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Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament

Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament

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  • 2 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. T
  • 4 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. T
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  • 15: mat U-ra-ar-tu m t Kas-ki mat Ta-ba-luv
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  • 38: Ir Si-du-un-nu rabu-u ir Si-du-un- nu sihru
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  • BOOK OF JUDGES II. 163
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  • BOOK OF JUDGES II. 165
  • BOOK OF JUDGES II. 167
  • BOOK OF JUDGES II. V1I1. XI. 169
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  • 292 THE CVNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. T
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CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS
AND THE

OLD TESTAMENT.

THE

CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS
AND THE

OLD TESTAMENT
BY

EBERHARD SCHRADER,
TRANSLATED

D. D.,

PH.

D.,

PROFESSOR OF ORIENTAL LANGUAGES IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BERLIN &C.

FROM THE SECOND ENLARGED GERMAN EDITION
WITH AN INTRODUCTORY PREFACE
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REV.

M. A., C. PROFESSOR OF HEBREW, CHESHDNT COLLEGE.

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WHITEHOUSE,

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1885.

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It is and the appearance of true that the former had this for some time been out of however. rendered it print. A complete decad has intervened between the first publication of the second edition. not without a considerable increase of the materials which enter into the composition of the work. impossible to complete the new work It at an earlier date.FROM THE AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Various circumstances. moreover. that this was obvious new edition would have been made in- to take account of the progress that has in the interval by the various departments of it vestigation treatise. The past ten years have certainly not been destitute of results arising from the closer investi- gation of the these pages. of which And cognizance is taken in this was no less evident that this was not to be accomplished without a thorough revision and partial reconstruction and. Monuments which During this interval are dealt with in we have become acquainted with an entire literature of great extent and importance. consisting of ancient Babylonian .

underrating the advantage.VI legend and poetry. in others. from the authentic scriptions. Nevertheless I thought it undesirable to make any alteration in the plan and general arrange- ment of the book. strikingly confirmed its and supplemented. in some cases. I believe I am not mistaken in attri- buting the kindly reception in its accorded to the book earlier its that in shape chiefly to the circumstance. rather enabled him to form a sound judgment the for himself. do not conceal from myself that many would have preferred to see the materials presented in a more complete and systematic manner. and their capacity of throwing on the Old Testament. and imperative to preserve I it seemed to me especially its character as a commentary. and. On the other hand. Similar considerations have induced me not to depart from the plan I have hitherto followed of I am far from reproducing the cuneiform texts. unassuming form as a commentary it did It least to prejudice the judgment of the reader. placed in true light in particular details. . to one who approaches in an Assyrian form which text. of is having that text the very to be regarded as the correct Assy- rian according to the present state of investigation. statements of the In- respecting whole extent covered by those light records. whereby the knowledge we have hitherto acquired has been.

come addition. beg the reader observe the 'Corrections and Annotations' and to rectify the misprints that are noted. Nov. prove no unwelThe indexes will also be a valuable trust. there are those who desir- are in danger of regarding a text thus restored as that of the Monuments. The map attached owes to the to the book. and to reproduce the Inscriptions as far This as possible in the form in which they appear in the is Monuments. . before reading the book. Schrader. On the other hand. my I esteemed friend and colleague Kiepert. I desire to express my I best thanks to Dr. 1882. which does not belong to the original texts.VII and he who is conversant with the nature of Assyrian writing (especially if he has access to the original sources) can entertain no serious objection to such a mode of transcribing an Assyrian document. aid in the use of this work. B. which the reader kindness of will. Berlin. with It was accordingly able to -dispense the external correctness. Moritz to the who has adapted them new (German) to edition. always effected in the syllables the simplest way by words syllables dividing [with hyphens] - in phonetically written and in by combining the words expressed by ideograms.

In the The works high place of Dr. Schrader have long held a deservedly in the estimation of continental scholars. The steadily increasing interest that has been it is awakened in the results of cuneiform discovery will. Schrader has in recent years chiefly devoted his energies. Dillmann is ing a somewhat conservative position. as occupy- Schrader may now be ranked with Dr. department of Old Testament criticism he has made valuable contributions. But it is to the department of Assyriology that Dr. besides his revised edition of DeWette's especially bibli- Introduction to the Old Testament. as compared with the school of which Wellhausen the recognized leader. hoped. ensure these volumes a welcome among English students of theology. On this problems of the field of enquiry Dr. und das Alte Testain the preparation of ment" by the writer of .INTRODUCTORY PREFACE. It was the invaluable aid derived from the "Keilinschriften this preface. is we may mention his "Studien zur Kritik und Erklarung der bearing on the schen Urgeschichte" which important in its recognized by Noldeke to be critical early chapters of Genesis. The former edition of the work now introduced to the English public and the dissertations entitled "Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung" were held in high esteem by English as well as continental scholars.

when a of the This second edition has attained nearly double the size It not only embodies the additions to . the exegetic and mythological researches of Dr. It will be readily understood that such an accumulation of citations and references. and to . The reader can scarcely peruse a single page of the book that now lies before him without being conthe im- fronted by citations and references that indicate mense industry and wide-ranging enquiry which were necesNot a stray article sary to the production of such a work. Sayce and Prof. Lotz's Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pilesers I". while does not render it enhances the value of the work. Oppert and FranQois Lenormant. appears to have escaped the unslumbering attention of the author and every scrap of evidence on the subject in hand is cautiously sifted and its significance duly estimated.IX notes for his class on the Hebrew text of Isaiah. necessary modifications of the views put forth in the earlier edition (already published in the author's "Keilinschriften tribution und Geschichtsforschung"). the remarkable archaeological discoveries of George Smith and Hormuzd Rassam and the invalu- able contributions to our historic and linguistic knowledge furnished by Prof. but it has also laid under consuch works as Fried. English or continental. that sug- gested the idea of translating the original work. second edition should have appeared. to say nothing of a host of articles in scientific it journals and transactions of to learned societies which would be a wearisome task enumerate. and first. it more readable or perspicuous to the student as his eye glances over the pages. in any magazine or journal. It has there- fore been the habit of the translator to relegate parentheses of undue length into footnotes whenever practicable. Haupt. Delitzsch's a Wo lag das a Paradies?".

this opportunity of expressing my author for the valuable aid he has Every sheet that came from the printer has had and elsewhere a very large number the advantage of the author's revision. in the cuneiform flood-legend that touch upon the Biblical account are stated by Dr. All the main points. tract of the cuneiform text. Schrader in the pages of this volume. of the present work to the theologian is it many- To the student of Old Testament history sheds a much needed has light over the foreign relations of Israel during the regal period. On the earlier chapters of Genesis. . Schrader was being passed through the press . and would take great obligations to the rendered. Occasional notes of my own have been added which are in corrections every case enclosed in square brackets. In the English translation the excursus of Dr. and in the transcription of the cuneiform texts of and improvements have been introduced. from the The English additions to the himself. while the discovery of the eponym lists made the reconsideration of our Biblical chronology especially necessary. however. The value sided. The English edition differs in some important respects from the original German work. and he has kindly added to the English edition a succinct account of the Chaldaean flood-story and has likewise appended the translation of an important ex- with which corresponding passages scriptural account are compared in an opposite parallel column.X present the original under a garb that might be recognized as English. with a Tr." or "Translator" appended. edition also embodies the corrections and German original furnished as the translation I by Dr. Haupt on the Babylonian flood-story and its accompanying glossary are omitted.

170 foil. Meshech. a useful store of information on Assyrian in its relation to Hebrew. (e. Tubal. On the other hand the student of Biblical I pp. X and XI presents an entirely portions of the The reader of those work that are devoted to these chapters will find that many names.). 161 foil. 18 foil. On this sub- more the will be said further on. (Vol.). will occasionally find that the Assyriohas logist something to say on the vexata quaestio of the Priestercodex and the age of ject its compilation. we now new that possess an invaluable store of illustrative material. Sakkuth and Kwn (note on Amos V. I pp. stimulated by controversies which have agitated Britain North of the Tweed. 26) and on the sacredness of the number seven (Vol. however alluring. 23). 6 Baal and Ashtoreth (pp. to the illustrative notes Rimm6n (p. g.). were formerly ethnographic terms of altogether vague extent and meaning. 196). Hebrew to the appended volume. Dagon (pp. the Creation-accounts. philologist will Last. have now. and certainly not discover in the glossary least.). the student of comparative religion these volumes cannot fail to be of considerable interest in their contributions of to our knowledge Semitic this mythology. while the race-table in Genesis aspect. Under and pre-Semitic cultus and head special importance belongs on the Babylonian Creation-story 14) and to the articles on Jahve (p. Gomer. criti- cism. Also to which rest upon an inadequate basis of evidence. Each Assyrian . On these points he will not fail to note with satisfaction the cautious reserve with which the author approaches all proposed identifications.XI the Paradise. and in the "Notes and Illustra- tions" scattered throughout.and Flood-narratives. in the light of what the inscriptions have taught us. acquired greater definiteness whether ethnic or local Heth. Shinar &c.

in Hebrew from other Semitic languages. This position. called the The Pentateuch and the Book of Joshua. I now propose to exhibit in a somewhat clearer light a few of the many points of interest that have been just enumerated.xn root is exhibited with its Hebrew characters and compared also frequently receives and equivalent. . 270325). Dillmann. will still The speculations of Graf and Wellhausen have been brought in the prominently before English readers in the works of Prof. Dr. This is a department of investigation that promises to be fruitful of results illustration destined to exercise a exegesis. first-fruits marked influence on Old Testament Dr. Kuenen and Wellit hausen. It has been already stated that Dr. Noldeke and Dr. Robertson Smith "The Old Testament Jewish Church" and "The Prophets of this preface will Israel". The Biblico-critical views held by the author of the "Cuneiform Inscriptions and the Old Testament" are stated fully and clearly in his edition (the of De Wette's Introeighth) duction to the Old Testament (Einleitung pp. The limits and scope of only admit of presenting these theories in general outline in order to show the contrast between the general position of this school of criticism and the standpoint of Dr. as represented by the names of Graf. Schrader occupied a position that might in relation to the recently now be called conservative developed Pentateuch-criticism be seen. Schrader. Friederich Delitzsch has already given us the of his investigations on the relation of Assyrio- logy to some of the more obscure points of in his Hebrew lexico- "Hebrew language viewed in the light of graphy Assyrian research" and has thrown a welcome light on the rendering of some Hebrew words hitherto imperfectly understood. he maintains.

have long been held by scholars to consist of diverse elements. and by certain clearly It is marked specialities of style and phraseo- Noldeke that we owe not only the most logy. significant use of the term fill-in This document by the almost exclusive employment of the sacred name Elohim as far asExod. and the labours of the past century have at length conducted Biblical critics with fair unanimity (though amid manifold differences of opinion upon details) to the recognition of four main documentary sources. in occasional fragments of Deuteronomy . on account its 10D. by references to ritual. The composition (or compilation) of this document is placed by Schrader in the early part of . 2. complete investigation of the real character and extent of to the document. considerable sections The document may also be traced in of the Book of Numbers. These documentary sources have been clearly discriminated in the Hebrew text as it lies before us and may be designated as follows: I Annalistic Narrator. the name given by Schrader to By Wellhausen the work is called the "Priestercodex". the author of the document. but also the clearest presentation of the results. while by Noldeke it is entitled the "Grundschrift" or "Fundamental Document". and in numerous passages of the Book of Joshua. Ewald. most of the legislation in Exodus and almost the whole of Leviticus. VI. called of is it the "Book of Origins".XIII "Hexateuch". I refer to his Testaments". These results coincide in the "Untersuchungen zurKritik des alten main with those presented in Schrader's edition of De Wette's Einleitung. The writing of the Elohistic annalist comprises portions of Genesis. by precision and characterized methodical order of statement. on the other hand. from which the texture of the narrative has been constructed.

Schrader the document was composed in the According th 10 century. XXIII. III The Prophetic Narrator (Ewald' s "Fourth Narrator") is usually called the Jehovist (Jahvist). see Gen. to whom nearly the whole of the Book of Deuteronomy is due as well as portions of the Book of Joshua composed his accounts shortly before the . because the It use of Elohim. to this writing IV The Deuteronomic writer. 19.XIV David's reign *. The chief characteristic of this writer the remarkable exaltation and vividness of his conception of the working of the Divine and prophetic spirit which pervades most of his descriptions. 13. was an Ephraimite. soon after the revolt of the Ten Tribes. 146). 11. Josh. and renders many of these passages the most beautiful in the I Old Testament" (Ewald Geschichte des Volkes Israel Most writers have inferred from the special p. Reformation in the reign of Josiah. XXXV. * XX. 7. XXI. and introduced them into The chief ground urged by Schrader for this view is the repeated reference to Hebron. . which was the residence of David in the early part of his reign. II it in the The Theocratic Narrator. C. called by is Narrator". prominence that to it gives to the patriarch Joseph and special that the author references to Bethel. XV. 2. because the work is characterized by the employment of the name i"lin\ The is approximate date assigned by Schrader about 825 800 B. . while Noldeke and Dillmann place th 9 century. listic narrator. 13. 27. usually known by the Ewald the "Third name of the a Second work is characterized by the was Hupfeld who first clearly exhibited the marked distinction of the Second Elohist from the Anna(or Later) Elohist". both of liable to whom employ is the same sacred name a and were thus be confused with one another.

growth change respecting the which has been introduced within of view the past quarter of a century by the labours of Graf and Wellhausen. and (2) to the Jehovist is assigned the function of redactor. an . see Einleitung 203 5. as it is called. Sections belonging to documents II and III are to be found throughout the Hexateuch and. this Dillmann and Noldeke attribute distinct writer editorial work to a I. holds that ally there were origin- two main sources. in contrast to the views of Noldeke and Dillmann. 313). Einleitung p.XV the pre-existing. most critics (follow- ing Hupfeld) are of opinion that the work a of the Jehovist was entirely independent of that of the annalistic narrator. also in the Books of Judges. or. Critics. Noldeke holds that the Later-Elohistic sections are those which were incorporated by the Jehovist or Prophetic Narrator (III) into his work. Schrader. and traces Hosea and Amos. according to Schrader. differ from one another as to the relation sustained by each of these documents to one another as well as to docu- ment I. that of the annalistic. only pieced them together but edited them and added much of his own" (De Wette-Schrader. But these divergences of opinion are parison insignificant in com- with the radical of the Pentateuch. and that of while the prophetic narrator not the theocratic narrator. Moreover. Schrader assigns (1) a more independent position to document II (the Theocratic Narrator). on the other hand. prae-Deuteronomic Pentateuch. Samuel and Kings. This literary product called by Schrader the of its influence are found in the phraseology of prae-Deuteronomic Pentateuch". however. (designated R) a who combined documents is II and III into a whole. We here observe that. and has in recent years exercised Kuenen.

as being on the contrary the criticism latest. have. upon. between the language of the earlier prae-exilic prophets and that of the Mosaic T6rah. no sanctions of Mosaic ordinance to rest pose. and most important of the successive accretions. Stade assigns it the 800. This document with its large body of legislative ordinances was drawn up in the age of Ezra and incor- porated in the Pentateuch. which the elder school of had regarded as the oldest as well as fundamental document of the Hexateuch. According to Wellhausen the Jehovist work was in the regal and prophetic period preceding the downfall of the Israelite kingdom.* Next follows document II approximate date 850 composed (Theocratic narrator or Second Elohist) which was composed perhaps 100 years later and was combined by the DeuterLast onomic redactor with the preceding Jehovist work. Such are the main outlines of a theory which in a great measure revolutionizes our conceptions of Old Testament literature and in the words of Dr. . To the disciples of Vatke . 58. no bearing * elder critics of every shade. Graf and Kuenen the current phrase "law and prophets" involves a The prophetic Tdrah came first with VGTSQOV JIQOTSQQV. tained with so The theory mainIt much ability by this school entirely reorgan- izes the evolution of the Pentateuch. Stade.XVI extraordinary influence in Germany. represents docu- ment I (Annalistic narrator) . writing. we have the document designated I called by Schrader the Annalistic . we are told. Delitzsch a upsets the scheme of history". no legislative retrospects. Geschichte des Volkes Israel p. such as we have been accustomed to presupCoincidences of ideas and phraseology noted by the from Hengstenberg to Noldeke.

