar and three-quarters of a dinarowing to him from Jacob b. written by Joseph b.. Abraham. the majority of its inhabitants were of Banii the Murra (a tribe considered northern). 93 . Kulayb in Ramla to Nathan b. gives Joseph b. 5 . 162.93 [328] Baniyis was considered thecapital of the Golan and was also called mudinat ul-asbiit (city of the tribes). 216. fromthetimeofthe Umayyads. writing at the end of the ninth century. who was then in Tyre apparently. Muqaddasi. that Qadas has many dhimmis.Muqaddasi.34f. on the 6th of Tammuz.v6sh ha-sedev. We also have a power-ofattorney written in Biiniyas.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS that there was a Jewish community in Safed. 98. Abraham to grant him a title. forgenerally there was no special connection between Baniyas and Fustat as Baniyas was nearer to Damascus. Friedman. and n. Musi b. Biiniyiis was a town lyingbetween the Hula and the mountains and was the source supplies of for Damascus.4. O n the deed and its validation (in a court of three) there are the signatures Cf. Hillel. on Safed. 69E Braslavi did not heed the important sentence in. It served as a haven for refugees from the coastal cities ‘when Tarsiis was captured’. this certainly is evidence of a Jewish population there in the firsthalf of the eleventh century. meaning ‘which is subordinate to Damascus’. These refugees were. butthere was also a small number of ‘southerners’ whose names he does not specify. lines 5-6. Naturally we cannot expect to find earlier evidence in the Geniza documents. ibid. see what he writes there. 10. we find a letter dated 8 May 1041. Le-heqer. Braslavi.

his son-inlaw. The last. Azariah. 326. From here onwards. that is from the Crusaders. the first of them was Tobiah. In ‘the scroll of Obadiah theProselyte’ there is information concerning a Karaite messianic movement. ‘Eli ha-Kohen the haver. Nathan ha-Kohen b. we encounter three months laterinRamla. the family emigrated to Egypt.wherehe is one of the signatories(the signature is identical with that appearing in the aforementioned deed) a in power-of-attorney in the court of Daniel b. whom we shall encounter below). considering that it was wintery weather. A letter has been preserved which he wrote tohis father. Ibn al-Jawzi. to ‘Eli ha-Kohen the haver ha-me‘ulle b. led by Bahram. which in his words is a town in the Ghawr (the Jordan valley) where in 398 . &dim. Joseph to BZniyas.Buldin. ApparentlyBZniyisatthattimewasalready untenantedby a permanent Jewish community.94 94 Ya‘qiibi. When some years later. IX. about half a year after he arrived Egypt. he tells him about two brothers (one named Jacob) who succeeded in freeing themselves from captivity ‘in the hands of Ashkenaz’. Biiniyiis). including the names of some Jewish personalities in BZniyas. In the same period. Muqaddasi. That same group of Karaites was possibly liquidated when BZniyZs was taken by the Ismii‘ilis the hashishiyya (the Assassins) .whose disciples congregatedin BZniyas inabout 1120. Afterwards. BZniyiis fell to the Crusaders. The date of the letter is shortly after 1100.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . Boaz the cantor b. 160. and there he signed a deed of alimony. We note then that the emigration from Baniyiis took place in the second decade of the twelfth century and was perhaps linked with the attack and siege imposed by the Crusaders on Damascus in 1111. ‘Eli and his son-in-law. which ended unsuccessfully for the Crusaders but undoubtedly caused great panicamong the Jews BZniyZs of and probably their flightas well. evidently in BZniyZs. In September 1129. settled in Fustat and became a judge there. we do not hear anything of Biniyas until the days of the Crusaders. Solomon. her father-in-law. Tobiah settled in Bilbays. while her husband was not in the city. 69. we find two personalities from BZniyiis in the Geniza. mentions Biiniyis. in after travelling there by sea from Tyre onan exceedingly unpleasant voyage (which was understandable. 275-3341 of seven local people.an agreement made between Sitt al-Bayt and Hasan. David.in 1126. he mentions ‘the two communities living in the fortress of Dan’ (that is. where he stood at the head of the community. In a letter sent (perhaps from Damascus) by Eleazer ha-Levi b. Muntazam. apparently. being November or December). The crux of the letter deals with a matter of divorce and mentions the acquiring of an unspecified object for the synagogue. led by a ‘messiah’ namedSolomonha-Kohen.In the letter. Abraham (thefather of Tobiah. The latter was inTyre in 1102. while Nathan. on 28 May 1112. they are Tobiah ha-Kohen b.

The term ‘city of the tribes’. 45 is also a letter from Tobiah. and see the discussion in the continuation. The Deed: 609. with the limited information preserved onthetownsinthe Galilee. 149. but hivEr of Biniyis: 195. (See ‘Ali ibn 485 in (1092). f.Ibn al-Athir. records of which have not been preserved in the Geniza. I. 15. also the reading ‘Akk6 is not certain. line 4). as for instanceBunyim walad (= son 00 Abti Nazr in TS 8 J 21. 27 (Boaz ha-hazPn b. of urban centres and villages which still retained their ancient character. f. 336. al-‘Imid. a name found in many other 216 . in which he mentions Shii‘a. and they are mentioned here and there. The nameQitbs..e. about whom we hear very little. In the period we are dealingwith. David). and Caesarea is not mentioned there. The scroll of Obadiah: ENA 3098. from which it clearly emerges that Tobiahis Nathan’s father-inlaw. Dan (Baniyas). Ha-qalviinim.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS [329] From the descriptions above. 102f. a collector of traditions.he died in the great fire in Baghdad 93. Ge’cgriifyihistcrit. where the tradition from Byzantine times was perhaps stronger. and in Golb. that is the tribesmen. nor to jund tojund Dimashq. as assumed by Braslavi. called Caesarea Paneas in the daysof Herod and afterwards Caesarea Philippi afterHerod’s son Philip. To such questionsas what therelative numbers of the three elements were. 513 (No. The two deeds 608 and 391 follow one anotherin the volume of Geniza documents in the Taylor-Shechter collection (TS 13 J 1. Le-heqer. and the discussion. is being spoken of. 24(1927/8). Ahmad al-Biiniyisi. writer of the letter. Yeshii‘H (the B4niyisi). was added to the Jewish population. 14). i. was born. there are about a dozen of Tobiah’s letters in the Geniza. see: B M O r 5536 IV. ENA 4020. I. see in Sam‘ini. of course. Biniyis is Paneas (after the Greek god Pan). 13. Le-heqer. until about the year 1150. obviously ofGreek origin(608.ibid. Joseph to whom Manasseh b. the reference is to the flax market. n. assumed that the Eleazarha-Levi. b. Mediterranean Society. Tobiah’s letter: 610. R. in Mann. see notes to 609. living in Egypt. 89f.e.17). and the writer mentions the refugees from Palestine. how they lived alongside one another. 11. Eretz-Israel. see lines 21. Nathan’s letter to Tobiah. the Muslim element. 11. mentions documents from the Geniza in which he believes Biniyis is mentioned.Lubib. Bod1 MS Heb d74. 4(1955/6). The deed from the court of Daniel b. generally to his son-in-law. And then there were the Christians.though somewhat faded and fragmentary. 188. 150. but in using the word qaysiriyya. n. Judah. see from Biniyisand Acre. 610. The letter to Biniyis: 609. 73. ‘great-grandson of theGeonim’ (the great-grandsonof Shemaiah Gaon) dedicated a piyyiit. perhaps confirms Muqaddasi’s remarks about the origins of the inhabitants of Biniyis fromcoastal the towns ofSyria. Hatequfa. 15) and possibly this is not entirely coincidental and they may have been at one time ofpart the archivesof this Boaz ha-hazan. Braslavi. Goitein. and other Galilean towns. from Fustat to Bilbays. Buny4m is none other than Benjamin (cf. Nathan signed some thirty court documents in Fustat. ibid. and it is certainly possible to draw a parallel with what we found such in places as Daltiin.See Mann. fols. Letters. The Jewish Galilean population still existed in towns and villages. particularly in the sphere ofterms and names. is the sameas Eleazar ha-Levi b. and (1007/8) Milik b. see Goitein. 235. 2. some of them written in his own hand. O n the Crusaders’ offensive in the year Prawer. 376). 111. 1111. while he was visiting communities in the Delta region. Son of the Urdunn. i. Goiteinjubilee Volume. but the correct reading in these is Bunyim. the letter was written from Mali and not from Palestine. one can recognise that this letter was sent to Biniyis by the names of the people mentioned there and also in the letter discussed below. The deed of Tyre: 606. Nathan. quotes Sam‘ini and stresses that Biniyis does not belong to jund Filascin. 28 is a letter from Tobiah to Nathan before he settled in Bilbays. f. written when he was in Bilbays. See Avi-Yonah. one gets an impression. a man ofAcre. Qedesh. lines 11-16. and it seems that a certain al-‘Akkiwi. Azariah: 391. Goitein. 336. 73. Jews.

440 (Nos. The Jewishcommunitiesin these localities wereevidentlygradually wiped out during the Fatimidwarsin Palestine. In the Geniza documents.284. Thereis a letter in the Geniza from theyeshiva to the community of Hazer dealing with a dispute over the prayer routine in the synagogue. apart from information on a lovely marble vessel preserved in the jimi'.e.ibid. f 6 (from the latter half of theeleventhcentury). 275-3341 what was their source oflivelihood. in poetry). One becomes aware of the branching out of theGalilean Jewish population also from the locative by-names of the Palestinian refugees and their descendants mentioned in various lists preserved in the Cairo Geniza. An instance of such a by-name we find in 1065:Abraham b. See also the locative ha-Gelili. also Prawer. see also in Ashtor. NZzir Khusraw visited Caesarea some two generations after Muqaddasi. cf. al-'Amqawi Bod1 MS Heb c28. recorded in deed a of attorney drawn upRamla in by the Gaon Elijah ha-Kohen b. i. Geniza documents. 11. See on I'billin: Le Strange. Caesarea is sometimes called Hagor (also HaSeriya. People from Gush Hiliiv are mentioned a number of times in the lists from Fustat. Abraham ha-Gelili.ibid. 'the man from Daltiin'. and others. al-I'billiini. Braslavi. And see the in the supplement. Biiniyiis in the hands of the Assassins and Crusaders. Setton). al-Tabariini. Josephal-I'billiini. 71. Evidently. al-I'billiini. and there are also al-Daliiti. Palestine. and also people of Acre and Haifa. andthe final blows inflicted by the Turcomans who invaded Palestine and their successors. see: Mansfir b. David al-Kafrmandi: 425. Metiiterranem Society. Solomon. the by-name of Abii'l-Hasan al-Nahhiil (the beekeeper). Abraham b. ibid. 497. 382. as one can assume from the formulation of the deed. 169.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . cf.line 14.11. Ashtor.95 [330]I should also mention certainlocalities in thecoastal area. ibid. 95 . There is some doubtas to theidentification of'Anini as the manfrom Kfar Hananyaas in Braslavi. 14. It is more likely that he was a follower of 'Anan. Gush Hiliv: Goitein. 116f. Caesarea declined in the period we discussing. Hasan al-Jashshi al-Kohen. people of Tiberias. 78. in 1047. are Muqaddasi describes only general aspects and he mentions the citadel which encompasses the over-populated residential areas. as well as its beautifuljimi'. we have here some evidence of the exodus fromthe towns and villages to the urban centres. we have no unambivalent answers. David al-Kafrmandi. 218f. 246. al-'Amqawi. 108). See theproposedcorrection (al-'Amqawi and not al-'Asqawi as in Mann's reading) in Braslavi.. see also Goitein. Jews. Tiberias: Ashtor. the intentionis to Kafr Manda in the Lower Galilee. 495.. Le-heqer. in 280. 4-5). in A History ofthe Crrrsades (ed. following Niisir Khusraw: it is close to Diimiin and the prophets Hiid and'Uzayr are buried there.. see Lewis. the letter written by Yeshii'a ha-Kohen b. 501-509.Mediterranean Society.467 (No. such as Da'iid b. near Safed. Ha-pluiinlm.. inMann. of 'Amiiqa. Al-Daliti: ibid. lines 3 4 . 499. I.. He adds littleto the description of his predecessor. See further mention of I'billin (people called al-I'billini) lists printed by him in Friedman. 'the man of I'billin. he was a Karaite. 201 (ca.Marriage. which looks as if it was made of Chinese porcelain and can hold 100 manns (approximately 90 litres). 11.ibid. 1010). This man became an inhabitant of Ramla.. 496. 11. the Crusaders. Shazar Jubilee Volume.

but means the unfortified part of the city. line 18. as ifit werea rubad in Muqaddasi matter ofa densely-populated suburb situated outside the town. ‘Eli he-haver. 16. and from this he assumes that during the intervening period between the lives of the two. wrote to the Nagid of Egypt. O n p. and also the ‘head of the community’ and the cantor. Reifenberg pointsoutthatwhile Muqaddasi only refers to wells and reservoirs. Mosesb. Jacob b. makes mention June 1053one of the Maghribi in a letter sent from Jerusalem to Nehorai b. Jacob. Abraham b. Jacob b. A q i l h . 174. among them a certain son of Halfon of Ramla.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS apparently dated 1025. ‘for it is better fortified and maintained than HaSor’. see 568. in 1076 he signed a deed contracted in Ramla: Joshua he-haver b.see in Friedman. who lived in Jerusalem.In addition to theconstant dread. it is clear that he is the son of ‘Eli b. hlurriuge. The ship in which Jacob sailed. Hosha‘na. R. and whose destination was Jaffa. N5Sir Khusraw mentions that the city’s water also came via watercourses. Reifenberg. entitled ‘beloved of the yeshiva’. Nissim. also to Nehorai b. In around 1099 the !zivi?rof Caesarea. see 460. duringthe early nineties ofthe eleventh century. in about 1060.he remained in the synagogue for five days.23. and the intention is that the cadi should speak ‘to the governing p e @ (governor) there (in Hasor) thathe should notforce nor detain me’.as one of the cities that wasdominatedbyDavid b. 218 . The synagogue of Caesarea is mentioned in a letter from another Maghribi. on the tnurztz. Joshua b. 1(1950/1). he also stresses the strength of the city walls and mentions its iron gate. In merchants. Salman al-Hariri (‘silk merchant’) who writes from Ramla. he also suffers from the local population. and only afterwards reached Ramla. Daniel. The term‘fortress of HaSGr’ reminds us of what Muqaddasi and NZ$r Khusraw had to say on the fortress and walls. was almost wreckednear the coast of Caesarea and he was obliged to remain inCaesarea. The letter to the community of Hasor: 48. 61f (translation). see Hinz. third’) b. stating that the Jews of city the are ‘drowning in sorrows’ due to ‘poverty and constant fear’. who ‘are not good for anything and they do not bring me [any income] butanguish’. 317f. ZEJ. ENA NS 16. 6. 11. the great-grandson of Samuel ‘the third’ b. in Ramla: Joshua ha-hazan b.Joshua he-haver’s letter: 569. ‘Eli. A. c. see 566. line 20. which is situated on the coast of the Salty Sea’. a. 18 (test).96 % Muqaddasi. great-grandson ofHosha‘na: this Joshua signs a marriage deed in 1051. lines 3-8. he says. interprets Muqaddasiinaccurately. line 11. NaSir Khusraw. line 7. He asks the Nagid to send a letter of recommendation to the local cadi to help him to move to Ascalon. Caesarea. Saadia. R. The scroll ofAbiathar: 559. on the coast of the ‘Salty Sea’. ‘Eli he-haver. Jacob. Nisim. Hosha‘na. the more ancient lower conduit may have been repaired.‘Eli he-haver. Salman: 507. of Sedaqa al-Qaysarani (of Caesarea). his signature: Joshua he-haver b. Mevorakh b. Caesarea (Qaysarin) is mentioned in the ‘Scroll of Abiathar’. Ha@r is Caesarea. R. ‘our souls are in fear and trembling from too many rumours’. The letter is addressed to ‘the entire holy community living in the fortress of Hasor’ and several personalities are mentioned there. Moses b. a small fragment remaining from contains the version: ‘Hasor. As he did not find a place to stay there. f. 29. Samuel (‘the a marriage deed. and a man named Joseph. a. Here too.

He mentions its strong fortress. which is Caesarea’. The Karaite Mahbiib b. says: ‘and from there (that is.but we havetheevidence of Tanhum ha-YerushalmithatHasbrwas Caesarea. While Mann. Ezekiel in Jerusalem in April 1071. and in his wake.Topographie. from whom most of the information on the ports Palestine of is derived. it is clear that the Arabic Shayzar is but a distortion of the ancient name.r’. ‘Hasor. and from this it is clear that there was a Jewish community there. .24(1947/8). which is Hammiih) thereis half a day to Shayza. 11. A fleet of ships from Genoa arrived there in the spring. At the end of the month of Tishri. its sea-gate wholly wrought of iron. see his commentary on the book ofJoshua. See doubts about of William of Tyre and this in Dussaud. evidently forexport to Egypt.). Clearly heis speaking of Shayzar. Tahk. 1013: Caesar. Dussaud dismissed the opinion quoted what Stephen of Byzantium said. counter-argument. the idea that Hasbr is Rafiah hasbecome accepted (see. Benjamin of Tudela confirms the version of William of Tyre. ship to drop anchor there:’. Samuel ha-Andalusi ofJerusalem writes to Nehorai b. [331]Jaffa (which is Yifa or Yiifa) was not very developed in our period.). Zion. 849. he sailed back to Europe in one of them. In about 1060Jacob b. xxxvii. Kiryat Sefr. would visit Jaffa as well. Jacob Salman b. . ibid. 84. on the one hand. Benjamin of Tudela (Adler ed. In the Geniza documents. see also al-Harizi. andI have which is the Mediterranean. 481 : (urbs) quae vulgo appellatur Caesarea. 5 (1940). its iron-clad gates. there were a number ofcitiescalled Caesarea). Vilnay. XY. it is calledCaesara and not Caesarea.27. 206 ‘and from Tyre to Hasbr’. and its convenient port. although the Maghribi merchants. for inJaffa the authorities seize the goods being imported for the Fatimid army’s benefit. Nissim depicts a journey in Palestine on his way to Liidhiqiyya (Laodicea). cf. and on p. Evidently in 1064. quaevulgo dicittrr Caesarea magna. While on the other hand there is confirmation here that it was common among the Jews refer to to Caesarea as Hasbr (and as is known. which overlooks the sea. which was also referred as to Caesarea.da cargo of oil to Jaffa (ili @fa). and I went down in In a letter written by ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. Abraham b.as well. p. but it is quite obvious thatSizara is also a distortion of Caesarea. 32. writing evidently in 1038. from Fustat to Jerusalem. wrote at approximately the same time to Nehorai. p. the port of Jaffa is mentioned by Ingulph. 112. from Hamma. and ibid. 200.. wrote that he could not identify the site of Hasbr. and also ch. Abraham were dispatched. he wrote from Ramla. 299: ‘I went from Tyre until Hasbr with a group’. ch. but a place for conveying goods abroad and the portof Ramla and jund Filastin. Nissim that he carrie. Jaffa is mentioned much less frequently than Ascalon or Tyre. p. Jews. Muqaddasi only mentions that it was a small town. 199f. which is Has6. he warnshis son-in-law not to import flax via Jaffa but rather via Ascalon. whichis Larisa. the port ofjund Filastin. He also mentions the jZmi‘. See William ofTyre. for instance Se$r ha-yishuv. 9). .T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S 275-3341 . mentions that Jaffa was one of the cities to which letters dealing with the conflict of Nathanb. the intention here undoubtedly being: from Tyre to Caesarea (cited in Mann. al-Hariri. Ya‘qiibi notes only that it was a transit stop ofRamla.. prior of the Croyland monastery in England. that the ancient name of Shayzar was as a Sizara. he decided to stop Jaffa in and therefore he bribed the captain of the Jaffa’ (wa-nazalt al-yii$). Ben Horin as well. in other words. Sughmir. David b.

THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS already described the venture when he was forced to stop in Caesarea. As I have already said. Sophronius I1 (in& sec. the we use of this source is certainly legitimate.in. VIII. 490f). 208. & d i m . David b. andin Margaliot. pp. ~ ~ [333] The Islamisation of the population is a question which is rather obscure. The letter of Abraham b. BuId. NisirKhusraw. Mizrah rr-ma'arav. See Ingulph. It seems. To the survey of the localities one 220 97 98 .Abraham(inwhosehandwritingthe document is written) and Aaron b. though one the pilgrimage can perhaps call it"pseudo-Ingulph'. they still do not hesitate to call it the chronicle of Ingulph. Yefet thecantorb. 192f. by whatevercall name it. Jacob b. line 9. one cannot say it is a fake. 206ff. a.358. quoted also in Ashtor. 174.482. In its mosque there is a handsome rninbar which was originally intended for Ramla but was afterwards thought too small and was moved to Arsiif. and also made a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. in the portion of the tribe of Dan'. the impression gained from thesources is who has further evidencebased on amap of Palestine attachedto the MS Moses of Basola (1552). It seems that Jaffa was thenin Fatimid hands. but do these notaffect our subject. Mevorakh. remarked that it contained 'some curious points of accuracy'. Ingulph. there are sometimes contradictions in biographical data. 25. line 3. Mahbiib. As to thechronicle of Ingulph.is not an invented character and he was actually the prior of a monastery. He also mentions Kafrsiibi and notes thejiirni' there. 292. Abraham divorcesSittal-Husndaughter of Abraham. Kafrsaba. ibid. Jacob b. also and Kafrsalam in the neighbourhood of Caesarea. Ashtor also relied on this chronicle in what he wrote on the coastal towns of Syria and Palestine and he calls it: a Latin treatise written in about the year 1085. Sughmir: 190. who studied the chronicle thoroughly. the information is genuine. Ya'qiibi. that in precisely those matters related to his biography.andithas two witness' signatories. truly written by Ingulph. who reigned from 1080-1118 in Constantinople. copiedfrom Schaube. Muqaddasi. when his intention was to reach Jaffa and thence to Ramla. which is situated on the Great Sea. lines 26-28. Although.'329. 176f. p. Essential claims of forgery were directed towards the texts of charters which are included there. At any rate.33.. Searle. 15. 174.97 [332] Muqaddasi also mentions Arsiif (Apollonia). cf. 11. Kafrsalam:Muqaddasi. 699)and of the Gunther group (iHjia sec. Hilekhcit ere? isri'zl. line 12. such as that Ingulph met the emperor Alexius (Comnenus). edited by Semah. however. Avi-Yonah Ge'cigriijju historit 128. Ingulph's pilgrimage (Shazar]ubilee Volume. which according to him is smaller than Jaffa. 137). The deed was written 'in the city ofJaffa. True. 195. and mentions naturally. this is a compilation from the middle of the fourteenth century evidently. The Jerusalem patriarch Sophronius 11. a. and one can assume that it was copied from an earlier chronicle. himself. 122. Salmin: 507. 490f. cf. then. line 10. The divorce: see MS Mosseri. according to students ofBritish history. 137. Clear evidence of the existence of a Jewish community Jaffa in even in the troubled of days the Turcoman rule in Palestine is to be found in a deed of divorce written in Jaffa on the 18th of Sivan AM 4837 (12June AD 1077):Yefet b. Samuel: 493. 18(text). which I have mentioned. but well fortified and densely populated. Searle.See Liebermann. and included in that compilation. whichalso had a j a ~ z i ' . 'Eli ha-Kohen: 455. Arsiif: Muqaddasi. was in office when Ingulph was in Palestine (contrary to Searle's assumption. 149. 1(1920). Shnzar]rddee Volume. 726). 62 (translation)according to whom these are two names of the same place.andcopied from therein Seferha-yishuv. A q i l i m . which I also mention in connection with the Jerusalem patriarch.

writes in about 660 that there is no point in converting to Islam. was not clear even to the learned among the Christiansat first. which is how they viewed Muhammad. the Nestorian catholicus. the rulers did not conducta policy of religious coercion. 81. Yarqcn. there were such personalities even during the rule of the Umayyads. such as ‘Ata’ alKhurasini). and whose origins werein other countries (andwe have already seen. Only at a later stage did the animosity between the Christians and the Muslims become acute. author of the came from the regionof Qiimis in CentralAsia. perhapsfrom the tenth century. This is probablytrueparticularlywithregardtotheChristianpopulation. 80. However. mentioned in a fragment of a deed written on vellum: TS NS 320.Judging by the script. one may assume that a part of those forced converts were lost to Christianity. Below we shall encounter other famous Muslim personalities who lived in Palestine. especially the sects which branched out from the main church. who such as the familyof the mother of Muqaddasi. Christian sources in the first century of reflect Islam a liberal attitude towards the Muslims. to live under the rule of the Muslim As tribes. and they were inclined to see must also add Ono. the Christians became submissive and came to terms with their fate. and in the course of time. there was the belief that the appearance of additional prophets during the Christian era was a still possibility . will be evident below. especially in the small rural localities. which absolutely negates certain basic Christian views. An anonymous Spanish chronicle which covers the period until 741. for the Muslims themselves revere the church.. The Christian population in Palestine was in the main Monophysitic. and their principal demand from the population was the payment of taxes. has no expressions of animosity to Islam when it is mentioned there. edited by Friedman. Aqiliin. that during the period under discussion the Muslims were ain minority. it seems to be one of the most ancient Geniza documents. even from distant lands. immigrants and settlers who came from abroad. T o a large extent due to the fanatical religious policy of the emperors. Ishii‘yhab111. At the time of al-Hakim there was forced conversion among the Christians. especially among that segment of the population whose communal organisation was weak and in which the individual could not withstand the pressure and enticements of the Muslim world. p. 22 I .THE POPULATION AND LOCALITIES [SECS 275-3341 .99.prophets who would be sent to nations who had not risen to the heights of Christianity. the ‘Messenger of God’. and although these decrees were later abolished. one can assume that there was also a degree of Islamisation. as it were. See its facsimile ibid. Ananonymous Nestorianchronicle also reflects the positive attitude to the Arabs and Muhammad. Among the Christians. The Muslim element was made up of tribesmen. The nature of Islam.

and then the Creator will completely destroy the wicked of Israel’. and further: xii:2 (‘and many of them that sleep in the dust of the earth shall awake’): ‘this is the resurrection of the dead of Israel.. . The Nestorian chronicle: CSCO. Cahen. . Cahen. 54. had converted toIslam. and pressure was put on the Christians. has a fictional character and seems to have derived from a distortion of the traditions on the Jewish services on the Temple Mount. . the population of Palestine. 181). the Christians were the offspring of the Jewish and Samaritan farmerswho converted to Christianity in the Byzantine period. 31. 56f. cf. 64. of The validity of the opinion common here and there concerning the Jewish origin of the Arabs of Palestine is dependent on just such a conversion. Ben Gurion and Ben Zvi tried to provide some foundation for this idea by claiming that because of the pressing tax burden. Nevertheless. . ’): ‘these are theIshmaelites in Jerusalem. ibid. 4. while the Muslim fellaheen in Palestine in modern times are descendantsof those Christians who were the descendants ofJews.. ibid.99 [334] Similarly. 11. as was the view of John of Damascus. 11(1946).andthat during the Crusaders’ conquest some four hundred years later. Andulus.see the Chabot ed. . and those who will not be resurrected are those who deserted God.apart from thedays of al-Hakim. under the influence of Ka‘b al-Ahbar. 222 .. RHR. At the beginning of the twentieth century. As neither the Byzantines nor the Muslims carried out any large-scale population resettlement projects. 251 (see its Latin translation. who claims that in the days of Mu‘awiya. Poliak attempted to find evidenceof such amass conversion of the Jews of Palestine in the commentary of Saadia Gaon to the book of Daniel. it was mainly Muslim. verse xi:36 (’. cf. we have no explicit evidence of mass conversion of Christians to Islam. which was to a large extent Christian. t. Even if it has a grain oftruth. ser. andMu‘awiyagavethemgrantsand subsidies. itis still no proof of mass conversion among the Jews Palestine. until His rage against Israel will cease. things against the God of gods. and shall speak . Cahen. and furtheron. Michael the Syrianalso finds it advantageous tobe free of Byzantine tyranny. they The Spanish chronicle: Dubeer. whose fate is to live forever. we have no evidence of Jews converting to Islam.’): ‘words which would anger the King of the Worlds. 300f. for instance. 166(1964). bishop of Rewardashir: in CSCO. see Yeshii‘yhav’s letter to Simon. 413. not a fewheated situations arose. 11. xi:30-31 (‘and have intelligence with them that forsake the holy covenant. except for a passage in Dhahabi. Naturally in the course of time. which is not found elsewhere. as we shall see. . cf.thepopulationof Palestine wasmainlyChristian. and thereafter they desecrated the sanctuaryof strength’. N . ibid.. This information. They cited as evidence thefact that at the time of the Arab conquest. etc.THE LOCAL POPULATION AND THE MUSLIMS Islam as another defecting Christian sect. t. forty-two Jewish scholars (a[zbZr) turned to Islam. 55. The scholar A. andhad turned toIslam before the Crusaders’ conquest.

they shall mingle themselves with theseed of men’. ibid.Seethe convincing counterarguments of Brawer.. quite the contrary. with the Muslims) and stay with them. . 111. just like the Persians and Zoroastrians and pagans of several types. but he also has a statement that is insufficiently based: ‘when the Muslims conquered Palestine in 636. . the Jews carried no political or demographical weight there’. D.43. Poliak.T H E P O P U L A T I O N A N D L O C A L I T I E S [ S E C S . From thelast passage one may deduce. if anything. . see further comments by Poliak.) ‘since people of the seed of Israel intermingle with them (i. . Andfurther: ii:43 (. Ben-Zvi. They bear absolutelyno proof of the Islamisation ofJews inPalestine.. 424.loo 100 See Dhahabi. Eretz Israel in Fergangenh a i t .. Molad. Ta’rlkh. Ben-Gurion and I. NY 190718. with whichthey havenothing to do. Such quotations cannot serve as sources for the history of Palestine. .1966168. . just as iron and smithdo not mix so as to become one and the same tool’. 275-3341 will descend to the bottom of Hell and every living creature will curse them’.but they do not stick each to other. 427ff . ibid. 101. 24~297.e.

when the Muslim conquest opened up Palestine to them. information about the economy of Palestine during the centuries from the conquest until the eleventh century AD is very sparse. The little that is known is mainly derived from the Muslim geographers. that the tribe was given the rights of ownership to the land. Land and agriculture We have little knowledge concerning the ownership of land during this period. Those estates ( h y ' u . Despite the close connections between Palestine and the neighbouring countries and its political dependence upon them . who was himself a Palestinian from Jerusalem.as we shall see. naturally allotting a certain portion to the central authority. However. pl. lived off thelocal populations by collecting taxes directly from whatever area they occupied. This did not imply.Palestine was a relatively self-contained economic unit at the time. which contain a wealth of detail concerning the economy and trade in the eleventh century AD. Within the contextof the historical sources of the period. as a matter of course. Theseareas were called ma'kala. We have seen that the tribes. first and foremost among them being Muqaddasi. from its influx of pilgrims. diyd').4 T H EE C O N O M Y w [335] In the Arab sources and in the sources in general. I have already reviewed the available information about estates belonging to the Umayyad rulers and their immediate circle. Palestine's wealth camefrom its natural resources. the details contained in these letters are unique and also extremely valuable for the study of the life economic of the Middle Ages. from its network of ports and not a little. mostly from Maghribi merchants.especially its excellent crop of fruits and also. from thevarious types of craftsmanship that developed there.firstly on Syria and later on Egypt . there are dozensof letters from the Cairo Geniza. which according to the sources were held by different rulers at different times. were apparently the property of the .

a deed from the Geniza.One cannot knowin this instance whether he is speaking of the estates of the central government or of the (Turkish) army commander. it was the army commanders. as I have already mentioned. Also about the same time. Judah mentions the case of a man who ‘sold a field inherited from his parents’. who enjoyed the privileges formerly held by the tribes during the Umayyad period. does one hear of the rulers dispossessing farmersof their property rightsand turning themgradually into tenants. andone can assume that the inhabitants owned the land on which the houses stood as well. We also have evidence of houses which were the propertyof local inhabitants. in one of his letters. we find instead of ma’kala the iqti‘. we can understand the situation in Palestine from . Sahlan b. from the end of theeleventh century. After the Abbasid revolution. and thereis little doubt that this meant the right to collect taxes from theinhabitants. generally Turks. or were the property of public institutions. Discernible changes occurred in the use of terms. and the witnesses were questioned ‘about the fields’. Moses states with a touch of pride. 335-3381 state or of the rulers. As Cahen has shown in his studies on this subject. With regard to Palestine.what we know in general about the iqti‘ system. Shelah al-‘Amtani ‘all my lands in the city of Ramla which is near Lod’ (ca. that heis in chargeof the estatesof theFatimid rulers (wakd Zi-diyi‘al-sul@in) in Palestine. Essentially we are still speaking of the right to collect land taxes that were intended to maintain the military unit under the command of the holder of the iqti‘. Through the Geniza documents. the Gaon Solomon b. a bride is . Only at a later stage. under the Ayyubids. Although things are not explicitly stated. even prior to the Muslim era. we find a certain Mu’ammala giving her husband Mevasser b. Nissin. In one of his letters written about the same time. of evidence abouta legacy dueto the daughters of Hillel b. as well as others. fragment of a marriage deedfrom Tyre.In. 1030). In a. these rights are mentioned in the sources. we knowthat the non-Muslim population maintained the right to own land duringall the generationsfrom the time ofthe conquest until the eleventh century.. We shall also encounter in this chapter the episode of the seven villages or estates (diyi‘) which the Fatimid caliph al-Hiikim gave to the rulers of Aleppo in ard Filastin. such as the Church. and they were a contested issueamong theBanii Jarrih and the Arab leaders in Palestine. during that period. Tobiah b. the collection of taxes is intended. butat any rate it seems that here too.LAND AND AGRICULTURE [SECS. especially during the period of the Fatimid wars. mention is made in a fragment of a letter from the court in Tiberias to the court in Fustat. it was basically a method ofallocating the income from thetaxes.