will and it be seen that the facts of Assyriology. 16 foil. The main bearing of Assyriological evidence on the problem of the Pentateuch may be stated as follows: Assuming that * Stade. obvious". 6884. Neu- or reconstruction of history to with deliberate at which process he supposes have been work in the age of Josiah (Deuteronomic redaction) exile . constitute in themselves a power- ful argument in the hands of the conservative exegete. a that Grafs hypothesis must produce a complete revolution in the departments of Old Testament theology and the history of religion.. C. as stated by this cautious and skilful critic. The reader who has perused Wellhausen's 'Israel' in the last edition of the interesting article "Encyclopaedia Britannica" will not fail to note that the Sinaitic episode in the desert wanderings elimination is almost ignored. as he describes the results of cuneiform discovery and exhibits their relation to the statements of Scripture. does not ignore these latest developments of critical investigation. II . says Duhm. Geschichte pp.* volume will perceive that Dr. While it wipes out the "Mosaic period" it extends the horizon of the prophetic period as far as the beginnings of the Israelite religion proper and demands new explanations for the book of priestly religion and for The 'complete revolution' is 'obvious' enough! Judaism". and during the and again in later times The readers of this about the year 300 B. in his "History of Israel" Large sections course of publicaof the historical books of the Old to a process of "tendenziose now Testament are ascribed gestaltung" bias. Schrader. still The same more principle of is applied with drastic completeness in by Stade tion.XVII on the question at issue and are susceptible of an entirely "It is different explanation.

is Probably the position assumed by Dr. and argues that they must have existed in Palestine at least in 800 B. foil. but point back to an origin of vast antiquity.xvni Document I (the Annalistic priestly narrative) was edited immediately after the Babylonian exile. Consequently we should be led to ex- would be a priori would colour the form it pect that the Babylonian accounts of the Creation and the Flood would exhibit a closer resemblance to the form of the Elohistic priestly (I) . Schrader the safest . tion-account shows a close resemblance at one particular point. which was common to both Semite and Aryan. Haupt and endeavours with considerable success to show that the accounts of Creation . In connection with this interesting enquiry I would take this opportunity of calling attention to an able essay by Dr." The writer argues against the above mentioned theories of Dr. both Biblical flood-stories were not composed till the Exile. C. story than the Jehovist . published in the reports of the Prussian Academy of Sciences. On page 55 the author refutes the views of the eminent that Assyriologists Paul Haupt and Friederich Delitzsch . Paradise and the Flood were not borrowed by the Hebrews in comparatively late times from Babylonian sources. than to that of the prophetic while some portions Jehovist narrative (III)- On page 23 our author shows that. . 48 is clearly shown that. a On the origin of the primitive legends of the Hebrews. of the Elohistic story of creation are analogous to the fragmentary Babylonian cosmogony the briefer Jehovist crea. Dillmann. it In dealing with the Chaldaean flood-legend pp. so far from the Elohistic ac- count exhibiting traces of closer contact with the Babylonian the fact is precisely the reverse. probable that Babylonian tradition of that narrative.

Nor have we any allusion by these writers to Adam and Eve as the first human pair. XXXVI. Delitzsch's argument proves too much.XIX for us to adopt: a lt is Hebrews] acquired primitive accounts* in a from impossible that they [the knowledge of these and the other far now under investigation as far back as the time of their earlier settlements in Babylonia. Ezek. ** Fried. "Wo lag das Paradies" p. "stream of delight" (Ps. of Paradise in such impossible to see any allusion to the story images as "spring of life". and that they carried these stories with them from Ur of the Chaldees". Dr. 9.? of the "waters of that. Moreover. but the primeval histories of the Jahvist point no clearly to Babylonia. We are here confronted by problems of which not even the latest theory of the Pentateuch has yet furnished a complete solution". taken away God for his piety. 35)? While both mention Noah. 9) that there is any reminiscence foil. geography of which he shows himself. 8. onlyEzekiel and the Deutero-Isaiah refer to this subject (Is. 16. but neither do we find any allusion to the Flood. it cannot be shown that either Jahvistic or Elohistic literature and religious history existed in prae-exilic days. nor to the two ill-consorted brothers Cain and Abel. no reference to him is made by prae-exilic writers. 21 How from the mention of God's garden of Eden in Joel II. XXXI. the Elohist is postcan understand why there are no distinct echoes of the Elohistic creation-story in the prae-exilic literature. unless he is prepared to make a new departure and assert that both Jahvist II* . Eveu admitting that the coincidences of the Babylonian and the Scriptural accounts are as strong and decisive as the above extract makes out. and that how it is it that is not until we come is it to the Deutero-Isaiah (LIX. 93 foil. 9). Hence with regard to the sections of Genesis which deal with primeval times. : "If. LI. nor have we any express or unmistakeable reference to to Enoch. XXVIII. as Penta- we Reuss and Graf have assumed. 13.** On these Biblico-critical questions the reader * Schrader says "myths". apart Noah" and the promise in Gen. Delitzsch clearly states his position at the close of his well-known essay teuch-critics since exilic. but both writers alike closely follow the Babylonian account. XXXVI. to have known better than any other Old Testament writer. we might suppose him to have borrowed less his accounts of Creation and the Flood from the tradi- tions of Babylonia. 54 footnote **. If the Elohist is post-exilic. 3. 3. VIII. p. not only does the Elohist agree with the Babylonian legend. the in his description of the rivers of Paradise. "a tree of life" or It is .

collision traced. results of fifty years of patient investialbeit in some regions shed a welcome have light gation on the great theatre of Western Asian politics only twilight The accumulated during the period of the Hebrew nationality. One cheering indication deserves to be noted. and decline of the great world-empires. the Hebrew settlement in Aegypt . 175 foil. 145. 41 footnote. can now be understood with a clearness heretofore impossible. namely that both Aegyptologists and Assyriologists have introduced a very wholesome reaction in favour of upholding the validity of Old Testament history. 96. the site of Goshen and the chronological adjustment of the Hebrew and Assyrian Old Testament nar- records). that we may well hope that the new problems which have been raised will ultimately be solved in the light of fresh facts. and whatever be the questions that Aegyptian or cuneiform decipherment may raise (e. the incidental confirmations of rative are so remarkable as well as instructive. This has been a vast gain to the Biblical student..XX may 119 with advantage consult pp. growth and overthrow of the Even the movements of minor races. which excavation is ever drawing forth from the soil of Aegypt and Asia Minor. 41 is only one among many objections to this view. 64. The political forces that played around the Syro- Palestinian states and determined dynastic interrelations. rise. The views of and Elohist composed their annals in post-exilic times. Hebrew colouring foil.) of the narratives pointed out But the strong by Schrader (pp. the external conditions which shaped the course of Israel's history. 80. . 85. the signs of the times which the Hebrew prophet read with an unerring vision . footnote * in the present volume. that lay so central to the impact of the civilizations that surrounded it. may be clearly discerned and confidently as well as the progress. g.

receives indirect confirmation from the Assyrian inscription quoted on page 200 (Vol. "The exodus of Abraham from Babylonia.. . Contemporary Review. are well known.* And I would take tunity of citing one of the most important attestations from the words of Fritz Hommel. as that contained in 2 Kings that Hazael X. I). worthy concession from one who still declares himself in the main an adherent of the critical school of Wellhausen. Even the cursory reader of these volumes of Schrader's fail to work cannot ring confirmations be impressed with the constantly recurSuch a of Old Testament records. Jehu a son of Omri" was paying tribute to the Assyrian monarch. At all events we can clearly understand that the Israel war waged by Hazael against the kingdom of would * Compare for example R. This writer enters a vigorous protest against the extreme views of Stade respecting the so-called untrustworthiness of Biblical history and expressly declares his belief in the historic personality of Abraham. Perhaps the similar conduct of the Tyrians and Sidonians was mainly brought about by this time-serving policy of Jehu. March 1879 "Ancient Aegypt". 130). statement. with the Babylono-Elamite the battle of the Kanaanites league in the valley of Siddim and the journey of Abraham This is a noteto Aegypt . Poole. the accomplished and somewhat audacious author of "Vorsemitische Kulturen".. From we learn that while Hazael was maintaining a desperate struggle with Salmanassar II. for example. 32. are historic facts" (p. which became a disastrous precedent for his successors. S.XXI several eminent Aegyptologists on the subject of the anti- quity and historic value of considerable portions of the this oppor- Pentateuch. began to wage war with this Israel.

These illustrative notices from the cunei- form annals increase century of in number as we reach the eighth Assyria came Hebraeo-Assyrian history.XXII be the natural outcome of Jehu's compliance with the Other citations might Assyrian foe at so critical a juncture. this episode This passage was formerly regarded as one of great difficulty. when Israel and into more immediate contact. said the critics. and brought him back to Jerusalem into his kingdom". and heard his . Adolf Kamphausen logy. . which render it and the Assyrian chronovery But the valuable essay of Dr. who took Manasseh prisoner with hooks [not sion renders it] "among thorns" as the English ver- and bound him with fetters and carried him to Babylon. supplication. Before leaving this subject of confirmatory evidence I shall call the attention of the indulgent reader to two re- former years by Oppert (in his markable examples. in no reference. and they supply quite true that the discovery of the Assyrian invaluable links in the chain of history during this eventful period. The 1 first has reference to a passage in 2 Chron. the B ook of Kings nor have we reason is There to to . wherein similar and even more direct confirmations may be found. "Die Chronologic der Hebraischen Konige" would at least difficult to adjust the Biblical suggest the possibility that such an adjustment may be found without inventing artificial theories of Hebrew chrono- logy or resorting to such desperate in shifts as those advocated Chronologic Biblique). And when he was in affliction he besought Jehovah and He was intreated of him. his God . XXXIII. It is Eponym Canon has raised fresh problems. be furnished in abundance from the following pages of the work. 1 tains 13 "Therefore the Lord brought upon them the capof the host of the king of Assyria.

Accordingly But the In the was pronounced all these have demolished inscriptions this entire section objections. among 21 other kings. how comes it that the supremacy in Palestine.XXIII any Besides. of Minasi sar mat Jaudi "Manasseh king of Judah". Lastly. Surely. but was sub- tion of the arrest of feet . who were guilty or suspected of being guilty. in the tribute lists of Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal we find mention. king of Judah was carried captive to Babylon and not to Assyrians believe that the at that time exercised Niniveh? unhistorical. then were drawn into the vortex of the rebellion. Secondly. the centre of the a ence to is disaffection. the usual residence of the Assyrian kings? Now there is an inscription of a former king. Hence there is nothing un- reasonable in the supposition that Asurbanipal. C. who was bound in hands and with iron chains" and conveyed to Niniveh. Manasseh would inevitably participate in the insurrectionary movement. received the submission of the different potentates. We are told that not only Chaldaea but also the Phoenicia and Palestine. well as Elam and Aethiopia. from the records of Asurbanipal (successor of Asarhaddon) we learn that a serious revolt broke out about the middle of his reign 648 B. first place . Sargon. after crush- Sammughes. as "Western country" i. in the Southern capital Baby- lon. But why is Babel mentioned instead of Niniveh. we know that Asarhaddon towards the close of his reign reduced Syria and Aegypt to subjection.. which expressly states that he received ambassadors and tokens of homage in in Babylon and not ing the revolt of Niniveh. e. instigated by his own brother Sammughes (Samas'-s'um-ukin). viceroy of Babylon. the referhooks" and "fetters" and also to the final amnesty aptly illustrated by the mention in AsurbanipaFs inscripa Nechol. Again.

2.* An fluous explanation of some of the technical terms recurring this throughout work probably not be deemed superAssyriologists.Am6n or Thebes is circumstantially described. They are frequently represented in the transcription by the original Akkadian equivalents which the * And in the light of this safer to refrain from the instructive testimony would it not be assumption of interpolation in the case of Amos VI. Aegypt and the allies being totally overthrown. ingenious and suggestive though they he. Aethiopia. and the inhabitants This passage long massacred or carried into captivity. The full details should be read in Schrader's highly instructive commentary on the other instance is Biblical passage in Vol. a passage somewhat analogous to that of Nahum? Such a consideration has more weight with me in this particular case than the metrical theories of Dr. C. by some who are not is Ideogram certain the cuneiform sign employed to express a (originally definite material) conception. . Libyan remained an historical puzzle to Exegetes. II. These signs were probably invented by the non-Semitic SumiroAkkadians. occurring about 6H3 B. But has at length been rescued from violent hands by an inscription of Asurbanipal published by George Smith.XXIV sequently pardoned and permitted to return to Aegypt. The from Nahum III. 8 11. Bickell . and the fact is incidentally mentioned that men and women in great numbers were carried into captivity.. Some ills it indeed : resorted to the favourite panacea for exegetical they assumed that the passage was interpolated. that the prophet Nahum will specially referred. in which the prophet describes an overwhelming ling catastrophe befal- N6-Amon on the Nile. It is to this tremendous event. in which the capture of N6 .

"It serves to divide words and to mark the . i. Syllabary. column cerned". Not only was it not adapted to express some of I/. system was adopted by the Babylono-Assyrian tribes that subsequently established themselves on the plains of the Euphrates and the Tigris. e. consequently. in the left as hand con- phonetic symbols. It was were make this complicated system of writing intelligible to the ordinary reader that the syllabaries I now quote from Professor Sayce "The which drawn were order of the syllabaria up by king [Assurbani-pal] usually consist of three columns in the middle is the constructed. In the right hand column. had several phonetic values . or. the elementary Semitic sounds . This was a kind of Akkado-Sumirian dicof writing The cuneiform system was invented and This elaborated at a very early period by a Sumiro-Akkadian race speaking a non-Semitic agglutinative language. as well as the distinction as the gutturals sibilants H and t between the and 3. But this adoption of the Akkadiffi- dian script was not accomplished without considerable culties. in other words. : : character to be explained. but the greater part of the cuneiform characters were polyphones. the characters are treated as ideograms.XXV reader will find written in capital letters in order to words distinguish them from the Semitic Babylono-Assyrian which constitute nearly the entire body of the transcribed text. tionary. and the right hand column the Assyrian translation of each of these powers when regarded as an Akkadian word. so far as Assyrian is to Determinative means a cuneiform sign which was prefixed an ideogram. while the left-hand column gives its phonetic powers. might be pronounced chiefly in order to in several different ways.

as with date from the king's accesofficer sion. as a rule. Thus the series was headed by the king (Sarru). officers altogether who When the list . next came the Tartan (tur- tanu) or military or chief of the palace. and he there shows that these eponymofficials were appointed in rotation. Among the relics brought over by Layard and others from Niniveh were some terra-cotta tablets. tukultu. birds and animals are respectively preceded by their special and characteristic determinative ideograms". and then an Afterwards followed the provincial Perhaps there were as many as thirty could be eponyms. George Smith devoted a special work to this important subject. stones. some special event. The upright wedge denotes that the lows.XXVI existence and character of proper names in a sentence. and giving his name like the aqycov ijicopv^og of Athens or the pair appropriately of consuls at called in Rome. but the date was fixed by the name of the ( who was e. or town governors. The terms 'Canon of Rulers' and 'List (or Register) of Governors' require some explanation. Hence this official list is George Smith's work 'the Eponym Canon'. next the officer called commander. the real significance of which was first explained by Sir Henry Rawlinson to the in a series of communications Athenaeum lists in 1862. These officer tablets were found to contain of officers. 1 i m u) for the year. the Assyrians documents were not dated accord- number of years from not even did they. vegetable substances. grasses.ponym The late Assyr. cities. and the names of women name . of an individual fol- countries. then the niru (?rab) ikal rab-bitu r (?). Among ing to the us . each being appointed for a particular year to it.

M been well-nigh universally accepted as that of the eponym. II pp.). II pp. lists The are first four Canons.. see Vol. but fortunately they confirm supplement one another. &c.) occurs on nearly every page of this work. runs thus a ln : The notice the month Sivan the sun suffered an eclipse". Unfortu- and nately none are complete. Now in these official lists or canons have I.XXVII was exhausted. 480 foil. one supplementing Canon I. 763 B. we this nevertheless need some means of reducing chronology If the date as far as possible to exact terms of our own.. while their it is quite evident that the Assyrians kept lists chronological of annual regularity (with a dividing line to eponyms with great mark a new reign). these Canons which are referred-to under the title 'List of Governors'. Fortunately has been obtained from the notice which accompanies the eponym of Purilsagali. The last three brief historical Canons (V VII) are accompanied by notices of some event or events occurring in It is each year (usually military expeditions or revolts). Other copies have since been discovered. (or simply I R. however. all eponyms that precede or succeed in unbroken succession are determined also. (German pag. II. The sequence. or in of eponyms. The citation I Rawl. II Rawl. C. r This eclipse has been calculated by Hind to be that which occurred on June 15. and this date has . These citations . quoted under the name Vol. a 470 (German pagination) Canon of Rulers". come down to us four copies called Canons III and IV. are those which foil. varied somewhat at different times. &c. of a single eponym can be this precisely fixed. VI and VII. and the others being also called respectively Canons V. the series recommenced. Now.

where these of Sinear in the German instance Bible and in Schrader's . f. I The numbers 151 the lithographed plates and the number of the inscription. 39. In the reproduction translation . Paris 1849. to LXX but also the Assyrian form of the name 278) decisively prove that the name familiar English ears. means plate no. just as they did with the Aegyptian &OD. proper names in the English the forms standing in our Authorized Version have been closely to approximate more the Hebrew Masoretic text (e. Not only the (see Vol. 11. Thus 151. I p.' designate the e. I lative' to line 3. Smith and Pinches) in In such five volumes between the years 1861 and 1880. . work). his 'Monument de refer to Tom. 11 line 3.XXVIII refer to colossal the separate volumes of Sir Henry Rawlinson's work "The Inscriptions of Western Asia" . refer to the columns. 15 'Rawl. very closely represents the pronunciation of a of true the Hebrew D'HfHD. the numbers which follow number of the plate and the line. while the letters e. is Another to in- stance wrong Masoretic tradition probably be . have adopted from Schrader's work the term 'appelexpress the use of a substantive (like the Hebrew employ- V3) ment as a common noun (= noun to its 'lord') in contrast as a proper (= of Baal). Shinar instead preserved . g. But quite evident that in this the punc- erred. which stands in the German it is and also in our pointed Hebrew tuators text. 'Inscriptions The in Layard are from his work the Cuneiform Character' London 1851. references to citations The Ninive' from Botta are from V. f. Sennacherib. I In the case of the Assyrian monarch Sennacherib in have nearly every retained original the form Sanherib. a citation as II Rawl. published by Rawlinson (assisted by Norris.

be the meed of praise awarded to that heroic few who for have conquered as the former human knowledge for it great realms of time. will soon be telling its own story. with boundless resource and marvellous penetration. The results of Aegyptian and Babylono-Assyrian are but the prelude to further research hitherto obtained enterprises in the recovery of the great Hittite empire . The long known from the records of Aegypt and Assyria. who with unweary- kind will ever . Lepsius Brugsch of Lassen Grotefend. have recovered from complicated and ing toil of eye-sight too often mutilated scripts the ancient and long-forgotten tongues that are now slowly declaring to us the secrets of three thousand years. and brain.XXIX found in the names Goraer and Meshech (see notes on Gen. Jan. as in a few years they assuredly will. . and Champollion. Rawlinson and George Smith. Whitehouse. Meanwhile let us acknowledge with thankfulness the intellectual achievements of the century now hastening towards its end. Vol. 1885. Burnouf. Man- the illustrious names of Young. History will commemorate the vast cosmic revelations of Natural Science won for us will But no less high by the discoverers of spectrum-analysis. Owen C. 66 footnote). . and when Turkish misrule and fanatic obstruction have ceased in Asia Minor. I p. Schrader's important treatise. 26. the unimpeded progress of European discovery will far outstrip the power to coordinate its results. 2. have won honour immensities of space. In these prefatory remarks I have indicated the main lines of interest which converge upon Dr. X. human past.

page XVIII. the midst of the text. 27 line 2 from above. 63 line 13 from above. Grotefend in fact II. 26 line 10 from above. 18. is in itself a presumption against his own this arbitrary hypothesis. 41 line 13 from above. 4 line 11 from above. r commencing 'Delitzsch Parad. read 45 line 10 from below. 91 line 2 from below read: : 1 Kings X. 92 line 6 from above. read to a people. may in most large number of instances.CORRECTIONS AND ANNOTATIONS. 108 line 8 referring to the temple of Borsippa Dr. I. may have moulded the Jehovist flood-narrative. read: Anunnaki. for 'remark' read: footnote *. But admission. 57 line 2 and again in line 12 from above. that the Nimrod-story is Syrian rather than Babylonian in form. (Geschichte Israels X. read: of the author. Ill 3638. Inscr. after D^in read: Chavilah' The sentence. Abydenus is the writer of the 'AtiGVQiaxk xal Mqdixd from whom Eusebius quotes. from a comparison of East India House The statement needs rectification. read : : unmistakeably. to The argument evade I have here stated Wellhausen endeavours I p. 2 Kings VII. 6 footnote * for 'E. that the temple called l'-zida the temple of Bor- sippa (Schrader). cases assume that the term signifies a footnote.) that later exilic or post-exilic influences. 29 . East India House Inscr. for 'an' read: and. Job. 26. 29 line 3 from below. read: may be conjectured that it was. though this has been done in a very The reader. 'later' read: younger. A literal rendering is here given of the German original as well as the Hebrew. read : tenures. 120 line 4 from above. however. . 13 with ibid. is Nebucadn. for foil. The term Anmerkung by 'remark' or 'note'. Chattaeans. place 'Abydeuus' in brackets. &c.' should be placed in brackets 31 line 4 from above. line 8 from below. Nimrad-Kalah. in as German we have usually rendered it may mean a note embodied in It has been impossible to verify all Schrader's references. for 'Chaldaeans' read 107 line 7 : from below. Flemining has shown in his essay on "The great stone slab-inscription of Nebucadnezar II" (Gottingen 1883) p. 6. 2 nd ed. by suggesting coming direct from Babylonia. Hincks' read : 9 footnote **.

show him favour or honour it is a synonym of ramu 'love' and naplusu 'be gracious'. the beloved of Anu and Dagon" : "Asurnasirpal. favourite of Bel and Adar. equal. p. also belongs to the Akkadian. is propounded Targ. ( however attractive be. J^IX t confirmed by the Assyrian. XLI. Delitzsch at some length: it the "The passages read as follows Asurnasirpal niBel uAdar na-ra-am A-nim u Da-gan "Asurnasirpal. 139 Gen. the sun of the whole of mankind ni-sit Be"! u Adar" (Asuru. Fried. Moreover j^i{< ] ("Y*y) does not mean of "pupil of the eye". Layard 89 &c. and poetically employed like Q^JJ. 16: ina alani nis inisunu in "in their (the gods') favourite cities". Dictionary 'power' that ji^N is by Levy. originally meant is u 'strength'. and also as nasu ina. Sargon ni-it ina A-nim u Da-gan "the favourite (properly. Hist. . in where texts "to raise some-one" appears bilingual as the eye on having the same < meaning as the Assyrian am&ru "see". "look". Franz Delitzsch's article 'Der mosaische It Priestersegeu' in the Zeitsch. I. 11).XXXI page 131 line 4 from above. acquire the force of a diminutive? (2) nisu does not mean "man" in Assyrian but always "people". The 9 root whence EMri' 1 = Mahve is strong'". 147 footnote Dr. I S p. 1881) Vol. the king without (Asurnasirp. (3) The interpretation altogether breaks down in the face of passages long unobserved. To this 1 object: feminine form nisit. "Hebrew in the light of Assyrian Research" and footnote '. view already 72 foil. naplusu "take pity on". Schrader agrees with Oppert above ni-sit with or without ina as mean- (1) how can the ing "pupil of the eyes". standard insc. or VII. for 'drachmas' read: shekels. from the assumed word for 'man' nisu. 43. Comp. : 143 lines 8 9 read *. the comparison the Arabic the I -^^>^ ^U^l may On the other hand. foil. such as Nebuk. the object of the raising of the eyes) of Anu and Dagon" in explaining the (Sargon 1). ^ e strong". Comp. of Aegypt (Lond. Brugsch. 1). fur kirchliche Wissenschaft. VII. may be worth while to quote Dr.. Here a Babylon al ni masculine form is employed instead of the feminine occurring in the other passages. Friedrich Delitzsch's explanation of the phrase occurs in a note to Dr. 35: inaja "my favourite city". Accordingly nasft ina ana (to raise the eyes to some-one) signifies "to look graciously on some-one". The phrase . Salrnanassar II's Obelisk. 306.

add: Compare also Sargon's inscription in Smith's Discoveries p. Abiba'al &c. For we find that even in native BabylonoAssyrian names. In other words the Assyrians do not ap- any reference pear to have regarded the names of these localities as having to the god Baal. Hazakijahu. 172 last line. see the "Addenda" at the end of Vol. 178 line 14 from above. It is now definitely ascertained that Pulu was the Babylonian form of the name IZc5p(o$). I am informed by Dr. 193 204). 150 line 5 from below. while in foreign names (e. as we assume. The name Pulu has been found in the recently discovered list of Babylonian kings. 202 footnote *. where Juda is named as being in alliance with Philistia. for 'Cyprus-' read cypress-. : : 168 line 8 from below. According to the list. of Bibl. Schrader henceforth adopts the infinitive form akanu. Edom and other seditious peoples (Schrader). the Babylonian substitute for the Assyrian name of the king Tuklat-abal-isarra. foil. read: the same verse. Similarly kakk i tahazi has the circumflex on 'arms'. We here draw attention to the fact that Dr.' read Imperat. . Pulu reigned two years In the parallel passage of the newly discovered Babylonian chronicle there is mentioned as Babylonian ruler for these two years Tuklat-abal-isarra (Schrader). the penult. Archaeology. read: there is mentioned as king. 163 The word for 'gods'. with other Assyriologists. when not divided by a hyphen. being a plural. II. 258 line 3 for 'Imperf. read South Arabians. read: there stands. 1884.XXXII page 149 line 3 from below. (728 27). 291. Asur-ah-iddin. g. pp. the determinative for deity is sometimes omitted by the cuneiform scribe. Pinches in the Proceedings of the Soc. : 279 footnote **. g. when undivided. 224 footnote ***. zi'r or Chinzer. May It is written Pu-lu and follows Ukin6. and.) the determinative for divinity is nearly always absent. e. is written ili (with circumflex). the least affect the question how these Canaanite-Phoenician names originated. as the best mode of indicating the root. Schrader that no deter- minative for deity stands before either Ba'li-ra's or Ba'-li-sa-bu-na. which is a parallel of the Canon of Ptolemaeus (see Theoph. This. sabi 'soldiers' &c. for 'form' read: from. 222 line 3 foil. ofcourse does not in . 156 line 6 from below. For further supplementary remarks.

.

Ruins of Scale N1NIVE 1 : proper 100000. .

. Modern Williams & Xorgate London. .Type of the !Names> Monumental Othci : Names Ancient "Names Nantes.

he al Names :- Names iat Nartu-s i Netmet.KIEPERT Scale . BEDFORD S T COVE- . UANCERFIELD Lnn 22. BY H. 1:4.Map to illustrate CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE OLD TESTAMENT.000.000.

I. Chap. in this I ** The transcription of Assyrian followed by adopted in me and fur Keilschriftforschung I. chap. der Berl. and darkness was over primal flood avid . On the the of characters the by equivalents reproduction respective Assyrian ai and ja. Lenormant. Leipzig 1882. Zurich 1863 p. Smith "The Chaldaean account of Genesis" London 1876 p. 1880 pp. 7995. The clay tablet in the British Museum. see G. foil. Genesis Leipzig 1876. Sayce edition ibid. 1. 494 . 271284. breath of following is a transcription** and rendering: *** * For the construction of this introduction to the Biblical creationstory. . Akademie der Wissenschaften 1877 p. and A. the same book is my publication "Assyrisches Syllabar. 2"d e d. In the beginning whe?i 2. With respect to my transcription of sibilants. Delitzsch in the Fr. Paris 1880 p. Earth however was a waste and the desolation. 57 foil. the God was hovering over the water) 3. For explanation see G. pi. (the God created the Heaven and the Earth. p. 1 foil. Fr. see my essays on this subject in the Mouatsbericht der Bed. H. 1880 p. Archaeology IV. Dillmann's Genesis. 78. A. see Monatsb. 1 Smith Transactions of the Soc. as I. then God The form of the opening of the Chaldaean creasaid fyc* we read it in the Assyrian language on a as tion-story. German les of Smith's Chald. 1 origines de I'histoire. in Zeitschrift *** For the original Biblical text. 40. Mit den Jagdinschriften Asurbanipals in Anlage" Berlin 1880. of Fried. see the author's "Studien zur Kritik und Erklarung der biblischen Urgeschichte". Ak. is analogous. 1884 p. (page 363).GENESIS. 1. 62. Delitzsch Assyrische Lesestiicke ("Assyrian Extracts") 2 nd ed. Lond.