Bakri. Israel b. of enquires about buying wheat from ‘Amminin Trans-Jordan.carobs. 15:163. 1972. line 4. of the see alsoDuri. Further on. Jericho and the entire Jordan Valley. the Fatimid army commander. wanted to keep for himself (sec. lines 8. lines 1. at the end 1029. 478. jujube fruit. Elsewhere he lists olive oil. 226 * . figs. Grapes are mentioned in a letter from Avon b. who wanted tocollect taxes in the iqfi‘of Hassin the Jarrihid. 1953. line 21. figs and bananas. the letter from Tiberias: 244. transports wheat (but his voyage is disastrous and he ends up in Caesarea minus his entire cargo). olives.at any rate. and he also shipped wheat to Fustat. Avon: 501. Salmin al-Hariri. 592). writing in 1154. Salman: 506. In Trans-Jordan. and so on. fresh dates). Sedaqa to Nehorai b. he and his partners had prepared grapes for the pilgrims (evidently to sell them) and each one See Cahen. Nathanhis inletters to Nehoraib. Jacob b. a. It appears that the supply of wheatEgypt in was muchmore problematic than it was in Palestine. enquires about also writing the price of wheat in Fustat. Solomon b. He particularly stresses the etrog. Nissim. Judah. Iqti‘.shaddock (utrq’j. [336] Palestine seemsto have been self-sufficient in grains and bread . almonds. Nissim in around 1065. see 469. etrog). though perhapsthere is an error in thetext). 3:22. from Jerusalem to Nehorai b. preparing to sail from Tripoli to Tyre. Nissim. Sedaqa. line 30. the raisins of ‘Aynun and Diir.503. wheat which is ‘real gold’. Rifi‘ b. 7. Judah: 75. a. b. he points to thirty-six products grown in the Filastin district (kiva) which are not be to found growing together elsewhere. and the matter ofthe iqfi‘it. mandrake. dates (vatab. the Tyre marriagedeeds: 601. he tells of the purchase of wheat in the Hebron area and in Jerusalem itself. 8:25. In another letter. The Gaon Solomonb. Solomon b. apples. as he puts it. which the head of the Banii Kalb. 507.THE E C O N O M Y mentioned who owns property and is part-owner of a third of a new house in western Tyre. Judah: 83. in the latter half of the eleventh century. Jacob b. lupin. a. AbhZth. cherries. praises Bet Shean in particular on its good wine and its dates. See below (section 585) the matter of the tax officials of al-Dizbiri. lines 15-16.20. dates. raisins. Zoar.evidently in the vicinity of the port. nuts. sumach. indigo. b. indigo plants from Jericho and Bet Shean.apples. We find wheat-trading in Palestine mentioned in a letter from Avon b. seven of which are rare in any other area and twenty-two of which are not found together in any other area (these are his comments and it is difficult to understand him completely. sycamore fruit. 1969.Nissim b. Halfon.’ [337] Al-Muqaddasi enumerates in great detail those fruits for which Palestine was noted. there is no evidence in the sourcesof any import of wheat. Abi’l-Lay1 b. they excelled in the cultivation of wheat. compliments the dates of al-Diriim (his form: al-Dara). ‘Ulayyin.an article which deals with the early development iqfZ‘. b. dried figs. sugar-cane. the datesof Zoar and Bet Shean.9. AESC. sheep-farming and the production of honey. he further recounts the various types of nuts. Idrisi. Mu’ammala: 216.JESHO. plums. and his articles inE12:Day‘a. the almonds of Moab and therice from Bet Shean.

apparently 2. Consignments ofhoney sent from Palestine to Egypt are also mentioned. Ismii'il. He sold it at a dinar per five ratls and lostmoney on the sale. Nehorai b. while Jacob b. and he is enquiring whether thereis a demand for them in Fustat and whether it would not be preferable to transport this sort of merchandise by In land. Mevorakh shortly after the Crusaders' conquest ofJerusalem. who was purchasing commodities in to Nehorai. a letter from Ascalon written by Nathan ha-Kohen b. A fruit product mentioned in Geniza the documents is rose-petal preserves . A shipment of these preserves was apparently via sent Tyre and the writer is anxious as it had not yet reached Fustat . A shipment of figs to Alexandria is mentioned by Jacob b.5 nixavl dinars the qintar. Ya'qiib in some of his letters written in 10571058. it appears that one of the reasons for the same Jacob b. Sahl al-Baradani. Nissim himself. writing to Nehorai from Tripoli in Nisir Syria. writing from Tripoli in ca. There is an interesting detail here. As to sugar cane. From another letter. points outthat he has sold sugar in the same region (for Nehorai). also seems to have been involved in the purchase of sugar.mentioned by Miisii b. according to Tha'dibi at the outset of the tenth century. namely that it was sugar from 221. AD 1060. 'Ali al-Fiisi. thatis approximately 8 kilograms inall). line 3. 335-3381 invested five dinars. and he mentions the price of 19.He also speaks of a shipment of plums (or peaches?Izhawkh) of which five camel-loads were loaded aboarda boat in Acre. who observed the production of sugar syrupwhile visiting the area. Joseph b.and when it finally arrives. writing ca.as does also Niisir Khusraw. Khusraw also mentionsat the very sametime theexcellent figsof Ramla (he meansjund Filastin).5 kilograms each. Isma'il writes to Nehorai b. which were being exported far and wide. writing from Fustat to Joseph ha-Kohen b. both Istakhriand Ibn Hawqalalso refer to its beinggrown in the area of Tripoliand Beirut in Syria. It is not likely that this was sugar imported from Egypt. 1060 from Tyre. he had alreadybought acertain quantity but it was of an inferior quality as it was reddish in colour. he is again concerned as to howwell it would sell. b. saying that he intends buying sugar (evidently meaning syrup). . we have seen above that it is mentioned in Muqaddasi. Jacob b. Salmin's goiriig to Palestine wasto purchase fruits for exporting to Egypt. rather onecan assume that it came from local stock stored in Tyre by the writer of the letter. Salman al-Hariri.L A N D A N D A G R I C U L T U R E [ S E C S . that is Akhziv. and thus one may assume that there was a sugar refinery there.reminds him thathe must buy wheat in good time(he writesfrom Tyre):489. as were their olives. Theapples of al-Sham (Palestine and Syria) were praised. they are still dealing with the essence of acacia (three Shami [Palestinian] vatls. Nissim from Ascalon in around 1060. Joseph b.

16f. Vie de Porphyre. a. 516. Glossarium. It is not surprising. Tha'ilibi. who is also contemplating the possibility of settling in Palestine. also 517. lines 6-7: the Niziri dinars were at that time. Letter eight dirhams of the raising ofsugar cane in Palestine: Ashtor. Nisir Khusraw. SalmPn: 507. The other letter ofJacob b. Goitein. i): khawkh means hafarseqim . n.lines 14-15: 21 'pieces' (qif'a and it is difficult to know what packaging is being hinted at by this term). Zib.apparently this was a period of scarcity). As to theqinfir. as he is writing to Egypt.THE E C O N O M Y Palestine. GrCgoire et Kugener (eds. thatIsrael b. then. Marc le Diacre. Avon: 503. for there were very close Muqaddasi. is anxiously concernedwith the price of wheat in Egypt. line 10.so that they should not turn black. rat1 shimi. per Jacob b. Ismii'il: 494. Niziri dinars. Goitein. line 7.e. Joseph b. 7. as explained also by Abraham Maimuni. 166. Ibn Hawqal. of Nehorai: 508. lines 2-4. about 45 kilograms. without specifying the unit of weight. in 514. on the 5. Cf. in the greatest demand. 'Uqqir. 493). 292.see sources on it (beginning from the twelfth century): Le Strange. b.av ofthe yeshiva.lO. that is one of100 ratls of 1 4 4 dirhams each. Nathan b. see Muriij? VI. Palestine. 124fc see Idrisi (Cerulli). line 9. 30 (to Kil'ayim ch. of figs.). mentions the price of sugar at 6 l / 2 dinars. apparently this is the correct interpretation. margin. b. especially in those years of drought which were constantly recurring whenever the waters of the Nile did not rise sufficiently. C. 95. Palestine. cf. cf. 517. 165 (No. we can assume that the Egyptian qintPr is being spokenof. in the upper margin. lines 18-21. which was sky-high. Letters. and a grape-seller would only sell his wares for Niziiri dinars. see below note 12. from this we learn that the price of sugar was in this deal approximately waraq type (40 in a dinar) rafl. Cherries: qadm quraysh. Commentary. lines lOf. line 7. who has an English translation and some comments. 228 . that in the days ofNiziir. in 394. T h i m i r . Zera'im. 180c he lists some otherplants and their meaning is not clear.peaches). on the meaning of khawkh. See Hinz. 16. Sahl: 491. line 12. Cf. line 2. he requests that the rose-petal preserves should be sold in the order in which they are received. which is borrowed from the Greek. 15.]AH. Letters. margin. 4(1970). a. and cf. the price of bread there being one dirham per rut1 (a rather high price for those times . 395. lines 16-17: Miis5 b. student ofMuslim coins. Jacob b. and see Bakri. lines 5-7. 176. quotes the al-'Aziz. the prices in Palestine would soar as well. Miles. 61 (line 4). Plums: 517. 25 (qintir jiljili is the Egyptian qintir. Joseph b. figs: 506. Le Strange. 330). a. Jacob wants to know ( a l . At times. i. 503.qarashiyya. b.. G. ina list of market prices in F ~ s t a t . cf. 29f. Istakhri. essence of acacia: 588. NiiSir Khusraw. the Fatimid caliph only gold coins were minted in Damascus. See also the definitions in De Goeje. 19 (text).. See also theMishna Commentaryascribed to Nathan. A q i l i m . many references to the wine of Gaza and Ascalon in pre-Islamic times in: 354 f. the wines of Palestine acquired a reputation and Mas'iidi even quotes a verse (from the of time the Umayyads) in praise of 'the wine golden like saffron. a. Nathan. four times as much. see Hinz. Rose-petal preserves: 515. being four dirhams the rutE. 555f. b. BGA IV. 94. A woman who emigrated Palestine to and decided to settle in Tiberias writes to her brother in Fustat. also the editor's notes in: Maimonides.it is difficult to know whether the rate of the Niziri dinars minted in Damascus he means coins in general. cf. 531f. which thesea brings us from Ascalon'. living in Jerusalem.k e s i j m ) . b. 17. in the dictionaries: qarisiy. lines 5f. 40 (translation). Ismi'il: 487 b. She speaks of life in Tiberias as being cheaper thanin Ramla. 65 (translation). cf. Abraham points outthat the price of wheat (in Egypt) is three dinars per t i l h (at about the same time). p. two baskets of raisins (zabib)and there the figs are again mentioned. 12 (text). line 8. or specifically silver coins. ~ [338] Wheat and bread and their prices are frequently mentioned in Geniza letters.

50. 9. b. a large s_ack. These wheat priceswhich we findintheGeniza documents apply. David b. 1045. 169. during periods of unusual dearth.andapart from these.06 dirham in times of a drought.]ESHO. Muhcidara. It is interesting to note the composition of a month’s food supply with which a woman stocks her larder at the time. on theqafiz. Nathan notes in one ofhis letters that one bought a qaJz of wheat in Jerusalem for 3 . i. see Him. who were tribesmen.a. lines 4-6.S . that is. i. 4(1970). a price that the Maghrib: 4 athmcin per dinar. as noted. lines 16-17. line 21. According to him. or military. Die Welt des Orients. writing at the end of the tenth century. cf. b.3 l / 2 dinars. 23(1980).e. 52f. 116E it is the e y f i . a. line 11. Alimonies in Tyre: 606. Ashtor.e. when her husband is away on a long journey (Tyre. Atillis of wheat. a. common at that time.It seems thatit was not clear to Bianquis that they were speaking of dirhams of the waraq type. 2(1954). and are many times the normal prices. 40. Sedaqa boasts of having acquired 2 qafizs of excellent wheat for3 l / 4 dinars. line4. See Bianquis. it appears that they are speakingof a small q a j . SawirGs. the Jews were the majority among the money-changers (jahibidha). religious or administrative personnel). ] A H . the price of a wayba of wheat there reachedtwo dinars and a dirham. 204. which cost 0. Both Nathan b. woodfor heating. (the 4aJz can indicate anything from 4 to 201 litres). which was 40 to a dinar. 478. as the writer points out in his letter. a bitmorethan three-quarters of a dinar in cash. he gathered dataon the prices of wheat and bread inEgypt between September 1023 and February 1025. which were about a l / 4 of a dirham(waraq) per ratl.OCCUPATIONS [ S E C S . 74ff. Sughmir’s letter from Fustat. 53. see Hinz. 30 ratls.one and a third dirham (waraq) per raft but there were even much greater increases in prices. whereas Avon b. see Hinz. it had a specific capacity and in wheat it was 15 manns. Muqaddasi. line 18. Avon: 501. Nathan b. b. Aqcilim. The price of wheat: 480. Nathan specifically mentions that hunger is rampant in Jerusalem). cf.4 Occupations [339] We have but a trickle of information on this subject. i.800 dirhams when dry. 48% cf. Abraham Maimuni.‘ / 2 a dinar which was was only likely during a period of severe drought. 456: when al-Jarawi put Alexandria under siege (ca. the dyers (meaning textile-dyers). i. line5 . . Suyiiti. on the wayba. mentioning the price of wheat in 20 dirhams perratl. Ashtor. from ca. Isaac b. the bankers (zayiirif) and the tanners. Israel b. I. attempts to provide us with a general pictureof theoccupations of the Jewish and Christian inhabitants (to distinguish them from theMuslims. see 485. 145.e. 1102): three waybas (some 35 kilograms) wheat and the cost of milling it into flour. at the cost of 14 dirham perratl. Abraham: 176. 61. The tillis.33 during shortages. 825).e. Commentary. 339-3411 links with Egypt in tradingrelations. ha-shorashim. Histoire des p r i x . Abraham and the Tiberian woman undoubtedly refer to the waraq dirham.see Sobhy. a rat1 of Shamioil (Palestinian oliveoil). 4.Jonah ibn Janih. Nathan: 469. 50. As these were the prices demanded during a period of drought (Israel b. line 20. according to Musabbihk arat1 of bread cost from 0. but according to Muqaddasi. 6. reached4. andas much as one dirham during dinar in times of abundance.80 abundance. in Egypt at any rate. while the Christians The letter from Tiberias: 247. Israel b.

among them also the sajidas (the prayer-mats used by the Muslims. In one of his letters. In my collection of Geniza documents. From the letters of Manasseh b. called also rirniniyyamats). Dealing in currency matters and banking activities. duringhis visit in 1047. especially in the smallerlocalities. although we have no information apart from what we have been told by Muqaddasi about the marbleproducing quarries in Bet Guvrin (Bayt Jibril) and the white-stone quarries in jund Filastin. the Jerusalemite was Nethanel (his Arabic name was Hibat Allah) b. A Jerusalemite who fled to Fustat contracted a partnership with a financier from Fustat. Muvhir. The products supplied by Nethanel are to be sold to the baxzixin. the aforementioned house of the dyers in Ramla). Samuel the Spaniard (al-Andalusi).THE E C O N O M Y constituted most of the physicians and the scribes (i. Evidently occupations involvingtextiles were mostly the domain of the Jews. Jacob b. he invests 15 dinars in the partnership and Sedaqa invested 50. Joshua (in the middle of the eleventh century) we learn that it was customary to buy spun yarn in Jerusalem and send it to Tyre for finishing before the weaving process. there were also skilled spinners. Nizir Khusraw found ship-yards building the so-calledjiidiships. This Nethanel was a qualified weaver. 250 square metres. however. we do not come across Jewish tanners at all. Manasseh confirms that the q h a x l (threads. In Haifa. spun yarn). andmentions that he has bought spunyarn. Information on other occupations we find mainly in the Geniza documents. the clerks.Many of theJewsandtheChristianswereevidently engaged in agriculture. particularly inreference to theMaghribis. Tiberias was known for the floor-mats produced there. Yeshii'a al-Maqdisi and the man of Fustat was Sedaqa he-haver b. This is also an opportunity to familiarise ourselves with the names of the various types of threads.e. writes to Joseph b. Sedaqa can decide at any moment to dissolve the partnership. is often mentioned there. apparently a sort of . nor dyers (but see:div al-pbbighin. Qaqili. it is not extensive. Another branch whichwas certainly developed in Palestine was that of the production of building materials. kataba). 2 metres deep. The same writer-traveller also speaks of the many craftsmen and artisans in Jerusalem. in an area covering ca. has arrived and that he has handed it over to a reliable Jewish craftsman. the textile merchants in the qaysiviyyas (markets) and the profits or losses are to be divided equally. Nahum (evidently of the Baradani family) in Fustat. There is evidence of the production of pottery in the remains of a workshop from the eighth century discovered during excavations in Ramla in1965 in the south-western part of thepresent-day city. when buying in Jerusalem. Among thecraftsmen in Jerusalem. after going into the various professional aspects with other craftsmen.

In 523. 58 (translation). Dusmud: 841. 15-16 (1951). see also Gil. 1050). see Ibn Taghri Bardi. writing from Jerusalem. Jacob. line 26. 254. There was also a charge for qa@a (a term also found in Talmudic texts. f. Mi/. Shemaria in Fustat (ca. called after a quarter of Isfahan known for its weavers. and it seems that he intends to send them to Jerusalem when someone reliable turns up. 3a. 68 the silence in the sources. Shabbat. The potter’s workshop: Rosen-Ayalon and Eitan. see T S 135 15. see on a Tiberian mat preserved in the Athens Museum: Combe. ‘not even ’stm nor ptr’i’. simirziyya.O C C U P A T I O N S [ S E C S . still preserved in receipt a from the year AD 1026.NZsir Khusraw. . During the Geonic period. Sedaqa the haver is apparently ‘Yesod [foundation ofj ha-yeshiva’. left-overs of the yarn remained in hand and he earned a quarter o f a dinar on these. Mats ofTiberias: Nasir Khusraw. No. it would have been possible to start on time. before Tishri). See ibid. wishes to know the prices of untanned leather and whether it is possible to ship it from Fustat to Jerusalem without damage. a. see Assaf. from the year 1086. at three-quarters of a dinar per unit. daughter of Abraham. In the margin is a note asking that his correspondence be sent to the following address: The mill of so-and-so (the namehas not been preserved).1966. Husayn (‘the representative of the merchants’). in the handwriting of Abraham b. there is information on the same subject. Manasseh b. the foundation of the yeshiva). are also supplied together with the threads. Hananel to BT. 43 (TS NS J 342v). And despite the silence in those letters. 16:148. 159. the Jews evidently also engaged in tanning: in 460. see the note there. line 6: ‘rabbenu yesod ha-yeshiva’ (our Master. is no longer indebted to her.. 36(1966/7) 370. see the commentary of R. the meaning of which is not clear. line 16. see Serjeant. both in their production and merchandising. as implied in MS Antonin 891. IEJ.ibid.95.confirms that Muhassin b. 11. The bleaching process could onlybe performed after Passover. Additional payment was asked for [avx. i.. speaking of Syrian and Palestinianareas. which means the launderingand bleaching of the flax) and for daqq (pre-shrinking). he writes. Spun yarn: 493. II. Torbiz. i. Moses b. 57b: k i p y i (headgear). 339-3411 elaborate dress in demand among the Christian pilgrims.e. Yeshu‘ii: 522. 4 in Mann. thefabrics were already in the market for a month or so. Solomon b. Soap was manu5 Muqaddasi. can be found in a clause in an ancient formulary of a deed of sale in Palestine. lines 19-30: ‘Eslerni is a kind ofjewel’ etc. Documents. Teslttiv6f (1 928/9). (translation). the deed of partnership between Sedaqa and Nethanel: 541.e..It seems that the sumach and gall-nuts mentioned in some letters in my corpus. 60 (translation). ’s!mpii’ii:62. they no longer knew the meaning of ’stm.. 18 (text). Evidence of theextensive Jewish occupation with textiles. ‘neither for fabric nor for dye’. in the accounts of the income of theheqdesh from the beginningof the twelfth century. Quarries: Muqaddasi. and awaits instructions as to what to do with the money. the embroidery along the hem. Jews also seem to have been engaged in textile dying as well. the Jews were the sole possessors of the secret of the crimson worm (the qivmix). Goitein. Solomon Gaon from Jerusalem to Ephraim b.If the spun yarn had been sent amonth or two before the holidays (i.5 [340] Evidence of the existence of a flour mill in Jerusalem is apparent in a letter from Joseph ha-Kohen b. a. the miller. AI. 184. the note on the q o q d r . assumed that ’sfm meant indigo. were used in tanning. / n u s . According toJahiz. 35.e. A q i h 183. Despite craftsmen in Jerusalem: 20 (text). Judah: Turayq. Payment was by ‘the heedle’. lines 6f.17 (text). for the summer bleaching was more effective than that of the winter.

Nissim in Fustat(ca.Gil. that this is the price of Palestinian soap (2ibtcn sharni) whereas for the soap from the Maghrib (2ibiin rnaghvibi) there is no demand at [341] In one document. we find Solomon ha-Kohen b. was one of those engaged in this craft and some of his letters have been preserved from his stay in Sahrajt in Egypt. It is likely that this Jewishblacksmith was a Palestinian. O n the score of this craft. writing fromJerusalem to Nehorai b. Nathan (Sahliin). He writes that he expects the arrival of a shipment of quires (kavavis). No. who had formerlybeen involved in commerce (and evidently still had a hand in this pursuit). and it seems that the 503.In around 1040. In a letter from Tyre.which contains this detail. A large number of letters in my collection contain details concerning scribes or bookcopyists. The locksmith: 276. Solomon b. Documents.a claim for payment dueto himcame before the Jerusalemites’ court in Fustat in thepresence of Abraham b. meaning son of the locksmith. Zion. n. Sedaqa. Judah. a. 3 (p. . it seems that the price went down to 22/3dinars.Jacob b. Gil. Palestinian soap was sold in the markets of Fustat at four dinars per qintar evidently. al-Ghalliq. Nehorai’s Maghribi cousin. Ismii‘il (apparently in Tyre) also deals with various types of soap (al-asibt7n).the blue-eyed. one of the occupations the Jews excelled in.) . the magician: 278. Nehorai stresses in his letter. meaning a Byzantine. ibid. evidently empty ones. 1040. Joseph in Daltiin in the Upper Galilee occupied in the same profession.n) they undoubtedly meant an astrologer. Nehorai:508. 179 n. 185). I. b. The grandson ofJosiah Gaon. better known by the name al-Azraq the Magician. a Riiml. 9. 1065) speaks of ajourney to Ramla to purchase soap. line 17. The price of soap: 176.even sending an ink-well to Fustat forthis purpose. 152C see also 494. 16.THE ECONOMY factured in Ramla and there is mention ofRamla’s soap storages. see on this: Goitein. ca. lines 31-32. In Tyre. a man is mentioned named Solomon b. this request evidently stemmed from the wish that the contents of this correspondence remain known only to themselves. It seems that he was assisted in his work by another scribe.Avon b. and asks to be sent ink ((zibr. At about the same time. which is the mtlnajjirn. locks were made of wood.cf. we come across a certain Sulaymin ‘who was skilled a t forging iron’. 109. lines 32-33. in August 1030. a. Israel b. cf. one cannot be certain that theqin@r is being referred to. b. Josiah b.’ Book production [342] Book production evidently provided many of the Palestinians with a livelihood. line 5 . Sulaymiin: 102. at that time. while in the 1060s. Avon: right margin. he succeeded in saving the cost of Joseph ha-Kohen’s letter: 409. Aaron. there is mention of a man from Hammat-Gider (Jadariyya) called Moses b.. line 7. lines 9-10. al-axvaq . was busy copying books during his stay in Palestine. Mediterraneart Society. Ashtor (Strauss). 7(1942). same miller was a confidant of the writer. by magician (q5sZi. Semah.

Saadia (who was later granted the title ‘Nagid’ in Egypt) asking him to find some copying work for him among the people of Fustat. Sedaqa also speaks of Israel b. in 1059. After Passover. such as commentaries (tujiisl~).inordernot to be idleand to earn something ‘until the Lord looks upon him and sees him from heaven’. In another letter writtenon 14 March1062. Nathan. he writes (evidently brought there from Iraq in the tenth century) and Labrat(judge of al-Mahdiyya. 342-3441 travelling from Byzantium to Palestine even before starting on the work. Books are also mentioned in letters from Ascalon at the end of the eleventhcentury. who livethere. 15 October AD 1035).should be urgedto acquire a leather-bound Bible (n-ttzjullad) for him. he will copy the order Qodishiin (for he seems to think that he would find a good copy thereto work from). ‘Eliof Ramla writes to Judah b. he is prepared to copy one of the notebooks (dujav) of the head of the yeshiva (evidently heis referring to acollection of responsa). for the demand is mainly for volumes (masiihif) of the Bible. they should send him the volumes of the Talmud (mugiihiful-tulmud). Nathan. In a letter dated November 1061. of the Sughmarfamily)andAbii Sa‘id. A colophon in the manuscript of the introduction to the Talmud by Samuel b. he must be sent quires for this purpose.Mevorakhrequeststhateight books of the Prophets. a copyist living in Jerusalem. Berikrhot. Nathan ha-Kohenb. Avon b. and he also mentions another Jerusalem scribe. he promises that during his stay in Damascus. he acknowledges receiving the copyists’ ruler (qiyiis)used for the length of the sheets. or Talmud.B O O K P R O D U C T I O N [ S E C S . unproofed. and he also requests a ‘width ruler’. Yeshu‘a (b. or hulilehot (evidently Sefer Halikhot Gedolot). he will start work on copying the Midrash Tehillim (ugzdut tehilllm). copies the Mishna orders Nushim and Neziqivt and is prepared to copy anything for Nehorai. Even if itis expensive. At approximately the same time. Hofni indicates tha this copy was finished in Jerusalem on 10 Marheshwan AM 4796 (Wednesday. be sent to his father. h intends to copy only the booksof the Pentateuch. In September 1060 he has finished copying the abovementioned Mishna. orders and wants to know whether anyone in Fustatis interested ina copy of t a f i s l ~ or Mishna. Israel b. he againmentionscopyingthefollowingtreatises(fromtheBabylonian Talmud): QodZshlm. and if so. Samuel?). Mij‘ed. Also he asks the addressee to find out whether someone is interested in having him copy the treatise NZzir. When in Giish Halav. Joshua he-hZvEr b. Reliable manuscripts which are worth copying can be found in al-Mahdiyya. that had been left behind in Fustat. from the ‘Iraqi Talmud’. In another letter. for ‘the scholars of this city [probably Ramla] are few’. It seems that the family was involved in producing 233 . he promises that after Passover. by receiving an advance amounting to one dinar. without which he will be unable to finish the chapter he is copying.

a. they paid 2 / 3 qiriit per quire. 11. evidently the work of Israel b. . The worksof Israel b.8 [343] From book-copying we move on to thesubject of paper and its 8 Josiah b. which were damaged. Cf. Introduction to the Talmud: TS Loan 108. a. in the year 1300’ (Sel. Joseph b. he says that there are no longerany books of the Talmud left in Ascalon (meaning that the books which the refugees had brought with them when fleeing from the Crusaders had disappeared). it is interesting to note TS 10J 5. in good condition. Saadia).. the number of letters per page in the original manuscript (from which the copy was being made) was taken into consideration. Nathancopies books: 465 (lines 1Off. and the writer is prepared to pay one and a half to two dinars for the HalZklzot Gedolot. Masoretetz des Westem. Hirschberg. the volume which contains the four books of the first Prophets has some of its firstand final pages piled. Some people are prepared to pay her 12 dinars for them and he awaits instructions as to how toproceed.). 475. lines 7f. lines 1Of. but the volume containing the four booksof the last Prophets and thescrolls is in a good state. Jacob ha-Ma‘arivi (‘the Maghribi’) says that he wrote. known as Ibn al-Kiiziruni. 197. Saghir . on Labrat b. Mention is made of selling some of thequires in Ascalon. lines 21ff. Nathan can be seen as a pursuer of the tradition of the scribes of the Maghrib (and in a more distant past: of Babylonia) in Palestine. on theBibleinAscalon. 583.. Moses ibn Sughmiir (and onhis brotherJudah) see below. Avon: 498. a.Moses b. Most of the Bibles have been sold but he found four complete Bibles at the home of a widow. lines l2f. In another letter. see the complete version: Kahle. Te‘rrdLl. the property of the widow. n. somewhat faded. in the margin and the continuation in b. Sahl al-Baradhi’s letter to Nehorai b. In the colophon written in the MS of the first Prophets. 65. Nathan. Ascalon: 581. Nathan mentions that he holds as deposit quires belonging to a certain Sibii‘ b. Solomon ha-Kohen: 250. Joshua b. he vocalised and inserted the mnsoroh. apart from the binding. = 989). which they would then correct themselves. 11/6 of a qiriit. ‘according to the proofed booksvocalised and provided with the masorah by Aaron b. daughterof Saghir. Asher’. a. Israel b. reddish script. Sahl al. According to the writer. cf. In another letter. a. ‘Eli: 567. for one type. mentioning the fee for copying per quire. Joseph of Daltun. advance payment: 466. one volume (nzu&zj) of the Pentateuchhad its titlepages somewhat obliterated. I. and this he did in ‘Jerusalem the holy city . It seems that this was the usual price for a completeBible.undoubtedly Solomon b.THE E C O N O M Y books. lines 2f. whereas for another type. lines Sf. 16f. 42. lines 6f. apart from the cost of the paper. it appears that in fixing the price. 5(1959). 474. 216. margin. 588. 15. lines lZfc 479. Mufarrij. b. as we can deduce from Joseph b. Beit-Arie. Nissim in which thesale of a new Bible for theprice of 13 dinars is mentioned. b. Saghir (b. We find interesting details concerning payment for book-making in a letter from Solomon ha-Kohen b. 1030). a.whichwere cheaper. lines 13f. Joseph b. . f. except for the bindings.Baradani’s letter: 492. Evetz-Israel.or perhapsthey used to buyunproofedbooks. Aaron:202 (cn. 470. written in the 23 4 . the MaghribiIsrael b. daughter of b. Nathan:469. which contain an old copy (nuskha qcldima) of HcllZkhot Gedolot in a small. 1(1980). lines 12-17. lines 6-12.

a. a. ~ O q i i z in . lines 40-43. awaits money for purchasing paper. most of the writing was already being done onpaper. Yehudai Gaon concerning the discussion on whatis banned and permitted in using riqq (see Mann.was preferable to Egyptian paper. according to the nanlcdaj (Persian: model) owned by Abii Ishiq Ibrahim b. from the opinion ofR. Hofni). Sa'id is the father of the abovementioned widow. Sa'id (Saadia) b. 342-3441 supply. Each quire should be carefully examined and proofed upon completion. one on a long roll of parchment (riqq kabfr) and others on red paper. Nissim: 292. They speak ofbuying paper in Damascus in hundreds ofdinars . mentions letters written by his father. and this can easily be seen from theGeniza. 574. who copied books when in Gush Halav. writes about a book copied on excellent paper (waraqjayyid) in ca. He would like to have them copied by an expert scribe and on good paper not on Egyptian paper but on Andalusi or Itribulusi (from Spain or Tripoli). Haggai). Israel b. The scribe from Daltiin.9 [344] In the eleventh century. Hujayj (Abraham b. who was based in Tyre. Solomon ha-Kohen. The Karaite Mahbiib b. in Arabic. Nathan sends Nehorai instructions regarding the purchase and manner of shipping ruqGq. 1030. Mediterranean Society. Daniel b. 53 See 469. Nathan. Goitein. apparently referring to Samuel b. he has wasted thesummer. Mahbiib b. Abiathar. llSf. b. O n the use of parchment. and perhaps they are also referring to the same book. line 11. 472 a. rOq. head of the yeshiva. Due to the lack of parchment. He shipped more than twenty middle ofSha'bPn 412. and see the version on p. Jacob receives twenty-five dinars for copying eight books of the Prophets for Ab6 Nasr SalPma (who is Solomon) b. Baboy. b. Paper is mentioned in a number of documents in my collection.see the quotationin Pirqoy b. in the upper margin. Nasir Khusraw points out that the paper manufactured in Tripoliis similar to that made in Samarqand and is of an even finer quality. 70 [1920]. i.mentioning 15 loads of paper (at least two tons). Saghir. Azariah writes to 'Eli b. From this we learn that the Gaon maynot have relied upon the work of the Palestinian scribes (or perhaps they had too much work). in which the various kinds of parchment are rather rare. 'Amram and asks to have notebooks copied in Fustat containing geonic queries and responsa (he mentions the Gaon Samuel. Indeed. 24 November 1021: Samuel b. n. however. Miis2 b.B O O K P R O D U C T I O N [ S E C S . Abiathar: 547. RE]. Israel b. line 1. Maghribi merchants also traded in paper and its transport. the Talmudic sources) was still very much in use. dealt in paper on a rather large scale and there are four of his letters includedin my collection which were written between August1057 and January 1058 from Damascus andTyre. cf. 137 where the main contention of the Gaon is that it is permitted to use riqq only if it has been 9 . Parchment (riqq and in the plural ruqUq. Nissim gives the captain of a ship a package of parchment leaves (shalziira ruqiiq) as a bribe to persuade him to deviate from his usual route. line 3. 239. writing on 14 November 1070. and that paper from Spain and Tripoli. Jacob. and on a large galley. 11. cf. for this Solomon b. from Jerusalem.e.