. not yet named a name. 8. 7. was their generator. 1 1 . 2. 4. Then were the great gods produced. su-m a la zuk-ku-ru si-ma-tav la i 9 . 7. The gods Sar and Ki-Sar were produced. (ilu) A-n u Sar above the 15. the land had not yet named a name. 0. 9. . I'nu-ma ill la su-pu-u ma-na-ma 6. not yet [determined] the destiny. sap-lis ma-tuv su-m a la z ak-rat apsu-ma ris-tu-u za-ru-su-un mu-um-mu ti-amat mu-al-li-da-at gimr i-s u-u n 5. "When Heaven had not yet announced. (ilu) 11. and 6. a-di Lah-mu ir-bu-u (ilu) La-ha-mu us-ta-pu-u 12.. I'-n u-m a 1-1 i s 1 a n a-b u-u s a-m a-m u 2. the august. 1. Beneath. The surging sea the mother of their whole.2 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 1 . 3. 3.. Then their waters embraced one another united . forth 10. The gods Lachmu and Lachamu proceeded And grew aloft also . The darkness however had not yet been withdrawn. a sprout had not yet sprung forth. T. b-b a-n u-u-m a ill [r ab ft t i] . (ilu) i. . mi-su-nu is-ti-nis i-hi-ku-u-ma gi-pa-ra la ki-is-su-ra su-sa-a la si-'. 8. 12. 4.. 10. "When Had of the gods as yet none had arisen. e. Sar (ilu) Ki-Sar ib-ba-[nu-u] Ur-ri-ku umi 14. 5. (ilu) 13. The ocean.

according the commencement." Compare the subscription of tablet No. 4 not as an explanatory parenthesis. my remarks in Assyr. Lenormant*). The god Sar tablet (d u p p u) " is 15. Haupt has kindly communicated to me his own translation of the opening of the Chaldaean creation-story. formed of a series designated. on which the above recorded. lines (Oppert: jadis while they differ in the rendering of the opening ne s'appelait pas. 15. 3 "The days extended . asbu 3#N rendering. as series I'nu ma 11 is = "When (see above. Oppert.GENESIS I 13. 89. . i... 5 i-lis. (Hebr. 14. property of AsurFor "Die phrase... : They agree nevertheless in the choice of tense fut (leur genfrateur). The apodosis to lines 1. not plur. KAN. king of the host of nations. king of Assyria. DJD). 'When above'. Delitzsch I. Fr. see banipal.. comp. 15. root Smith. Keilinsch. see = Aramaic KOD Leipzig 1880 p. ou &c. 76). who takes i nu ma as a special clause = "there * Both the latter. These latter contain no finite verb." the meaning of the latter my treatise assyrisch-babylonischen Keilinschriften" ("Assyrio-Baby- lonian Cuneiform Inscriptions"). which stands for JjHl from &sibu == 3#$). and mu all id at (rn'pNp) clearly point to an intervening cz>cumstanlial clause. The god Ami . Leipzig 1872 p. 2 cannot be lines 3 and 4 (Geo. Lotz die Inschriften Tiglath Pilesers Babyl. e. MI' i-nu-ma Kisdat ba1 "Table V of the series sar kissati sar matAssur. in As to kiss at IWD (sing. Haupt's** from JflJ (comp. 55.). e. which reads thus : 1* .. but as the statement of an event. Lenormant: au temps. "JJ. i. The the to first clay tablet. and their participles z & r u. also take lines 3. This I regard as inadmissible. Hollenfahrt der Istar ("Descent of Istar to Hades") Giessen 1874 p. I doubt the correctness of P. ** Dr. below): A s u r-b a n D up-pi i-h a V.

the products of generation were tion necessary to organic life. Sayce. and a was simply a chaotic flowing mass. correlative ideas. the sea was the mother that gave birth to . An ordered world a cosmos had not yet arisen. K. when above the Heaven had not named. 5 line constitutes the apodosis. Indeed lower portion there . The Ocean was their first generator. 1. [The reader might also compare the rendering given by Prof.). and also in his later work "Fresh Light from the Ancient Monuments" p. VIII. sometimes (see In Tiglath Pileser I col. namely Accordingly 1 the buds of vegetation had not yet sprung up (lines 6). has clearly descended to the condition of a mere temporal particle. Beneath. . line 52) even referring to the future ("if ever the temple shall become old" &c." In other cases where this word it inuma occurs in Assyrian texts. A chaos. 'die Testament theologies. C. There was a time. these instances. 3. 27 * "bear a name" and "exist" are to a Semite Kespecting see the Old Trj. : all this universe. And that which is the Earth beneath had not a name An infinite Abyss was their generator.). : Compare with this Oppert's translation Formerly what is above was not called Heaven. and his remarks on pages 51 3 in the History of Babylonia (Ancient History from the monuments S. Before the creation of the Heaven and the in the mind the of author. 4. before the separation of the entire universe into an upper portion =<Heaven'. and compare P. Haupt I sumer- ischeu Familiengesetze' (1879) p. P. The verbal form shows that meaning Earth* (i. was a time when &c. = 'Earth') .4 4 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. Q } in the sense of 'the nature of a thing manifesting itself. still destitute of the condilight. this introductory inuma followed by an apodosis compare the cuneiform text cited In the present case the below in illustration of verse 20. is: e. all is however. . within which the generative processes were at work. Mummu-Tiamat the mother of their whole &c. the Earth had not named a name. 2. 31. T.

. . see 'The Assyrio-babylonian Cuneiform Inscriptions' 32. no. 183. For. Giessen 1874 p. and Fr. . . The verb ban a occurs in Assyrian.. Delitzsch 'Assyrian Extracts' 2"& ed. . properly speaking 'in Heaven. 30. Haupt explains the substitution of former for the latter by the assumption that the non-semitic we have an Assyrian translation in the fragment was composed in the Sumerian dialect. 'ocean'. 127 (where absu is is to be read). not 'generation'. Akkadian abzu (= 'Assyrian Extracts' 2 apsu original. or may have been uttered by them (lines Notes and Illustrations. Lotz Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser I p. . and Sar 13 o foil. not in the closely allied Akkadian. Sum a from the following line. gods) existed. I lines 1 6. i. we should have in Sumerian nima ki "height" "earth". of which that lies before us. e. when it does not mean 'build'. Thus a second corresponding paragraph. Fr. 1. see W. 2. 12). which the Assyrian translator then represented Consult IV Rawl. 13 might suggest such a rendering. no. only in the signification 'produce'. on Earth'. instead of the Akkadian ana-ta ki-ta 'above and beneath' (= Assyrian ilis u a pi is). for ki in Sumerian was substituted k u r "land". Also the Assyrian n a b n i t u 'sprout' indicates in the first place the conception of sexual generation. so far as I know. = zu-ab) meaning 'primal flood'. 74 line 4. 128. cosmos was preceded by a time when no such cosmos (i. As object to nabu understand the accusat. though the connection of the ban a with the Heb. see amamu). introduced by 5 inuma. e. "The Akkadian abzu properly denotes 'house of wisdom' [Akkadian * I Assyrian say 'origin'. To avoid saying kia ki mu nupada "when on the earth the earth had not named a name". 5 Now. just as the terrestrial cosmos was preceded by a time when no such cosmos existed so also the super-terrestrial . that has some reference to the gods Anu .GENESIS I. Kespecting inu and the Leipzig 1880 lateral affix ma. Samamu (plural of (pronounce form of sami' samu). 8 and lOc. Instead of "land" we mtuv should the expect irsituv "earth". 49. I'nu-ma. Delitzsch by matuv.). 'depths of the sea'. n(* ed. 98. my 'Istar's poetic col- Descent to Hades'. describes the origin* (ibbanu) of the gods (lines 7 After a long interval something took place. .

= mummu according to V R. Germ. mentioned in the writings of Damascius (Lenormant to comp.g. 1. Sam as. 39) gives the singular tamtu (ta-aam-tuv). bel g. the II. roots J^tf and tlie g y n IIR ! 188 n 41 fo11 The name is to be explained - . Hincks Nebukadn. my 'Descent of Istar' p. 511). Delitzsch in seeking the its v3'-J derivation of the word biltuv from a root 750. ri-i-su from tJ{O) would therefore tiamat accordingly 'irrigation.6 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. g. quoted in Lotz p. . which in Arabic would coincide with the Heb. V~iN)- Assyrian Babylonian rate timtu At any we appears as a rule to be contracted into tamtu. the second. 54a). tiamat.' has the general signification of the moist or surging sea (see TranslaFor the transcription ti-amat compare Fried. Schr. the wife of tinaacbv. For the text see Fr. tamat. bi-il-tuv. 8 means elsewhere . bil "Lord of inscrutable wisdom" [compare Rawl. signification It is accordingly better to follow Fr. mummu. and V R. inscriptions Layard 12 B. Delitzsch in G. 55. 16 a (Haupt. meet with the plural tamati e. ab 6 = nob. Moreover the names of deities e.]. Since biltuv 28. Likewise be found in the name Ma)Vfjil<. 44. > 15. also e. Salmanassar's Bullline 9 (ta-ma-a-t i). nemeki I ' (pEpj) 1S Sanherib . certainly lurks in the name Tav&. generally occur in the construct state (Haupt).. Yet on the other hand we find such forms as Rammanu.. mummu = bil'tuv (comp. means precisely the same as the ordinary Akkadian name for sea a-ab-ba: 'water-house' (Haupt). E. "Mistress" nbj?D> ^ appears natural to bear this in mind and render: "the mistress or sovereign sea". see bitu JV25 Akkadian zu = idft and lamadu. T.Lady". Samsi and many other examples. Sumerische Keilschrifttexte" I no. who sprang according mummu is probably to Damascius * Comp. 152). IV R. S^ essential (middle vav). 296. But this Assyrian word mummu "Akkadische u. 18 c d. Of the two designations of the feminine principle. 63 lines 7. 77 observe also the designation of I' a as ami' (u) irsitiv 'Lord of heaven and earth' II R. 118 rem. therefore in assuming a similar signification also for . > -]- from the circumstance that the god E a is the king of the Ocean (Assyr. Moreover the name Ea (from the Akkadian e" 'house' and a 'water') *Aoq. We probably right. ri'Stu. tion). edition 1876 p. be equivalent in meaning to Mummu Smith's Chaldaean Genesis. Akkadian lugal abzuakit (for ex. = Delitzsch. Sin &c. the Assyrian this irsituv earth and the Heb. ar apsi). 515 explains also the ideogram are (DI') for 'irrigation' si-ki-tuv root [1pj* (no. We transcribe however by the single form tiamtu. 30. Sumerische Familiengesetze p. 18. The word is the construct state of ti&mtu "sea"*. This tiamtu is of course identical with Hebrew Q'iriP putting aside the feminine ending ^n (comp.

5. I.) it is Brjloq Tiamat) in and destroys twain. "bosom". Next Belus cuts off his own head. Sayce perhaps was thinking of Gen. pipj So Haupt.) Hence I formerly (Descent of Istar. is tin is adv. I certainly cannot meaning belonging to the verb follow him in the further conclusions which be bases upon this interHis opinion is: "The waters of Apsu and pretation of the words. the Heb." Now l in Berossus (see Eusebius-Schoene 15 foil. 1. in order to put something better in their same chaotic material. in the passage to a separation of the . the of the text) as an Assyrian equivalent for the same thing. regarded ma mi Haupt has an ingenious theory that perhaps mummu itself is only a new formation from mimi. instead 7 may of retaining the Babylonian words apsu and mummu-tiamat (which be shown from Damascius to have been treated as proper nouns times). . and annihilate its place. In the Assyrio-Babylonian original we meet with no determinative. Ti'amat ization of I p. no reference. and that accordingly my former rendering was in the main right. Mummuforms Heaven and Earth out of the two halves. the creatures that naturally arose from the blending of the waters of Apsu and Tiamat. Thus in the original text the words are regarded as appellatives. 9 when he translated (Smith's Chaldaean Genesis Oppert 2 nd * Edition 57) "their waters were is collected together in one place. whether it be that of a person or of a deity. e. however. "in and with one another". and the gods were generated from this fertil- Ti'amat by Apsu. If I am not mis- The general sense of the passage had already been inferred by and Lenormant ('coufluaient ensemble').GENESIS from both the above mentioned that deities. 1 from the Inscription It is clear mummu and tiamat together form a complete whole. I in later have substituted appellatives (see transl. the Idiocpvelq i. unite together. the sea-monsters who cleaves Ofi6pa)%a-OatitT& (i. and the remaining gods (who were thus existing at that time) mingle the flowing blood with the ground and fashion men (TOVTOV TOV &ebv dtpekeiv rqv eavrov xsyakrjv xal TO pvsv cdfta xoiq $AAot>c &foig (pvpaoai xy yy xal diaTtXaacti xoiq dv&Qwnovc:). "in one". who appropriately compares the Heb. and this fact must be remembered by the translator. Observe also that in the translation. p^PIS DDl^ i n support of the sexual * in this passage." There waters.Thus according to Berossus the gods are by no means the product of the sexually differentiated original principle of Chaos. ibid. from is tin (= Hebrew ^&'y) meaning ihiku Impf.). On the contrary the gods were already existing together ivith Chaos. mi'-su-nu 'water' (comp. "as one". e. from haku = Arabic vjjl> comp. fashioned out of this products.

this entirely agrees with the account in the inscriptions. 6. who "gloriously fashioned". The translation of G. ill ra dvvdfieva rbv aepa (ppeiv. 93 In fact this creation took place at a time when (comp. side by side with Chaos there arose superior beings. We are placed on the right track by the passage already cited by Fried. however. Lastly the creation-story of the city Kutft (Kutha) attributes to the "great gods" the creation of 'men' (Sayce : 'warriors') with the bodies of birds of the desert" and of cosmic order was evolved out of Chaos. where to the ideogram for "darkness" MI Akkadian gig (II Rawlinson 39. .8 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. are apparently mere conjecture. "vegetation had not yet budded forth" and Tiamat was still reigning. Smith "a tree had not grown". of Lenormant "a herd was not penned". introduced the succession of 12 months and apportioned to moon and sun their functions &c. we find that by generation no to the exact words of the clay tablets . Thus Berossus states xal av&pwnovq xal 8s rt8VZ it xbv Brjhov nkavrjTaq. On the other hand it is not stated. The first half of the verse is obscure lines 9 12). Apsft Tiamat unite in their floods. and also to iribu "setting" = muu (of the sun) "evening". 48 where he thinks it can hardly mean anything else than some kind of vegetable. T. final con- gi (see "Die sumerischen Familiengesetze" is translated** by the Assyrian si. the clue being probably supplied by the parallel halfverse*." Haupt is certainly right in explaining this gi(g)par sonant as Akkadian in origin: "gig or with vanishing 47) . e. By these Chaos is moulded anew. anoaarpa xal r\kLOV xal ae^ijvrjv xal roiig Similarly we are informed by the inscriptions that &r]()la xal is rabuti "the great gods". who assigned the stars their positions. and the gods made a dwelling for them on the earth" (see Smith-Sayce Chaldaean Genesis (1881) p. that they (i. "well and that (u-ba-as-i-mu). 149). 15 e f) contracted gi Assyrian "night" (Syll. that of Sayce "the flowering reed was not gathered". nor made" this even hinted. 11.llu = frequently signifies Hebrew ^u aud par * Sayce. there corresponds the form giparu in the Assyrian translation of the word. 35/36 a. the inscription line 6) because the signification of gipara is unknown. ** that is when accompanied by the secondary ideogram i s "tree". 8 1. the gods) arose out of Chaos. the gods (lines 7 12). refers to Smith's Asurban. Hence this form giparu seems to mean "darkness" "night. but they do not bring ''a sprout does not spring forth." forth an ordered or cosmical world Mummu : But 8 Their productive power becomes to a certain extent exhausted. "These (creatures) were produced by the great gods. Delitzsch IV Rawl. We are If we adhere simply informed that they somehow or other "arose". and taken. "human creatures with the faces of ravens".

tbat is to say tarbisu ibid. plur. see 10. = moon" Assyrian atalu. [For the use of F]DN 1 i into the other meaning of Q Hebrew in the sense of carrying away. pp. f-PZ# ( Fr Delitzsch. of the perfect (Perraansive) of the form pitluhu. - see = my 'Assyrio-babylonian Cuneiform lusc.. 9 tOfc'D) or S a par. Oppert was therefore already on the right track. 6. Kissura is (Haupt) 3. comp. the use Hebrew PQK*. : JQOVOV erat . CIV. 17. TDDK' ) 1 see II R.MI "darkness of heaven" "Darkening "shadow" Assyrian s i 1 1 u AN. i. . 137. v TO nav quo light inquit GXOToq xal v6aj^ elvai = Tempus aliquando cuncta tenebrae et aqua erant &c. Moreover we learn from the K 3567) that the stars. But I confess that I must leave him the task of justifying his translation in other respects. 48 a b. but a vegetable sprout. kitnusu from the Iftaal of the verb in the -|\Jp sense of the Aethiopic CJlo^^ "bind together" "gather". for which sunlight was necessary.or "taking before-hand". 175". It The meaning of the clause would therefore be harmonizes also with the words of Berossus a) . and this is the reason why "a sprout had not yet budded forth". Lotz. Tr. Sam. e.-Pil. IS. Fr. were not created NST compare the is till much later.GENESIS "spread out" Assyrian I. according to "Assyrio-babyloniau Cuneiform Inscriptions" 202). Tigl.MI = = . "Darkness was not yet removed". 29. Similarly the is yevso&ai (pqal creation of to according according to the Bible Berossus it is the work of Bel inscriptions (Tablet the work of Elohim: ibid. as tarbissu for tarbitsu. 14. 19. 27. Job XXXIV. and in particular the moon. 18.' 96 No. He translates "il y eut des tenebrbs sans rayon de lumiere un ouragan sans accalmie". ussanalla for kistura (as ussabbit ustanalla &c.9 napaltu (= napagtu Root ruru (comp. Is. but still hovered over Chaos. pers. 8. This "gather" understand in the sense of of the : "sweep together". Ps.carry off".] Jo'el II.-Pil. but stands for kit sura. XIV. 1. Thus MI "darkness of the tree" "darkness" "night" Assyrian mugu. Respecting susa Root It is KJJ&< = Hebrew Q^^NiJ Aethiopic i' ^/\^^\. 202 vem. This conception of darkness brooding over Chaos completely harmonizes with the Biblical account "and darkness was over the primal flood". not an animal that is here referred This clearly shown by the verb = to. kis- sura is not to be explained as equivalent to stands for ustabbit. * Also in the oft recurring phrase kisir garrfltija aksur "(this and that) I took away beforehand as my royal portion" we find the of the heaven" "eclipse of the sun or = conception of "taking together" passing "taking away" . ** . compare I Lotz Tigl. p. IV.

To P. 771 by susu." II lines 7 This section is parallel to lines 7. The creation of SAR and "until their number increased" (Opp. IV R. a sense which it is well known to bear. T. refers to II R 8.) 298. 17/18a. Nannar an SAR III e. moreover be observed that in the hymn IV Rawl. Under no circumstances ought we to translate 12. lino 3/4 foil. "Prince of the heavenly host. for 60 X = The cuneiform text cannot be misunderstood. 605*. irbu "grew up". 25. appears as the Prince of 'the days extended' indicate this with tolerable clearness (comp.Haupt compare the Hebrew QNDi'^D V"W~!1 D^l^H U. e. : 1 ] perceived the meaning of this exmay be inferred from the passage "IV Rawl. 47 a b). Delitzsch have already perceived that the Akkadian gar is See also the syllabary in equivalent to the Assyrian kissatuv. i.10 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE Haupt is 0. 31) is probably the Oannes of Berossus and in the * The name gar ** = kiggatu. 41/42 a). according to Lenormant sim a t (?). 10 Lenorraant. Oppert's rendering 'the god Bel' certainly rests on mere oversight. Sumerische Keilschriftt. Sayce and Fr. 6a. also my remarks in "Criticism of Inscriptions of II. Delitzsch in Smith's Chaldaean Genesis ed. manaman. 26.. It should Akkadische u. e. 1 6. 3^ (comp. ! plur. G. see Fried. Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal" 1879 p. 2. "cornfield. is identical with this see Fr. Haupt therefore prefers to render susa by 11. in which an-sar ki"sar is represented by the Assyrian kiggat Same u irsiti 'host of first belongs the merit of having pression : "That this is the meaning. i. mamman. 67. 14." kigsat garni The words With line 13 commences a third paragraph. 60 3600 i. P. Smith. Haupt). KI SAR expresses the creation of the "host of Heaven and Earth". 30 c d. Sumerische Keilschrifttexte page 33 No. "heaven and earth. 29. supply a 3 to Haupt adi ~iy means "and also" in accordance with Hebrew usage.). 49/50 b (comp. (see below).' In the passage before us ki-gar is also preceded "by the divine determinative an [= ilu]. 'whatsoever'. of the verb "the gods") according gimu. is also explained by si'ru = id in i. 2 1 and Anu** i. maman 'whosoever'. 17. e. in which the ideogram ZUGT. 28 N. 25/26a also II R. the Moongod. and commences in like manner with inuma (see above). see Norris' foil. which "field" interpreted in Akkadische u. On manama. 9 obv. which of course was not "necessary in the case of ana-sar 'host of heaven' ". the Hebrew "SpJJJ = Anu-malik lists Kings XVII.e. After gimatav we ought (subject certainly to . for asfi "proceed forth" (IV Rawl. . Delitzsch in Aegyptische Zeitschrift 1878 p. 5. Dictionary 832 Tiglath Pileser manman. = "the illuminator". pers. GKQO<. j-jj. line line 7). On (ipu as synonym (Germ.

. 173 the Assyr. Th. Assyrian cognatis and derived from the and to Aethiopic linguis trilateral root jTJ^tf. 23. Aramaic and Arabic. ^N and der pp.GENESIS I. when that vowel Observe. pp. The We have no means phonetic orthography of the appellative is i-1 u. as a general rule. the usual term employed to express in Assyrian. see Gesenius Thesaurus ling. deities in 6. in which the long i can scarcely be explained as arising out of a crasis of of the construct state (?) with the i of ilu (Delitzsch). or rather punctuation. whether it arises from the root ^}#.. see the list st Edition Assyrische Lesestiicke 1 (1876) predominating number in the of p. i. Hommel. 493. 11 whose place first is in the first triad occupied among the Assyrians by Aur. employ any . is. Nestle in Theolog. Noldeke in Monats- the i the berichte der Berlinischen Academie der Wissensch.e. God The forms r-ilbN? D s nbi< &c my - occurring in Hebrew.). Wissenschaften a. or from such a form as H^{< collateral to |7]H{<. Anu is the of deities.. cum comparatae indole universa Gb'ttingen 1860 4 39 foil. de Lagarde in Nachrichten von Gesellsch. Bab ilu). die semitischen Volker p. contests this opinion). 11 of deities stands. Th. e. 17. on the other hand Dillmann Genesis (1882) pp. in Wiirt. as it does here. pp. Lenormant. argue for the root J"p{<. are foreign alike to (see dissertation de linguae Aethiopicae p. the Babylonian supreme deity) appears at the head of the first triad. special means of designating the length constituted an initial syllable. Hebr. 3 foil. Fr. 243 foil. 350 Anm. 16. also P. ^Respecting question as to the derivation of the word. as an appellative. 7 March 31 E. and has as his numerical sign the sexagesimal system i. and corresponds in etymology to the Hebrew ^j. 760 foil. Academie der Wissensch. III." Similarly in the second Babylonian list (coming after Ilu. On the etymology of the Hebr. ilu. comp. Studd. Nov. See below on Gen. the mode in which is written on Nebukadnezar's bricks as Ba-bi-i-lu schrift der (i. at the head of the gods of the cosmic universe immediately after the Babylonian supreme god Ilu*. Gottinger foil. Commentary on Berossus. of determining with any certainty whether the initial syllable i is long or short since the Assyrians did not. . de Lagarde Orientalia (Gottingen 1880) p. as well as Ba-M-lu and Bab-ilu (see Zeit- deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXIII. Paris * Ilu. Observe moreover that ig this pronunciation. which here the proper name of the Babylonian supreme deity (F. XL 9 der (note). Delitzsch 39 line where Anu is also called ri's-tu-u abi ill "illustrious father of gods. Noldeke Sitzungsberichte der Berl. supported by the Greek transcription 7/A/c. 42 49 &c. pronounces for the root ^1fr$. the name of the city BUbilu of a vowel. and P. Anu Compare is Fr. 1). however. 1882. 1882 No.e. 60. 1880 pp. however. in'Stf) TlAiotf.

Lenormant instead of xal da%oq of the ** We would is text." : (I'a) line "younger Bel". becomes the daughter of Apsu and Tiamat. e. But we are not justified on this account in introducing (with Lenormant and others) this into our rendering of this passage of the cunei- *** = Aur form. Rawlinson's Herodotus 2 nd ed. since here we have to deal with a Babylonian.GI'. 3. e. Undoubtedly "Aaacopog ordinary ideogram for the god Asur in the Assyrian inscriptions.) see H. 6. and also from the citations in Damascius. Tav&s xal Aa%ri xal Apsft Inscriptions and Mummu-Tiamat : 2. f See II R. and also my remarks in Theol. with 17 c d "Merodach august son of Ao. text the ideogram for the "old Bel" "Bel-Merodach". Mummu double name. 6. we may conclude that after Anu followed the names of the deities Bel (= ancient Bel) and I' a (Lenormant). 488 foil. simply bears the designation IN i. Lachmu and Lachamu Sar and Kisar 4. Anu [Bi'lu** and I'a?] Marduk f son of I'a and Davkina dach) (i. whose origin related. 67 foil. and my remarks in Theologische Studien und Kritiken 1874 p. his line 16) ibid. Rawlinson cited in = G. 55. "(Ao) Davkina riStft wife" I'a i. KiafJaTg xal "Avoq xal 'IMivbg (?) xal Aoq TOV 6e "Aov xal davxyq vlbq b 4. we may conjecture to have been previously In conclusion we place side by side for comparison the genealogies of the gods contained in Damascius and in the Inscriptions : 12 1. Damascius Mayv/Jilq : II. I. however. its Mummu-Tiamat." AN (ilu) SAR (hi) is the (ilu) Sar. T. Respecting Marduk-Merodach == Bel-Jupiter (not as Lenormant assumes in the commentary on Berossus p. Ad%oq* v 3. From the lists of deities above mentioned. 65 foil.12 1871 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE p. 54d (comp. 53. 1. * Read thus with G. u i. 337 foil. I p. and Also the account ofBerossus harmonizes fairly with that of the cuneiform There was a time when everything consisted of darkness inscriptions. 341. Bi'lu "Lord. with is divided. Studien und Kritiken 1874 pp. e. Marduk hablu sa Dav-ki-na aggatu64d comp. Bi lu = Bel Mero- We here observe that the two lists fully correspond to one another. 0. that = "Jupiter". conjecture that there stood here in the cuneiform I'N. 5. and not an Assyrian text. 5. e. . Smith and Fr.

probably lurks in the first part of the * Schoene's Eusebius I * p. which could not have endured the men and animals. a word that rendered in Chaldee by Thalatth and in Greek by Thalassa (sea) (&Qyeiv 6s 13 TOVTCOV ndvxcDV yvvulxa % ovoua 'O/topxa. contained in Eusebius. Tavat. Bel cleft the darkness in twain.aaaa) **.aaaa. which is added as interpretation (see Lenormant. In the female who rules over these creatures. 86). and from the one half made the earth. though they arose spontaneously. = the inscriptions. may regard the traditional form QakaxQ. Over is all these m o r k a. Scaliger's conjecture C 'OfjLCQxa (instead of 0/*opa>#) must therefore be regarded as the correct reading. 18 rem. universal confusion was prevailing. 13 18. and thus separated Earth and Heaven from one another and produced an ordered universe. This representation is to be understood in an allegorical sense as follows :*** While the universe was still a liquid mass. of the account contained in the inscriptions and the genealogy of Damascius. mummu. moon and five planets. 9. see AvG in Schoene's edition of Eusebius I pp. Omorka Tav&e Mummu-Tiamat e.GENESIS and water I. 13 (see above p. we may recognize named i. seems parallel Respecting the confusion occasioned by the introduction of the account of Alexander Polyhistor into that of Berossus. rupted or altered i. Commentary The other name for the feminine principle which occurs in p. tion of man was effected by Bel commanding one of the gods to (Bel's) mix with the earth the blood which flowed from his own severed Here also the story commences with the description of the headf. and from the other half the heavens. The crealiving creatures. iivui 6e TOVTO XuXdaiaxl While thus [lev 9a). Tarn at tamtu. had the appearance of having sprung from living creatures (xal v Tovxolq <wa rfQarcoSr} xcd l6ioq>V&$ Tai I6tag e%OVTa creatures ruled a woman named O ujoyoviG&ai) *. 16. and of this we have an indication in the Greek Octt. crowded with animal shapes previously described.as cor- We from the original 0av&T& e. . 9).aT& 'EMijviarl 6e f^s^^^vfierai &d/. But the light. by Schoene I pp. The to clause omitted in the Armenian xar& 6s lootyr)(pov be a later addition (otherwise AvG). Belus cleft the woman in twain. perished. 14 15. but destroyed the living creatures of the primal flood. After this followed the creation of also of the stars. including the sun. dark Chaos consisting of masses of water. viz. yet populated with monstrous living creatures. which. and within them strange creatures disported themselves. or 0aX&T&. '* f Eusebius ed. tiamtu "sea".

since the corresponding ideogram is but in Babylonian form stands for Itar-Bi'lit certainly not that for "mother". Biblical. The explanation of the name as Um Uruk "mother of Erech" (H. Rawlinson. Berossus states the reason for Bel's resolve to create t men in the fol- lowing words: iSovxa 6e TOV Br )*ov %<J!)Qav tQrj(j.14 TEE CVNEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE name Omorka*. and exist in some form side by side with it. but respecting the character of this has not been possible hitherto to give any further information. informs us that man was created from the dust of the earth. T. 59. the second Biblical creation-story. II. worthy of observation. the exalted"*. Fr. i. the living one par excellence. Here again the account coincides in essential points with the story contained in the (though it varies in Damascius). 52 IStar Uruk bi-i-li-it Uruk i-il-li-tiv "Istar of Erech. and was moreover ''breathed into" with the "breath of life. 5 foil. remains somewhat obscure. Bellino-cylinder Nebukad. i. alternative to If we regard the mum(-mu)-Uruk.. might be taken to signify name as equivalent "Mummu-Tiamat of Uruk" e. of the creation of man on the one side. divinity it 27 foil." This breath is to be regarded as proceeding from God. x. . A. it 0. is presupposed as the preliminary condition Observe also that the blood. . as bearing upon the parallel Biblical narrative. e. the misti'ess of Erech. and of animals and stars on the other. Lenormant and formerly the author) must be given * up. The re-creation of Chaos into an ordered universe (xal 6iardai rbv inscriptions It is xoGftov} is expressly attributed to Bel aud the remaining gods. We may be permitted to point out that the reference to a deity we find also in the inscriptions B a-u II Rawl. e. see Norris' Dictionary 937. 'irbl irin." A time of Nebukadnezar under the name feminine deity was worshipped as late as the 'Istar or Beltis of Erech' see . "Erech. i. with the Bible in supposing that the creation of man followed that of On the other hand in the account of Berossus the sequence vegetation. Gen. which that the existence of light of the cosmic universe. the gods are contemporary with Chaos. whence we may infer that the Chaldaeans agreed .ov %al xaQ7io<pOQOV xfksvaai x. 2. We should 14 therefore be led to the assumption that the cultus of the primitive goddess of fruitfulness coalesced with that of the deity worshipped to all intents and purposes as goddess of fruitfulness. II. which streamed to the earth from Bel's severed head was mingled with earth and We are hereby reminded of the employed in the creation of man.