447). Palestine. the nameal-Ruqiiqi. I. quotes a long fragment from theMughrib. O n the matter of the Maghribis. Husayn al-Bayhaqi.500 litres!) each. When the paper arrived at its destination. At the start of the ninth century. maker of(or dealer in) parchment. It was made in vats (matiibikh: literally boiling places) in Fustat (not in al-Qihira). see Sezgin. Special identification marks (‘alima) impressed on the paper by the manufacturer are mentioned. lo . Azariah: 371.. Niisir Khusraw speaks of the production of olive oil. he notes trees which rendered 5. I. 29. Isaac. Solomon ha-Kohen: 250. 11. and see ibid. 2. see also Mez. nn. according to whom paper was made of cotton there. 410 and n. Jacob:514-517. lines 7-8. acertain mawla (client) of the Umayyads. Daniel b.4 . Paper in Tiberias: Muqaddasi. see the affair of the partnership which came upbefore the court ofDaniel b. App. Aqiilitn. b. the paper he purchased had the ‘aZ&nu of Ibn Imam. al-Shim (Palestine and Syria) never suffered from starvation. Maqrizi. Maymiin. that is olive oil. GAL. He dealt in the export of oil from Palestine. 41 (translation). Mediterratwan Society. 12 (text). evidently a Damascene paper-maker. 84.THE ECONOMY parcels (evidently rolls are intended here) of paper to Ramla and they arrived safely. 451. he confirms that he has sent eleven sheets of paper from his stock in Jerusalem to Nehorai in Fustat. Mediterranean Society. Nisir Khusr_aw. lines 3 . Israel b. 558). see also Goitein. line 12. a. also referring to Mansiiripaper (p. line 10. 1010. by the name of al-Hakam b. A possible explanation may be that its manufacture gradually came to an end in the course of the generations from Muqaddasi’s time at the turn of the tenth century that of to the Geniza letters in the mid-eleventh century. 81. The oil was kept in containers in hollows in the earth and was exported all over the world. S I. 19. byland on camels. a Jew or Christian who became a Muslim. Le Strange. quoting al-Karni’im of al-Bayhaqi (who is apparently Ismi‘ilb. with a certain R. 119. 422. 185). these probably being water-marks. Goitein. B. The paper is brought from Damascus (or perhaps also from Tripoli) to Tyre. Egyptian paper was called Mansiiri paper. 440. Khilat. there are also references treated with gall-nuts). In the Geniza documents from the mid-eleventh century.000 muz~ztz(some 3. p. 32. a. lo Exports [345] In this section. Azariah: 394. an important Palestinian export in antiquity. Miisi b. who wrotein ca. we mustgive pride of place to oil. 83. cf. 11. although Muqaddasi mentions paper (kzghid) being made in Tiberias. We gather from his letters that paper was sold’in Fustat either by wholesale weight or by retail sheets. not as in Brockelmann. and would transport it by camel caravan to Medina. 183-186. 180. before it darkened. V. I. He adds that owing to its bread and oil. (No. 18(1975). in 480. Ashtor. it had then to be sold quickly. is mentioned. Nathan: 474. CCM. It seems therefore that there was no local paper manufacturer in Palestine in the eleventh century and paper was imported from Damascus or Tripoli. see al-Mughrib.

Nathan dealt in oil via Ascalon. N i h i y a . 532. 43. al-Ghifiqi. see also ibid. 157f (No.see also ibid. writes of a shipment of 17 units of myrobalan (halllaj) and a shipment of sabir (aloe. Samuel: 493. Dried rose-petals and rose-hips were another export item and mention is made of a shipment of this kind1037 in from Tyre. Nasir Khusraw. see 'Azizi. andit seems that he met with losses in this sphere. Shibliin's vessel. see also Maimonides. Roses: 275 (the payment for the shipment was deposited in Tyre with Moses b.see Maimonides. 80.. Related to this is the balrlaj which is the Indian myrobalan mentioned in 394. this was used as a medicine forinflammations. Isaac 'the Spaniard'. p.Wefind in 394 that considerable tradingwas carried on bytheMaghribi merchants in perfumes and essences which they exported to Sicily and here there is mention of(1) bamboo crystals (fabishir). on the snbir suqupi (Aloe Succotrina) from which a concentrated syrup is prepared which energises. 34(1975).. n. see the HebrewIndex. 2 37 . VI. 64. See the matter of marketing indigo in Qayrawin and the purchase of 60ziqqs (evidently = qirba.E X P O R T S [SECS. see al-Mu'izz b. There were different varieties: black. see Gil. Badis. on the excellent olives and olive oil ofpalestine. this sabir was brought from the island of Socotra in the Indian Ocean. but was also considered helpful for ailing sight. today the capital of Afghanistan). Cinnamon: 495. Jacob b. like saffron. 262fc this myrobalan wasused as a medicine for diseases of the intestines. Jacob b. a. See the article Sokotra (by J. they would produce an imitation byusing ivory or bone meal. 454. a product also called 'snake ashes'. Samuel informs qiribas of Nehorai fromJerusalem that he has acquired a quantity of two oil (some 66 litres) for him. the capacity of the qiriba is assumed. Yeshii'a: 496.. and this is the Belleriamyrobalatl or the Terminalia bellerica.8. the editor's note 8. 'Uqqir. calcium and organic material. 345-3511 to theoil tradeof Palestine. 94: how ink is made from halilaj.Miisi al-Tiihirti. 68. lines 8-9. 45 and there. There were47 units of cinnamon in all and they were shipped on board b. approx. Yeshii'a al-Tarabulusi. undoubtedly for export. Tkatsch) in EI'. see the Hebrew Index. the halilaj (myrobalan) is the Phyllantur emblica fruit (see Zohary. see Gil. 67 (translation). the Maghribi merchants dealt in this product extensively. see Shazari. lines l5f. ibid. *l [346] I have already mentioned commerce in fruit and rose-petal preserves. on the eastern side of the Bay of Aden. Israel b. Fruit syrups ( s h a d )and sumach (sumiq) were goods which Joseph b. Ibn Mammati. Joseph b. Joseph b. 117. A g h i n i . 11. and deliveredit toIbn al-Tuffahi (apparently a ship-owner) in Jaffa. ibid. whom welater find in Jerusalem). intestinal diseases andother illnesses.l2 [347] Another item of Palestinian export was salt produced from the l1 12 Al-Hakam: Isbahini. Isma'il also sends Nehorai cinnamon via Tyre which evidently first reached Palestine from the Far East and Nehorai is to sell it in Egypt and buy other merchandise there from theproceeds. and in 395. yellow and kibili (from Kabil. Sahl: 491.e.]NES. see further: Ducros. see also Ibn al-Faqih. 549. a. 20 (text). headaches and the vapours. two tons: 493. see Ghafiqi.) of oil. Joseph b.362. b. lines 8-9. line 6. the oil was sent to Sicily. points out that thekabili halilaj isweighed bymantls. i. this is the l e u h i (Boswellia). as can be seen from the table. Jacob b. 552: the yellowhalilaj is the best remedy for diarrhoea. lines 2f. a. Israel b. T h i m i r . perhaps a Karaite. warms and dries. Tha'alibi. 68ff. Nathan: 482. it was made from the lower parts of the bamboo stalks and contained silicon. line 8. a hadith ascribed to the Prophet recommends the use of black halilaj. Sahl al-Baradani supplied from Palestine through Tyre. lines 12f. 318). a sort of partner agent or of Barhiin b. 293). b. The oil occupied a prominent place in Maghribi merchants' trading. frankincense) strqutvL.

the export ofsalt is not mentioned in my corpus of Geniza documents and the purchase of salt is only referred to once. (10) water of camphor (knfiiir). Zohary. ha-Yitom’s commentary on Mashqin. and it seems that theuse of Palestinian names here is merely symbolic. Possibly theJerusalem rat/. Cf. Aaron. r (zufw. there aretwo kinds ofqrrst. Paliirtirmpiker. was close to 169 dinars. Thinzzr. 236f. Specific evidence of this can be found ina power-of-attorney deed made out in Tyre on 25 January 1011. ‘Eli al-Fasi. 169 (No. Ginzberg. which is black and the marine. 65: ‘cinnamon in the language of Ishmael is qirf’. Nathan asks Nehorai b. where at the beginning ofthis century. I.. Ducros. in Aramaic: k i s h l i . Nissim to send him. as an astringent. (4) balilqi. 218. 365. Jacob. who is in Tyre. line 33. ibid. its production was still a state monopoly.. a. see Maimonides. as Abramson has proven. Ashtor. 171 (No. (5) saffron. 165 (No. The value ofthe entire shipment. see Ducros. see Poznanski. we should to be evidence of the export of butter from Palestine: the responsum of an anonymous Gaon quoted by the Maharam. 106. Salt: Baumstarck. authorises his father-in-law Solomon b.5 kilograms is meant (Hinz.I4 ‘Uqqir. H~~rkavyjubile Volurnc e 218. 338). ation. Praise of al-Shim glass: Tha‘alibi. Isaac ha-Talmid. the Indian being the stronger of the two.Yefet b. kinds ofAqrrilonia. whose nickmane was Ibn Abi Qida. ‘but since they began to bring them the butter of Hammiit and Gush Haliv.Cheese: 309. see Maimonides. ibid. 159. 338). Rabi‘. Wax also figured among the products which were concentrated in Tyre for export. 442. according to Saadia Gaon’s interpretibn Janih.. at this juncture. 133. Israel b.we ban’. Moses b. Wax: 276. CCM. cherries perhaps. 145f (No.to collect from the ‘representative of the merchants’ in Fustat. (7) myrrh (rmrr). undoubtedly a very large sum. lines 3-4. Nehorai himselfasks on behalfofanother Maghribi. of Joseph ha-Kohen b. 441. was used for stimulation. 2. including those of Europe. ibid. mention is also made there of qorashiyya. (3) aloe (‘id). a qlrif and a half of good quality cinnamon. ground finely. Georlic-a. 532. ibid. 84). 320 grams. ibid. and adulterate it with helev. 330). which were partly his property and partly in partnership with Abraham b. the ‘representative of the merchants’ in Tyre. (3)sweet resin. line 11. In 470. produced from Ztztrla Helerlitrrn L. 31ff. and in Persian: bustaj or bustag. it is the Satrssrrrea hypofeuca Spr. in which Khalaf (Halfon) b. 169 (No. the Samareitike. 11. for coughs etc. 58 (No. 642: this is Biblical qesi‘ct. 116). ‘Azizi. who notes that in Africa they would permit the use of butter from ‘the pagans’.e. parcels) of glass.. whichis white. see Solomon b.see Maimonides.. but this is not a source on export fromPalestine. apart from half a qlril of aniseed. 84. for household use. = Atrcklnndic Costus Falc. cf. (animal fat). what is due him for 37 mishydot (baskets. (6) cinnamon( q i r f ) . Aaron.. ‘Itzyirziit. 73. Caleb b. the Indian. i.. ldrisi (Cerulli). ( q ~ f o which is the kosros of the Greeks.. in Jerusalem: 501. (8) yellow myrobalan (halilqi nsjir). Ducros.29) and then it is a shipment of75 kilograms and each mould perhaps refer to what appeared of cheese weighs ca. . a Karaite from Jerusalem living in the Karaite quarter.THE ECONOMY Dead Sea. b. where it became known as ‘Jewish glass’. etc. Habashi and Aaron b. ships30 rcltls of ‘cheese made on the Mount of Olives’ including339 te$siin (moulds). a remedy for coughing and asthma. made mainly in Kashmir.. see Maimonides. Apart from these. b. who stayed in Fustat.see Jonah S . red and sharp. 396): qust.including packing and storage.(9) aloe juice ( y b i r ) . to sell the cinnamon for him bi’l-qisttt wa’l-rizq (see on this below). who is Ibn Abi Rujayf. ha-shonlshirn. Meshullam. cardamom ( h i l ) is the Eleftaria Cnrdarnornurn. see Maimonides. Abraham b.The Jews of Palestine and Syria were expert a t making glass which contained lead and would export it to various countries.13 [348] Tyre was famous for its glass and evidently so was Acre.

See on indigo: Muqaddasi. Jacob b. line 10. Avon b.15 [350] Various types of weaving and textiles made inPalestine were also in demand on foreign markets. Aaron. 179f. in one of his letters written from Tyre before he became the Palestine Gaon and was still engaged in trade. and it seems that it was exported from there via Palestine). Azariah. 11. line 15. Nissim speaks of the rising price of indigo (in ca. as having been produced mainly in Palestine . 7. line 7.’ (no details of the currency or unit of weight remain). Moses b.. 387. the court record: 193. Daniel b. In another letter to Nehorai b. Hist. Serjeant. b. Avon: 503. Sedaqa mentions purchasing indigo and grains of wastna. 395. It grew mainly in the regionof theDead Sea and the Jordan Valley. I. a fragment of a marriage deed from Tyre. and hence we assume that there was a demand for Jerusalem yarns and that they were exported. . which also grew in Palestine. Qazz was a kind of silk. the deed of partnership: 394. AI.his wife Dara b. Maymiin. Lamm. notes the going price of indigo in Tyre:‘the prices are rising. in Mdrriuge. in Egypt or perhaps in Spain. apparently referring to shipments of indigo from Palestine. Azariah. lines 6-7. also mentions having bought his spun yarn in Jerusalem. 15. Printed by Friedman. 143. Nehorai b.E X P O R T S [SECS.(also in Cyprus: shrsh qtrbrusi.cf. In one ofhis letters. 11-12 (1946). Solomonare alsomentioned. Solomon and hisbrother-in-law ‘Eli b. . stating that hebought 40 piecesof qazz fabric in Tyre. was in demand on the world markets a t the time. 1067) because it was in great demand in Palestine itsele and the merchants (evidently Maghribis) preferred to put their money into indigo rather than flax. Nathan al-Baradani in Tyre. Heyd. Moses is mentioned in a number of documentsin my corpus. he also mentions a cargo of qazz which he is loading on board a ship.A record written in Nathan b. Halfon b. &dim. I have already mentioned the linen yarn sent from Jerusalem to Tyre for finishing. 345-3511 [349] Indigo. The matter was brought before the court ofDaniel b. Daniel b. evidently mixed with rabbit-wool. Azariah: 347. Mez. Da’tid. Moses ibid. shish is mentioned.384and see detailsabout Khalafb. is worried about the fate of a shipment of indigo belonging to him which was to have arrived by ship from Palestine. 15 2 39 . A deed of partnership relating to export to Sicily from 1058. in which apart from the aforementioned Khalaf b. Nehorai’sletter. Abraham’s court in Fustat in 1040. another variety of indigo. line 1. located in Fustat. Gliser. Josephb. 119. see also Consistoire isra6lite VI1 D 78. see the HebrewIndex. Nissim. b.. a. which was scarce and expensive. who mentions the indigo ofJericho. a. Fine linen. Samuel al-Andalusi. line 2. There was also considerable demand for this product in the Maghrib. writing from Jerusalem to Joseph b. Power-of-attorney: 268. Ismi‘il al-Andalusi writes from Tyre to Abii’l-Walid Y h u s (Jonah)b. Acertain R.shish stzirni. A load of qazz sent to Egypt through Tripoli in Lebanon is 18(1975). contains details of a litigation between indigo merchants concerning large shipments of indigo to Sicily and Mahdiyya. mentions large quantities of indigo as well. several other inhabitants of Tyre are mentioned. 440. approximately nine . 508.

Jacobb. spitting blood and more. Comment. speakingof red q a x x fabric. line 5. cedar-resin .. whichsells attwo dinars per small ratl. sugar from Zib (see above). right. Salmin: 506. Salmin al-Hariri to Nehorai b. 7. Sedaqa: plums (sabastin). is defined by Kazimirski. linen. and the writer should sell it in Ramla or bring it to Fustat. 61.Joseph: 487. Coloured weavers: 505. cedar resin. He purchased sumach (strmiq). were the fabrics of Tustar (thiyab Tustar). See Epstein. is spoken of. being ablend of musk.507. a. for cotton was not commonly used at the time. Geonic sources say it is qusl (resin). lines15-16. if theselling price there is higher. glue. who created trees of scents. J E S H O . qst.Jacob b. a. ha-Tustarim. b. T h a w b ‘asqalini. A coat of k h a z z is also mentioned in the dowrylist in the Karaite marriage deed from Jerusalem. see 507. almonds and soap. S e f r ha-shorashim. defines kathiri’: a resin from various kinds of tragacanth. or perhaps from Tustar itself.We find a long list of exports from Ascalon in Jacob b.see inthe upper margin: kathiri’: in Aramaic: kesharti. line 10. apparently through Ascalon. margin. 365.16 l6 Shish shimi. kshr (in the supplementary . Hayy: OZar ha-ge’6nitn Ber. Joseph b. gall-nuts (probably for tanning). n. a.Mosulweave (English: muslin). see Idrisi (Cerulli). Nissim: B M O r5566 B. . see TS N S J 127. line 3. We find by Avon b. rheumatism. s. according to the Copticmedicinal tradition. 17(1974). 144. line 10. 98. written from Syrian Tripoli. the pureas against the inferior). ambergris. cf. tustari) fabric. according to thequality. silk. 312.THE E C O N O M Y also mentioned in Jacob b. line 8. Goitein. 20. In the name of Hayy Gaon it is said: keslrarti isghiliyu which is several scents mixed in oil. Nissim fromca. whichis blade. Salmin: 493. 692: Shesh. ‘Artrkh. 15. lines 1-2. 21.used to cure skin diseases. Ada b. which he had intendedsell to on the spot but for which he could not a similar list of commodities bought in Jerusalem find customers. also in another of his letters. he mentions the trading in shish. See on k h n z z : Gil. see BT. see ibid. which is a fine cotton fabric. refers to the costlywhite fabrics made in Tyre which are exported everywhere. n.Ismi‘il: 494. thawb ‘asqalini. Isaac al-Andalusi.writing in the mid-twelfth century. as a perfume. and ibid. a. Ahava said: on thekesharti one has to say the blessing:. Abraham b. See also Nissim b. 305..43a: h. a. see Gil.Halfon’s letter to Nehorai b. also lines 13. . but we do not know whether textiles of the Tustar variety were actually manufactured in Palestine or whether fabrics wereexportedwhichcamefrom elsewhere.see also Jonah ibn Janih. Ascalon was itself a centre for the manufacture of textiles and the Ascaloni fabric. it meant fine linen cloth. Commentary. whileghiiliya (see above). Jacob b. Salmin al-Hariri’s letters. further references. see 506. a. Nissim in Fustat. lines18f: he loads three shipments of sumach and notes that one shipment remained with him because he did not have a container for it. lines 14-15.. and it seems that the meaning there is: rabbit-wool. qtrbrtui. Jacob b. lines 9-10. It is customary to interprettheword shish (more common in Arabic: shish) . Tustari fabric: 495. right. cotton (qutn) which was sold in Ascalon at four ratls and ten ounces per dinar. on tustari (or dustarc also dibiij.v. a. he is staying in Ramla and has with him shish made in wishes to know whether he Cyprus. Till. Berakhot. 288. 495. the letter from Jacob b. Ismi‘il al-Itribulusi’s letter to Nehorai b. 17. writing in Jerusalem to Nehorai b. 1060. but it seems that in the period under discussion. and other scents. Idrisi. b. Letters. Other goodsbeing sent via Tyre to Egypt by Jacob Isma‘il b. and asks him to take stock of the market conditions in Fustat. line 23(1028). containing a request from Nehorai to inform him of the price of nl-shish nl-shimi al-khdis wa’l-manqiid(evidently he means two kinds. margin. f. line 12. Nissim. lines 10-1 1 .. O n the matter of the knthiri’-keshnrti. mentions the possibility of exporting coloured fabrics.

Charlemagne ordered himto fool the Archbishop Richulf of Mainz in order to humiliate him. This was understandable. IMPORTS [SECS. market day jund in Filastin (undoubtedly referring to Ramla) was held on the 23rd of April. at the large fairs in places throughout Palestine. I have already mentioned ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. in Aronius. 352-3581 [351] In theeleventhcentury. However. 219. Spain. and in ‘Amman on the 10th of August. Jews were also engaged in commercial activities in smaller localities. He also mentions other market days in Idhra‘it on the 13th of October.most of Palestine’s exportswentto Egypt.Sicily.North Africa. who set upa shop for him in a village near Jerusalem. Biriini lists it among the Nestorian holidays. There is the somewhat doubtful evidence of export to Europe in the story of the Jewish merchant who used to visit Palestine and bring precious objects from there. the Nestorian author of the first half of the ninth acentury.apparently such Palestinian items as the glass mentioned above. occurringon the 13th of September. as is clearly indicated in the Geniza documents andespecially in the letters of the Maghribi merchants. Eretz-Israel. See the story of the Jewish merchant. a. In view of the widespread connections maintainedthroughout theMediterranean area by the Maghribi merchants. 5 (1958/9). partially because of Palestine’s political dependence on Egypt and also because Egypt was the major commercial centre in the Mediterranean basin at the time. Avon b. there was a fair which he refers to as ‘the Feast of the Church of the Resurrection’ in Jerusalem. The existence of ‘Jewish markets’ in Jerusalem. 75. Sedaqa: 501. exports from Palestine reached other countries as well. in BuSrZ in the Hawran on the 14th of July. b. There is the episode of theJerusalem Karaite of Spanish origin who was persecuted byhis fellow-sectarians.According to the Book o f the Times byIbn Misawayh. Cotton: 487. Ramla. so the Jew sold him a mouse. He went over to the Rabbanites. did reach all these countries by virtue of their mediation.17 Internal trade [352] Not much has been preserved in the sources on the subject of internal trade. No. hebut vol. Much of the internal trade was conducted on market days. a holiday more commonly known as the ‘Feast of the Cross’ (‘id al-glib). cf. and Tiberias is evidence of the central role of the Jews in commerce. line 38. .). the likes of which had never been seen before. Ezekiel’s shop in Jerusalem and below I shall referto shops in Ramla which were dedicated to the Jewish waqfin Jerusalem. Hirschberg. lines 7f (one ratl = 12 ounces).INTERNAL TRADE. suchas the aforementioned tradingof goodsin Hammat Giider. Byzantium . O n the 14th of September.

Geschicte. ytrkh in Hebrew). Judah in Jerusalem and asks him to send him ‘a bit of kuhl to remove the white film in his small daughter’s eye’. . 245. from which we understand that in Ramla the kuhl had been sold out. 247. of course). I. Hosha‘na) writes from Ramla to Solomonb. b. ad commercia’. such as perfumes and spices. lines 13-14. it1 T&ler et Molinier. line 36. Nathan mentions the‘dal-sal3 in a letter he wrote in Jerusalem on 14 March 1062. and so on. Samuel the Third (b. Similarly. The import trade was apparently directedto a large extent towards the pilgrims of all creeds who filled Jerusalem and wanted to buy such items as perfumes. certain products known for the quality of their workmanship were also exported. should beon the 23rd). lines 6-7. Nissim tried 18 The Jewish market in Jerusalem: 1. Expensive goods. We have seen above that Palestine also served as a way-station for tradingcertain goods. atleast during relatively peaceful times. Lively trading in imports also continued throughout the Islamic period in such wares as perfumes and medicaments. when countless peopleof various nations come to Jerusalem in order to trade. cf. suchas the hallluj (myrobalan) and others. about which we have not a little knowledge. it seems that there was also a thriving importtrade. a. a. line 12. jewellery and precious stones. a fact which some of the Ascalon merchants experienced inperson. Nathan: 482. 11. One should also add here the kuhl (antimony. The Christians were divided on this issue: some celebrated the day it was found (the 13th) and others celebrated it on the day it was displayed (the 14th). Tiberias. 253ff. . mother of Constantine. It was imported from the Maghrib. b. line 30. andon the morrow. line 23. Nehorai b. is after the Jerusalem fair. 113f(erroneously there: the market day ofjund Filastin was on the 13th of April. 92. lines 8-9.18 Imports [353] We haveseen that Palestine was self-sufficient with regard to food and that there was even some exporting of surplus food commodities.~ u l i l ~ that . 144: ‘diversarumgentiumundiquepropeinnumera multitudo . Israel b. The text is not very clear but it seems that he wants to say that trading in silk and oil is not successful after the (idu l . Israel b. Graf. Ramla: 213. see the episode of Ibrahim ibn Fadanj: 457. Arculf tells of a grand fair taking place in Jerusalemprecisely on the 15th of September. jewellery. would reach the country. 310. It seems that therewas considerable consistency in the list of imported items dating frompre-Islamic times. especially silks. clothes and various textiles.THE ECONOMY refers to it as being the day Helena. Arculf. Abraham the Fourth b. O n market days see: Ibn Misawayh.it was displayed before the people. discovered the cross (on which Jesus was crucified. .Biriini. O n the other hand. a variety of fabrics and weaves.

referred to in a letter from Ascalon. itis said of the eshkero‘a that it is baqnm. Goitein. evidently to his brother Abiathar. Mediterrartear~ Society. asks Abiathar ha-Kohen (on 15 April 1071) to bring him two manns (slightly more than l’/zkilos) of t i n k i r (Persian. particularly the kind produced in Alexandria. Sha‘ya’. l 9 [354] Various jewels are mentioned in the Geniza letters from Palestine. in the continuation. who even purchase its saw-dust. in the footnote. e. and also the footnote.Yatztrd. Parejajrrbilee Volrrme.. b. a. Hematoxylon Carnpechianrrnl L. Qafir. he recalls something else: ‘. 45. a r i$ qararlfirl. lines 1-2. Ducros. as there is an enormous demand for it among the Byzantines. nv ofthe yeshiva. ‘Uqqiir. 264: the genus of the Dalbergieae. Khiyar shnbar: 445. cassia. 219ff on imports to Palestine before the Muslim period.. Klrlt1 from the Maghrib: 426. brought from India and used for red colouring and also as a remedy for diarrhoea. The Jerusalemite ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. the matter of the shernen rnejittarn which was oil combined with perfume essences. writing in 1056 from Jerusalem to Fustat. 1045) to his partner Abu Sa‘id Makhliif b. Traders were also interested in purchasing strlt ‘anxartrt. 8. will remember to send a bit of haldaj.I. David b. Zadok ha-Kohen b.I M P O R T S [SECS.A shipment of dried clove bark . Ezekiel. a remedy for constipation imported from Egypt. Nathan from Egypt. line 12. for it cannot be found here’. it appears from the letter that it is not worth exporting from there. lines 15fi see Maimonides. and if you. lines 25c see on ku(z1: Goitein. brazilwood. whom we know as the owner of a shop. to Sukka. No. The baqarn is the dalbergia. lines 22. Inthe Mishna Commentary ascribed to Nathan. 19 See Couret: La Palestine. strlt ‘awzartit: 485.was requested from Palestine. sea-tar. 4. Isaac b. for his sickly eyes. line 17. lines 19-20. if the price is reasonable. ‘senna pods’ i. that is. which I have already referred to above. It was apparently the accepted practice to call it q a j al. see on baqarn: Zohary. 4. a box of khiyir shanbar. The letter from Ascalon: 487. 349 n. evidently awaited in Jerusalem. while retaining part of it in Fustat. In Ramla. 5 5 . and the supplier in Fustat warns the interested merchant that is it a very expensive item. Sughmar writes about this item (ca. known as k~rhl’). 387. Elijah. 194: Cassia-fistula (senna). Another import in the category of scents was the ‘trd. Azariah in Jerusalem. the aloe. with the person who was apparently the ‘representative of the merchants’in Fustat. is requested by Israel b. ibid. .e. borax)from Fustat. . 1. a. upper margin. I. from which a medicamentforhealing wounds and eye-infections was derived. is offered for sale. i. Another item mentioned in the Geniza documents is the baqarn. and references therein. Abraham ‘the fourth’:230. and p. 9 (’pckh. 353-3581 to market it in Jerusalem but was sorely disappointed to find the selling price so low. after selling part of their stock of aloe. the Jews’ tar. It appears that the writer is interested in importing some. our Gaon. Nehorai: 500. though found in abundance on the shores of theDead Sea. apart from being used in carpentry. which is sarcocolla. The term in the letter is 243 . and see ibid. asks him to make every possible effort to sort out with the‘representative known as b.qivfa qaranjhl .

wishes to invest money in carnelians and he asks Avon b. a. Suyiiti. 408. The use of carnelians: IbnBibawayh. 244. carnelians. Nissim andask him to buy carnelians for him in Fustat. the synagogue in Jerusalem. 250. one should buy five vatls of qivrniz shadiini. 2o 244 . I. cf. is limited butnevertheless he advises him to bring some to Jerusalem with him (from which we may assume that Nehorai intended to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem). Tinkiir: 455. on his behalf. The carnelians were usually set in rings. he enquires after the price of raw hides in Fustat and whether it is possible to ship them from Egypt to Persian: khiynr = cucumber. was among the products exported from Palestine.were apparently imported from the Maghrib.to write to Nehorai b. ‘ i d : 485. the meaning of rnivjan is little pearls. Ben Sha‘ya is apparently Joshuab.‘seed oil’. to be sent to Tyreas soon as possible. 168f:Avon b. to buy‘aqiq. a. b. indeed it was actually called zayt bixv . as we have seen. line 25. Shemeti me&r#iim (as in the Talmudic sources): 432. see Sefer [ m i d i m . lines 12-14. in the same meaning. in which he blames Labrat (of the Sughmir family) for the marred colour of the pearls he supplied. a. 134. on this family: Goitein. Ztkin. of mixing scents in oil. as one can surmise from another Israel of b. Pearls: 477. We also find evidence of trading in zinc (tiitiya). line 6. The pearls.qufi ul-Yuhtid: Khilidi. cf. a. where it was extracted from the seeds of radiciflorous plants. particularly from the Cruciferae. Solomon. 56. lines 3-5. Musi b. lighting oilwas imported from Egypt. and the Yemen excelled in them. line 7. Joshua b. line 9. According to al-JZhiz. Sha‘ya. mentioned in 577. In the year 1057. where he might come across some ‘ajam who would buy it . which is the crimson produced in Shadhuna in Spain. we have an order from Fustat for sixty lined boxes made of fine gold. In addition. Ducros 57c Zohary. lines 26-27. Boxes of gold: 514.Tubagur. Ibn Mammiti.Loew. Sha‘ya. lines 1Of. Qafir: see the Hebrew Index and especially 482. Jacob in Jerusalem in June 1053. III. In a letter written by Moses b. ‘Aqfq: ibid. b. who cites al-Kalbi.THE E C O N O M Y Israel b. He also orders seven vatls of fine coloured silk made in Constantinople (hariv qtrsfantini ma<biigh). Jihiz. a. Nathan indicates in his letter to Nehorai b. shanbnr = Zattbar. 11. In Fustat. lines 14f. and also Suyiiti. Sedaqa. Nissim that the demand for rnivjiin. while still av-bet-din. which was imported from Fustat. lines 7f. asks He for a quarter ofa rnithqd (a little more than a gram) of myrobalan (halllaj Kibili) to be used as a medicine. line 13.9f. 481.*O [355] Whereas olive oil (xayt tayyib). Zinc: 496. 329. Elijah ha-Kohen b. who lives in Jerusalem. lines 1-2. rush mats (samiiv) which should be bought in Alexandria and are intended for the maghiiva. round. little pearls.. b. 152: mefaff2m besimim. Mediterranean Society. we come across an order for Egyptian products. mentions it is frequently to be found in markets Adar in and Nisan (March and April). Ya‘qub in 1057 orders a jar of this oil from Fustat.Sedaqa: 498. T h u w i b .It is implied that he was returning them to Fustat and he asks that theybe sold there and in exchange.undoubtedlywiththe pilgrims in mind. the father o f Abii‘l-Fad1 Sahl b. Nathan’s letters.

The Karaite Mahbiib b. Lopez. also from Jerusalem. Sicily: 492. and what he does will be sent to Tyre. In Byzantium. Jacob: 460. Halfon of Tyre. Starr. apartfrom Persia. . Nathan: 472. ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. Avon b. 20(1945). which the Jerusalemites do not take to.I M P O R T S [SECS.21 [356] Flax and flax products were among the notable imports into Palestine. and also in the continuation. al-Andalusi’s letter. while staying in Jerusalem. silk production and trade were in Jewish See hands. 15-16(1951). Israel b. Barhiin Miisii b. 23C Avon: 503. Ascalon (that is. no one knows where those grasses are to be found except for a group of Jews. Tabassur.e. The extensive import of my collection. 477. Gil. lines 17ff. 21: Spanish crimson.Moses alSafaquSi. Speculum. it to The package was delayed en route and part of it went astray. cf. line 18. lines 7f. a. lines 14f.theletter ofSolomon b. by sea) and Ramla. in which figure details concerning packaging and the various chores involved in the shipping and releasing of goodsfromtheport.]ews. a. I. Ezekiel bought a bale of flax (rtrxrna kattin) in Tyre with the intention of bringing Ramla. AI. with the exception of purple. 417. lines 12-13. cf. No. some days prior to 21 Lighting oil: 514. MfisZ: 458. warns him not to send shipments of clothesbeto sold in Palestine. al-JZhiz. 353-3581 Palestine without incurring damage. His brother-in-law (or son-in-law) Hib b. or Abraham Isaac b. Serjeant. The latter came to Jerusalem via Tinnis. Isrii’il was also importing linen and this seems to have been the major commodity in ‘Eli ha-Kohen’s shop in Jerusalem. Nissim had wares which he had bought in Alexandria and shipped sea by in order to sell them in Liidhiqiyya. from Jerusalem. see also Maqqari. lines 17ff. for in Marheshwan he intended to travel from Jerusalem to Damascus. but when he altered his plans and debarked in Palestine. perhaps. Nathan also refers to the matter of importing textiles. Abraham b. 65C Moses b. 339: it is said that qirmiz is a grass in which there is a red worm. ing fora merchant in Ramla. Mahbiib: 292. al-Tiihirti. although in Ramla or Ascalon. 187: the qirmiz is a gift from heaven bestowed on Andalus and is found on oak trees. writingin ca. he notes that in Jerusalem there is a call for light fabrics in black and blue. a. and notes that on leaving Ascalon (i. regarding three loads of flax which Nehorai promised to send him. Abraham b. n. The goods would have to arrive during Tishri. 173. there may be some demand for it. and it is found in Andalus. b.]NES. Israel b. Mention is also made of imports of clothing and fabrics from Sicily. Sedaqa mentions woodenand copper objets d’arts imported from Tyre (undoubtedly after being shipped by sea) to Jerusalem. ‘Ali ha-KohenFiisi. Isaac: 504. 34(1975). Similarly. 1052 from Jerusalem to his partner Joseph b. a. MediterraneanSociety. orders 50 pieces of sfisr silk mtrthallath (triple-layered). Qinniz: Goitein. as well as most other colours. because country the is full of armed troops(ahdith) and no one dares to open a shop. who mentions qirmiz from Shadhiina. embroidered with letters (munammaq) and also clothsucceed not in selling there. a. Barhun b. Isaac al-Andalusi. suchas flax from Egypt is reflected in a number of letters in those of Nissim b. he managed to sell them in Ramla. cf. 35. 70. I. In one ofhis letters.

AIEO. 10(1952). Letters. line 6f. 35: in al-‘Aziz’ times. lines 7f (cu. 4. the name comes from Dabiqin Egypt. all the ships had already set off for Tinnis and other places in order to load flax.31f. hu-Ttrstariw~. who lives in Fustat.as well as that oftheir clerks and agentswho handled the goods in the ports ofPalestine and Syria. This took place in spite of the fact that during Fatimid times. where the matter of exporting flax to Sicily figures. lines 15f. 352f.THE E C O N O M Y writing the letter). line 14. Lu@’if. The demand for flax was particularly great in Ascalon. Isaac: 505. they made an imitation ofthe Egyptian dabiqiin Tustar. but rather from Tabaristiin. the production of the fabric known as tabarr (after Tabaristan) was started in Ramla. 327. 7. who was a partner in someflax transactions. and there was interest even in the scraps of the flax. that is. Mediterrurrean Society I. see Goitein. n. line 26. the country growing flax on the widest scale was Egypt. to see to itthat the flax he is about to ship to him has been combed. the great- 246 . see also Hili1 al-Siibi. they began to produce fabrics with signs on them (muthuqqal) in Egypt. Ibn al-Jawzi. Solomon b. a. 31. Abraham b. 445. We have seen above the matter of shipping threads to Tyre for finishing. a. Persia. and ibid. Mez. a textile industry had developed Egypt in as well. Manufactories and workshops in Palestine were engaged in all the stages of producing the various linen fabrics. more s. Nissimb. Maghribi and other merchants’ incomes. 79: a white labariclothingwas bought for400 dirhams. dressed in dubiqi that cost him 100 dinars. on ‘umili. whichwas a centre for the manufacture of superior quality linen fabrics. it cost him 200 dinars. Moses: 490. 432.2_27.cf.372. references. Lands. can This also be understood from documents of the yeshiva. Judah. that is. Solomon b. n. named for ‘Attib b. duhiqi. after the ‘Attiibiyun quarter in west Baghdad. part of theflax was seized in Tripoli of Libya (see:396). see also Canard. the ‘land of the mountains’. I. especially in the days al-‘Aziz of (975-996). is misleading for Tabari does not mean ‘from Tiberias’. Judah:156. weaving and dyeing. on siqlittin see: Gil. lines 7-8. 1065). see: Tha‘iilibi. he said. coloured turbans. but it seems that one of themajor requirements was that it should be properlycombed. Nishwir. 184. 288. but it turned out to be qtihi (from Qiihistin. west of the Great Desert. and evidentlya rather large portion ofits import into Palestine was in the form of raw material.Meir ha-Kohen b. Goitein. Tanukhi. in which he mentions the legacy of a certain Jacob. ornate (mrr‘allam) and gilded dubiqi cloth. on a cadi who appeared before the wazir ‘Ali ibn ‘Is5. The import offlax from Egypt was undoubtedly one of the major sources of the Jewish. see Le Strange. seealso the query addressed to Daniel b. Hiba: 455. a. n. ‘uttibi. a share in the revenue. Usayd. ‘Eli asks his brother Tobiah.Halfon: 489. Azariah (in January 1059).22 [357] As is known. near Tinnis. four loads that were to have been against ‘unrilii. Akhbir. See: Ibn Zifir. ibid. and also dealt in all kinds of shrinkings ( q q i r u ) : the editor’s note on p. such as a fragment of a letterfrom Solomonb. and it was dubiqi shlrsturi.0 than anywhere else in Palestine. 189. in spinning. Also. siqlittin and ‘uttibi weaves. 29: a robe of superior quality the same story. who states that the dabiqiwas linen embroidered with silk and golden thread. We have no detailed account describing the treatment of the raw flax imported from Egypt or of its varieties.23 23 33 ‘Eli ha-Kohen: 446.

as we surmise from his remarks. 1045). see: Qiri. JQR. I. Daniel b. would arrive mainly from the Orient. line 3. 24 Jaudhar. He also mentions Arjishi weaves (or clothing?) in his letter (Arjish was an Armenian city north ofLake Wan. 22. Miisi al-Tihirti. and stresses in his letter from Ascalon (ca. writing in around 1065. which imitate the 369. The expensive silks. on the beauty of Byzantine silk and are equal to thefabrics of Tustarand Isfahin and the t i r i z of Babylonian Naysibiir. lines 20. informed him that he received two bolts of silk andthathe had differences with the purchaser. at that time it evidently was a centre for the manufacture of all kinds of silks and elegant clothes and official robes(khal‘n) intended for the use of the rulers and their appointees. Sughmar also refers to the silk trade. he refers to thirty small vatls ( ~ u t a y l a s of ) unravelled silk from the Ghawta (havir rnanqzidghawti).k h i ~ ~ a from ) . Azariah dealt in silk before he became Gaon of Palestine and it is quite possible that he did not set this activity aside afterwards. a fabric which is a mixture ofsilk and cotton. and it cf. we have evidence from the tenth century of the existence of such a workshop in Tiberias. Mevorakh worked hard preparing ceremonial attire for the Nasi. a wordmeaning firstly embroidery. mentions ibvisam khuviisiini. Sahl al-Baradani complains in a letter that it is two months since the last arrival of caravans from Aleppo and hence the price of Persian fabric has risen to three or more dinars the parcel. N S 45(1954/5). a. in caravans from regions of Persia. a letter from a Karaite who was compelled to adhere to the weavingcraft(hementionsthattheartisanswere all Jews). via Aleppo (they would travel in caravans in cultivated and well-inhabited regions . on themanufacture of silk in Damascus. andthat. Isma‘il b. n. 1090) that he had requested superior qualitysilk threads (ghazl vu$’) but did not get them andtherefore could not order t t u w 6 rnulharn. We have already encountered Barhun b. 104. 56a: [ i r i z i y i ? de-malki. 11. kknzz and thedibij. whoquotesfromthe Talmud. Mediterratwan Society. ~ ~ grandson of Umayya. Azariah in Jerusalem (ca.there they made a linen mixed with silk. who appears to be staying in Jerusalemas well. 353-3581 [358] Another important branch in the area of imports was the silk trade. 21f. such as the ktzuriisiini. It is mentioned repeatedly in letters in my collection.for greater security. see also on [ i r i z : Gil. as to Damascus. and which he intends to send to Egypt. Daniel. meaning the Ghawta in the Damascus region. His brother Joseph. ‘the royal embroiderers’. an inscription . was so called because of the embroidery along the edges of the fabric. combed linen: 612. 32. 23. he must make do withthaw6 rnuqavvan.not only in desert areas . on the verge of importing fifty pieces of siisl silk.I M P O R T S [ S E C S . Goitein. naturally). thiswas undoubtedly the type of workshop called tiriz. silk from Khurasan brought from the Maghrib to Tyre. that is. that is. cf.34f. Isaac b. ‘of the elite’ or ‘the aristocrats’(tiriz a l . Ber. Daniel b. see Goitein. ha-T~rrtnrim. 45.Nathan ha-Kohen b. Idrisi (Cerulli). David b. also called Lake A r j i ~ h ) . Joseph b.they seem to be speaking of silk fromtheMaghrib. In one letter. David b. evidence of theexistence of state workshops based on theenforced stationing of artisanweavers in Damascus can be seen in 291. Canard. Isaac al-Andalusi. which remained there with the cadi. 202. fabric whosewarp is of silk. whenwriting from Fustat to his partner Makhliifb. Azariah:354.

and who is mentioned in a letter of ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. i. 183. lines 5f. AI. Lafi’iJ. his father hailed from Aleppo) . is mentioned. the merchants’ representative in Tiberias. Yiinus. We find in Nissim b. 418. lines 22-23. we come across a special typeof official. In a letter from Hillel he-haver b. 104. Joseph al-Hulaybi (or SOvi. Serjeant. see: Ripertoire chronologique. as well as Arjishi and others he intends to buy. 1010). is the merchants’ representative in Ramla at the time (ca.489. Saghir to send an instruction of release. Thaw6 mulham.THE E C O N O M Y The representative of the merchants . cf. Suppliment. cf. No. in his letter from Tyre. ibid. apparently he is speaking hereof themerchants’ representative in Ramla. Mediterranean Society. David: 485. Ezekiel. lines 5 . which is SOvi. Goitein. n. havefewfacts on the nature of the office but it is evidentthatthe merchants’ representative was appointed by the Muslim authorities and that in every important urban centre. Aaron. e. 19. Hulayb is the diminutive . Goitein. Saadia b. lines 19f. He also mentions ‘that it was decidedto send a representative (wakil)to Palestine’. The writeris in Tyre on commercial business and heis dealing with the release of goods from the port as well as purchasing others. and margin.. 11.on thecaravans. 530. Yeshii‘a ha-hazan. 1542 (pp. better known by thenickname Ibn al-Sufi. b. Nathan ha-Kohen: 585. 27. In my collection. see: Dozy. we read of thedeath of Abii ‘Ali Husayn b. 71. see also 494. Sahl al-Baradani. cf. Nissim b. Moses b. Athens. Lands.or perhaps also a term of ridicule . lines 6f. Halfon (Khalaf) b. Sums of money have been deposited with him and a money order (diy6qnZ) has to be sent from Fustat in order to receive them. Tyre and quite frequently. His successor in Ramla is Abii’l-Barakit Khalaf b. Mediterranean Society. in the beginning. 227. 1730. 7 . there was an official of this kind. a. Cf. so the writer is asking Nehorai b.of Halab. 60. In a letter from Joseph b. who was also called Ibn Abi marking its foundation. lines 2-3: the price of ten ruth of raf. IV.t u j i ~ )We . see: Le Strange. Joseph b. on a shipment ofqatirsh that reached Tyre. Moses.’ silk was seventeen dinars. Siba‘. b. Nissim and AbiiNaSr Solomon b. dealing with some obscure affair related to the appointment of a waki-l and perhaps also speaking of the merchants’ representative.I. 9(1942). We have already met with the merchants’ representative in Tyre. See editor’s note 4 in Tha‘Zlibi. n. Sahl: 491. Arjish. which is now in the Benaki Museum. Goitein. ‘the merchants’ representative’ (waki-l a l . [359] In letters dealing with imports and exports. Tiberias. Halfon’s letters from Tyre some revealing hintsas to the characteristics of this office. Aleppo. Halfon also mentions Persian cloth. freeing the money only on instructions from the merchants themselves. I. Isaac b. we encounter them in Ramla. lines 11fi they called fine silk r a y and it seems that the threads cost more than a dinar-and-a-half per ratl: see TS 8. Saadia haLevi b. a. It seems that the merchants’ representative is holding the income from the sales.60. 276. . Khur4sZnisilk: 510. these were crudesilk threads (in Italian: catarzo). who is evidently Abii ‘Ali al-waki-l. the representative mentioned in a court record from the time of Josiah Gaon. in Fustat.

Daniel Tyre served as a mercantile centre and b. 249 . it appears that the cadi of Tyre. claiming that wakil al-tujjir was not the merchants’ representative. BaronJubilee Volume. line 5. Sahl: 491. cf. and others: it is possible that this Mevorakh (Muhassin) was the son of Abii ‘Ali Husayn b. Halfon: 489. . in line 5. In one letter. 12(1969). The merchants’ representative in Fustat. The cadi’s house in a meeting-place for shippers. and in his presence. . In another document. and him as one of the leaders of the community 319. Goitein. b. Sham‘Zn: ‘Ibn ukht (son of the sister of) Sham‘an’. lines 6-7. but in Fustat. against me. who together with his offspring came to be the independent ruler of the town from 1063 until 1089. Joseph b.5~ (in the hand of Yefet b. line 8. Halfon b. Shemaria (= b. Furat. the ship of the cadi ibn Abi ‘Aqil is mentioned as having arrived in Tyre after sailing from Alexandria.but it is not 25 Nissim b. ‘Eli ha-Kohen: 453. 360-3621 Qida. . al-Ghazzi). lines 1Of. supervising imports on their behalf. was also in touch with him. 507. . b. line 6. From the Geniza documents.JESHO. line 12. details concerning his family. Abii’l-Barakat Khalaf: 329. you are well aware . he writes ‘. or head of their guild. Husayn: see the HebrewIndex. One can assume that one of this official’s duties would have been to collect the taxes due on imports (the‘ u s ~ Y ) and . is hementioned together with Ephraim b. Moses: see the HebrewIndex. this was apparently the reason why the rulers were involved in their app~intment. lines 4-5. 5lSC in TS NS 264. 445. Sibi‘: 30. He maintained close business contacts with the Jewish Maghribimerchants who engaged in exporting and importing from Palestine. Husayn. 217. margin. see in 62. Isaac b. informing him that there is talk in the city that ibn Abi ‘Aqil’s ships have already sailed from Egyptthis may be hinting at the delay in their departure owing to differences with the Egyptian authorities. we find the cadi making a claim against one of the merchants for the sum offive dinars. of the merchants: Goitein. Nathan al-Andalusi. who was in close contact with the Palestinians.~~ Seafaring [360] A very large part of Palestine’s external trade was carriedout via the sea.See the exhaustive discussion on the office of representative Mediterranean Society.S E A F A R I N G [ S E C S . . Sal4ma vu’s al-kull (= Solomon r6d1 kalli). 186-192. but therepresentative of the authorities. Mevorakh b. Nathan writes to Nehorai from Jerusalem. Tiberias: 255. lines 9-11. Israel b. was a ship-owner whose ships sailed the Mediterranean. . Shekhania). Yiinus. that the one who turned the honourable cadi Abii Muhammad . of what I explained in my letter from Tyre .’ Jewish partners would come to the Tyre cadi to validate their business agreements. 111. known bya nickname relatingto his mother’s brother. who was among the leaders of the ‘Palestinian’ community in Fustat. the Jerusalem Gaon. I. . . was Abii N a p Mevorakh (Muhassin) b. Cahen.and inone of his letters to his close friend Abraham ha-Kohen b. . and one can therefore assume that he held an office similar to that of his father. said things I have no knowledge of. cf. Azariah. David b. . and the majorport forthis purpose was evidently Tyre.

Azariah: 357. lines 17. he asks Ephraim to send him the tractate Sukka from the Palestinian Talmud. ‘Ali al-Fisi. Confirmation of partnership by the Tyre cadi: 276. The merchants would sometimes store theirmerchandiseatthe cadi. and we learn from this that his grandfather was a captain or ship-owner. lines 4-5. Nisir Khusraw. Isaac speaks of. Shemaria. Nathan: 471. Eliash. 46-47 (translation). there were Jewish ship-owners there. notes that the cadi of Tyre. The claim for tnoney: 518. apparently from Qayrawin. Nehorai b. 321. lines 7f. was a rich man of good character.apparentlytoawaitit. who visited Tyre under the Crusaders. perfumes and spices). see: TS NSJ 463. This Ezra was oneof the Karaites whose signatures are found on 302. a. 2(1957/8). Israel b. or until he wouldmanage to sell the goods and acquire cash. Farah writes from Alexandria to Nehorai b. port Both Jews and Muslimshelped this merchant and stood as his guarantors for fifteen days. also on thecadi Ibn Abi ‘Aqil: Ashtor. lines 16 Ismi‘il b. the cadi’s ship: 506. to Ibn Abi ‘Aqil) regarding a shipment oftheir goods in Tyre. Sha‘yl in Fustat to write to the cadi (that is. cf. line 14. perhaps wrote to him) a hadith praising Abii Bakr and ‘Umar. CCM. He also points out that hewas a Sunni.THE ECONOMY clear whether this is for the transport of goods or for taxes.666. From the ‘ 6 Daniel b. they met and the cadi communicated to him (akhbaratli. 216. the cadi al-Yiziiri (see on him below). still admires its port.’s house. In addition.N i k h i d a . see a. did not locate the letter or its circumstances correctly and there is no foundation for his assumption that Hesed (Abii Nasr) the Tustariis being referred to. line 12: ‘the judge who resides inthe city of Tyre’. i. Ta’rikh. a. the righteous veterans of Paradise.20f. Ibrahim a l .’6 [361] We get someidea of realities in the port of Tyre from Nissim b. Sefirnot. lines 9f. Prawer.until a statementarrivedfrom Abii Nasr(evidentlyMevorakh [Muhassin] b. XIV. The cadi was a contemporary ofal-Khatib al-Baghdidi. the writer is a man who hasbusiness relations with Ephraim (medicaments. Nehorai confirms thereceipt of theletter which contains the same information as above: the cadi’s ship is returning to Tyre and the aforementioned Joseph is on his way there. a. Cf. see TS 13J 16. 18(1975). Nissim expressing his delight that the cadi ‘Ayn al-Dawla’s ship arrived in Tyre safely.e. Nasir Khusraw. who stays in Tyre but who had previously written. the cadi Ibn Abi ‘Aqil is mentioned. in that same letter.Ya‘qub. who visited Tyre somefifteen years before the aforementioned Maghribi merchants’ letters were written. lines 21f. They quarrelled about the packing charges as well as bundles of flax which were missing in the shipment. and it is interesting that according to him. b. Miisib. for there seems to have been an epidemic of thefts in the port. a letter to Fustat to Ephraimb. Ibn ukht Sham‘iin.Joseph b. asks Abii’l-‘All Joseph b. the merchants’ representative in Fustat) that the goods should be released. such as the ibvlsarn (silk) which Isma‘il b. f. apart from Ezra b. He describes in a letter the troubles caused him bya certain Ibnal-wisiti. ha-$alvinirn. with whom he apparently brought goods to Tyre. Husayn. 10. Benjamin of Tudela (Adler). 19. Nissim writes from Fustat to Joseph ha-Kohen b. Also in TS 12. see: 508. the only one of its kind in the world. Nissim’s agent. a. b. to him from Ramla. 125.14 (text). b.Da’iidb. Halfon. lines 106 the mention of Tyre in this passage indicates that the cadi of Tyreis being referred to and not the Fatimid wazir. whose nickname was also Abii Muhammad.writingfrom Damascus on 31 January 1055. Nehorai b. thecaptain or owner ofthe ship. 19. he complains bitterly of the government clerks and customs (klzaviij) officials. Ibn Abi ‘Aqil. another proof of his being a Sunni. In the documents of my corpus there is no mention ofJewishship-owners. . see al-Khatib. Isaac: 510. Isma‘il b.

Everythingwassoakedandthecargodestroyed. though he takes it all in good part (and with theodicy). the stateof th. Joseph. a.Jacob b.He gave a letter to the head of theyeshiva from Nehorai b. Isaac al-Andalusi writing from Tyre. a. Jacob b. a. lines 12c cf. line 13. lines 1Of. Nehorai: 509. mentioning that in comparison with 'most people's mishaps at sea. Halfon: 489. Miisi al-Tihirti also contains instructions on the loading ofa shipment of wool. there was the danger of Byzantine warships. Jacob b. not directly on thedeck of the ship. 'trshirl. Ismi'il b. 360-3621 letter of a contemporary. Sedaqa written on the 11 November 1064.'*' [362] Muqaddasi connects the subject of seafaring with the story of 27 Nissim b. welearn that bribery in the port was an accepted practice. generally. turned into a sort of ma'diyya (rowboat). A letter written by Barhun b. lines 21f. and it should be covered with cloth. I. Joseph b. Apart fromall this. Nissim wherein he writes 'on the business. Nissim's account of ships seized by the Byzantines. Ismi'il. arranging in stacks. a. Goitein. a. He becalms his correspondent by telling him that he did not have goods aboard one of the ships. a.In this letter. described in Nehorai b. Ismi'il. . lines 3f. Some of the goods on board had to be thrown into the sea. wealso find an itemised list of his expenses while unloading theflax from the ship: the charge for releasing the goods (ta3@h). This is not surprising considering that this journey tookplace on theeve of winter (Jacob writes from Ramla on the 8th of Tevet after this sea-going adventure). Salman: 507. in order that the air can also flow beneath it. 495. Jacob b. Isaac: 510.porters. it should be placed on stones.S E A F A R I N G [ S E C S .e ships and the people arriving on them. lines 15f. a. the ship lost its sails and its helm. repair (?) and customs and an advance (apparently to one of the partners to enable hi purchase other goods in the interim). speaks of his misadventures during the voyage and the losses it occasioned. 332.who was aboard a ship when a storm swept across the Mediterranean. in line 5 and see the note there. lines 20f . 494. Isma'il alIfribulusi also mentions thathe did not manage to get packing sheets for the shipment of sumach he was asked to send from Ascalon and this is what prevented him from purchasing a large amount. Evidence of thehazards of shipping by sea we find ina letter ofJacobb. line 9. Mus% 458. of course the bribe was then deducted from the profits by the agents or the partner. that is. . in his letter from Fustat to Jerusalem. Mediterrmenn Society. Jacob b. a. He also states that he is about to go ona pilgrimage to Jerusalem. my own was slight'. Salman al-Hariri mentioned earlier. lines 3-18. 487. and the news from Sicily and the burning of ships and the impoverishment of our people . Avon: 500. we came across a passage which seemingly hints at the destruction of the entire trade. In a letter of Avonb. Ismi'il b. and the 'ushart (Nile boat) on which they were sailing. Barhiin b.

the financing of busines and the use of money. Only when Egypt became a semi-independentbody. The wooden platform gradually sunk to the sea floor as the weight of the structure increased. there were considerable problems in trying to find craftsmen who knew how build to a port. beams The were then fastened to each other above the water's surface and an opening was left o the western side. the difference between the port of Tyre and that of Acre was marked. Buldin.and awaiting information of the same order from Fustat. The opening was closed by a bridge. 49f (translation).etc. and during the night.Sometimesit is difficult to discern whether it is a partner or an agent from Palestine who is writing to Nehorai b. O n the beams. as in Tyre. a strong structure made of courses of plastered stones was set up. 49f. He set up a quayof sycamore beams across the entire width of the fortress on land. and not to set aside cash reserves. until the expertise of Abii Bakr al-Banni' ('the builder') became known. whichis work carried out in the water. as it were.see a French translation of the passage: N5sir Khusraw. The trend was to constantly invest money in goods. to make money work. Nissim or another of the Fustat merchants. and in almost every document we find people engaged in business jointly. This structure was then attached to the walls and to the ancient quay that was still standing. Much trading was done in partnership. port the was completely neglected and ships would not come there because of lack the of security. either with partners or through agents. When Ibn Tiiliin decided to recreate the latter. According to him the port was not is fortified at all until Ibn Tiiliin's times (end of the ninth century). This actually evidence that during the Abbasid period.transportandprices. connected by columns at every five layers. 162f. The only explanation for this is the simple desire for 28 Muqaddasi. 111. Palestine. copied this story and noted that in his time (the thirteenth century) the inscription still there.28 Commercial methods [363] Merchants' letters in my collection contain information on the ways in which trade was conducted in Palestine. 707f. .goods. Abii Bakr is none other than Maqaddasi's grandfather. In Muqaddasi's words. was with Abii Bakr al-Bann5"s name. the enemy (the Byzantines) could not raid the ships any longer. did the development of shipping begin to take shape. He was approached through the good offices of the governor ofJerusalem (where this expert lived) appointed by Ibn Tiiliin. From then onwards.and extended its authority over Palestine. See the descriptionof the port ofAcre in N5sir Khusraw (March 1046). 328f. A q i l i m . 15 (text). YPqiit. . giving an account of his actions .THE ECONOMY the building of the port of Acre. ships would enter the port and the opening would be closed by a chain.on business. and an English one:Le Strange.

buy whatever God inspires you to buy. We have ample evidence of this in the sources. Azariah: 346. Joseph lived in Aleppo). 363-3661 profit . cf. Azariah also puts his money to work: a certain Abii'l-'Ala al-Mubarak b. or perhaps Daniel b. lines 4f. Shemaria. at that time. Nissim in this manner: 'lest a single dirham (of the deposit) of the partnership remain with you. Mus5 al-Tahirti on the reverse sides of two letters sent from Jerusalem to Fustat. evidently an advance. 22 ntrqru dirhams were worth a dinar. among them Abii Sa'd (apparently Abraham alTustari) and more Barhiin's of property is mentioned. in the exact rate of nuqva the (a dirham with a large silver content) in Fustat. for the behaviour of this partner (we do not know his name) is contrary to the regulations of the Fustat community (which are not known tous). as well as 500 dinars held by Ibn Hayyim (evidently Sahlawayh.bothfromthe security angle and also out of fear of the authorities.Isma'il: 495. Daniel b. a relative of the Tustaris) since the days of al-Hiikim (some thirty years earlier). MediterraneanSociety. Goitein. Asad. and send it by the first ship . These lists were 29 Jacobb.' We have also seen above that the priestly family who headed the Palestine yeshiva wanted to activate the yeshiva'smoney by investing in carnelians ('uqiq). who would confiscate hoards of gold (dinars) whenever possible. Isma'il of Tyre writes to Nehorai b. Elijah demands that he be excommunicated in Fus and that Jerusalem should be informed of this.C O M M E R C I A L M E T H O D S [ S E C S . The addressee (whose name has not been preserved) is requested to pay the aforementioned Abii'l-'Alii 50 dinars against a suJuju. In the period which has provided most of our documentation. Isaac will carryout a transaction on his behalf for the sum of 200 dinars. Elijah ha-Kohen b. Later on. lines 15f. he also engages in trade has and a partner in Fustat. Azariah's share in the deal.SolomonGaonshows an interestin his letter to Ephraim b. these were the Tustari brothers. . ncrqru:a dirham of2/3 silver '/3and copper. Jacob b. Solomon: 413. . Another aspect of these deposits can be seen in the handwritten lists of Barhtin b.29 [364] Keeping money. who wronged him in some manner. see 176. . Jacob he-haver (Jacob he-haver b. Gil. to Isaac b.presented a seriousproblem. so that they should have a pretext to put a ban on himthere as well. The greatest security was achieved by depositing money with Jews close to the throne. Elijahha-Kohenb. in which enormous sums deposited with various people. Danielb. when there was little opportunity of an immediatebusinessinvestment. margin. b. when he was already 'Fourth at the yeshiva'. I have already mentioned the deposit held for a man of Tiberias.not the fear of a decrease in the value of the money. a process which was almost unknown throughout the entire periodunderdiscussion. cf. I. Joseph b. 200. Maqrizi explicitly writes that the Tustaris had a good reputation for properly returning deposits secretly left with them by the merchants. by Hesed al-Tustari.