1. III TA. 1. Notes and illustrations. i. abodes (stations?) of 2. The fragment among theHebrews. ibid. 2. foil. the first day. occurring after number immediately preceded. lu-ma-si to come forth. . 14 foil..[A." in the p. AN a-buti lu-ma-si us-zi-iz 3. Moreover the original text has hitherto remained unpublished..] A . with the creation of the The passage begins with i . Compare the remarks on page 8 5. kakkabi u-ba-as-sim man-za-[z tan-sil su ." illustrations. On ubasfiim foil. Line p. The stars he caused just as . And God fyc. 8. said: let there be lights in the firmament of heaven Obviously the fragment K. 3. . is too mutilated to admit of any edition) . the concommunicated ception of & firmament dividing the "upper" from the "lower waters. we may infer that a From A. us-zi-iz the . established decads for the . one i. We are not in a position to assert whether there 15 as existed among theBabylonians. 6. of the creation-story 67 (German form of translation by G. caused the twelve months each with three stars to Notes Smith's come forth. XII arhi kakkabi "He gloriously set up the great gods. . 1..GEXESIS 3. same 4. deals 3567. Smith. AN. Chaldaean Account &c. u-ad-di satta ili-[sa] mi-is-ra-ta u-(ma)-as-sir 4. Neither the cuneiform creation-story nor that of Berossus gives any hint that the Babylonians regarded the creation of the universe as taking place in seven days.]AN . published the words: ili r by Smith and Delitzsch heavenly bodies. see Delitzsch in Chaldaean Genesis 298 the gap in the text. He He and ordained the year. I. e. safe conclusions on the subject. e. 15 And God day said: let there be light 8fG.

(ilu) "the Moon-god the words Comp. for the moon Istafel (as well as Sin). ikti pa probably from the root HOD bind'. of the Bible ''to rule over the Gen. 'restrain'. see IV R. 'compel'. learn the functions assigned to certain heavenly bodies a-na la i-bis an-ni i. The meaning would "As regards the months. 56 utip& root 'to yty It (not from p]r)t^). is may be stated in passing. Pa.16 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE J 0. we are told us-ti-pa-a did not wander from respecting the moon. 34. "so that their it they courses. with the same meaning and orthocomp. 9 Obv. that : *** .)- As the account proceeds. he caused three stars to appear in heaven for each month" ("il partagea 12 mois en quatre trimestres"). an allusion to "the 36 overseers of the Zodiacal circle" (Opp." punctuated ~. the night : ik-ti-pa he ruled" **. compare sa-am-nu instead of a-am-nu of Vj and has the he divided the year into decads (Oppert) the "eighth" = t Hebrew iiypt^- ni$ 4 - &c -> also sib a 'seven' instead of gib construction a. With respect to the remarkable interchange in the numerals. 1 8 ***. Should we compare with anni the Aramaic nj"| "to be rank"? We meaning in the root have a parallel instance of a similar transition of 'ND> which in Aramaic signifies "to be (morally) Observe however the Arabic ^j^> with bad" and in Hebrew "to stink. With uaddi compare QHJflD in G en *> 14 (Delitzsch). i. Botta42. I. is made no mistake"* Lastly. ** Respecting Nannar the Illuminator. i. that the fragment above mentioned which contains on the back of the tablet the words quoted on page 3. Tablet V of the Series ^when above" &c. -)D(B)N HIDE = HOTD^ Hl^M/D . uSziz Shaf. compare y3$ Suc h ig the only suitable therefore be : of 12 the passage. = tens of da7 8 . line 4. assigned the function of illuminating Nannar he caused mu-sa to shine. graphy. misrata = - u(m)assir 16 he tithed i. e. tansil root ^ Sargon cylinder 54. I must for my day and over the night". we e. 79 3. Assyrian PHE^D i n meaning of the Hebrew Tijpw u(m)assir is a denominative verb Pael. as a lines is name &c. e. 2. root \\\. part still refrain from giving only a partly satisfactory rendering of this portion of the * cylinder Kespecting the meaning of the phrase. that to the night: e. T. 4. compare Sanherib TaylorIII.

then they set up in glory strong tree-stems 3. 27. The mutilated forme's (Lenorm. 8 (note). rumi may urumi as a tree'. . (?). Gen. 17 which is.. chap." On line 4 com- pare Fr. . 2. compare in the same passage line 5 "a-na'_sik-na-at na-pis-ti. IV. nam-mas-sl ?P"] i. caused living creatures to come forth . p. 2. seriously mutilated. 68 be restored to its complete form. 9: zik-ru Sometimes (Var. 2. . 299 the Hebrew |"pj"j foil. Delitzsch parison in ofumam Hebrew unsatisfactory. moreover. zi-kar) u sin-nis 'male and female. 4. of the i uvav with Urn am (collective) text. e. "OJ male also occurs frequently in Assyrian. probably just the same word as the Heb.GENESIS tablet. animals (?) of the field. attempted translations in the writings of G. Creation of land -animals. p. Oppert and Fr. . The reader will find J. as follows. comp. Smith's Chald. 1. Pil. 20 foil. = G. . having some such meaning as 'trunk of Respecting the completion of the word Siknat. . Smith. great beasts of the field and vermin of the Notes and Illustrations. 200. When the gods in their assembly produced . His comto appears me corresponds really with the for 'field' {~)1ZD!33 The ideogram This II. is = si'ru is explained by d i n u in the syllabaries. 4.' it is an honorary agnomen of the kings in the sense of g. Lenormant. eurent first i f(ield). e. as opposed to 'female'. 3. 3. . Parallel to this Biblical 17 s account we have the fragment compounded from no 345. : b n u active (George Smith) not passive For the apparent tautology compare the tablet of the creation-series lines 1 and 7.. . Some- times it bears the merely sexual signification. perhaps by reference to Tigl. I. . 248 and 147. The four first and fairly complete lines run 1. I'-nu-ma ill i-na p u-u h-r i-s u-n u ib-nu-u u-ba-as-si-mu [u?] ru-mi ik-su-[ti] u-sa-pu-u [sik-na]-at na-pis-ti bu-ul siri u-[ina-am] stri u . .). Smith's sinnis Assurban. n>. 1. .

however. T. e. .18 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0.' Similarly Sanherib Taylor-cylinder (I R. Chap. day and hallowed creation. Inscr. The week consisting of seven days was unknown to the Aegyptians and the Greeks who had a week of ten days. "And thus the heavens were all and all their host. 105). 33. as well as it. connected with the institution of the week . 7 zi-ka-ru kar-du 'the 18 manly." the inscriptions hitherto yielded in exactly six days. Oppert and others). I. from the root "IND ma' ad. and has been pronounced accordingly pre-Mosaic. is not to be connected with TIN "to origin as the Assyrian of the same m a' du "much". see above.' it 31. INp much. The substantive 186. page 10. of seven days as an entirety and with the sanctity of the number 'seven' in general. and to the Romans (before the time of Christ) who had a week of eight days. And God is blessed the The sanctity of the seventh day of day of the week. mighty. and behold. this is to be found in the Chaldaean crea- George Smith. finished II. It It was introduced among the Arabs by the Jews. brave. 37 foil." On seventh the expression "and their host". 3. "crowd" is mu'du i.) col. but is very. Sargon bears this title (Layard Inscr. recurring phrase ubassim Nor have comparison the or ubassimu "he or they cites in made glorious. was an ancient Hebrew institution. 1ND Smith's Assurb. 56. 3): 'manly/ zi-ka-ru dan-nu 'the manly. be heavy". 1. No expression exactly corresponding to tion-story.. or that the creative acts any trace of the conception that the universe was created were in general divided into days. which also exists as a verb in Assyrian (AssyrioBabylonian Cuneif. was very good. 4 (a-na and the earth mu-'-di-i). "many" (Rawl.

VII. a consecration. shall not eat flesh of * plnti***. at Ur Kasis 19 dim. 19 not. nor as having -come to the Hebrews It should be considered rather as through the Aramaeans. ordained mainly to satisfy the need of rest (see however fully below). An evil day**. the 7 th day was sacred to Merodach and Zarpanit. 'evil day. Lps. viz. 159 and Lotz. : 28.KU 32. "Seventh day. Umu A VII. the ripef of With the rendering comp. the "Ruler" (Sun?). 1883. 33. duo. but rather because this more as day was reckoned read upon the umu limnu i.' The seventh day. . *** According to Lotz pinti means "fire". an ancient Babylonian institution which the Hebrews brought with them from their stay in South Babylonia the . t according to Aramaic usage. just as the 14th was sacred to Nin-gi (Beltis?) and Nergal . the 21t to the i. p. to regard it as having a origin. umu limnu ri'u nisi ra-ba-a-ti urn 30. 28. the 28 th to I'a (Ao) and (in an especial and every other day similarly to other deities. moon and manner) to Nergal. with respect to the seventh. "an evil day. in the first XI.* 28. A. is in every case an view is preferred by Lotz 1. place. e. Sayce in 'Records of the Past' quaestionum de historia Sabbati libb. H. 57 foil. fourteenth twenty first and twenty eighth day (omitting I. c. ** e. see note on found. A different ^D 2* . Hebrew on the other hand. nils u-u ul inak-ki sarru narkabta ul HU. . KAN n u-bil-tu v(?) sa Maruduk Z a r-p a-n i-t u v magri 29. the variants in special points) 28 foil. of the week of seven days as well as of the seventh no work was to this day which was regarded as that on which Nor was be done or offering presented." We register-tablet of days in reference to the intercalated month Elul IV Rawl. e. a day of 29. sfru sa pi-in-ti ba-as-lu sa tum-ri ul ikul 31. festival of Merodach (and) Zarpanit. SI i. however. 32. The ruler of the great nations 30. foil. sub at pag-ri-su ul unakka-ar ib-bu-ti ul KU. 39 foil.GENESIS But we are specific 11. Upon monuments mention .

Acad. They are accordII Rawl. according to Friedr. Nebo (Mercury) Beltis (evening-star) Istar Tne 'Palm' tumru 'date'. . Delitzsch's correction) because no business was to be transacted. Compare also remaining three planets ." p. 48. 32.day. king shall not [mount?] a chariot &c. 48 54 a. not The 20 put on clean (garments?). T. 425. is e. to the and also that of Jupiter and Mars with respect the order being Sun. Adar (Saturn) . e. Mercury. Also in Arabic and Aramaic The latter alone exhibits the tree and the fruit had different names. so that : we have the following series of planetary deities Samas Nergal . 418 foil. 32. which contains some other changes in the position of the god. b. We observe that the places of the moon and sun have changed with respect to each other in later times. (Sun-God). Saturn (Adar) ** and dach) Mars (Nergal). Sun Mercury Jupiter (Bel-Mero- (Nebo). dates* 31. not present offerings. Jupiter inserted between Mercury and Venus. j+J Aramaic fjie^. and in his names. shall not change the garment of his body. Merodach (Jupiter). b:Moon. Arab. "(day) of rest" (II Rawl. comp. 16 a. Compare on this subject my Essay on itself "Ladanum and Palm" in Bed.' to us in the Syllabaries the Moreover we have preserved names of the of the seven planetary deities after whom the days ing to week appear subsequently named. the enumeration upon the obelisk of Salmanassar II (Lay- ard 1851 plate 87 lines 7 13). tory column this In the explana- sabattuv libbi i.). . Mars. expressly interpreted by rest of heart" the words or ' um nuh "day of the rest. omits Sin the moonplace introduces Beltis next to Istar.20 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0." This day was likewise designated sabattuv fO$ i. and Saturn or we find Venus Jupiter. (Mars) * . Monatsber. 1881 ** See however in the "Addenda. was named musukkan (with Varr. Moon. the common Semitic name. Venus (Istar).

Moon. 343 foil. is obvious from their That these Babylonio. the institution of the Sabbatum was of the introduced by the Jews in the early days Empire along with the institution of the seven-day week (Calend. Studien und Nothing shows more clearly how deeply the sacredness number seven was rooted in the character of even the non-Semitic as well as pre-Semitic civilization of Babylon than the ancient Babylonian literature. of the week were sacred. 30 p. which have particularly the come down to us in the original Sumiro-Akkadian idiom as well as in Assyrio- Semitic translation. were also known to liber Adami. II. Among Western nations. The individual deities. morning-star). 110 foil. 21 planetary deities. about A. Further particulars may be seen in my essay on the "Babylonian in week of seven days" Kritiken 1874 pp.Assyrian number seven. Sturz. nor cent of Istar" Giessen prayers and desires (see my "Des1874 p. gives them in their traditional order and with their Latin names: &c. 300 And Isidorus of Seville. Seven and twice . (Kaiwan). p.). Jupiter (Bel). Nergal (Mars).GENESIS (Venus. by Dio Cassius XXXVII 16. dies Solis. 17. in 21 which we find mentioned in succession Sun. 650. are enumerated torn II ed. du Breul). ancient Babylonian hymns. V. Saturn Moon. listen to and who know neither order nor custom. in their the Aramaean Mandaei. Jupiter (Bel) and Nergal (Nerig). D. origin of the of the Theolog. Saturn (Kronos). Venus. Seven is the number of the spirits. Venus (Beltis). to whom the seven days Sabinum). Also the Sabaeans in Mesopotamian Harran were acquainted : with the seven planetary deities as the deities of the weekdays and moreover in the order with which we are familiar: Sun. 63 ed. especially the Romans. Nebo (Mercury). Mercury. dies Lunae (Originum lib. whose origin is in the depths.

we come to that displayed on the Assyrian exhibits the monuments. 1881. On had the heaven (there there day when Jahve Elohim created earth and was not yet any bush of the field upon earth and The last up any herb of the field) &c. in the later in which it is ibid. p. 307. which curiously number seven either in the branches. 118 foil. as it is called. mainly the number seven which predominates. comp. 4. star's Descent to Hades' pp. T.22 22 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE is 0. or in the leaves of the perianth. portrayed with 4 -j. made known world by Smith. the number V. p. This is in the earliest representations shown even of this tree on to the the ancient Babylonian cylinder. p. in the hymns has seven heads II The mythical serpent mentioned Rawl 19. 5. Acad. 110 line 10. or in those of the crown. IV. 1 foil. "seven and besides two" or "twice seven". ten. 114 . see Fr. across 9. Compare also notes on chap. daean Genesis (see 'I ibid. Delitzsch in Smith's ChalFox Talbot was beforehand on the right track foil. Moreover in the sacred tree .). plate no. Occasionally we likewise come II. enumeration of the individual branches and leaves.3 Also we observe the same feature until = seven and purely schematic forms. clearly to be The naturalistic representation of the palm in Layard's 'Niniveh and Babylon' VIII B exhibits in the crown of the tree seven branches. branches. Monatsber. words naturally remind us of the Babylonian not yet sprouted i-na e. * Read: si-bit a-di i. 4b. 1 foil. Also is on figured representations the number seven recognized. in the it is May.). 13/14. and with this may be compared the palm with seven branches figured on a Babylonian cylinder in the Berlin. or in several of these together. seven times * the knot to be tied by the woman who sits by the bed-side of her sick husband and conjures the evil spirits (ibid. no.