This Miisi b. Saghir. In the Tyre ofthat time. . Samuel al-Andalusi. was also engaged in transferring money from Fustat. as well as the sick people of Tiberias. Nathan did not reach this Abii Mansiir b. b. that is. Joseph b. Da'tid b. Shu'ayb. Saadia b. Nathan asks Nehorai b. Nissim to obtain a letter to this Abii Mansiir. Ya'qiib payed in two sujujus in Tyre. who was prepared to lend him two or three dinars 'on account' but afterwards changed his mind because he was doubtful as to the outcome. for the paper he was buying there. n. writing from Tyre his to partner Joseph b. so that when he arrives in Tyre.THE ECONOMY apparently drawn up after the killing of the Tustari brothers. writing from Jerusalem to Josephb. known as Ibn Shu'ayb. until he was helpedout by Abii Sa'id (we do not in fact know to whom he was referringas there were a number of merchants who bore this nickname). 458. Solomon (Sulaymin). 25 dinars and 2 qirits on his own initiative. in the mideleventh century AD. Sahl al-Baradini complains inhis letter to Nehorai that the sujuju for Israel b. Judah mentions money orders (he always calls them diyoqni?)in twelveof his letters. Miis5 al-Tahirti's letter. Payment through money orders was very common amongst the merchants whose letters are included in my collection. However.can also be seen in the request of Miisi b. Israel b. that the latter write his letters in Hebrew script. The money orders are drawn on someone in Fustat. 407. lines 2-4. alongside the relatively Documents. rather than in Arabic. Shemaria. However. and we find that he was also active in Damascus. suchas passing on sums from the Jerusalemites in Fustat to Jerusalem through Ephraim b. Abii Nasr Solomon b. he can collect two dinars from him with which to buy paper and to cover other expenses. Joseph b. was also generally sent in money orders. who seemed to have had his own standards. Ya'qiib. Money for the Palestine yeshiva and for the poor of Jerusalem. Ya'qiib. and in one he speaks of five or six orders from various individuals he is dealing with simultaneously. The matter of the partner: Barhun b. who dealt in paper inTyre and Damascus. the rather large sum of 250 dinars on account.Solomon b. Jacob b. one of those engaged in the sphere of finance and banking was Abii Mansiir David (Da'iid) b. Shu'ayb. Thetendency to be secretive about commercial affairs and particularly to conceal the movement of cash from theeyes of the authorities. with the help of the financiers. also hints at the fact that it was difficult to get money from the aforementioned Abii Mansiir b. An important financier in Fustat.as we learn from a subsequent letter from Israel. 10 and further references there. perhaps his partner. Nahum al-Baradani in Fustat. Sha'yi. However the letter was not sent. he proposed to Miisi b. who writes thatas a result he was in dire straits in Tyre. David in Fustat. evidently.

Jacob: 517.C O M M E R C I A L M E T H O D S [SECS. 11. Solomon b. Yeshii‘i al-Tarabulusi’s letter to Nehorai about a deposit of coins which the latter had.Samuel: 493. MiisZ b. the term diy6qrlF is only to be found in Solomon b. Judah ha-hazan ‘the Westerner’ (of Sicily) who received various goods purchased with the money provided by Hasan ha-Kohen b. Khitut. 40 to the dinar). assumed that therequest to writein Hebrew script was intended to prevent lack of clarity stemming from the very cursive nature of the Arabic script and the absence of the diacritical signs. 279. This form ofone-time partnership was also commonly termed bi-qismi Allihi wu-vizqihi. especially additional sources fromthe Geniza relating tomoneydepositedwiththe Tustaris. This system evidently differs from the ‘ul-nilu. 94. At times. Gil. Semahof Ramla (Abii Bishr Solomon . lines 8-9. but merely on the basis of mutual trust. Israel b. see also in the Hebrew Index: diyoqnz. Ya‘qiib: 515. a. a. and pouches (SUYYU) of dinars and dirhams were transferred.. a. Miisi b. Abraham al-Tustari was killed on 25 October1047 and his brother. the son-in-law of Yahyi al-‘Ammini (from ‘Amman). in TS NS J 463. reaching the holder (from Egypt) in such ~uvvus. Nathan: 474. Joseph b. line 12. s u j u j a .The Maghribi Salima ha-Kohen b. he met himon the roadfrom Jerusalem to Ramla. in the summer of 1049 or 1050 (see Gil. and see therefurther references. in coinageof gold and silver. Judah: see particularly 76. hu-Tctstariirl. as we learn from Joseph b. b. that is the capital invested plus two-thirds of the profits. b. Ephraim b. which is based on the seller receiving a fixed percentage of the profits. on his way to Ascalon. Abraham b. 13. 60. aletter from Damascusfrom this Miisi. Joseph describes how he formed such a partnership with the Maghribi Abii Sa‘id Khalfa. b. ‘for whatever price God apportions as livelihood’. ibid. 363-3661 common use of money orders. The 30 Maqrizi. Letters.250 dinars: 514. Goitein. Saghir (= ‘the son of the little one’): Goitein. Jacob b.cf. and gave him five dinars to do with ‘as God helps’ until tke end of the year. Meir al-Andalusi took them from him (apparently to trade with them on the same basis) ‘and neither the funds nor the profit was returned to him’. n. 428. Semah al-‘Attir a perfume dealer) retained 24 dinars belonging to his nephew ‘who gave them to him to buy with’ (goods). See on the family of b. 111. lines 9-12. 476. 11. which then occurred in April. Sahl: 492. lines 4f. Shemaria: 326. in which the receiver of the money (rnunfa‘u) with undertakes to buycertain merchandise and share the profits the investor. Mediterruneun Socifty. such an arrangement would be made without anything put in writing. Judah’s letters and thoseof his contempor- . meaning the Muslim year.Miis2 al-Tihirti’s lists. such as in the case of the deal contracted by Moses b. and also dinar~. containing wuvuq (cheap dirhams. a. 410. while one third would go to Moses. seethese lists in 463. lines 8-10.~O [365] We also encounter in our documentsinstances of one timepartnerships based on financial investment. also more details on Barhiin b.Sulayman b. 34-37.he again writesaboutthemoneyhe received fromthe aforementioned Abii ManSur and which has to be returned in Fustat to a certain Abii’lFadl. ibid. Solomon b. on condition theythat share the profits. b. n. and 464. a great deal of cash was also in circulation as well as large amounts in precious metals. Salmin al-Dall51 (= the broker) on condition that Hasan would receive the usual vu’s mil..

that is. with someone‘livinginZoar’. Abii’l-Rida: 527. I. who. and Abii’l-Rid5 was at a loss. it may be understood that Abraham b. see the above-mentioned Moses b. line7. From the part of the documentwhich has been preserved. and one of his debtors is a man whohas left Jerusalem for Zoar. With some difficulty. bought merchandise there andtook it to Jerusalem . he managed to extract five dinars from a certain Thabit. Semah.Joseph b. in which he is appointed trustee of the legacy of the aforementioned Joshua b. Judah. lines 17f. Mediterranean Society. Khalfa actuallywent to Ascdcn. lines 1lf. Abraham’s son. who had collected them for Isaac.~~ [366] In those times. The writer tries to get a money order (sujuju) on the five dinars from a certain al-Arrajani. Samuel ‘the Spaniard’ appears in court. Here the matteris the transport of goods from Jerusalem to Tiberias and the intentionis that the partner would sell the goods on the way from Bet Shean or Nabulus. Goitein. Salama ha-Kohen: note to line 24. on qism wa-rizq.395. al-Zahiri’. It appears that Nehorai b. See the same expression also 508. 183ff. informing Salama that the profit for thetwo monthswhich had passed was one dinarbut that he did not have the money. asks Shemaiah he-haver b. Meir. BM O r 5561 . Judah to Abraham ha-Kohen b. in later letters. referring to the 525. 33. and was bought by Abraham b. Yeshii‘a: 496. people worked hard at collecting debts due to them. 516. leaving him stranded and forced to sell it in Tiberias imp~verished. of blessed memory. f. as God metes out. of full weight).from there he went on to Ramla. in May 1054. and Salama writing. Aaron.see ULC O r 1080.Anotherproblematicpartnership is also reflected in Abii’l-Rid5 ha-Kohen’s letter to his partner (whom he calls ‘brother’). wheretheexpression bi’l-qism is.e. is mentioned there.Yeshii‘a.He promised to pay him when he returned to Ramla on the day after Passover but still had not paid. a. Semah was one of the retainers of Josiah Gaon and thereafter of Solomon b. Nathan. A Jerusalemite whose identity is uncertain deals with collecting sums due to Isaac b. was in the habit of taking over the properties of ‘deceased The aliens’. Judah. f. The matter of Solomon b. Solomon b. Semah: 159. his property would be secure from being ‘seized by the ruler who governs Egypt’. Nathan Av. and afterwards bought by Berakhot haKohen b. a colophon on the title page of Bereshit rabb3 shows that it belonged to Solomon b.this is a letterfrom Solomonb. the income and provides profit or wa’l-rizq can be found. who lives in Jerusalem. but only twothese of were good(i.Judah: 394. at ‘the head’. but in vain. Meir was involved in commerce on a large scale and wishedto ensure that after his death. Among others. Jacob he-haver in Fustat. margin. Haggai in Fustat. document also contained details on thedeceased’s business matters in Palestine. generally written in Arabic. Nissim 31 aries who were writing in Hebrew. lines 13f. thatis. head of the yeshiva. it implied. Nathanb.. and see ‘umda in 396. he was an occasional scribe and some documents my in corpus are in his handwriting. Box 15. a. to collectthe debt. Samuel. in b. . on thedates.THE ECONOMY agreement was made officially. that ‘arnda and on livelihood. but he did not manage to do so. known as b. showing a deed of attorney written in Granada. Thissame Isaac (who for some reason had suffered severe losses) is owed other moneys in Jerusalem. 1 is a fragment of a court document pertaining to thelegacy of that Abraham b. R. of blessed memory. Cf.Mosesb. ‘may he have a good end. they alway use n?f2aja.

see 508.M E A S U R E S A N D C O I N S [ S E C S . which is a quarter ofa mu& (ca. 'Ali al-Fisi.32 Measures and coins [367] Palestine had its own traditions as far as weights and measures were concerned and Muqaddasi found it fitting to devote an entire section to this subject. I.5 hubbas (the qTriit.from which we deduce that thekaylaja was ca.1 grams). Ismi'il b. Nissim in Fustat and encloses his in letter. the wayba some 38 litres and the q a j k some 152 litres. and the qabb. He hopes that there will be no need for this however. Isaac: 510. which was two-thirdsof a q a j k . which meant a third of a dinar. As to weights. due to him fromAbii'l-Fad1 Sahl b. we know that the common weight of the dirham was approximately 3. we comeacross thezuayba and the kaylaja but not the $2' or the makkiik. line 4. 197-200. the wayba equalled two makktrks. was 60 grains of barley (habba.cf. the rnakktrk was the equivalent of three kaylajas and the kaylaja equalled one and one-half$2'. We have already learned something of the coinage of the Umayyads and the renewed minting of coins in Palestine in their times. The Jews of Palestine during this period still used the termtrirnis in their marriage deeds. b. 464. Muqaddasi states that the Jerusalemites used the mudi. 6. Greek keration. lines 22. If the matteris to come to court. apart from the ratl and the wiqiyya (equivalent to an ounce). is the carob seed).2 grams and was divided into 24 qirzts. which are well known. who is travelling in Palestine. . when the mint in 32 Debts in Jerusalem: 463 (and see there in a. Issac al-Andalusi writes from Tyre to Nehorai b. 25 litres. the usual weight of the coin so named. Salama for a shipment of silk. a power-of-attorneyformulated as adeedof trusteeship. that is. We know that the$2' contained ca. and that matters will be settled without having to resort to law.2 litres. there seems to have been a complete haltto thelocal minting of money and this was started again only in the days of the Tiiliinids. the trimision or tremissis which Theodosius I introduced in 383. Mediterranean Society. According to him. During the rule of the Abbasids. he asks Nehorai to act as witness to the fact that it is indeed in his handwriting and that the power-of-attorney is valid. neitherof these areto be found in the Geniza documents). themakktrk some 19 litres. among otherbusinessmatters. and qirit was generally considered the equivalent of 3. the Zoar matter). to collect the sum of 350 xiixim (undoubtedly dirhams). 367-3691 also owes him money. b.3 litres. which was the equivalent of four waybas. The dinar weighed some 4. In the Geniza documents in my collection. lines 16-21. some hundredlitres. A sixth of a dirham was called d~iniq (a Persian word) and was worth ten habbas. he mentions that the dirham. on the matter of payments and debts: Goitein. the people of Ramla used the qa&. Nehorai himself is very busycollecting debts owed to Joseph ha-Kohen b. In about 1065 Isma'il b. 4.

the mint in Acre was also working and coins from the years A H 462 (AD 1069/70). see the Hebrew . A q d i t v l . A H 298 (AD 910/1). the qir2t and the habba are mentioned in the Geniza documents. coins called after al-Amir were produced. Hariin. It is interesting to notethat in the same year. See Hinz. and the Egyptian officials would refuse to use them because they contained so much base metal. see the Hebrew Index: wayba.‘the worn-off’. The Ikhshidids continuedto mint coins inRamla. 383. but unliketheinferiorquality ofthe Palestinian coins produced under the Tiiliinids. A H 310 (AD 922/3). the mint in Ascalon was activated and there. qafrz. The mint in Ramla continued working during Fatimid times as well. 181f. and during the rule of al-Ziihir. 1-4.THE ECONOMY was reactivated and coins began to appear with the inscription bi-jlastfrz. the Hamdanids (Nisir al-Dawla and Sayf al-Dawla) still managed during their wavering reign to produce silver coins in Palestine. in A H 435 (AD 1043). 483 (1090). The first of these were produced in the days of Khumarawayh hisand son. 986/7 and 993. as we see from coins dating from the year AH 395 (AD 1004/5). 373. 476 (1083/4). and these were gold dinars with the unusual weight of 3. 484 (1091/2). of al-Hakim. but its quality was improved from AH 331 (AD 942/3). from the years A H 369. as well as from a gold coin of al-Radi from the year A H 329 (AD 940). the Ikhshid. After the conquest of most of Palestine by the Crusaders. 463 (1070/1). al-Mustansir. Abii ‘Ali ‘Abdallah al-Mansiir. Such coins from the years A H 503 (AD 1109/10) and A H 507 (AD 11 13/4) have been preserved.2 grams. Tyre and Damascus. in A H 423 (AD 1032). The mint in Tyre was active in al-Mustansir’s times: A H 484 (AD 1091/2) and continued to be so in al-Amir’s day as well (that is. 33 Muqaddasi. Thesepractices continued during the period when the Abbasids reconquered Egypt and Palestine. The Palestinian dinars were formerly known as al-rntr~allasa. 376.e. kaylclja. 478 (1085/6). The mint inEilat was also at work as we see from coins dated AH 514 (AD 1120/1). from 890 until 904. Muqaddasi gives different (and curious) capacity measures for ‘Amm2n. after Ahmad ibn Tiiliin). AH 436 (AD 1044/5). the Tiiliini. A H 442 (AD lOSO/l). from AH 364 (AD 974/5) and dinars from thedays of al-Aziz. alMusta‘li) are witnessto the fact. During the latter’s day. after 1101) as can be seen from the coin bearing his name. as is evidenced by the quarter-dinar coins (ruba‘i) from the days of al-Mu‘izz. 983/4. Another active mint was that of Eilat in al-Amir’s day. The Ikhshidi dinar bore the same imprint as the Ahmadi (i. as we can see from the coins with the same inscription from the years AH 296 (AD 908/9).33 [368] In the Geniza letters we have already encountered Niziri dinars. 490 (1097. that is AD 979/80. as previously. as is evidenced by the coin bi-ayla. ordered the minting of dinars of a finer quality. The mint in Tiberias was also active. Muhammad ibn Tughj. from AH 524 (AD 112011). and the days of al-Mustansir: A H 436 (AD 1044/5).

11. Chalifund Grossk. chapter 6. 367-3691 and thoseof Tyre are also mentioned. 34 (No. See more matters relatingto coins in connection with theevents in the tenth and eleventh centuries. N. from the years 305. in a letter of Josiah Gaon). 138..these are sabtrviin the Arab sources. accordingtoJonahibnJanah.98 grams). 111. line 2. Trimis is l / 3 of the aureus.see Kyrillos Skythopolitanus. who derives it from thermos. PW. in note 101. 37(no. 65). 35 (No. chapter 5. which is shortened from duniirzir v~rba'iyya). 208b). 140.V. ii:i. 60. 89. 230t..187. Shiibiiri dinars:337. al-Amir. fol. Tarbiz. VIII. 153. Ascalon. 354.M E A S U R E S A N D C O I N S [ S E C S . No. 983/4. b.. ibid. Bucknill.1929/30]. inscription IV. two qiriits. 173). weighing 0. O n Abbasid coinage. lines 21-23. inscription 11: 'Tanhiim ha-Levi bar Halifa dehav had trimisin' (donated one trimission in gold)... the vtrba'T (pl. ' / 4 gold dinar. 21(1867). 237. Ziihiiv. 228).ibid. cf. . 231-235.157 (Ascalon. (Nos. the well-known plant of the leguminosae. in all of Filastin and in Egypt and Basra and the other places. 130 (idem.see on the improvement in minting under the Ikhshid: al-'uyiin wn'I-l. and in Index. 14. see Jastrow. ancient Sicilian quarter-dinars are mentioned in lettersIsrael of b. line 26. 456 (al-Ridi coin). 305. and the editor's note. 307. 5 (No. ibid. ibid. see also a Tiiliinid coin from the year 285 (898): Lane-Poole. to Shek. 2680. 65: cf. Nathan to Nehorai. line 12: . lines 2. Epstein.. Bod1 Cat. cf. Morznaies. 68-71 (Nos. 12 (No. Lewin assumed thatit meant Iupinus. ha-shorushim. line 9. Busse. see Qirqisiini. related to this the Sefrha-ma'asirn. cf. 13. 70 (al-Hiikim). Tobiah b.. 413g. TS 12. S. 6). ibid. a. and notes 6. but I think that it is the trimission. J P O S . dinarstiriyya. 54. line 7. ibid. cek. Triens). Maimonides in his Mishna Commentary. III(2). Munfnzam.. Tyre). 34 .Acre: ibid. 42 and is the matterofthe tiirrntls. 135a)..129(Tiberias. 146. 50(1975). 117. lines 12. 58.radii'iq. 161f (Ayla. the mithqd (= dinar) is24 qirats (in the discussion on Ex. IV. 11: see Ibn al-Jawzi. and also p. 11(1857). line 4. These coins makeNehoraiandAvonb. 133 (Acre). c. 918/9). 15 (Nos. Salmon b. the year 373. .117. the dinars are called darkonim or darkonot. xxx13: 'a shekel is twenty gerahs'). Moses' letter: 295.95): 'nsinr6rj is a kind of uninscribed tfirnriis'.. In the Geniza documents in my collection. the Karaite. a. darkerm%zirn. 42). Cornnlentary 011 Lurnentations. 19. a coin from al-'Aziz' day.. seein the Mishna. 43 (No. For instance. Zahiiv was the name commonly used in Hebrew. (917/8. Fatimid coinage: ibid.605.Tiberias: ibid. proof that the mint was still active in Tiberias in 985/6.. 51). 306. See ibid. in FestugiPre. ZDMG. the bibliography.. S. misprinted). 393 (= MS Berlin. 667: in Ramla. lines 11-13. As to theqiriit. line 25. On the coins of the Tiiliinids. Catalogue. from Ramla. see: Shamma. Abhith. IX. Karabaal-Amir). ZDMG. Ikhshididcoins: ibid. Tyre dinars: 345. vuba'iyiit and also nrba'iyya.see the Karaite documents: 303(1). 213h. 11. see also Sukenik. 11 and 20. No. 412415).146). See a HamdiinidcoininLane-Poole.24:43. cf. Moses. and see also ibid. lines 6. 166 and JosiahGaon: 31. i. Sedaqa uneasy. 232k). VII. pimisyii. inscription 111. 304. he meanshabba): 295.. 10. 105 (s. ibid. line 9. which are dinars minted Naysiibiir in (Nishiipiir in Persian) and their use is mentioned in these sources in the thirties of the eleventh century. 142f. f 30a (Lewin. especially in Karaite documents. see also p. 119). cf. mentioned in n. 30 (No. Bacharach. 133). for Nehorai asked Avon to get rid of them at any price. the dinars are called duvkernorzim (which only figures once in Rabbanite documents. In a queryaddressed to the Palestine Gaon from Fustat. note 2. 143. I. 67 (No. Yeruhim. in the latter.51 (No. 60. al-Mustansir). in Tobiah b. 15(1935). Cat. 76. 1971. IX." [369] A very popular coin was that of the quarter-dinar.v. 239). 135). Speculum.. IV. says: I was not given even a se'ori (a grain of barley. 174 (Nos. 622ff (coins of Tyre andAcre). 100 shiibtrvT dinars are mentioned. 218 (No. seeJ. see the Hebrew Index.e. 11. See alsoLavoix.452. 76 (dinar. lines 1CL27.BlauundStickel. 451 (on the dirhams from Tiberias in the name of al-Muttaqi and his son). 1[1.

a. they were minted before the island was completely overtaken by the Muslims in 965. when the internal situation Baghdad in andother central areas of the Abbasid caliphate was on the decline while in the Maghrib the Fatimid caliphate was founded. The Fatimid rulers were wis enough to make use of the talents and know-how of those Jewishmerchants. 467. Joseph in Sicily that the rt2mTquarterdinars have arrived. lines If. line 28. the region of present-day Tunisia. andisthis perhaps what Avonis hinting at when he writes in anger about the problem of selling them: 'praise to Him who made their fall down!' star (that is. because they were minted with a star. b. lines 31-37: he sold 39 quarter-dinars weighing altogether eight dinars (some 34 grams. a. the Maghribis were a central factor in the import and export trade in Palestine. Towards the end of the century. line 5. These Maghribis were the descendants of Babylonian Jews who emigrated to the Maghribmainly during the first half of the tenth century. 501. 260 . line cousin Nehorai who is worried about the quarter-dinars. much less than the proper weight. a. 51. Anotherpossibleexplanation: Underal-Hikim's rulecoinsweremintedwhose inscriptions were arranged in a circle (rnuduwwuru). and were finally sold in Jerusalem at half their value. called in the sources stellati. its capital. or perhaps during the Byzantine occupation from 1038to 1042). some 41 grams) for20 dirhams per dinar. The letters of Avon: 18: he informs Salima b. 473.THE ECONOMY Jerusalem. turned green. it seems that these coins were minted with the sign of a star. to God. Sicilian dinars:463. Avon b. Cutulogue. letter line 12 were ofthat type ofcoins as well. according to the Geniza documents which I have surveyed. lines 16f he sorely complains of the difficulty of selling them. and especially a major commercial centre in the MediterrQayrawan. and one may conclude that these vubi'iyya which they wished to rid themselves of. 1042-1055). with the conquest of Egypt 35 See the Hebrew Index: rrrbi'i. 633. while a good dinar was priced at 36'/2 dirhams (undoubtedly speakingof wuraq dirhams). became anean area. lines 22-24. 621 ibid. ibid. includes the news of the completion of thesale of these quarter-dinars. 469. a. 25. Perhaps the darkemonirn kokhbly? (with stars) which Josiah Gaon mentions in his 31. a. or in the form of star. who had an international trading tradition that went back centuries. were the Sicilian dinars dating from theByzantine period (thatis. from which one can understand that Israel is writing about his 498. b. inGli Arubi itz Ituliu.andthefinancialwherewithalandthedisposition to work together. a. that Ifriqiya. lines 13f.35 The Maghribis [370] In the mid-eleventh century. 58 after p. minted during the rule of Constantine XI (Monomachus. Sedaqa speaks of Byzantine quarterdinars in a letter written on 31 March 1059. lines 1-2: he asks Nehorai to send them on to himin Jerusalem.499. line 4: the dinars were brought to Jerusalem by Isaac al-Andalausi. of all places. The coins were very old and in Egypt they were painted red. and similarly in 500.. a. See: Morrisson. line 11. who liquidated the Byzantine rule in Sicily?). and they evidently encouraged them by their tolerance and also by the relatively organised regime and efficient internal order they had succeeded in establishing within their domain. a See Balog. and see the plates Nos. It was due to these Jewish merchants. 502. 615.

36 [371] During the period from which most of the Geniza documents relating to Palestine derive. 1974. see M. Nissim. and from these ports. 555.. I.498-503. and the Jewish merchants followed in the wake of this move. 370-3841 and the gradual Fatimid domination of Palestine and Syria. 65. 325. during Persian times. who still used the name Jukhi as well. It is these Jewish merchants. and sometimes Ascalon. 560. Mediterrunean Society. Nhr’y. 145f. 505-507. or fora short visit. Sedaqa. e. 13ff.. Nathan and Avon b. a characteristicportrayal of how Nehorai conducted his various enterprises can be seen in 508. etc. directing the activitiesof his partners and agents in Palestine. 557. the centre moved eastward to Egypt. 509. See details on Nehorai in Goitein. and also: ha-Tusturitn.or some of the Tihirti family) or as pilgrims. 29-35. one should probably lookback to a very ancient period. 153ff. 36 37 For the roots of the activities of the Jewish merchants.-la&u (the honourable)Rabbentr Nehorai. 465-472.37 [372] The pronunciation Nehorai is extant in the Talmudic texts and confirmed by the address of a letter sent to him by Shelah b. 495. and is this how it is spelled in the works of my late teacher and guide.487. and naturally we also find them in Jerusalem. either for a lengthy stay (as in the case of Israel b. I. Hebrew Univ. 26 I . 11.called Giikhi in the Talmudic period and that of the early Geonim. the circle of Maghribi merchants gathered round the figure of Nehorai b. and they are known in research literature by their by-name.THE M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S . 510. known for their understanding of international finance and trade. Gil. 1968. the Radhinites. Goitein. 519. his letter from Fustat to his chief partner in Palestine. that were described in an ancient source (apparently Syriac) from which Ibn Khurdidhbih. see the Hebrew Index. capital of the Persian kingdom and the nearby communities in the region of the Tigris. and Ridhin among theAramaic-speakingChristiansand afterwards also by the Arabs. We find him living in Fustat and from there. copied. Letters. idem. Letters to Nehorai: 458-462. their trading customs and the merchandise they carried.tc.. Altogether 49 letters from his archives. 512. 474-483. 489-492. Mevasser. Udovitch. goods were shipped abroad.496. in Goitein. 513.However. Prof. perfumes and various scents and spices. he is also frequently mentioned in letters not directly concerned with him. See on this matter. suchas pepper. Part of their trade consisted of the transferof goods: mainly silk. One would be inclined to think that his personality was well known because it so happened thathis well-stocked archives were preserved in the Geniza. Joseph ha-Kohen b.117:299. For additional mentions of him. ‘Ali al-Fisi. Their shipmentsby sea generally arrivedvia Tyre.JESHO. but it may be that the usual spelling. The Palestinian base of the Maghribisof Nehorai’s circle was in Ramla. both because of his status in trade and because of his activities and social standing in the Babylonian congregation in Fustat. see the discussion on the historical background to the economic development in the Fatimid period. Their base was MihijzE. filediterruneutz Society. 486. goes to prove that it was pronounced ‘Nahray’. I. Michaeli’s Dissertationon Nehorai b. and there is no doubt that he occupied a central position among the Maghribimerchants. the ninth century Arabic writer. Nissim. then in Tyre. and another two letters written by him: 508. putting others in the shade. in: Individualism.