GENESIS creation-story forth" see (line 6) ". 99 rem. borrowed from the Akkado-Sumirian in which sirra signifies in Assyrian. 145 line 21. . minor potentates. is The latter for the most part true in the case of the story of the Flood. e. have exactly changed places. The Assyrian always employed the word malik plur. Malik to the Assyrian while 'king' he expressed by as malki is *}&. Slav "Czar" Caesar. Assyrians and Hebrews).-di i. J we meet with a king** of Hamth named Ja-u-bi. elsewhere exhibits more points of contact with the Elohistic is here on the contrary more closely akin to that of the Jahvistic-prophetic narrator. ought not however to pass on without observing that the rendering 'king' is from the Assyrian standpoint inadequate. sarru We to designate the equivalent to 'prince'. The Conjecture of Lotz ('The Inscriptions of Tiglath Pileser I' p. e. ." = not among the Eastern and Northern Semites (i.) is worth noticing. de Ninive IV pi. among the Semites of the South. ilVT. The attempts that have been made to find Semitic derivations are all of them unsatisfactory. as well as in the Nimrud-inscription of the same monarch. preceded by the determination of certain that Accordingly it is name of a god. is Beside the determination of person. monument line 8. The hypothesis is rendered more probable from the circumstance that the corresponding term for 'King' is only to be found "leader. Jahubi'd. which narrative of creation. -j^E compared with Hebrew. 2. II. e. that sarru is properly a foreign word in Assyrian. maliki. i. . ** Lay. see that and "|{# The word would thus be in its migration from language to language somewhat analogous to the German "Kaiser". the word deity. 23 a sprout had not yet sprung 23 above page The Chaldaean account. another inscription of Sargon the cylinder- inscription of Khorsabad) I-lu-u-bi-'-di e. Ilubi'd I Rawl. 33 Here he is designated Ma-lik i. In Sargon's great inscription at Khorsabad line 33*. * Botta. established called in John was regarded by the writer as the The correctness of this conjecture is by the remarkable fact that this same king is (viz.

II 0. Hadad' ezer see on 1 Kings XX. so jahu Hebrew VT = 1 e. Just was the custom of nations adopt the cultus of some deity from another people*. into their To them (the Hamathites) of course he was a pantheon. been a name for a deity and convertible with Ilu. Sayce has propounded in the Modern Review Oct. Translator. p. For example. that the Hebrews of their deity from the Hittites.] . 11). Tiele that Fried. 36 latter for J ahu u "god" has therefore been substituted in the accordingly "Jahu'Stself can only have . which appears in the name of the king of Damascus Hadad'idri i. my 'Keilinschriften und Ge. an inscription to be quoted on 2 Kings XIII. 1882 is 857 a suggestion which borrowed the name the reverse of Schrader's. njfl2. on his accession king of have changed the one name but by above-mentioned But if Jahve was worshipped not only by becomes of the specific Is it Israel. T. so the people of Hamath may have adopted Jahve. his accession was called Eljakim (2 Kings XXIII. Similarly the Hamath may for the other. Delitzsch's attempt to find an Akkadian etymology for the name is unsuccessful. Even the curious phaenomenon. whose cultus must have been borrowed by them from the Assyrians." Sayce holds with Dr. 539. 1 comp. what Hebrew origin name as it for deity? overthrown? to Certainly not.24 24 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE line 25. p. is not at all remarkable as regards the Hebrew. viz. The conclusion at once forces itself upon us. * In = schichtsforschung' [Prof. the God of the Hebrews. 24 Asur is spoken of as a god of the people of Damascus. The same is true of the Assyrio-Babylonian god Ramman that is Dadda Hadad. we know that Jojakim king of Judah before 34). = i. . "It is therefore significant that the Hittite captain in David's army was named Uriah. the heathen Syrians (such as the inhabitants of Hamath of this were). that the names for deity ?N and njJT may be substituted for one another in one and the same proper name. e. that just as ilu Hebrew btf (see above p. .

in the essay 'The original signification of the Divine name Jahve-Zebaoth' p. and P. On the other hand.). . when into account the circumstance that the sign for ili NI (which in is the reduplicated form NINI certainly j = Jahu** * means "god") . [see the report of my public lecture at Zurich April 26 1862. the regarded dispenser' as the Hifil "of . 83. rem. explained in the Assyrian column by a-u it cannot be deemed impossible that the name We may also connect with this name for deity that of the North Arabian king Jahlu (see note the name written J a-'-l u-' may Jahu-ilu i.TH = word being 'the life- 'the Creator'. Stade. 116. Schweiz 1862 p. 130 According to B. 121. 25 the derivation of the name from the Hebrew. who formerly rejected this view (see zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte I 226 foil.* like footing with other gods. Gen. de in Zeitschrift der Lagarde deutschen morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXII 1868 we take viz. so that parallel to the storm-god Fr. Studien Ramman. Berlin 1881 p. 25 and by admitting him into their pantheon they had no thoughts of paying honour Moreover much is to be said for to the Hebrew religion. Ja-ki-in-lu-u ^JOD" Smith's Assurbanipal 62. Jahve Kenites. has meanwhile come to the belief that its correctness can no longer be doubted and that further evidence may be adduced to support it. 158 foil. 10 of the Kirchenblatt fur die reform. God (ha-iv). see his "Wo lag das Paradies?" Israel' p. ^Xl^5 comp. I there drew attention to the Assyrian name for 'wind' a-iv 'breathe' 'blow'. in no. 24. 170~foll. 'History of the people was originally a God of the foil. e. 317 foil. p.GENESIS god on II. 15). also my article Jahve in Schenkel's Bibel-lexicon III (1871) pp. a-u (ha-u). root |"jin * the "breather" would have to be placed Baudissin. Delitzsch.]. At all events best be explained as a contraction for 1 ? a name like n'OD'S vowel u in the menidae. XIX. The marking on 2 Kings VIII. first case in by u-' would in of the length of the be the same as we not infre- quently meet with later times the inscriptions of the Achae- ** This I have already shown in the Jahrbucher fur deutsche Theologie I 1875.. 330 foil.

the And Jahve. 15. Oppert rightly gives the sense .Elokim planted a garden in Eden towards nothing to East. is interpreted in the syllabaries * by i-di-nu e ]1#. 16 we read : 15. napistu) Respecting riminu root ed. (Germ. "Eden". Q-p rem. and he formed man from the dust of the earth. Pa. 304 How the phrase 'to redeem them' (root PHD) * s * ^ e un ^er- Fr. 26 7. Respecting basil see Assyrio-Babylonian Cun. one. Hebrew ]1#. To redeem them. life" i. Q'Ol-Jf 'delight'. in whom the power that sum- Notes and illustrations. Delitzsch in Smith's Chaldaean Genesis is not very clear. We e. Smith's "to their terror" Smith evidently read ana baddisunu and was thinking of the Hebrew nHH.* mankind is 16. is to them"(?). p. AN.) p. 'plain'. 8. 'field'. G. p.26 is THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE to 0." 272). 269. be regarded as an Assyrian one (compare RammanRimmon) that has found its way both among Hebrews and Aramaeans. In the fragment marked 18 in Delitzsch 2 ed. 80 lines 15. sa bul-lu-tu ba-su-u created it-ti-su e. In comparison with this passage the Chaldaean account handed the creation of we can at present only cite down by Berossus respecting the blood of the gods with man by mingling the earth (see above p. ri-mi-nu-u i. and he blew into his nose the breath of nd life. It may be better therefore to leave the deci- sion of this question in suspense. 'plain' i. Insc. 14). Inscr. The Merciful mons to life. a-n a pa-di-su-nu ib-nu-u a-vi-lu-tu 16. p. T. 'steppe'. and since (Assyrio: bullutu (to'pS) is Infinit. "the principle of life.ZI (ZI QJTI see = must understand as subject the "God of line 1. introduced among the Hebrews The usual Assyrian ideogram for 'field'.Oppert renders "to form a counterpoise stood in this connection clearly impossible. and is a word signifying from Babylonia. has in its origin do with ]1# plur. with causative meaning Babylonian Cuneif. = 1.

' Whether we in all are to regard the word in gan. 70. Delitzsch 'Wo 135. as a Eden is of course regarded by the Hebrew narrator which the Hebrews as in many similar name* proper . Delitzsch). but Sumiro-Akkadian (Sayce. on the assumption * Delitzsch 'Wo lag das Paradies' p. "garden" in the Assyrian. Assyrian idinu (edinu). ** See Fr. 80 is inclined to regard 'Eden'. 27 cases. lag das Paradies' p. It is certain that the time of Asurbanipal. in other words. kar was replaced by gun. as a foreign term in these languages. . Haupt. The ideogram viz.GENESIS this II. southwards to the Persian Gulf. which was crossed in Assyrian times by nomad tribes of the Guti and Suti country. older term for 'garden' in Akkadian seems not till to have been kar**. 183) moreover the etymology of the word. gin (Smith's Assurb." Whatever be the facts. just like 'park' in our own. . at all events. *?pn 'field. must remain a matter It is in our opinion quite as probable that the word passed from the Semitic into the Akkadian. as not Semitic. Rawl. it may by conjectured that is was a primitive non-Semitic word which afterwards passed into the Semitic word appears likewise in the left (Delitzsch). 27 column of the syllabary (as i-di-in). a yielding pasturage. since the proper and. which occurs Semitic languages (even Aethiopic). interpreted in the syllabaries (see III kadian g a-n a ik-lu i.' in In this Jahve planted a "garden" for the conception is which he placed man. as a Babylonian name for a district viz of that portion of Mesopotamia which stretches from Tekrit on the Tigris and 'Ana on the Euphrates. interpreted by popular etymologies and presumably connected in meaning with "field" n# signifying 'delight. of uncertainty. kar and gan. it is certain that the Hebrew narrator never region had this definite portion of Babylonia in his thoughts (see below). 96) by the Assyrian ginu (gi-nu-u). the "people of the steppe. . so far as we can at present determine. Akand it is besides explained in Assyrian by e.

. foil. correspondence in from thence i. that to have become however. a It is only after the river passes out of it the sacred region. can scarcely be regarded as an objection. This stream does not bear any special name as the river of Para10. We are not on that account by any means justified in asserting that no such connection exists in the latter The palm may be recognized of the sacred tree as the prototype of the representations it exhibits a form. any rate not less satisfactory was derived from the Akkadian. From an interpretation which it is adheres to the text of the writer's statements to impossible avoid the conclusion that the ideas involved have no reality. case*. that to a certain extent assumes for mankind concrete form. T 28 that its origin Semitic. 426 (with plate). 1881 pp. The conception is. Acad. (see Dillmann ad loc. tree and of the knowledge of good Also the Assyrian monuments exhibit a "sacred of life and the tree tree" in a form that differs in several particulars. that is it at than 9. on the Assyrio-Babylonian monuments. some- thing secondary and had growth in the instance upon Hebrew . e. and names are accordingly bestowed on the river-arms. appears merged into that of a species of coniferae. when we assume The evil.28 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE is 0. der Wissensch. a river went forth from Eden. But between no closer connection can be distinctly asserted to exist this tree and either the Hebrew tree of life or the Hebrew tree of knowledge. for soil. See my reference in the Monats- berichte der Berlin. after passing out of the garden of Eden therefore. as being the Tree of Life and Tree of Knowledge. And dise lost by man. that * The duality which actually belongs to the sacred tree. this differentiation its is. according to first my view.).

7 12. the analogous phrase ris canal" in the n&ri "IHJ e. 77. "starting-point of the inscriptions. Delitzsch Parad. npvin no evidence to is to tions with respect this it be gained from the inscripland. ]i"D Pishon. as this it garden of Eden. 7 pisanu 'reservoir . Assyr. and that the canal therefore was designated "the frontier canal. 59 1 thinks that he sees in A r d-e 1-h a a t or land of downs.?*). Pallacopas. Delitzsch (pp. palgu.GENESIS the nameless river has of its II. to four beginnings of Delitzsch EftTUj i. 29 source somewhere in the region 29 Eden and enters. p. . which extended west of the Euphrates above Babylon. definite to which waters. same nameless stream. name of the canal. Since the Pallacopas stretched along the border of the Syrio-Arabian desert. 'frontier'. Expedition eu Me'sopot. Assyrian and Babylonian 11. 62 foil. e. was already indicated by Oppert in his part of the II p. With canal. 288. and. 145.) is certainly right in referring to the watering or irrigation by canals practised in Babylon. 142) compares the Akkadian pi-sa-an-na. in reference to the employment of the appel- lative as a proper name. canal -)- cites the . JO"|N? l to four heads refers to i. with palag. . shown to be the name Delitzsch (Paradies pp. we are portion of the name to think of a word that has the meaning 'border'. Delitzsch connects the 'river Pishdn." And what Is this combination correct? led in the second * was this Babylonian word? first It should also be observed that the con- nection of the the Assyr. and Babylonia to a certain extent terminated in this direction. water the garden. D^Nl streams. So Kiepert 'Handbook of ancient Geography' (1878) p. has not yet been of a Babylonian river or canal. into the Next it passes out of the garden again and divides into four streams which now bear names. name of a canal Pallacopas this (from palag .

& IV R. smu). quite as probable that came to the latter through the Assyrians. e. 17a. Mfluhha' e. f. 26. Bavian 27.30 30 the THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE portion of the 0. We may infer that sages as Sanher. viz. r . 59. In i. 44 foil. e. *** See for example the syllabary II Rawl. 'stone of Upper- Babylonia' (= Akkad) it see II R. According to the law of consonantal may recognized by Haupt and Delitzsch. satisfactorily proved by the corresponding ideograms signification to have some such stones this is as 'dark'***. 45.ij])lies to the view with which I am credited elsewhere in that treatise .b. And the same remark . 131 foil. T. I am not responsible for the opinion attributed to me by Delitzsch respecting the extent of land which was held to be included under the name C h a w i 1 a see 'Wo lag das Paradies' p.stone has been recognized in by the Delitzsch with considerable show of probability Assyrio-Babylonian (abnu) sa-am-tuv = s&mtu (masc. which may be in Assyrian. this likewise pass into the form sandu**. See the evidence cited (1879) p. 140 foil. also comp. was a precious stone from such pasTaylor cylind. The same may be (Qij$n of Beddlach (Bdellium?) mentioned the in this passage. lists of such called 'stone of . 30. "Eden" in liiohm's Ilandwiirterbuch des biblischen Alterthums (see Delitzsch's preface to Wo lag das Paradies page X). 2. sa-a-mu change i. does not come from my pen but from that of the Editor. Syrian desert situated said West the of the Euphrates*. 68 g. in Pognon's Inscriptions de Bavian and Delitzsch 'Wo lag das Paradies' pp. 51. )2$t) On the other hand Sliokam. we are not compelled to suppose that the to word passed It is direct from the Babylonians it the Hebrews. * respecting the situation of Paradise. * See Haupt Sintfluth I 43 rem. . III. The article referred to. Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung pp. fact that the corresponding root in Babylonio- word since Assyrian exhibits an D in Hebrew has a (= Q!~ID) while the corresponding W (= QW) presents no difficulty . V R. 18 Rev. 35 &c. The 61 foil.

Sennacherib (1878) p. pp. this On by the other hand the geographical position that is indicated 14). with 51. "irrigation" (Syll.GENESIS For the feminine rightly refers to II. pronounced G u-h a-a n-D i'(G u h an-D 1' ) accordHere the final (ideographic?) DI' maybe Syll. as compared with the Hebrew above p. in mentioned as a river or canal close A-ra-ah-ti. 3 in . which bears the Akkadian name G u h a n(n ?)a- may be shown from citations of cuneiform texts* to cor- respond to the which. "sea". 13. A-rah-ti of the Assyrians the passages referred to. This must at all events have been included under the term. 76. I ending I'l affixed Assyrian. d comp. Putting aside of primitive history. III. regarded as meaning sikituv i. 27 a. 9c. 6 Y^$> Q< i"^ &c - On is this subject see remark. e. 50. cannot at present be conjectured with any definiteness. DI'. and taking into account the well-established and unquestionable usage of the historical books of the Old Testament. and possibly * II R. Bavian 52.45. Bull- inscription 4. G. Sanher. Nubian-Aethiopia. a mtuv "Elana" r s i t uv tiamtuv. Smith. 91.N't>3 PIN the whole land of Kush. the mention of the Euphrates and Tigris (verse probably indicated by that of Guchan-Gich6n. is sometimes expressly n&ru Euphrates and Tigris. sometimes the Euphrates. . Now the canal. 90). t&mtuv nS\j. 137) conjectures be the river now called Shatt en-Nfl. 12. . 63 in III R. JlrVjl GicJion is compared by Delitzsch with much appearance of probability with the cuneiform (naru) Kali a-a ing to n-D I'. tf 13 p. 63. that it is (and behind) the defined as lying East of to may Delitzsch (Parad. 31 Which precious stone specially meant by the Samtu-stone. i Delitzsch "earth". e. we must regard the representations "land of Kush" as meaning to the Hebrew first and foremost the African land of Kush i.