111. see there the note (Umm Sha’ul. 171. see the HebrewIndex. and herkunya U m m Abi ‘Imriin. when Israel was still living in Byzantium. line 7. Maghribis). and finally they founda small lodging withaJewish woman. mentioned ibid. Daniel. Nathan’s letters. and he also had a third wife.38 [373]Below we shall see that Nehorai and his circle of relatives and associates were involved in matters concerning Palestinian the yeshiva and the struggle between it and David b. see on him:Goitein. Mevasser: ENA 2805. who is occasionally mentioned in Nehorai’s letters. At first they lived in Jerusalem together with U m m Abi Yiisuf. in a deed of Kislev 1420 Sel. Israel b. Dir ol-sa~J 507. who wanted be exilarch to in Egypt. Mediterraneart Society.Sedaqa shows respect for ul-kabira. Nathan’s letters. Nissim. In 1064. salt. see 548. Afterward they intended to rent an apartment witha Muslim.see on this below in the discussion on the quarters ofJerusalem. There he tells how he managedto get themsupplies: wheat. Ismi‘il al-Andalusi and withal-shaykh al-Sharibi. were with Abraham b. and evidently his living quarters as well.(10 November. but he asked too much for it. line 14. line 5. i. b. the widow 262 . Isaac al-Tiihirti and the rest of this family. Avon:499. His pilgrimage. is not Nehorai’swife. line 4. Nathan congratulates him on his marriage in1052and points out that there is not a better family inall ofFustat. in the Jewish quarter. lines 5f. a. and he also gave them three dinars in cash. his cousin. in his youth. such as 480. the 5th of Nubian slave-girl named Na‘im is being sold to Sitt al-Muna b. I.111. n. f 17. Despite the fact that the purpose of praying for the birth of a son is not mentioned in the letters. the bathhouse.483. 247. a.THE E C O N O M Y We know that Nehoraisettled in Fustat in 1045 or somewhatearlier. b. Nathan. see the Hebrew Index. wood. Mediterranean Society.nearjisv al-rna‘ivij (bridge of the steps). a. Goitein.it appears that he addressed certain queries to the Jerusalem yeshiva. He was a judge in Alexandria. His son..793. Nehorai’s wife (his second) came from the‘ha-Kohen’ family. Nissim b. b. 500.which may partly account for Nehorai’s own pilgrimage to Jerusalem and the prolonged stay there of his wife and ul-kabrva.Jisr nf-ma‘irij. near the synagogue.. 2. b. b. I. Sedaqa writes hoping he will shortly be blessed by a son .oil. 37. 481. Index. From one of Israel b. ind i v al-gvf(house of themoney-changers) in Fustat. b. a. Avon b. The connection between this Shelah he-haver. Dissert. 503. 15). The base of his trade. U m m Abi ‘Imrin.rl’s stay in Jerusalem is confirmed also in Israel b. see biographical and family details in Michaeli’sDissertation. f. and ‘our people’ (ashabni. The fact of Nehorai’s wife and al-kabii. assumed that the Tihirtis were members of Nehorai’s wife’s family (his brothers-in-law).see Salima b. see ol-kabira in the Hebrew Avon b. 13f. we learn from some ofAvon b. Nehorai’s marriages: 467. was born much later and it seems that his first children were all girls. AD 1108):a sale of a slave girl: TS 18J 1. especially 501. is rather obscure. whose son married the daugher ofal-Balliiti. etc. Sedaqa’sletters. The Tiihirti family were relatives of Nehorai’s mother.e. O n Nehorai’s wife and ol-kobira’s stay in Jerusalem. it seems that Nehorai was married to someone else. the mother of Ya‘qiib b. The status of al-kabfvu (the old lady). thejudge. a. and especially in 482. it seems very likely that this is-what occurred. onions. line 4. Her namewas Sitt Muruwwa. mentioned some ten years after his death. b. lines lOf. contrary to Michaeli’s opinion. line 12. the letter is from January1052. but itis possible that this marriage wascontracted a few years earlier. in the address and in other letters. Isaac’s letter to him:TS 12.. her name was Sitt Muruwwa: 498. line 9.

Nathan. ofblessed memory. the family was busy collecting money for the yeshiva and transferring it to Jerusalem. She had lived with the Tiihirtis. When I say that Nehorai b. a. 111.As can be seen.Jacob. a. line 39.Barhiin (Abraham) al-Tiihirti. 140. 'Amram in Jerusalemto Nehorai b. who settled in Fustat. apparently written in about 1060. line 9. We find him in Tyre handing over money toIsrael b. who came from Tihirtin North Africa (present-day Algeria) and moved from Qayrawin to Fustat. Abraham Tiihirti (and also mentions that he had managed to be prowas at his bedside when claimed haver). al-kabrra. whom Nehorai calls by thenickname Abii Sa'id in his letters. Nehorai's cousin on his mother's side. Queries addressed to the Jerusalemyeshiva: 460. 480. Zion. there may have been others). 497. who evidently remained in Jerusalem until she died. Takingintoconsiderationtheextreme expressions of mourning on her death and the extravagant eulogies. lines 22f. line 7. First among these are the Tiihirti family. who is perhapsMosesb. Another son of the family is also mentioned. see on the wives of Nehorai: Goitein.~~ [374] From among the Maghribi group which was active in Palestine and which stayed there. Even earlier. in the house which belonged to Moses he-haver. there is direct of Nehorai. 39 . 276. 5(1940). Abu Sa'id Joseph. 487. Nissim lived in the house of the Tiihirtis. his mother's brother. Abii'l-Khayr Moses b. Moses and his son Abraham. Moses' son Abraham (Barhiin). . Finally. I meanthat he lived in his grandfather's(on his mother's side) house. the travelling western (merchants)' . His daughterwas Nehorai's mother. 273.(a$zabnZ al-rnagtzZribn ~l-rntrsZjritz). that is. the Westerners. They were usually called al-MughZriba. I shall mention those who appear most important in the documents in my collection. was active commercially and travelled back and forth between Palestine and Egypt.T H E M A G H R I B I S ( S E C S . in which he writes of the death Moses of b. Nehorai's brother-in-law. 'The western travellers': 398. and in thedocuments in my collection. he was Nehorai's uncle. 370-3841 circle of Maghribimerchants and the Jerusalem yeshiva was very strong. 1045. . See the Hebrew Index. 161. Nissim and to Barhiin (Abraham) b. due to the almost constant presence of some of them in Palestine. Abraham Tiihirti was close to the Jerusalemyeshiva and he was even granted the honour ofbeing appointed (zauerin cn. that is. mentioned ina letter from Abraham b. His son (undoubtedly Abraham) he died but the death ofEsther seemed to him an even greater tragedy. printed in Assaf. Maghrib. n. Moses b. One member of the family wasa womannamedEsther. had four sons and a daughter (as far as we know. itwould probably not be far from the truth if we say that Esther (an unusual name in the Geniza documents at the time) was the Hebrew name for Sitt al-Muruwwa. Mediterrartean Society. Siilih (Nehorai's cousin). twice we find the version 'our people. a. Abrahamal-Tihirti settled in Jerusalem.

and see also lines 1Of. 71: intheletters from Nehorai’sarchive. ‘Amram. line 5.THE ECONOMY evidence oftheTahirtis stay inJerusaleminaletter from Abraham (Barhiin) b. we find mention there of ‘a letter to the Sultan’. people do not visit about him in him. 4f. we find in513. and Avon b. was his uncle Farah (Suriir) b. lines 18f. was Nehorai’s cousin. Abraham b. ‘Amram. Moses to Nehorai.Alettersent to Nehorai from there.togetherwith his father. see also: 461. mentioned in a number ofletters: Nehorai’s. and this is 41 . It seems that during the gaonate of Elijah ha-Kohen b. referred to in 513. Moses. he mentions Nissim al-Mu‘allim. mats: 460. Nathan’s. lived in Jerusalem and four of his letters to Nehorai from Jerusalem have been preserved. where as we have already seen. Another relativeof Nehorai’s. Israel also lived in Qayrawan atfirst. Goitein. sons of Nehorai the elder. for his father Nathan and Nehorai’s father Nissim were brothers. lines 9f. Moses al-Tihirti’s letter: 458. Jacob. topray for the entire family. the letter of the aforementioned 462. Moses al-Tihirti becomes a hivEr: 141. ‘Amram: 513. Goitein.4o [375] Nehorai’s brother-in-law. Mediterranean Society. a. He lives in neighbourhood of Muslim houses. 111. line 10. 178. The name Esther. see the HebrewIndex. In another letter. a. ~ * [376] Israel b. dealing with various commercial matters.whenever mention is made of Ab6 Sa‘id. the Tihirtisalso dwelled. the haver in the Great Sanhedrin. cf. Jacob was given the title hiveu. 45(1975/6). Moses b. The granting of the title haver to Moses.Nehorai inFustat and Abraham. in which he speaks of his father. 1045. he expresses his happiness at being in Jerusalem and seeing the holy place. Jacob (who married Nehorai’s sister). lines 2. Sahlin. in Jerusalem. Jacob’s letters: 459-462. The latterwrites 1065 that he arrived in Jerusalem ill and in financial straits. Moses b. Abraham b. cf. inline 11. MediterraneanSociety. thesynagoguein Jerusalem. lines 9-11. Yeshii‘i) and Abraham he-haver b. nor do they resepct him. apparently meaninga letter of recommendation for the family. this Joseph is meant. and see there on raising funds for the Jerusalem yeshiva. is preserved in theGeniza. Tarbiz. the satisfaction of being in Jerusalem: The letter of Shemaiah he-hivEr:519. line 24. my father’ and the news that they are preparing to travel to Hebron.Apart frommany commercial matters. Abraham b. In one he mentions his living quarters in Jerusalem. a. undoubtedly his brother. written by one of the Fatimid appointees in Qayrawan. writtenca. 181. evidently written before he set out on his travels which took him firstly to Fustat and afterwards to Byzantium and from there to Palestine. lines 2-17. a. which his father Jacob had held before him. There are also greetings from ‘my Lord and Master. whom I have already mentioned more than once. he traded See on the family of the Tihirtis: Goitein. his cousin. I. 512. lines 7-14. Sedaqa’s. Moses b. for which heis prepared to forego worldly pleasures and live austerely. while Shemaiah he-haver mentions Moses b. b. Jacob’s arrival in Jerusalem in his letter t o N e h ~ r a i . He is occupied with the purchase of matsforthe ‘cave’. Nathan (Sahliin). Israel b. Joseph b.He speaks of other Maghribis connected with the Jerusalem yeshiva in his letters andespecially Shemaiah he-haver (b. lines 22-29. when the two were fairly recent arrivals in theirrespective towns . Jerusalemite. the apartment in Jerusalem: 460. Solomon. BaronJubilee Volume. In Fustat. the recommendation: b.

was that of copyist. Apparently. for in a number of letters he asks to be sent sea-tar (qajiv) from Alexandria. during which he was occupied in copying books for Nehorai and others. especially the earlier ones. to and ask that the sum half of a dinar be collected in Fustat for a poor Jerusalem girl who needed some cotton cloth to protect her from the cold. indeed the best of remedies (alebav ‘uqqiiv). We know that he stoppedinGush Hiiliiv fora comparatively lengthy stay. evidently from his grandfather. apparently intending to reach Tyre and Damascus. After Jerusalem. though still in considerable need and after enduring so much suffering. Indeed. His family life was unhappy and he divorcedhis wife. who apparently was a local woman. read: Farah. From GushHiilav. Israel went to Damascus. where she had formerly lived. of these eighteen are to Nehorai b. either Daniel b. where he evidently remained for the rest ofhis life. O n his way to Jerusalem. Azariah. 370-3841 in precious stones and flax on a largescale. Isaac ha-Talmid (Barhiin b. and more suggestively to others. In my collection.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S . Apparently he left Egypt in the forties and settled in Byzantium withhis wife. and he writes to Nehorai about it. Prior to his departure heasks for a recommendation from sayyidni al-vayyis (our Lord the head). 1. a proven remedy for the eyes. sometimes directly. as we can see from the letters he wrotetoAbrahamb. as the writer himself puts it. He had a son who died and a baby daughter(fu$yla) who remained with his divorcee. Letters 327. the Gaon. Israel went northward. 26 5 . It seems that Israel’s life was a sea of troubles. he was forced to sell some of his own clothing in Tyre in order to stay alive. When he arrived in Jerusalem. He lived in straitened circumstances and he enlarges on this in some of his letters.heemerges as a wise andhonestman as well as an extremely generous one. Solomon. Perhaps this craft affected his eyesight or caused an eye disease. or perhaps Elijah ha-Kohen b. as we have already seen above. who was on his way to Tyre from Tiberias. he was visited by Joseph b. b. n. including imprisonment in Constantinople. Ishaq. and its synonym:surfir. Al-Baradani subsequently sent him small sums of money to help him out. and passed through the Galilee. lines 8-12. his main concern was to see that a letter of a blind woman living in Jerusalem was sent to Alexandria.see: 501. Israel lived in a compound belonging to probably whythey do notvisit him. joy in Arabic. Nissim. not all of them revealed in his letter. In his letters. there are twenty letters and fragments of letters he wrote from Palestine. to the people of Damascus to deal with him kindly. He seems to have had a share in a family inheritance. From Byzantium he came to Palestine after much suffering. In Jerusalem. While in Gush Hiiliiv. who was then av-bZt-dTn. of blessed memory) in Qayrawiin. whence the bogus Biblical name PerahyZ: seeGoitein. Nahum al-Baradani. his main occupation during his stay inPalestine. ‘not everything can be said in a letter’.

together with his brothers-in-law. Abii’l-Surri complained that he could not find the treatise Bava qatnma among the books and claimed that Israel had it. He mentions that Israel has already managed to copy eighty-five quires for Nehorai. O n the other hand. Isaac. Levi (called Rabbenii ‘Amram by Solomon b. Daniel b. ‘Eli. Sedaqa’s brother-in-law and lived in the same house. expresses heretical ideas on the ‘resurrection of the dead. who was Abii Ya‘qiib Isaac b. Judah).addsAvon. one can grasp that Avon is busy slandering and conniving andit is unlikely that hewas taken seriously by Nehorai. But apparently the proximity did not work out very satisfactorily as can be seen from Avon b. who is Abii’l-A‘li ‘Amram b. caused the divorce of R. who was a strange and lonely man. who was Abii’l-Surri’s brother-in-law. who was Avon b. as did R. Information on Israel b. Sedaqa’s letter to Nehoraicontaining serious complaints against Israel. acting on the request of Abii Sa‘d . Nathan from another angle can be found in a letter from Abraham b. Although we are unable to understand these remarks for lack of data. whom Israel mentions in his letters. the Baradinis. and Avon‘b. the stars. Indeed. the brotherin-law (or son-in-law) of the late Daniel b. The last available information on Israel b. noting that he ‘stays with R. Azariah used to defend him against such accusations and rebuff those who accused him. and claims that all his time is dedicated tothe affairs of the ‘Rav’ and collecting money for him among the Maghiriba. Azariah’s books.he adds something intended to arouse Nehorai’s wrath: that Israel slanders Nehoraias well. Azariah. the Maghribi merchants. it seems. he hints at Israel’s misbehaviour. He tells of an incident involvingAbu’l-Surri Barhiin (Abraham). who arrived in Jerusalem during a tradingjourney through Palestine. Hayyim he-haver b. Avon asked Nehorai to intervene in the matter and continued to praise his own good behaviour towards Israel. and other such matters’. thoughhe does not elaborate on it in the letter. Israel. it seems. it appears thatIsrael. hinting a t his neediness. may God the Almighty grant him a livelihood in His mercy’. Avon’s motherin-law treats him well andhe asks Nehorai to write and thankhim and his mother-in-law for their attitude towards him. Solomon’s daughter. but the situation became muchworse after Daniel’s death.THE ECONOMY . Abii’l-Surri was to have inherited Daniel b.From Avon’s remarks. for his part. Isaac al-Andalusi. Nathan is his signature 266 . b. but who did not treat Avon properly. Israel. Sedaqa sent them to him in Damascus. the book figured inDaniel’s lists as being with Israel but the latter refused to hand it over unless the ‘elders’ ordered him to do so.Josiah ha-Kohen b. Further. Azariah. Israel. does not display any affection for Avon either but limits himself to the laconic remark that Avonis well (he has apparently recuperated from someillness). al-Buhiiri.

Labrat’s brother: Goitein. I have encountered no . Moses).v. accompanied by people from the Christian countries(ma‘a aqwirn ‘<jam). he asks Nehorai to give his regards to the‘Rav’ and also to al-karitnn. lines24-27. Until now. 140 where there is a misprint. to be sent him via al-Mahdiyya and Alexandria. 515 .). a. al-Abar’s tongue (in the sense of flattery. 370-3841 on a deed of sale made out in Jerusalem on Wednesday.. a.j2 [377] As to Avon b. a. it emerges that there were differences between Israel b. Isaac ha-Talmid. See on Abii Zikri Judah. and then one has to read in the margin. see Dozy s. Abraham b. it is possible that akhlaqak should be translated: ‘abused you’ and then the guilt does not lie with the addresssee. 13. Zion.I. Nathan was also a relative of anothercentral figure from among the Maghribis. in the right-hand margin. b. in 470. There he also mentions the arrival of someone (the name is not preserved) in Qayrawin. 70. see 500. lines 2f. ‘also: Sharf. margin. Poznanski knew this letter and used it as the basis for including Israel b. Byzantine Jewry. His letters 473 was written to arelative in Egypt and 484 to Isma‘il b. 7(1982). the‘Rav’. His requests for others: 466. and following him Sharf. who invested 300 dinars with that man. has similar details. line 26. 158.. date Israel b. he is particularly interested in Labrit getting him a leather-bound Bible. written in August 1061. Isaac from Palestine: 46-84. Al-Baradani’s letter: 492. printed by Gil. shouldbe: apart from alittle sack. 126. The letter from Fustat (it may not havebeen sent): TS 12. X of Ibn al-Athir instead ofIX). Blau and Somekh for their comments on the foregoing. I am grateful to Profs. 18. 252. Moses b. ibid. 209.under the year 435 (which began on the 10th of August 1043). n.he mentions that he received a letter from her. al-Andalusi. Ktimil. O n p. about an inheritance. we have only the information 42 I t is possible that Israel b. b. He is also mentioned in other letters ofhis (see the Hebrew Index. and see ibid. the brother ofJudah) is the one whodeals with the matter. Theletter from Qayrawin:Bod1 MS Heb a 2. in 465 a. line 8. that Abraham should free himself of b. to Nehorai b. IX. f. Nevertheless. where there are details of disturbances in Constantinople during Constantine IX Monomachus’ rule (1042-1055). Mediterratlean Society. Further on. in the root khlq. Nathan and his older brother. 117. a. lines 16-17. that is.Abii’l-Fad1 came from Alexandria and received the money . Abii’l-Hasan Labrag(b. he mentions that he wrote aletter to Labrit. Matters ofinheritance:470. and more than a hundred-thousandpeople were ousted from the city. 36. he also continues to conduct business with Labrat through Nehorai. lines 3-4. he asks of God that he should never see Byzantium again.. His troubles: 465 a. evidently one should use the past tense: that is. in Goitein. lines 3 t 467 a. line 3: nlin lisinhi. b. who still lived in the Maghrib. 36(1966/7). vol. line 6. cf. it is thus possible that he was the brother-in-law of the ‘Rav’ (his wife’s brother). in which Labrat is mentioned. 250ff.f.362. lines 25f. a. see: HarkauyJubilee Volume. O n p. AM 4826. From Labrat’s letter. who was the dayytin of the city of al-Mahdiyya. I. he curses Byzantium (balad al-rim): may the God of Israel makeit a desert: a possible explanation ofhis troublesin Constantinople is to be found in Ibn al-Athir. 203. al-Abir. which is apparently the reason why they did not notice the connection between what is said in Ibn al-Athir (and Bar Hebraeus) and Israel’s ordeals. printed by Starr. 439ff. He mentions that letter also in 480. the blame for the disturbances was placed on the aliens and the emperor then issued an order that anyoneliving in the city for less than thirty years would be evicted. Sughmar. 1166 Starr. line 8 and margin. ibid. These abovementioned letters of Israel. Nathan among the people of Qayrawin. Michael. whom we shall speak of below.T H E M A C H R I B I S ( S E C S . 195f (No. cf. Labrit managed to get ten dinars from Israel. were written between October 1059 and December 1061. Labrat b. lines Sf. Abii YahyZ Nehorai. The recommendation to the Damascenes: 474. in 479.Jews. Nathan’s letters between 1060-1075. line 5. see: INA D55. Sedaqa himself. temptation. the 8th of Adar 11. some corrections should be entered in the translation there: on p. b. Tarbiz. line 3.The fanlily details: 467 a . Bar Hebraeus (Budge). or 8 March AD 1066. There is a hint ofthis also in a letter from Labrithimself. Starr. 64-67. he was apparently the husband of Israel’s sister. but with b. a term which means the sister (see inthe notes to 470). for the latter to send it to the Maghrib. which is attached to his letter to Nehorai. Nissim. in Fustat. 1 (1936).

b. 76. Avon’s brother-in-law). b. written in 1055. See Avon’s letter: 497. Another fragment in the Geniza. mentioned. There are seven in my collection.all are addressed to Nehorai b. In his letters to Nehorai b. it is still possible to readthenameKhalfonb. silk. and perhaps this accounted for the fact that he did not convey Avon’s aforementionedlettertoHayyim b. which is Busir. from which we learn indirectly how severely the Maghribis dealt with members of their circle who did not behave properly. amerchant knownto us from other Geniza documents. too. it is hard to believe that the suspicions againsthim were indeed unjustified. he describes the period as being one of hardship. line 41. and this is apparently the reason why the letter eventually ended up in the Geniza in Fustat. The matter of the Bava qamma: 500 a. our brother-in-law (Sihmi. Abraham b. Nissim. margin. attached to a letter addressed to Nehorai. is also in Israel’s handwriting. when they came to Jerusalem. ofwhich very little remains. Israel on Avon: 480. Buhfiri’. It is obvious from Avon b. the matter of the queries about problems of halakha. Judah:75. Qafir. Sedaqa al-Maghribi al-Qibisi. In the first letter.perhaps identifiable with MevassEr. ‘AmmarinAlexandria.108. line 34. as he claimed. Nissim. he is frequently complaining of others. at any rate. see Ephraim b. It emerges from his letters that he dealt in h h l . In this letter. Beniiyii. North Africa. glue. he tells that he was being unjustly accused of dishonesty towards one of the Maghribis. From the very first letter. Sedaqa’s letters that he behaves like a man whose conscience is troubling him. soap and also wheat. b. of their attitude towards him and of his own illnesses. see in the continuation. 2642). line 2: “Amram b. which was written in Tishri. with the very specific request that he send it to its destination. see the Hebrew Index. with only one exception(a letter addressed to Hayyim b. Shemaria’s letter: 326. evidently referring both to the severe drought endured in Egypt and the disturbing events in the Maghrib. line 38 and margin. He claims to be constantly making an effort to be independent and literary manuscripts in Israel b. Nathan’s handwriting. except (perhaps) for some fragments ofhalakha anda number of formularies found in the volume Bod1 MS Heb 24 f (= Cat. fruit. O n the other hand.THE ECONOMY contained in his own letters. line 3. ifwe are to judge from the letteror its style. It seems that Nehorai did not fully trust him and considered him an intriguer.Levi known as b. whereas this was written in Tammuz. He is himself in dire circumstances. going into great detail about his efforts on behalf of Nehorai’s wife andal-kablva. which indicates that his family originated in Qiibis. and he tries to win Nehorai’s admiration and understanding. which Nehorai sent to Daniel b. lines 6f. written evidently some months before 469. a. Deed of sale: 544.468a. ‘Ammir in Alexandria). is a letter from Israel b. in which he tells that he is living in Jerusalem. he speaks of business matters and he is overly concerned with the aforementioned quarter-dinars in particular.Isaac al-Andalusi: 505. lines If. calling him: Abii’l-A‘li. which was a centreof the flax trade. is TS AS 203. 268 . Avon’s full name was Abti’l-Faraj Avon b. He stresses the fact that he is weak and ill and has difficulty supporting himself. Nissim. Solomon b. Nathan to Nehorai b. line 39. Azariah. and was part ofa letter written in Jerusalem. and alsoAbfi Sir.

Jacob b. See his name vocalised: Avbn. a. the righteous Kohen’.vith Ibn ‘Alliish al-Jazziir. Tamim ha-Kohen b. Eleazar of a holy family. who is evidentlyJosephha-Kohenb. we find .see the request in498. His illness and difficulties: 499.itseems. 455. but changed his mind when he found the aforementioned colophon. who wrote a com43 Avon b. TS 20.Thispartnershipended in a tremendous squabble. 22) and see the description of his let_terthere. he frequently reiterateshis feelings of affection for and loyalty to the ‘Rav’. . Sedaqa was a somewhat quarrelsome individual and inclined to get embroiled in argumentswithothers. 501. Medirerruneun Society. According to a fragment of a letter. Sedaqa’s letters: 497-503. notes that the piyyiitis in the handwriting of ‘our Lord and Master ha-Kohen’. His business: 500. Thus welearn that Avon b. At first. Joseph b. Judah etc. Eleazar. 56. 374 (in the Appendix. n. I. margin. Ya‘ish. Similarly. with theav-bZt-dFn presiding. of the letter. The suspicions: 497. the first of which is to Hayyim b.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S . Israel b. ~ ~ [378] The ‘Rav’is Judah ha-Kohen b. Letters. ‘Ammar. can one assume that he may have stemmed from Sijilmissa in North Africa. proclaimed r5sh ha-seder by the Great Court of our Lord Hezekiah b. b. David.in 454. idem. a. The quarrel came beforethe court of the yeshiva. . see on him: Goitein. right. and also with himself. that he was of the priestly family of the Palestinian geonim. . ‘Ali Fisi. Palermo. Mann was of the opinion that the son ofJoseph ha-Kohen b. a. distinguished in wisdom’. son ofhis Honourable Sanctity. the city of Sicily. nevertheless he becameinvolvedinapartnership -. 370-3841 does not want to enter into partnership with anyone. . and therefore reached the Geniza in Fustat togetherwith therest of theletters fromNehorai’s archives. but the letter was evidently not sent to its destination. Joseph ha-Kohen. which only contains the address. that is. because Joseph hadused the money to buy goods in Hebron and Zoar and intended go to to Egypt without first returning the money invested by Avon. the spiritualleader of the Maghribis. b. 340.lines 14-16. In a colophonover a piyyiitinthe r a d s handwriting. named for madinat Siqilliyya. the trade in wheat and the quarrel: 503. our Lord and Master Joseph ha-KohenSijilmiissi’.To the Maghribis. Hisattitude towards Nehorai is a very special one. markedly his efforts to be liked by Nehorai and toplease him. in later generations. great-grandson of Joseph ha-Kohen.122. perhaps in the twelfth century. there lived a man called ‘Abii Zikri Judah ha-Kohen b. that is. 111. ‘Ammar. for the letter addresses ‘our Lord and Master Joseph ha-Kohen .line 3.Joseph b. av-bZt-dm.thegenuine ruv’. lines 25-28. No. ‘Ammir al-Madini. lines 26-27. Nathan calls him ‘rubbZnii Judah’. most The delay in his letter to Hayyim b. who lived in F ~ s t a t . The owner of the quire. Indeed. lines 37-38. who is Hayyim b. ‘rubbFntr who should live forever’. 12. ‘ourLordandMaster. ‘thegenuine ruv. . he was ul-ruv. n.sendinggreetingsand expressions of admiration. 131. exilarch of all Israel’. who frequentlymentionedhiminletters. Judah ha-Kohen b. Solomon Gaon (who shall be discussed below) was being referred to.

+‘ [379] Ya‘qiib b. Goitein. Shemaria. f. and the Supplement in that volume. Nissim can be explained (see the introduction to that letter. From the text of one of the letters of Avon b. Ism5‘il married in Fustat while his mother was still J.. Daniel. 64. Nissim. margin. which when read alternately from above andbelow. n.and there is alsqno proof that the writer was the wifeof the ‘Rav’. in Mann.]ews. Avon asks Nehorai to collect them in person from the place to which they were sent (ztrqiiq al-qaniidd . The Maghribis evidently wished to grant this status to the Rav but they did not succeed. Isaac ha-Talmid. Nathan. Evidently it was to these struggles that Avon b. 8. In order to oust the Rav.THE ECONOMY mentary to theBookofCreation. may he live forever’. Tarbiz. 5 . Nathan has reservations about Nehorai’s enthusiastic backing of the Rav. 486. 45(1975/6). Evidence of the latter’s Maghribi background can alsobe seen ina fragment of a deed in his handwriting. 66.who lived in Jerusalem for a long time. see Mann. contains no proof that the ‘Rav’ was a scion of the family of thepriestly heads of the yeshiva and the way ‘the daughter of the head of the yeshiva’ addresses Nehorai b. Sedaqa to Nehorai b. Sedaqa is hinting at in his letter to Nehorai b. his opponents did not hesitate to slander him and provoke quarrels between him and the other Maghribis. Ismi‘il al-Andalusi (the Spaniard). theRavwasinvolvedinsome internal quarrel within the Fustat community. Avon b. it seems likely that he was the cousin ofthe prominent Maghribi merchant. notes that Ya‘qiib’s mother wrote two letters (from Jerusalem. see further on the importance of the‘Rav’ to the Maghribis: Goitein. Judah ha-Kohen b. Kiryat &fer. he suggests that Israel b. Thus the position went to ‘Eli b. Apparently the nephew who was addressed was none other than the Rav andAvon even mentions him first. The Rav was one of the supporters and loyal followers of Daniel b. David b. became: ‘findin me something good’ or ‘will find in him everything good’. f. see the Hebrew Index. in my corpus). Abii YiisufYa‘qiib b.‘the lane of the lanterns’) and deliver them personally. before theson. as Goitein says there. his full. did not notice Mann’s correction nor the colophon. Sedaqa. such as Abraham b. because Avon wants him to convey greetingson his behalf to ‘our Master. I have already mentioned the possibility that the ‘Rav’ was the brother-in-law of Israel b. 101.name and his descent and the titler6sh ha-seder: TS 8 K 22. Nissim. because the latterhad some strong opponents. it seems) and he afterwards also stood Daniel’s by son. . having to do with finding a successor to Ephraim b. The fragment of the letter: T S 6J 1.l His nickname in the Maghribis’ letters. 38(1962/3) 548f. and at the same time. cf. Eleazar. rbsh ha-seder also: 432. Joseph.buthe had noconnectiontothe aforementioned ‘Rav’. which he prints there. ‘Amram. p. Allony.head of the ‘Palestinians’. After 1050. in Arabic script) to her nephew and her son in Fustat. Azariah (as were most of the Maghribis. 556. 71.]ews. The latter was in thehabit of encircling his signature with tiny letters. also writing from Jerusalem. from which we know the of the name Rav’s grandfather.written in Mahdiyya. 3. 346. ibid. 346. The author of the . 11. b.

whose letter from Jerusalem to Josephb. writing about this in November 1061. MevassEr to the 'Rav' (Judah ha-Kohen. Abii Zikri Judah b. describing thevicissitudes enduredby him during the winter. especially textiles. she is also poor and old. Joseph he-hasid. the Great Rav. . b. 65. fs. The letters from Jerusalem: 499. 197213. n. I. 45(197516). The quarrel in Fustat. Isaac Safiqusi. See the titler6sh ha-seder also in TS 10J 15. sumach. see Allony and Scheiber. Despite the fact that Ismii'il is the Arabic name generally given to people called Samuel and although they both hailed from Spain (Andalus). Goitein. Nissim b.In my collection. 8. Nissim's partners or agents. in which he strongly objects to the relative's son travelling to Christian countries. 370-3841 living in Jerusalem. The small letters: see TS BoxG 1. a. another member of Nehorai's circle. and gall-nuts. f. was Jacob b. Rtiwund is rhubarb: Rheum pulnruturn L. Sahliin. it appears therefore that Judah was a descendant ofthe priestly Geonim who lived in Fustat (at a later period) andused to mention his illustrious lineage. 5. Ya'qiib's brother. In the letters he quotes. ibid. 101. of blessed memory'. brazilwood. Mann there confuses the two. Joseph b. ibid.t. Ya'qiib is engaged in shipping various types of merchandise: textiles.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S .]ews. 5 . whence he wrote to Nehorai. thought to 45 . he is not willing to forego fowl in commentary to the Book of Creation: see manuscripts from the Firkovitch collection and the Mosseri collection. and possibly also a family member.. also deals in trade and Ya'qiib refers to himin his letters. Halfon. myrobalan. the Rav and r6sh ha-seder . 456f. one Abii'l-Walid to Jonah (Yunus) b. arsenic. adds that the mother is sad and mournful. . a letter from the 'Rav' to his Jerusalem relative. Ismi'il al-Ip-iibulusi. riishha-seder . b. he gives anaccount of difficulties intheport regarding a shipment offlax which arrived from Egypt. and see a slightly different version in Goitein. 495 and see what he writes about his brother in the latter. = s i j h fiv. soap. f. and the other to Nehorai b. 65. flax. Nissim. a.. who lived in Ascalon and engaged in imports and exports on a large scale. . generally conducted his commercial affairs in Egypt although we find him on a business mission in Tyre. writes at the end of December 1059from Jerusalem. 6. The fragment of the deed from Mahdiyya: ENA 4009. cedar resin and sugar. lines 21c his letters: 494. n. Texts. Solomon (Salima) b. b. Ismi'il. of righteous blessed memory). inMann.In his letter. 2. . He dealt in tin. Tarbiz. one must distinguish between him and Jacobb. Avon:500. See also: 530. David (Da'iid). sugar. in Mann. 48:152. O n the writings of the 'Rav' see Allony (in this note above). However.. 69. their handwriting is not similar and they apparently dealt in different merchandise as well? [380] One of Nehorai's partners. for itseems that theywork together. may he have a good end. n. and he asks that she be sent a quarter-dinar. In addition.b. see: 399. it is said of the father. Ya'qiib and his mother: 479. which is a fragment of a letter from Shelah b. lines 2-3. Ismi'il written in Tyre. 548-549. yellow myrobalan. he gives details of the items he bought for Nehorai in Tyre. where he also quotes from 556: 'Judah ha-Kohen. rhubarb. Kiryat Sefer. Joseph ha-Kohen. cotton. Israel b. Moses b. somedocuments in his handwritingare mentioned. gall-nuts. also one of Nehorai b. cf. In Goitein. 9. margin. Joseph ha-Kohen: s. 5 . that is. he is still living. Nahum al-Baradani in Tyre has been preserved. Samuel al-Andalusi. R. there are two letters from Ya'qiib b.

Nathan mentions him and perhaps also frequently and it is obvious that they were partners relatives. It seems that Abraham was the younger or perhaps a junior partner.& have strengthening qualities. In my collection there is a letter of Elijah ha-Kohen b. and he is also apparently the Hunayn (a diminutive) cited in a letter to Daniel b. see his letter: 487. who is mentioned by ‘Eli ha-Kohen b. ha-Talmid was a merchant and financier. it was his father. he may expectshort shrift from the law. has in mind a visit with Abraham b. Abraham was David’s scribe). Daniel. meaning heis none too clever. and also serving him as judge and scribe. calls him Abu Ishaq b. Abraham b. since in the Geniza we only find the marriage deed of his wife Sitt al-Dar b. who was the judge. Hanania. 1060. Manasseh. at any rate. Ezekiel in his letters. 61. for thereis a note of reprimand towards Abraham for promising (or so it claims) to sell the same clothing to two different people. In another letter. dating from cu. Israel says of Abraham thathe is ‘cool-brained’ (biridal-dam&$). He. Abraham b. during the period when Daniel b. which is certainly intended as disparaging. see:Ducros. 6 Jacob b. Isaac ha-Talmid in Ascalon. to Halfon b. Solomon Gaon. Israel emigratedfromtheMaghrib before Abrahamand as mentioned. as one ofthe latter’s supporters. for ourelder. writing to him fromAscalon. Josephb. Further on. Isaac. Isaac ha-Talmid is one of the most important and outstanding individualsamong the Maghribis. Abraham b. if there is any truth in the matter. Samuel: 493. however. The letter ofJacob b. concerning theaffairs ofAbraham b. too. a letter has been preserved from Israel in Fustat to Abrahamin Qayrawin. DiraZ-$avf(‘house ofthe money-changers’) but it seems that he spent a good deal of his time in Ascalon. we find Abraham involved in the serious dispute between Abiathar Gaon and David b.Israel b. may God preserve him is a notable among Jewsand liked by most of his brethren’. Abraham complains that he is suspected of having married a woman in Ascalon in addition tsohis first wife. Hanania. Azariah in connection with a dispute over the leadership in Fustat.THE ECONOMY Jerusalem and intends going down to Ramla to purchase some there. Solomon in Ascalon. he was evidently from Tarabulus al-ShHm (not from the . In this letter to Nehoraihe also discusses matters concerning the flax market. We do not know what really happened. perhaps for family reasons. ha-Talmid. Nissim) in Fustat. al-Talmid al-Dayyin (indeed. and a laxative. Elijah cautions him against rumours of this kind and says that ‘Heaven forbid there should arise or be such a thing inIsrael. ha-Talmid’s father-in-law. Azariah was Gaon and Elijah av-bFt-dln of the yeshiva court. Joseph. as we have seen. is evidently Abii’lTayyib Hanania ha-Levi the parnas. which aroused the anger of Hesed al-Tustari. who lived in the house of the Tihiritis (and of Nehorai b.

370-3841 [381] Josephb. a fragment remaining from letter: this 487. 1065. He was a friend of Israel b.]ews. Scheiber. in Ascalon he was evidently supervising the loading of goods aboard the ships. Moses al-Tihirti. Cf. While in Ramla and Jerusalem. Jacob b. 32(1962/3). and asked about sums of money owed to him (to the writer). who writes to him from Libyan). 512. He arrived in Palestine from Taribulus after a storm at sea and I have already described the misadventures on board. Abraham b. ‘cool-brained’:479. 505. I.362. a. There is also an echo of political events in the letter: ‘the city (Fustat) has already calmed down after what happened’. Salminal-Hariri. The letters of Abraham al-Andalusi:504. and from there he moved to Jerusalem. Letters. Abraham contracted a severe illness and had to stay inbed for over a month. dates and wheat to Alexandria. he enquired after Nehorai’s well-being.Yeshii‘ial-Itribulusi. Joseph b. Moses: 490. in ca. the power-of-attorney written there on the 13th of May 1079.Manasseh: 593. Joseph b.His base is Ramla but sea-going shipments arrive and are exported through Tyre on board the cadi of Tyre’s ships and Joseph goes to Tyre for this purpose in particular. Hanania. cf. In one of his letters. Another merchant of this group. 11.anotherMaghribimerchant. more of Abraham b. Joseph b. writes to Nehorai from Taribulus al-Shim. in Individualism. lines 31. 138f. 47 273 . see the Hebrew ha-Talmid: Goitein. a. Abraham deals with communal matters of Qayrawan and he asks for a Torah cover for the synagogue there. Isaac al-Andalusi was another Maghribi merchant who stayed in Jerusalem for a considerable length of time and we have two ofhis letters from Jerusalem: one to his partner Joseph b. Mann. Nehorai to Joseph:508. SalmZn: 506. Halfon: 489. ha-Talmid’s wife: TS 20.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S .47 [382] In Tyre.‘Ali Kohen Fasi was oneof the most active of Nehorai’s partners. letter to Abraham: TS Elijah ha-Kohen’s letter: 421. We find him in Tyre in ca. Badajoz today) al-Andalusi. under Hunayn: 399. after returning from a journey to the Maghrib. The marriage deed of Abraham b. Tarbiz. 68. and it was he who evidently signed in604. Solomon b. Mediterranean Society. 33. 1067 andNehoraiwritestohimthere. Nissim. lines 10-12. 274. Israel’s 12. His partner Joseph was in Fustat at the time. Nehorai sends him a detailed list of prices and merchandise in Fustat and information on the marketing progress of their goods. n. Jacob b. He was apparently especially close to Abraham b. 238c 11. writes to Nehorai from there. He would sometimes travel to Ramla and Ascalon. ‘Ali ha-Kohen Fisi and theother to Nehorai b.7. whose family evidently settled in Taribulus al-Sham. Isaac al-Batalyiisi (Batalyiis in Spain. 18. Yeshii‘Z: 496. 35. Nissim b. written from Ascalon to someone in the group of Maghribi merchants. Index. who dealt mainly in theimport ofscents and spices. It also emerges from his letters thathe has a shop in Fustat and wants Joseph to replace him there during his absence. 245. Their joint activities were trading in textiles. 507. we also find Ismi‘il b. see also: Udovitch. Nathan. mentioning shipments of textiles. and see on his other letters preserved in the Geniza: Goitein.

Nathan informed Nehorai of the safe arrival of ‘Ayyash in Jerusalem and Nehorai writes to himthere. Samuel in Fustat asking him to try to get news of them. 307. because of the severedrought suffered by the country during those years. of the involvement of the Maghribis in the concerns of thePalestinian yeshiva. Israel urges Nehorai todeal with this matter and to inform him ofwhat is happening. They are living in Majrit (which is Madrid) and Yeshii‘i is in the position to get information about them from people who happen to come from Tulaytula (Toledo) or Majrit. I. see on Sedaqa b. The latter are still in close contact with their old home in Andalus and it seems that they also have commercial dealings with the places they had formerly lived in. we find that Israel b. In 1094. M Israel to Ismii‘il: 484. Nissim and is mentioned occasionally in thelettersin my collection. Goitein. a. too. 274 . Another of Nehorai’s partners (or agents) is Abii Ibrahim (also: Abii’l-Fadl) ‘Ayyash b. that his daughter and her children are well. for they were well acquainted with the prevailing conditions and also had friends and acquaintances there. also cites various details concerningtheirmutual affairs. one of the prominent merchants in Qayrawan at the beginning of the century. apparently. The rest of Ismi‘il’s family evidently remained inSpain and he writes to Abii‘l-Faraj Yeshii‘ab. Ismi‘il’s letters: 510-512. aad apart from this. In 471. Nathan is very worried about ‘Ayyish. Apart from his widespread commercial activities. Isma‘il writes of family matters in Spain. ‘Ayyiish and on his father ‘Ayyiish (the grandfather ofour ‘Ayyiish): Goitein. 69. ‘Ayyash. But it seems that there were also some Maghribis who joined the . Daniel. Israel b. The letter to ‘Ayyish: 509. Isaac ha-Talmid in which there is information concerning the terrible trouble that has befallen ‘Ayyash. The price of wheat in Fustat is also referred to. he had a special relationship to the Palestinian yeshiva andborethe title segtrllat-ha-yeshiva (worthyofthe yeshiva). Mediterranean Society. mentioning ships that were captured by the Byzantines and enclosing letters that have arrived from the Maghrib for him. and b. Barukh al-Maghribi. Letters. stemming fromtheir ancient origins in Persian or Iraqi regions.j* [383] Abii ‘Imran Moses (Miisa) b. David b. Sedaqa b. line 2. the Maghribis were first considered ‘Babylonians’. of a belated nature. Apparently. who lived in Alexandria. Sedaqa was evidently of the family of Sedaqa b. lines 9-10. was one of the important Maghribi merchants living in Egypt. he thought it proper to congratulate Abiathar ha-Kohen Gaon on his victory over his rival.In his letters to Nehorai as well. andwe find him visiting Jerusalem in the mid-sixties. This is but one instance.He. ‘Ayyash b. because he received a letter from Abraham b. for this was a question which weighed heavily on those Maghribiswho travelled and whosefamilies lived in Egypt. cf. was also a partner of Nehorai b.THE ECONOMY Jerusalem while Isma‘il is in Fustat on a business trip. who lives mainly in Alexandria. we do not know what sort of trouble this was. and were considered part of the Babylonian congregation in Fustat. Abi’l-Hayy Khalila.

Yeshii‘a was the father of this Abraham. The ‘ahma at the end of the letter is interesting: yesha‘ YUV yeqari?v. Abraham b. Moses mentions Shemaiah inhis letters. Judah. head of the Palestinian yeshiva during the second quarter of the eleventh century. I have already mentioned Moses he-haver b. whichwas not customary among the Maghribis. 1050. Abii’l-Faraj Shemaiah he-haver b. Nehorai’s brother-in-law (his sister’s husband). One should also remember that Solomon b.against anyone who slanders the writer and against a certain Mevorakh. and Abraham he-haver b. Hence it appears that our Shemaiah b. In this letter. asking him to take action . the aforementioned Moses b. if indeed he is the infant of whose birth Joseph ha-Kohen b.as one can surmise from the signature of the man who had been a judgein Fustat at the beginning of the twelfth centuryAbraham he-haver b. another sonwasborn). ‘Amram. Jacob he-haver. he mentions Nehorai’s Jerusalemite brother-in-law. Yeshii‘a (Faraj) also has links with the Maghribis. Solomon Gaon writes to Ephraim b. David b. most of whose correspondence is conducted in Arabic. and his brother Nissim b. we find him managing flax transactions in which the flax is spun in Jerusalem and sent to Tyre for finishing. Yeshii‘a. One of the notables of the Ascalon community writes to him. Jacob. written inHebrew. Jacob he-haver. The third member of the triad. and Abraham b. Abraham he-havEr b. was a Maghribi. there is also further confirmation of the connection between the trio of Jerusalem scholars (Moses b. Abraham was born in ca. Shemaiah’s cousin. Jacob. ‘Amram) and Nehorai b.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S . Shemaria when he mentions that R.even to the point of declaring a ban . A letterof Shemaiah he-haver to Nehorai b. Jacob. Abraham. who is also living in Jerusalem. Shemaiah he-haver. including the ‘Babylonians’and even the Karaites. Yeshii‘a. the aforementioned brother-in-law of Nehorai. apparently a descendant of Shemaiah Gaon. the Maghribis were intensely interested in whatever related to this yeshiva. ‘Amram. As the Palestinian yeshiva was the accepted leadership of all the Jews under Fatimid rule. Nathan b. Sugh27 s . his family stemming from Fas (Fez). where his partner. Joshua he-haver. we also find some Maghribi scholars living in Jerusalem who are connected socially and economically with the groups of Maghribi merchants. 370-3841 ‘Palestinians’ in Fustat.head of the Palestinian yeshiva at the outset of the eleventh century. In addition to good wishes and grandiose expressions.Below we find Shemaiah in thecompanyof Moses he-haver b. We find him in Jerusalem. Manasseh b. Shemaiahb. In the mid-century and later on. Judah’s formula and that of his rival. great-grandson of Shemaiah Gaon. deals with it. turns up in a number ofletters in which Shemaiah he-haver is also mentioned. Nissim has been preserved. a sort of combination of Solomon b. Nissim and his circle of Maghribis. Also mentioned is Shemaiah’s brother Solomon b. Shemaiah had a son (later on.

O n the other hand. 220. The letter to Abiathar: 551.the burning of ships and the Maghribis reduced to ruin.Schapira. Shemaiah’s letter: 519. f. We also have a letter from Abraham b. Responsa (1942).THE ECONOMY mar.Shemaria: 326. Joshua’s letters: 521-523. were later the victims of the political and military events by which the Maghrib was destroyed.726. Goitein. while Palestine was caught up in the whirlpool as well. 13). who played an important role in the split overthegaonatein 1038-1042. it is obvious that those who were lucky enough to see Palestine and live therefelt they had achieved a treasured aim. ourLord and Master Mosessegullat ha-yeshiva (the worthy of the yeshiva). TS 12. Assaf read Jacob (instead of Abraham) b. Abraham b. in Individualism. written in Jerusalem and addressed to a Spanish merchantstaying in Ramla. Sedaqa mentions bad news from Sicily . The list ofEphraim b. Jews. a. mention is made of merchandise sent by Ephraimto the Maghrib with a certain Abii Sa‘id (undoubtedly a shipment of scents and spices Ephraim’s trade). From Ascalon: 526. whichwas not sold forlack of customers (‘all goods are 49 See on Miisi b.From this letteritemergesthat Abraham had a special link with people from Qal‘at Bani Hammad in North Africa and he asks his correspondent to pass on his letter to them.118. b. who undoubtedly contributed largely to the prosperity and the renewed flourishing economy in Palestine from 1030 onwards. Mann. which was undoubtedly the result of the transfer of theFatimids’ centre to Egypt. 11. Ezekiel complains inca. on the order of reading the Torah. 231ff. See also Udovitch. he transferred money from Fustat to the people ofJerusalem through Abrahamb. 11. sends him greetings in a letter written at the outset of the dispute. ‘Amram himself.Jacob’sletters: 460462. These Maghribis. Manasseh b. Solomon b.49 [384] From the letters of thc Jerusalem Maghribis. . 11. Daniel). MediterraneanSociety. Shemaiah see Mann. line 4. and they do not refrain from expressing their enthusiasm and happiness. and whichalso affected Sicily. According to a list drafted by Ephraim b. Shemaria. Abraham’s David b. 445 (No. ‘Amram by mistake. 1952/3. 27).Josephha-Kohen: 409. their hearts remained in the west and they are constantly asking after and interesting themselves in news from there. line 8: al-shaykh Abii ‘Imrin.ina diy5qnF. Yentshalayim. quotes from BM O r 5545.Abi’l-Hayy: Goitein. 190. we already find signs of its economic decline. Two sons: 521. our Master Abii’l-Hayy. As early as July 1035. 66. for they have left behind relatives and friends. in a letter sent from there to Ephraim b. Shemaria in Fustat. In one of his letters. The Jerusalem parnas ‘Ali ha-Kohen b. Nissim from Alexandria. 11. 512 (No. 7 (a court document from the court of David b. His signature is surrounded by small letters which I am unable to explain. and there in n. 342.nineteendinars. As to Qayrawan in the thirties of the eleventh century. 109ff. of blessedmemory’ (1089).Jews. Mediterranean Society. 1060 that the situation in Jerusalem is very bad and that the merchants have stopped coming there. O n Abraham b. Mosesb. ‘Amram . line 19.line 11. printed by Assaf. a list of his letters written to Nehoraib. b. There is also a letter in his handwriting preserved in the Geniza. line 3. Sughmir: letter: 524. 11. Avon b. Yeshii‘a: see the Hebrew Index.

a. The letter to Ephraim: 330. Thiswas an unusual situation. Jacob. 122. which was the product of the special conditions reigning in the eleventh century. everyoneknows of the economic hardship and the calamities occurring there. 94 (these sources are from about the mid500. this Zadokis not mentioned in the letters in my corpus). lines l l f . the period of theGeniza letters. 154-158. Jerusalem’s special situation is conspicuous. lines 9-10. Nissim Gaon. ‘Amram speaks of profound alarm among the Maghribis Jerusalem in andtells of a letter that arrived from Abraham b. we hear mainly of distress andwant. of the raids of the Banii Hila1 and Banii Sulaym. David b. lines 6f. Abraham he-hiiver: 513. find echoes of theconnection between the economic activities and the arrival of masses of people in Jerusalem.s i j u t ha-ge’ifnirn. to one must include Zadok b. but as a matter of fact. at whose request and for whom RabbEnii Nissim b. cf.Nehorai’s brother-in-law Moses b. Idris. Nissim intends send to merchandise forsale on the Muslim feast although the likelihood of getting decent prices for them is remote. Actually it should have been a prosperous and flourishing city. Abramson. Israel b. the letter of Ismii‘il b. naturally. Jacob: 459. K i m i I . and after a short time theregime’s institutions were hastily transferred from Qayrawan to Mahdiyya. lines 23-24. especially since Dhii’l-HijaAH 443 (19 April 1052). b. Sughmar. persuasion. from which one can understand that there is ‘a change in the world and a turning over of the heavens’ and that they are awaiting more specific news. See: MS Mosseri R . one should stock up on grapes and that 9 Among those who emigrated from the Maghrib Palestine. we have already learned that towards the pilgrimage season. Avon: lines 20f. Nehorai b. Nissim with description a ofsome of the horrors experienced by the Jews of Qayrawiin.We do. QayrawZn was completely destroyed in November 1057 after a siege which the Bedouin began in1054. IX. ‘Eli ha-Kohen:443. writing from Jerusalem in March 1053. being the of focus pilgrims of every religious. 21G229. From Avon b. L a Berbdrie. Letters.T H E M A G H R I B I S [ S E C S . lines 9f. Nathan also mentions the heavy hearts and notes ‘how much harm has been done to people’s property and their persons’. eleventh century. 569. which eventually led to the destruction of the region.12. indeed. Moses b. The pressure of these trib increased. Israel: 473. They are speaking.50 The economy ofJerusalem [385] Against the backgroundof this general survey of economiclife in Palestine. Yahyii. 277 . a. 9. a. Abraham he-haver b. Farah to Nehoraib. Sedaqa’s letters.. Jacob wrote his commentary to the first mishna in the tractate R6sh ha-shana. f. expresses his despair at the absence of news from his family in the Maghrib. in AssafM i . The destruction of QayrawZn: Ibn al-Athir. i:6). quoting Hag. of course. see BM O r 5542. see its translation in Goitein. 370-3841 cheap and unfortunately he that earneth wages earneth wages to put it a bag with holes’.

c. a. The letter ofthe yeshiva (1057): 420. Mediterranean Society. line 4. and when their spiritual needs are fulfilled. cf. and the effect on Jerusalem was two-fold: on the onehand there was the interruption of pilgrimages. neither on aweek-day nor on thesabbath. Butassistance came to Jerusalem from all the Jewish communities. lines 5-6. lines 1 6 1 7 . which they purchased in Ramla in order to sell in Damascus. 195. and chiefly the tradesmen among them. reaching three and ahalf. a. ‘The land has died. its nourishments come from afar and livelihood is scarce. many who came to the city were impoverished and demeaned’. and there is no fowl to be had’. I. Aaron andKhalaf b. Khalil al-Itrabulusi. . its inhabitants arepoor and die. the pilgrims. we would buy on credit and sell and cover our debts. Joseph puts it (in the spring of 1025): ‘and most of our livelihood was fromthe clerks [merchants’agents] of Ramlaandits merchants. Nevertheless it is obvious that life in Jerusalem was hard and there was the danger of being reduced to poverty. the pilgrims come to Jerusalem. even more so in Jerusalem. Nathan notes. and still profit’. there are no cattle to be slaughtered. and especially in Jerusalem. Abraham b. line 3. lines 14-15. Isaac al-Andalusi. for instancewith Khallif b. The situationbecameevenworse during those years in which Egyptsuffered from drought. In the same fifties. lines 21-22. Isaac: 504. writes from Jerusalem to Fustat to his partner Joseph b. Nathan: 480. From Ramla. that is. Jerusalem received its principal direct support. . ‘Ah Kohen Fasi. . Nathan in 1061in this manner: ‘InJerusalem there is starvation. lines 28-30. an important and successful commercial centre. and not only from Ramla. There were shops in Ramla which were foundations (heqddz) for the welfare of Jerusalem and their income would pay most of the tax imposed on its Jews. may God save us and the 51 Nehorai: 508.The partnership: 30. b. turn to Ramla to transact business. as aforementioned. that only if merchants from the Christian countries (‘ajurn) come to Jerusalem willit be possible to sell pearls. the absconding of the grains from Palestine to Egypt andthesoaring prices ingeneral. One can imagine that this scarcity was to a large extent due to the unstable state of security as described in this letterandothers. the Maghribi Abraham b. Another fact emerges from the letters in the Geniza and thatis that most of the trading goes on in Ramla and not in Jerusalem. The situation is described by Israel b. This was written in reply to Joseph’s question as to whether he intended to remain in Jerusalem. The shops of Ramla: 49. Israel b. as the Gaon Solomon ha-Kohen b. Israel b. Israel: 477. when it has sand and should be sifted. Abraham b. who invested 350 dinars in a partnership to buy merchandise. as stated in the letter of the Jerusalem yeshiva (evidently in1057): ‘. lines 5f. This was the case. b. a. for the townitself is poor (li-annahtr bulad da‘ij). Solomon ha-Kohen: 50.THE E C O N O M Y their sale is profitable. Goitein. where a curse prevails. life in big cities is hard. and on the other hand. A qaJz of wheat costs three dinars. Grapes: 503.

’ The first officials in ruling positions and local administration were members of the caliph’s family.whichworked through the medium of offices ( d i w i n s ) . but they respond with enmity and slander. a system of politicalcentralisationdevelopedinBaghdad. similar to present-dayministriesand 279 . who bore feelings of profound malice towards anyone who had collaborated with the Umayyads. the seat of the Umayyads. unjustly and undeservedly. one hears no longer of the tribes participating in its political affairs. The chief rulers. The ruling centre was considerably removed geographically.5 PALESTIN FR EO M T H E BEGINNING OF ABBASID RULE THE FATIMIDS % TO From the revolution to al-Ma’mun [386] The Abbasid revolution brought about drastic changes in Palestine’s status and its internal events. From that time onwards. the at home inPalestine. were no longer visit to Jerusalem. The most drastic and basic change effected by this revolution throughout the caliphate . In thecourse of time. after the initial shocks were over. and the visit itself borea special religious-political significance. was also a source of resentment on the part of the former centre of al-Shim. whereas in al-Shim he would not dare to do so. we find the lines (in a free translation): ‘A visitor comingto Baghdad can close his eyes quietly and sleep to his heart’s content.was strongly felt in Palestine. whom the new rulers tried to depict as genuine heretics. but only of their rebellions. andwhen oneof thempaid a caliphs. for Baghdad was almost destroyed by the favours and bounty it regaled them [the people of al-Sham] with. the new capital of the caliphateestablishedin 762.the decline of the Arab tribes’ glory . Baghdad. In a poem in praise of Baghdad written shortly after its foundation. the fact was recorded in the chronicles as an event. and in the literary sources of the pe there is hardly an allusion to those numerous tribes.

The khawirij (sing. ‘Abdallah al-Khath‘ami. al-Rabi‘. or the clerks. the severed heads of 3. They were headed by the waxlv. the khawavij. 111. Uprisings in Palestine [387] During the firstyearsaftertherevolution. Wustenfeld.ibid. V. but he quickly became the actual ruler. Theophanes tells of a great many murderousacts carried out by the local inhabitants (certainly meaning Bedouin tribes) among the ‘wearers of theblack’ (mauvophovoi.rebellionserupted throughout the caliphate which were crushed by considerable bloodshed and violence.000 of their men were sent from Palestine to Fustat.2 [388] The first governors were members of caliph’s the family. replaced the Arab tribes. headed by Miilik b. Apparently after this collapse.from si’@). Abii ‘Awn was then governor of jund Filastin. according to him the leader of the rebels was caught and sent to al-Mansiir. alongside Abii ‘Awn ‘Abd al-Malik b. but he was forgiven. Sdih b. The Egypt while Silih b. Arab tribes still took partin a raid into Byzantine territory. khiriji) were the sworn enemies of the Umayyads. Ta’rTkh. as I have * See the verses (there is a difference of opinion as to the author’s identity) in al-Khatib al-Baghdidi. The army. and taking considerable spoils in the process. also on p. saw changes. 280 . 84. an office created by the Abbasid regime.. was forced to send an army from Egypt (to which he had been appointed governor by the new rulers) to Palestine in order to fight the rebels. 11. the deputy of thecaliph. and even some Christians who had not converted to Islam. Breyer.In 764. Statthalter. . According to Tabari. Kirnil. units from KhurMn. 4. known as milik al-sawi’if (meaning approximately: the summer-raider.PALESTINE FROM THE ABBASIDS TO THE FATIMIDS evidently modelled along the lines of Sasanid Persia. These were a sort of secular arm of thereign. I. I. the situation in Palestine was subdued. and he personally went to Palestine afterwards to command the army. Ta’rfkh. who were familiar with the techniques of recording and administration and were generally of either Persian (Zoroastrian) or Christian origin. I. 11. 68.’ 1. black was the colourof theAbbasids) in Palestinein 754. 576. uncle of thecaliph al-Mansur (his father’s brother). sometimes this term is used for any rebels and one does not knowexactly to whomit refers. guided not by Muslim law but by the will and policies of the ruler. ‘Ali. Persians and afterwards also Turks. thanks to one of the caliph’s advisers. Yazid. The insurgents suffered a crushing defeat and many of them were killed. see Ibn TaghriBardi. Theophanes.The central pillar of this system comprised the kuttib (sing.: kitib). his role wasto direct the central drwin. 331c cf. The raid: Ibn al-Athir. cf. too. 72). At first. ‘Ali wasgovernor of Trans-Jordan (al-Balqi’) and uprising in Palestine during al-Mansiir’s time is mentioned in Tabari. 295. and now of the Abbasids. Ibn Khallikin. 429 (cf. 436.

Bishr b. Muhabbar. Maysara. was appointed to Urdunn at the same time. I. ‘Abd al-Wahhiib was also in charge of the summerraids against the Byzantines. Ibrahim. Mukhtagr. see: IbnHabib.3 2. Ibn ‘Asiikir. adds that ‘Abd al-Wahhib died AH in 158. Ziyiid al-Kulii‘i al-Rahbi al-Himsi. Ibn ‘Asikir. 84. Tahdhib. and it seems that the grandson hated the Shiites as a result. His grandfather Ziyad had fought alongside Mu‘% wiya at Siffin against ‘Ali. Ta’rikh. ‘Ali was appointed commander in jund Filastin in Sha‘biin AH 133 (4 March AD 751).Abii’l-FidP’. 11. especially his wars against ConstantineV Copronymus (741775. was living in Jerusalem. Maysara (died in AH (who saysthathe 181/AD 797):al-Khatibal-Baghdadi. an accusation made against a number of the Damascene caliphs as well. Hafs b. Abii‘Umar Hafs b. Muhammad b.M A ’ M U N [ S E C S . the caliph was shown a plucked chicken. Ya‘qiibi. Rawh: Ibn ‘Asikir. al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. 30. 11. i. Ta’rikh. we find ‘Abd al-Wahhib at the head of thehajj. Wustenfeld. Muhammad. 17f. 11. Ta’rikh. Yazid and his contemporaries [389] At that time. Thawr 6. Ta’rikh. Ibn Hajar. 376fhas a biography of Silih b. 2f. Thawr was in conflict with Miilik b. The story of the chicken:Jahshiyiri. 11. XI. During al-Mahdi’s time (775785) the governor of jund Filastin was Nasr b. Anas. he was commander Ascalon. KZmil. another of the caliph’s uncles. Statthalter. 212.VI. al-Biihili and ‘Abdallah b. Dhahabi. Muhammad:Tabari. 81. the sonof Leo: in Ibn ‘Asakir. and Muhammad b. 386. in jund Urdunn. 386-4101 mentioned. thecaliph’s nephew. ‘Abdallah ibn ‘Ali. 111. I.e. 461. Hayawa. Bakr Mu‘iiwiya b. Siilih b. I. ‘Ibar. al-Ash‘ath. 11. and it seems that he remained inwardly to loyal the Umayyads and was therefore accused of being a Qadari (one who believed in the freedom ofwill). T w o and a half years later the area of his command was extended to southern Trans-Jordan (al-Balqa’). 48cKhazraji. V. Ibn Taghri Bardi. In order to demonstrate how his nephew behaved in jund Filastin. this is apparently what brought about his ousting from there. Ibn al-Athir. Ibrahim. 46. 137. the pilgrimage to Mecca. 328. At that time. the son of al-Nun). IV. At about the same time. 419. 75.Nasr b. in jund Filastin.I. 454.F R O M T H E R E V O L U T I O NTO A L . (arnr~) of the city of Rawh al-Muhallabi is mentioned. 295. Bishr b. 28 I . but he was not very successful in this role and was therefore transferred to other districts. he is credited with catching two of the few Umayyads who were still alive in the area. Abii Khiilid Thawr b. Egypt and the west (on 8 October 753). 385f. who collected hadiths and hailed from San‘a in Yemen. 35. Yazid b. AD 775. there was an important Muslim scholar living there. 111.75 belonged to theBani ‘Uqayl). 279. ‘Abd al-Wahhiib’s brother. Ibn al-‘Imid. evidently one of the pupils of Raja’ b. MGdih. ‘Ali. Acontemporarywho also lived in Jerusalem was 3 Tabari.IV. in 764. Marwan b. During al-Mangiir’s day the governors were ‘Abd al-Wahhab b. the famous scholar of Medina.

294-299. h. 111. VII(2). Adham was also born in Balkh. V. in the same fashion. mawlZ of the Caliph ‘Uthrnan b. Hayawa’s pupil. BJPES. Ibn Kathir. Yazid and Sawwar b. ‘Ibnr. Ibrahim b. 304f. AJewislz uprising (?) [391-3921 A short time after Hiriin al-Rashid ascended the caliph’s throne. adds thathis grave can be seen in Tripoli (ofSyria. Khdid b. 13-22. Al-Rabi‘ served as &jib. Tnltdltib. 11. 11. Wii’il. 225. 135-145. Bidiyu. I. Adham (byRussell Jones) in EP. Tubuqiit. 33. He was invol.5 3. 215 (No. Ibn al-Athir. and only came to Jerusalem after a stay in Basra).ved in government matters at first but afterwards left them and went to Jerusalem where he settled and there lived the life of an ascetic. the list of sources on him: Van Ess. K i n d . Ibn Hajar. 170. 255. Yiinus. Goitein. Shawdhib (diedinAH 156/AD 773): Dhahabi. Cf. I. were KhZlid b. 267.P A L E S T I N E F R O M T H E A B B A S I D ST O T H E F A T I M I D S ‘Abdallah b. 12. ‘Ulaymi. His family came from the Galilee. Raja b. the insurrection of YahyZ b. Mihran (died in AH 161/AD 778): Ibn ‘Asakir. Raja’ b. al-Mahdi. cf. ‘Ulaymi. ‘Abbis. Ibn Hajar. Yiinus. Adham was assembled by Ibn Manda (who died in 1005). and he released him. Abii Miqdam Raji’ b. Ibrahim b. 94. Other contemporaries who lived in Palestine. Ibn Hajar. Shawdhib (who came from Balkh in Khuriisiin.4 13901 A central figure of the Abbasid government during the time of al-Mansur was a man who originally came from Palestine. 273. X. SI. according to whom he was thrown out ofHims because ofhis opinions and he then moved toJerusalem. Ibn Qutayba. the article Ibrahim b. and also served his heir. he would send him to al-Rabi‘. 310. 11. 259.(1945/6). of al-Harith al-Haffar.la‘irif. see: Ibn Khallikan. 315. He was a rnawld of a slzawlii. he was suspected of heresy and arrested. 31(1970). Tukdhib. where his grandfather was taken captive during the conquest of Palestine. Yazid (died AH 153/AD 770): Ibn Sa‘d. came to Palestine from Basra and lived in Ramla. at the end of the fifteenth century). and was later his wazir and confidant. see also:Tabari. Abii’l-Fad1 al-Rabi‘ b. evidently he was from a Christian family. V. 124. 611. ‘Affan. in of the Banii Bakr b. Adham: Surn‘ini. but the people ofJerusalem hastened to the deputy governor of Tiberias (he seems to have had some authorityin Jerusalem). ‘Ali b. Ab6 Ishaq Ibrahim b. head of the caliph’s court. When al-ManSiir favoured someone who approached him. ‘Amara: Dhahabi. 282 . ‘AmmZra. VI. al-Busti. ‘Abdallah b. Tnhdhib. Yazid and Sawwir b. 1438). Adham is considered one of the founders of Sufism. ‘Abdallah b. The governor ofjund Filasrin during al-Mansiir’s day was Abii Muhammad ‘Abd al-Samad b. Ibn ‘Asakir. He fell in battle against the Byzantines in AH 161 (AD 778). I. to a family whose origin was Kiifa. Irmiya (Jeremiah) the Jew broke out Thawr b. the caliph’s uncle. Mihrin (who is Abii Salama) al-Filastini. V. Tu’rrkh. Sulami. The collection ofhadiths: Sezgin. Al-Rabi‘ b. 255f. 12). he wascalled son of the ewe (Ibn Shah) for his mother died when he was a baby and he wasraised on lamb’s milk. A collection of hadiths thought to have been taught by Ibrahim b. 505. the pupils of‘Abd al-Rahmin al-Sindi.181 (No. these in Ramla.

See: Gutrin. T h e war of the tribes [393] In 792-793. From this fact alone one can surmise that they were certainly not highway robbers but that it was an uprising. I. 111. . According to Ibn ‘Asikir (who describes himas a highwayman). apparently referring by amir to the governor of Ramla. 422 (I doubt whether the above readings are correct). 531. 267e Ibn Kathir. see: Constantelos. see Ripertoire chronologique. The source describes his proud bearing. n. Finally. Byzantion. 343f. 53 (p.Bidciya. not even water forhis horse. See the treatise of Stephen. cf.as can be seen from the inscription in the pool in Ramla. telling of the utter devastation of Bet Guvrin (Eleutheropolis). 11. cf. Palestine. in: A A S S . 101 (who has: jabul al-khalil instead ofjabal al-jalil). The St Chariton monastery was robbed and the Mar Saba monastery was atta~ked. MIE. He would not agree to convert to Islam. May AD 789. 386-4101 in Palestine. jund Filastin.6 Information about this uprising. seems to have reverberated in a Christian source describing the considerable destruction in Palestine as a result of the civil war in 788. and carried out by ‘Abdin (?). while the Jewremained intractable. 42(1972). 167f. Yahyi b. March. an unmitigated war was waged in Palestine by the Arab tribes. Le Strange. Serifin in Talmudic sources. but it seems more likely that it is Sarafand. Gaza and Sariphaea. son of the Caliph al-Mahdi. as I have already mentioned. We know that at the head of the ‘northerners’ Ta’rikh.cf. Van Berchem. the building was erected on the orders of the ‘amir Dinar (?). the forces sent by Ibrahim under command the of al-Nu‘min. Description. overcame the rebels and Yahyi fell in battle. for example that he refused to mount a horse which had been watered while negotiating with the governor.FROM THE REVOLUTION TO A L . in the days of the patriarch Elias (11). Ma‘cir$ 374.M A ’ M U N [ S E C S . 111. a mawli of the Umayyads who had formerly been one of Yahya’s supporters in the uprising. ‘Ali: Ibn Qutayba. saying that he would nottake anything from the Muslims. X. a monk from Mar-Saba. which can be found only in Ibn ‘Asakir in a somewhat detailed account. Ibn ‘Asikir. 189). Sariphea: perhaps Sarafa in southern Trans-Jordan. Ascalon. Hariin a1 Rashid’s brother Ibrahim. to pay thejixya or to surrender. which is dated Dhii’l-HijaAH 172. i. The two confederates surrendered to the governor of Damascus at the time. 33f. 3(1900). It seems that in the wake of therebellion the Abbasid rulers applied themselves to building projects in Palestine. rnawlci of the Commander ofthe Believers’. ‘Abd al-Samad b. V. even if the governor were to pay him 2. Khilidi.e.~ 4.000 dinars annually. mentions only that in 174 (790) there was insurrection and troubles in al-Shim. this was the war of the North (Mudar or Nizir or Qays) against the South (Yaman). 457. and were pardoned. 165. Archaeological evidence of the destruction of Bet Guvrin. Irmiyi was a Jew from TransJordan who had two collaborators from among the followers of the Umayyads.

According to Tabari. Ibnal-Athir. Ibn Khaldiin. Ta’rikh. son of his all-powerful wazir.until 787. Although nothing has been explicitly said on the matter. two years after he was deposedfrom his position. He was also involved in political and military matters after he was transferred from his post in Palestine in 796. such as putting down the insurrection among thetribes in Egypt. were inclined in favour of theYamanis.but also against the Abbasid regime itself. Apparently the disturbances in Palestine were ofwhat part was also happening elsewhere in 284 . A‘yun ofKhurZsan.ibid. 113. X. 61. 127-133. until his death on 1 August 816. 639ff. Bidiya. Bidiya. Khuraym al-Ni‘im Abii’l-Haydhimal-Murri. 151c IbnKathir. Ibn al-Athir. Sulaymin was to be in charge of southern Trans-Jordan (alBalqi’).. who was governor ofjund Filastin. He appointed two men as his representatives: Silih b.oneofthe caliph’s relatives. who and carried out difficult missions on his behalf. and hence the rulers saw them as rebels in every respect. especially in jund Filastin. There was considerable bloodshed. 11.11. VII.see: Tabari. Muhabb. Ta’rfkh. Ja‘far put down therebels with an iron hand and much blood was spilled. 175. Kirnil.Silih. it seems that the northern tribes were the instigators of this war and that the spearhead of their attacks was directed not only against the Yamanis. ibid. The fact that he left a separate person in charge of the remainder of Trans-Jordan points to the probability that thisarea was the focus of the rebellion. 61. one of the central governing figures of the caliphate.* [394] In AH 180 (AD 796) however. Ta’rikh. II!. and it seems that Ibn al-Athir had another source for this. 83. Ibn Taghri Bardi. or AD 780. Hiriin al-Rashid’s strong man in Palestine until then had been Harthama b. Rawh died in AH 174. Ibn Kathir. 450. 13. K i m i l .. this information is missing in Tabari. who was in charge of affairs in al-Sham. at the head of a large and magnificent army.Salih was the cousin of thecaliph al-Mahdi. 111. Abii’l-FidP’. Khdidal-Barmaki. and also his son-in-law: he married al-‘Abbisa. and ‘Is2 b. and stole watermelons and marrows from one of the ‘southern’ tribesmen(Lakhmor Judhim).lbrahimhadseniority as governor of jund Filastin. ‘Umira b. ‘Ibar. X. that the strife was brought to an end and matters calmed down on29 December 793. the battles between the tribes broke out anew. was Rawh b. al-‘Akki was to be in chargeof al-Shim. Ibrahim was returned to his post. Kiimil. Ibn Habib. Tabari. It was only after decisive intervention by the caliph and his brothers. Yahyi b. al-MansGr. According to Ibn al-Athir. and his son and aide Ishaq. VI. SulaymPn. for the tribes ofjund Urdunn and the Golan alsojoined the struggle on the Yamanis’ side. 168. 465. Ibn Khaldiin. Mtrkhtagr. 500. 176-193.9 Tabari. the caliph’s daughter after she had been married to another relative. 111. Ibnal-Athir.. Ibn ‘AsPkir. VI. but through the intervention of al-Mahdi’s cousin on his mother’s side. 111. the governor of Filastin during Ibrahim’sabsence. Ibn al-Qifo. ‘Ibar. Ibrahimb. VI. Muhammad b. 624f. 464. 217.P A L E S T I N E F R O M T H E A B B A S I D S TO T H E F A T I M I D S stood ‘Amir b. HPtim. Hariin al-Rashid sent against them Ja‘far b. Ibrahim b. Yazid b.al-Mahdi dismissed him in 780. The war began because of a quarrel between a man of the Banii’l-Qayn who came to grind his wheat somewhere in southern Trans-Jordan (alBalqi’).

111. 645 (governor of IfriqiyP). The episode o f Charlernagrze [395] A chapter to which western scholars have given much attentionis thatoftherelationsbetweentheAbbasidcaliphateandtheFrankish kingdom. 629f. the rebellion of the al-Hawfiyya tribes (that is. 629. in the Valley of Jehoshaphat (the Kidron Valley). ibid. 141. Ibn al-Athir. . ‘Zbar.. It emerges (though it is not stated explicitly) that not only the hostel and the library but the church and its property also were the fruit of Charlemagne’s generosity. 712 (heading the annual raid into Byzantine territories. Brthier tried to explain this rapport against the background of increasingly hostile relations with Constantinople and a tightening of the link between the Franks and the Pope. 386-4101 5. This relationship is not mentioned in eastern sources at all and one is tempted to ask to what extent the western sources are faithful to events or whether they were not inclined to exaggerate. According to an anonymous chronicle which continued that of Fredegarius. on their return journey. who was an eye-witness. 8. laden with his gifts for the caliph. particularly in the Mosul area and in Egypt. see Tabari. See: Fredegarius. who had sent a mission to Baghdad. cf.499. 171. 192. who visited Jerusalem shortly after the middle of the ninth century.503ff (on the side of al-Ma’miin m his war against al-Amin). l l f . and the pious foundation with twelve dwellings. Riant. in 802). Ptpin himself escorted the caliph’s mission as far as the portof Marseilles. n.Tabari.495. BrChier. the tribes of the eastern Delta and northern Sinai).lO [396] The sources contain greater details of a similar connection between Charlemagne andHZriin al-Rashid. 23.is supported by thatof the caliphate. see also: Ibn Kathir.dministration of the empire.M A ’ M U N [ S E C S . Charlemagne’s grandfather. this relationship had alreadybegunin 762.F R O M T H E R E V O L U T I O N TO A L .who were mainly is acollectivenameforthe ‘northerners’. Ibn Khaldiin. vineyards and groves. Har667 (commander of al-Rashid’s thama.mentionsQays(which ‘northern’ tribes) and Qudii‘a (a ‘southern’ tribe). AOL.506ff (fought against Shiite insurgents in 815). 467. inthedaysof al-ManSiir andPepin (Pippinus). the Church of St Mary. Bidiya. 171. 1(1881). 88. 28 5 1 0 .. cf. 31(2:1884). mentions the hostel which Charlemagne built there. Pellat) in EP. 11. which returned after a stay of three years together with a Muslim (Sarracenorurn) mission bearing gifts from the caliph (Amfr al-mu’minTn: Arnormuni). The monk Bernard. Khalifa ibn Khayyiit. also tells of the considerable sums of money sent by Charlemagne to Palestine and the many monasteries he built the The account of Bernard.. Ibn Taghri Bardi.713 personal guard. 807). 153: idem. the article Harthama b. 11. The Byzantine emperor. L’gglise. K i d . ibid. Constantine VI1 (Porphyrogenitus). with its library established with Charlemagne’s help as well. ibid. which would have enabled the Muslims to see the Frankish kings as the representatives of the Christianworld. VI. where any western pilgrim (‘the Latins’) is welcomed. in (governor of KhurSsZn). A‘yan (by C. The origins of these traditions can be found in the accounts of contemporaries or near-contemporaries. MAZBL. fields. in his book on the a. Ibn Kathir.

one from the monastery on the Mount of Olives and the otherfrom Mar Saba. died on his return journey from the East. his joy onthe arrivalof the delegation of monks from Jerusalem for the coronation of Charlemagne (a famous occasion. From theyear 807 we have more information on delegations going back and forth: Rodbertus.andkeysofthecityandthe mount (?) as well as a flag. Thisdelegation brought Charlemagne many valuable gifts which are described in detail in the chronicles. Four years later. In 797. a Jerusalem monk sent by the patriarch came to Charlemagne with blessings and relics from the Holy Sepulchre. Zachariah returned from Jerusalem together with two monks. Charlemagne sent him back with Zachariah. ‘king of the Persians’. This information regarding the exchange of delegations is considered generally acceptable. They remained with him inAachenfor some time and afterwards made their way back through Italy. The pattern of these relationships is interwoven with that of Charlemagne and the Christians in Jerusalem. Jerusalem monks. in the following generation. envoys of the patriarch. Charlemagne’s envoy. The visits of the Jerusalem monks. as he was then travelling in Italy. Charlemagne invited them to appear before him. the keys of the Holy Sepulchre. sent by the ‘kingof the Persians’ reached Charlemagne together with George and Felix. He learned from them that the only member of Charlemagne’s mission who was still alive was Isaac the Jew and that he was about to return. Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab. the learned contemporaryof Charlemagne. being his coronation by Pope Leo I11 as emperor of the Holy Roman Empire). and they brought with them blessings the of the patriarch. Charlemagne senta delegation of three men. mentions in a letter he wrote in801 to Gisla.PALESTINE FROM THE ABBASIDS TO THE FATIMIDS another of Charlemagne’s contemporaries. most probably the governor representing al-Rashid in North Africa. as it was said that he was the governorin the land ofAfrica . F5s. Eginhard (Einhard). Alcuinus. Charlemagne’s sister. and the journey of Zachariah to Jerusalem. are certainly reliable evidence of Charlemagne’s connections with Jerusalem and confirmation of the account of thetravellerBernardwhich I havequotedabove. Lantfrid and Sigimund.among them a clock (horologiurn).in Fossato. i. In 799. to H5riin a delegation from al-Rashid arrived at the port al-Rashid. ‘Abdallah. that is. the Isaac Jew (IsaacJudaeus). However. to Aaron. and the two were laden with gifts for the holy places. and he was prior Mount of Olives. consisting of two men. one ‘a Persian from theEast’ and the other on behalf of ‘the Amir Abraham’. one of the priests of his court. envoys of thepatriarch Thomas.e. bearing many gifts. we find the 286 . concerning the buildings of the ‘Latins’ put up in Jerusalem on Charlemagne’s initiative. George was a German of the monastery on the and his real name was Egilbaldus. of Pisa.

190. Constantinus Porphyrogenitus. al-Rashid. Charlemagne’s order on donations to Jerusalem: Caroli Magni codex diplomaticus. . and the brotherhood between the Arabs and the Franks rose sky-high. he granted him therightsof possession (. 214). 97f. See: Monachi Sangallensis (= Notker Balbulus). has been preserved. 646C Alcuinus’ letter: Alcuini epistolae. see on the author of the chronicle: Baix et Jadin. 1. 111. 228cEginhard: Einhardi annales. According to Notker. 752C see on Notker: Manitius. ibid. 314. as if they were each other’s flesh and blood. 87: Charlemagne arrives in Iuvavum (Salzburg) in803 together with envoys from Jerusalem. called Charlemagne ‘my brother’ and that he would been haveprepared to give him Palestine as patrimony. See on Eginhard: Manitius. but feared that Charlemagne could not defend it from the barbarians. and decide (‘without a doubt’) that he ittook from a source that has been lost in the meantime (about which I am very doubtful). D e administrando imperio (Moravcsik). whose poverty cried out for help from the West. ineiuspotestatem).Bonn ( C S H B ) 1840.F R O M T H E R E V O L U T I O N T O A L .115. the monk Benedictus recorded a story according to which Charlemagne went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and visited theHoly Sepulchretogether with Hiirfin al-Rashid. EnhardiFuldensis nnnales. Louis the Pious. a tax of one denarius (a coin introduced by Charlemagne. . See on the church of St Mary also below. saw himself merely as Charlemagne’s representative (.xxvi) = ed. maiores. 14f(ch. Notker the Stammerer. on Notker’s Classical Islam. . in the chapter on the Christians. Indeed. 108 (ch. ChroniconMoissiacense(which is . D e gesfis Karoli. 639. See further: AnnulerIuvavenses evidencealso:VonGrunebaum. The two returnedtogetherto Alexandria. with ca.l* Bernard. These are naturally fantasies of the writer. 77-101. Benedictus Monachus. The traditions from the chronicles of Eginhard and Notker were copied in later sources. who not only describes the connections but adds that ‘the Persian king’ that is. capitularia anni 810: ad Hierusalem propter ecclesias D e i restaurandas. thelinks with Jerusalem continued into the day of his son and successor. I. see an English version of the story in Schlauch. iii). they note that Benedictus was the first to quote this story. 328. in VIII. 186-189. 241. Towards theend of theeleventh century. .. Chronicon. and he. Medieval Narrative. in Tobler et Molinier. He mentions that during thereign of both these rulers. because of the distance. He adorned everything in gold and Harfin al-Rashid then decided that all the places would be inscribed in Charlemagne’s name and that would he have therightsof possession (potestaseius).M A ’ M U N [ S E C S . 710f (= M P L 139. advocatus eiusero super earn). M P G . 352. 386-4101 monk fromSt Gallen. Benedictus’ story was the nucleus from which the journey of CharlemagneJerusalem to grew intofolklore. 354C cf. 358 (No.7 grams ofsilver content) was levied on every household in the empire for the benefit of the Christians in Jerusalem. mention of the order given by Charlemagne 810 in arranging the matter of donations to Jerusalem to be used for the restoration of ‘God’s churches’. Geschichte. l 1 E3971 The reports on the connections between Charlemagne andHarun al-Rashid gradually assumed the proportions of a myth. Harun al-Rashid.-vis Jerusalem and its holy places. DHGE. I. Nevertheless. 194. 34f). M G H (SS). such as William of Tyre. at the heart of which stood Charlemagne’s status vis-. 113.

HE ABBASIDS TO THE FATIMIDS [398] In historical research.PALESTINE FROM T. Below we shall find that there was no patriarch named 1926. In his view. for instance. In contrast to the reliable historiccoreinEginhard. and grew out of an inclinationto view Charlemagne as the first oftheCrusaders. but at this point another aspect of this relationship should be Meissen-on-the-Oder). which contain an invitation to join in the liberation of the holy places. which was within their own vicinity. In an article in 1928. (2) the exchange of missions (he enumerates them as being nine) between the Franks and the Caliphate for twenty years. 288 . and the Emperor Constantine V (Copronymus) and his son Leo IV (the Khazar). in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.thisscholarpointstotheextravagancesin Notker and those who followed his in wake. in 1881. this was not surprising because these sources scarcely dealt with the Christian world at all. he defined the three factual contexts of the episode: (1) the persecution of the Christians that preceded these connections. in these three places. the connections between Charlemagne and the Caliphate are well accounted for by their mutual interests. already voices the opinion that many of these sources are part of the myth of an alleged military campaign by Charlemagne to Palestine. not even with the eastern part.O n the other hand. Brthier also tried to attackthe extreme doubts regarding the sources on the episode.Riantpointstotheapocryphalcharacterofletters ascribed to John. after his own views on Charlemagne’s so-called ‘protectorate’ of the holy places in Jerusalem were criticised by Kleinclausz and Joranson.patriarch ofJerusalem. In order to substantiate the validity of his comments. and brought about mainly by the necessity to defend themselves from their common enemies: the Umayyad caliphs in Cordova and the Byzantines. in his opinion. some of Eginhard’s taleis repeated.an element of scepticism beganto emergeat a fairly early stage towards some of the sources in which the descriptions of the links between Charlemagne and the Christians of Jerusalem were viewed as highly exaggerated. he made a detailed survey of the persecution of the Christians in the preCharlemagne period. In this article. He also touched on the problem ofabsolute the silenceon thesubject in Arab sources. The symbolic rights granted to Charlemagne by Hariin al-Rashid should not be seen as ceding the latter’s sovereigntybut principally as a guarantee of the security of the Christians in Palestine after the waves of persecution they had endured. Riant. and there are many similar instances. 305. and (3) the Frankish (‘Latin’) institutions which were established in Jerusalemat the beginning of the ninth century. I shall deal with this matter in the chapter on the Christians. in the exaggerated criticism of the sources dealing with Charlemagne. Kleinclausz cameout against John at the time. written to Charlemagne in the years 768-775. This myth developed a long time after the Crusaders’ campaigns.

The truthis that the inner circles of the Church in the west. whose views were represented by Charlemagne. Due to his honesty. L’iglise. 50:606. A H R . Muslim personalities in Palestine in the days o f al-Mahdi. Yiishiir (in the Arabic source: Yashiir. 1935. Abii ‘Abdallah Mu‘iiwiya b. by personally taking on the management of mostof the kingdom’saffairs. and the matter ofJerusalem. it seems that his father. who was born in 718. discussions in research: Runciman. who were alsothe enemies of the Byzantines as they were themselves. with the Pope at its core. see: Tobler. see an additional summary of the sources and the E H R . then.13 6. Syria. al-HZdi and Hartin alRashid [399] The central figure in the administration of al-Mahdi’s day was the son of a converted Jew. 1927. He was evidently the first to instil new contents and significance in office the of wazir. 111. and he is also believed to have introduced reforms in the system of taxation. 938. . but perhaps also because the Jews wereallied to the views and hopes of the two majorparties in these contacts. see also Musca. 31(2. Kleinclausz. had been taken by the Muslims (whichis evidently incorrect. 43f. MAIBL. a Manichaean. 5(1888). 1884). 440ff. AOL. Jimsalem II(2). and there are versions of his father’s name: Yasiir. see the bibliography and comprehensive discussion in Joranson. received the name ‘Ubaydallah when he converted to Islam). and constantly tied up with the secular political struggle between the Franks and the Byzantines. Hence there certainly could have been anti-Christian persecution in Jerusalem. I(1881).M A ’ M U N [ S E C S . 32:241.e.386-4101 mentioned. Yiishiir. Carlo Magno. 9-13.F R O M T H E R E V O L U T I O N T O A L . See his article in R H . as some have believed.see below the discussion on the Nea). thatIsaac the Jew tookpart in Charlemagne’s delegation to Hiiriin al-Rashid not only because he could (possibly)act as interpreter. which has been ignored by those who saw in Charlemagnea kind of defender and protector of the Christians in Jerusalem in general. 1928. 25fc he stresses the fact that the initiativeto establish connections camefrom theFranks and not from thecaliph. for whom Byzantium was Edom the Wicked. Revue benedictine. 7(1926). a client of the Banii Ash‘ar from Tiberias. and perhaps this was the truth). i. Golgatha. 155c Vincent et Abel. Riant. especially its taxes. were imbued with hatred towards those Christians with whom they differed on vital theological issues of historic significance. and: ‘Ubaydallah. which had all the services needed by the pilgrims. Baumstark Paliistinapilger. 212-233. whiletheMuslimsgavepreference to the Latins. interpretation of the sources: Brthier. see further Berlikre. 29f assumed that Charlemagne had to put up buildings for the use of pilgrims from the West (the Latins) because the Nea.and as 13 Among thefirst researchers who dealt with theconnection between Charlemagne and the Caliphate. he evidently made many enemies.Riant. A third factor in the antagonism toward Byzantiumand its ecclesiastic representatives in Palestine was the Jews.a fact which led to his son Muhammad (anotherversion: ‘Abdallah) being accused of heresy (the claim that he was a xindiq. Itis not unlikely. Al-Mahdi ordered Mu‘iiwiya to kill his son byhis own hand. 157:277.

which was the first of its kind. Ibn al-Athir. 162ff. 11. Tahdhib. I. the son Muhammad was found to be a zindiq when al-Mahdi commanded him to quote something from the Koran. Orientalia. Miilik b.15 [401-402] In the neighbourhood of Niibulus. 21. he died in A H 182 (AD 798). 113. iii:l9. According to Tabari. on thePalestinian border. VI.See further: Ibn Tiqtaqii. XIII. Moscati). seealso: Ibn Khallikiin. Anas for twentyyears. Mu!arrif b. Muhammad alMuwaqqari al-Balqiiwi. 1431). tabarak wa-‘alamtika bi‘uqni’l-khalqi. 196f.187ff. According to al-Jahshiyari. thanks to the magnificence of what you have created’. Shihab al-Din Ahmad al-‘Aqrabani. It is known that during al-Mahdi’s time. Ya‘qiibi. Mu‘awiya included a passage from the Koran in his testament. 482f. 290 ..PALESTINE FROM THE ABBASIDSTO THE FATIMIDS he was incapable of doingso. on al-Mahdi’s order. 343. he ordered the son to be killed in his father’s presence and even forced the father to engage in writing for the caliph with his son’s corpse lying nearby. 461f. and he is attributed with having produced a book on taxes entitled kit& al-khaviij. al-Fakhri. who came from Medina and settled inPalestine. al-WZJ. sounds likea metamorphosis ofa version of a Jewish prayer.Busti. Tabari.34. he was one of the l4 l5 ‘6 Mas‘iidi. Ta’rTkh. Anas. Abii Ghassan Muhammad b. there lived one of theretainers of al-Shiifi‘i (founder of the famous legal school called after him). 519. Moscati. Da’iid al-Laythi. he was ousted fromhis position by al-Mahdi in AH 167 (AD 783/4). On his Jewishness: ibid.didnotnoticethatMu‘iiwiyawasofJewishextraction. N S 15(1946). al-Khatib al-Baghdiidi.cf. The testament: Tabari. the well-known Jewish region in northern Hijaz. 79. Khalidi. 75. It is also said that he hailed from Wadi’l-Qura. He corresponded with a famous Muslim scholar. 307. Ta’vikh. see there additional sources. 111. he died in‘Aqrabain A H 180 (AD 796/7). Vajda. AghZrti. Khazraji. and he said: ‘You are blessed. Mu‘iiwiya was very learned in matters of tradition and literature. there lived another descendant of Jews whohad converted to Islam. 281. 169. Kitnil. He died in AH 170. VI. which also contains the story of the killing of his son Muhammad. Ta’rikh. al-‘uytrrz wa’Z-ttadZ’iq. he lived in Baghdad. 111. V. IX.RSO. 298.his tentative translation:sois btni (ou tu es btni) ainsique fes rnondes par la grandeur de In crtation. ibid. and see the saying on p. the article Abii ‘Ubayd Allah (by S. 111. al-Qasim al‘Utaqi was the pupil of Miilik b. 246-250. that is. According to Tabari. ‘IyZd. AD 786/7. 487: he was hated by the non-Muslims (the mawili) and did everything he could to keep them away from al-Mahdi. 532. of Egypt.16 Abii ‘Ali (orAbii‘Abdallah)‘Abd al-Rahman b.IbnHajar. Jahshiyari.. Sezgin. of the stronghold of al-Muwaqqar in southern Trans-Jordan (al-Balqii’) was a pupil of al-Zuhri. in the village of ‘Aqraba. 153f. 102-118. in EIZ. which says that knowledge is the cause of divisions between the Peoples of the Book. Some say that he was one of the descendants ofwho those converted and were taken under theaegis of Caliph ‘Umar ibn al-Khat$ib’s family. l 4 [400] During the same period inAscalon. as are Your worlds. Tanbih. 181 (No. Safadi. on the accusation ofheresy. 490. 17(1937/8). He died in A H 169 or 170 (AD 785/6 or 786/7). 26. Al-Walid b.

Ansijb. and he died inJumadi I. He was the pupil of the scholar of Eilat. Cf. nephew of the above mentioned Yiinus b. ‘lbur. 11. 337. Sam‘ini. VI. refused to accept the post of cadi when it was offered to him. 37. lived in Ramla. 466-481 (on p. in connection with the sources on the markets ofJerusalem. Ibn Hajar. VII. Cathedra. who was also avnawla of the Umayyads. He was a money-changer (jalzbadh) by profession.. son of a family of Damascene convertsto Islam. and out of sheer modesty. 252f. Ibn al-Athir. 433.He lived in Ramla and afterwards in Egypt and died in Safar. Ibn Hajar. 129. 425. It ishe who was ordered by the caliph al-Mahdi to erect a bench in the pavilion of the Dome of the Rock. 154. He died in AH 201 (AD 817). Sezgin. *O Ibn Sa‘d. Khiilid b. 386-4101 descendants of the slaves in Ti’if who were freed by the Prophet. among them a rnu~annaJ a collection of hadiths. Brockelmann. XI. The orthodox Islamic scholarsof later generationsaccused him of inventing hadiths and of attributing to himself hadiths taught by others. ‘Abdallah is the unidentified ‘Abd al-Saliim. Suwaydal-Shaybani al-Himyari. 170. VI. 405f. of Ramla. Rabi‘a al-Qurashi was also from Ramla. Towards the end of his life.” Abii Zakariyi’ Yahyib.theaforementionedYiinusb. ibid.mentioned by El‘ad.l8 Abii ‘Uthmin ‘Anbasa b.Tuhdhib. 262f. 475: he was a juhbudh). al-Khatib al-Baghdadi. which has been lost.20 Al-Kindi mentionsthreepeoplefromHadramawtinthesout