4. doubtless The reader is note the prefixed hi which not to be met with either in the Aramaic. . h u mates the ritan to The form Hidiglat. Hidiglat. to be that which stands i. T. be observed. We have likewise U r m z d a i i or Uramazda. h i.32 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. though not in the ordinary texts. g. 34. Text fuller form (II line in 35 (Di-ig-lat). certain that the Persian is Ahuramazda becomes the Baby- lonian Ahurmazda' in the inscription of Naksh-iR u s t a m 1. even in the Persian form of the name for the not however specifically Hebrew. X. the syllables a.TJO Hebrew name will of the Tigris. which is here (^plH). u likewise express the others ha. i. 'p. the Behistun inscription Babyl. or river. 50. in Assyrian. and probably we see the same thing within the limits of Assyrian itself in names of foreign towns. How be explained will be considered further on chap. Humattu together with Am a11u "Hamath" Hamidi . the more accurate But we meet with the syllabaries. indicated us to by that of Pisan-Pishon. since KAR we know fromBeh. furnish us the form The Diglat e. 7c. 14. for the river Tigris) by I-di-ig-lat e. It is It is to be found in latter only Assyrian. X. or more precisely a Baby- 82 Ionian country. 6. Rawl. and also Urimizda' the in the Behistun inscription.8 and elsewhere. Accordingly we have this is to here an account that involves contradictions. coincides with the Sama- The hardening of h(i) to h(i). Arabic. is not an isolated instance among the Thus it comparative forms exhibited by languages. is But the phrase "the whole land of Kush" not adapted to express so limited a region. which closely approxiHebrew pronunciation. (that d. occurs again Dan. would in the main lead regard Kush as an Eastern.) interprets the ideogram One such BAR. TIK.

see Haupt. Though we may regard it as possible that this form was modified out of a previously ciation of the existing Idignat.Akkadian language' (Trans- actions of the Berlin Oriental Congress 1882) p. which the Persian Tigra. Assyrian corresponding to a soft Baby- and. 33 Probably the truth is that Idiglat is or D in i * g at 1 (the latter occurring in the Behistun inscription) reflected was the softer Babylonian pronunciation. in just the form in which it was usually pronounced in Assur **. which immediately borders on Akkad and is separated by it from Sumer. believes that the Hebrew 8 ^ ould be regarded as the (original) South-Babylonian pronun^p/JO name of a river which in the Northern Akkadian dialect became Idigna. 3 . 33 below). on the ground of the transition which in other instances takes place from a Sumerian (South Babylonian) I into an Akkadian n. Kawliuson in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society XII. die sumerischen Familiengesetze I (1879) p.GENESIS together with II. ciation with p is to be traced back to one that is more primitive with J. ** The Sumiro-Akkadian pronunciation of the name appears to have been Idigna. Amidi "Amid" /s (see We may therefore assume that the Hebrew and Aramaic bp~l(n) arises merely by a hardening of pronunciation from an original And we should also assume that the pronunform 7p"l(!~l).. we have certainly no grounds for pronouncing it "Idignat" in Assyrian as may be seen from the corresponding ortho- graphy Di-ig-lat in the Behistun inscription 35 (with the same sign for lot). Now the Hebrews would have adopted the name for the Tigris. while in the Hebrew and Aramaic forms (comp. known that also in other instances in we have a hard and emphatic p lonian ciation J . is a fact equally well established. on which Niniveh stood. 9 rem. 2^. and in the Arabic *JL>o remains to the present day. in his essay 'the Sumiro. But Assur. 50. d. 252. that there existed other differences of pronun- between Assur and Babel. H. likewise exhibits this I in place of the n in its Idiklat (Idiglat) II R.05) It is well we have the specific Assyrian pronunciation. It^ * P. Haupt. 7 c.

ending (Fr. inscription citations. My remarks above are confirmed by the ntUl of tlie Tar ~ the gums and specific Talmud cited by Delitzsch. 31: Bu-ra-nu-nu = UT. whereas the Assyrian and the other above-mentioned languages. Gesellsch. KIB NUN KI. the great inscription of the builder of the North West Palace. syllabary V Bawl. Delitzsch) For the transition from d. and this town itself again is designated in the manner above cited as 'Heliopolis' or 'city of the Sun'. Wiss. It represents once more the Babylonian pronunciation. d. texts e.1 a t. line g. . BuAssyrian This is guaranteed 35 line 6). V. 41 &c. T. 22. Haupt in Nachrichten von p. These designate the Euphrates as the river of Sippara. Respecting another ideographic mode of writhis subject ting the name. . The full ti. Compare on 11 p. see my work 3. 16. Farad. note worthy that the rejected the feminine ending -at. in rat-tuv partly partly (tiv. 1880 p. by the continuous col. (1881) 170 foil. 94 rem. have have a precisely reverse uniformly preserved it. 50 line 8.. Oppert's Expedition en Me*sopot. see Rev. of Tiglath Pileser I col. Asur-nasirby the cylinderand by other habal. I-di-ig-nu (see V Rawl. 14. tav. - n a t into . Very for often we find the in the name also written ideo- graphically. form ta). 30) by the became Idignat. 1 (1880) p. 15. by the syllabaries (II Rawl. 58. Die Assyrisch-Babylonischen Since the publication of the Keilinschriften p.34 is TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Hebrew and Aramaic 0. T. 541 and Delitzsch. including the New Persic. the name of the Euphrates here and in many is other passages of the O. 22 Kev. 73 rem. addition of the Semitic fern. 219. . example Babylonian text of the trilingual Behistun inscription line 36 with the signs UT. also tu. Gotting. Ill. We phaenomenon in the case of the Assyrio-Himjaritic-Aramaic in# as compared with the Hebrew-Canaanitish We 34 append to this in our investigation : rn9.

78). It was certainly not so regarded by the specific definition is Hebrew narrator. As often happens. No." Hebrews themselves called simply This could not be said of the Tigris (see below p. 59. The name (A-sur-Kl VI." By the omission of nunu and the addition of the Semitic feminine ending (see above on Idignat) the 'great stream' became for the Semitic Babylonians and Assyrians Bur at *in}D or the 'stream' par excellence . 48. 42). 9. 62. 169. situated South of Niniveh. col. "VI$N. the "great (nunu) river (bur a). in other cases. 26. p. as occasionally the Ninivite inscriptions e/g.GENESIS IL 35 of the river will have KIB.I. stream that specially belonged to Paradise" (Fr. VII. 25. compare the Heb.-Pil. as a rule the familiar compound This city was the sign employed ancient imperial capital.NUN. The Euphrates main-stream stands here without any addition or more specific local designation. 11). is stood chiefly as that of the city Assur or Asur Tigl. 11. = the Euphrates. name of the region Assyria. on the right bank of the Tigris. present day the ruins of Kal at-Sherkat (see on Chap. just as the name of the Tigris The name signifies according to Delitzsch Parad. on the spot where stand at the for the city also). the name of the ancient imperial 3* . 31. But the lack of rather due to the fact 35 that the river did not need to be specified since it more precisely to was the stream that was well known the every Hebrew and which "the stream. Inscription of Asarhaddon Rawl. 37. The native appella- tion is sometimes Assur. col. 48. Tigl. certainly not because "it was the the that watered the garden. sometimes A-sur. 69 &c. line 3 and in in other passages.95. 62. I see Behistun inscription line 5. f X.-Pil. KI to the origin of the name be sought in the Akkadian. IV. V. p. Delitzsch Parad.

And but yet such this not the fact. Q in such quite regular. (so the name should be read instead of ^nuQavadtoq) Asu r-nadin. Moreover it does not harmo- nize with the ideographic designation. and in the epithet a s s u r i t or 'Assyrian'. * 37) with D not doubled **. Asarhaddon (1 Rawl. 70) and compare the Hebrew transcription j'nH'iDK (2 Ki.(Sum). 'lauQldivoq (= Asarhaddon) and 'AoaQava&iot. Likewise the the city and land of god Assur bears the same name as Assur. a completely satisfactory is parallel. kingdom itself. 1877 p. VI. and Berlin. In the first place a deity we should in instance expect not the name of Assur. cases ** Observe likewise the 'AaoQdkv of the LXX.36 city THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE was transferred to the 0. Keilinschriften p. 195 foil. 46. frequently occurring in Asurbanipal's inscriptions. city and that of the god. HI. XIX. rather Assurai. 44 . We have every reason to assume 36 that a relation subsisted between the name of the question . see Assyrisch-Babylonische = Keiliuschriften pp. . and the other forms under which the name appears in the names of the Ptolemaic Canon. of the divinity referred to in the text. It should be an adjective expressing reference. p. assurit 11 Rawl. see on this subject Assyrisch-Babylon. 2). See the numerous passages on I. 254). This designation is AN. 79 foil. 1 . as it would appear. Monatsber.we have. The arises : does the god to derive his that name from the city or the city from the god it was specially worshipped in ? The former seems be the more likely (so Delitzsch Parad. *** Respecting this title of Istar-Astarte. 45 foil. with the signification "the Assyrian (god)" (comp. the cylinder of Tiglath-Pileser of as well as the variants on the cylinder pi.*** belonging to Istar. according to the Akkadian to be read (AN)SAR with the signification ilu *) The is transition from the Assyrian ty to the Heb. 171 foil. though the name of the god is usually written A-sur. col. T.

X. The latter preserved to in us in the feminine participial form a sir at occurring the name of a bilingual (Aramaic- Assyrian) inscription viz dess) Ar b ailu. and it it assumes such a form that we can see that has some religious and symbolic significance. 1. XII. see 149b) and 37 we have analogous formations in pDlJ 'deep'. 161 rem. 6. fc'njn the serpent. 10. 1865. the use of &c. as has been assumed by several. It has not yet been proved * See Oppert in Journ. Asiat. 74. See however on chap. that of the intransitive adjective ("the Kind". itself p. XI. Baal-Hermon (Song of Sol. This name should be "Ifc'K = ^ s <to be good'. and afterwards Assyria in general. The city Assur or Asur. 327. 4) . Asur ? Assur = Persian Respecting in the in- Athura scriptions of the Achaemenidae for the entire Western Asian region (exclusive of Asia Minor). accordingly received their name from a deity. Baal-Gad (Josh. VI. 22. is a question that cannot be decided here. Whether the Assyrian ASur has been transformed by a popular etymology from an original Akkadian form Aui-sar written A-uar (II Rawl. 8. dominated by the Assyrians. see Assyrisch-Babylonische Keil- inschriften p. especially in figured representations it upon cylinders. 46. 37 tabu "good god"*. and comp. VIII. 2 c d).GENESIS 111. p. rather than for the district Aturia (Strabo). 1 1) 17). . therefore essentially for the Syria of classical writers see Kiepert. meaning of the name derived from the root is still This must also have been the original for the deity. Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's I. precisely as Asteroth-Karnaim (Josh. 171 No. above p. Compare Lotz. Lehrbuch III.as ir at [= The form astir Ewald is "(the god- Arba i 1 is kind"]. p. We meet with the serpent repeatedly. tity 'delicate' &c. But hitherto has not been possible to say with any certainty what this significance more precisely is. 6.

is is coiling upwards behind the woman who is the serpent that tempts man to sin. the well-known representation on a cylinder (see Geo. however. We hand. If the legend of Paradise for which there is ultimately of Babylonian origin. have no certainly right to assert that the Babylonians had no story of a Fall. Ill. 1880. ser. or whether representation has any reference to the Fall (so Just as in this case we have two Delitzsch Parad. 6.38 THE CUNEJFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE in 0. p. 2 man. substantial evidence (without detriment to to the remarks on verse 1). that seated . Berlin. the latter hanging in . We and merely contend that it is not presupposed in the above figured representation. 90). 87). compare Menant. seated and in like manner stretching forth their hands to the fruit clusters of dates find in hanging down on every so we a similar representation on the pages of Me*nant. p. 427 foil. This tree as well as fruit. there is no reason to suppose that there the Fall. Germ. whether. In the latter case. catalogue &c. the woman saw is that the tree was good for food. Smith. the tree ultimately which reference is here made would point to the special tree of Babylonia viz. the any nor upon the cylinder above-mentioned indicated allusion to the story of is there the slightest reference to what constitutes specific 38 fruit feature the of that narrative to the the presentation of the by woman p.). pi. although no written accounts bearing upon it have hitherto come to VIII 70 foil. 14 two persons standing one on either side of a palm quite naturally portrayed and each holding with one hand the stalk of a cluster of dates (comp. the snake. T. Chaldaean Genesis. the palm. No. Monatsber. 1881 is pp. this entire human beings (man and woman) side. comptes et belles lettres rendus de 1'academie des inscriptions 4. ed. while the fruits would point to the dates.

3>H2> witn tne Assyr. no olive". of bulls and lions with human faces. . 193. 24. in the we find on the monuments. 953. e. 1052). 1. 7. Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere 4 84).leaves. as guardians of the gateways of the palaces and temples and also of the city * In identifying the Heb. In the course of time. Compare likewise bit Ki-ru-ba in Strassmaier. myth migrated assumed the more general form of a "fruit tree. 79 (in the German original of the present work). Erdkunde and on the other hand we neither will XI. fig-tree (Hehn . for which cites the Assyrian Karubu (line 13) as its synonym meaning rubu 'great'." It needs no special investigation to show that the Hebrew narrator the to the concrete tree was not thinking of the palm. the palace and city-ruins. yet the latter circumstance can neither invalidate the general fact above-stated with respect to the proper 39 home of the fig-tree . Cherubim*. 39 in continually occupy a foremost position the figured representations on the monuments sidering. nor can deny that even in ancient times fig-trees existed in Babylonia. 1. Herod. Syria and Palestine are properly the native country of the th ed. III. 87. For the root 3^3 and "bless" in Assyrian. not on Babylonian soil. 'exalted one'.GENESIS clusters. Text B 84. Just as the Cherubim are here the sentinels at the entrance to Paradise. no vine. verse 1. we this are now coni. pp. see Paul Haupt p. Altbabylonische Vertrage. 1. 1. Berlin 1882. and though we occasionally meet with fig-trees in South Babylonia as far as Basra (see Ritter. 89. so viz. comp. This statement can only have sprung up on Hebrew-Israelite. nor the statement of Herodotus (however regard it extreme we may in its exclusive bearing) that Babylonia exhibits "nofigtree. Delitzsch Paradies 145 in quoting the Syllab. tradition of this name) we should follow Fr. p. 89. D'Oren the. colossi Kirubu (assuming monumental p. when Hebrews. in Lotz' Die Inschriften Tiglath Pilesers I p. H^NP nbg fig.

of the agree with the fact that Ezekiel (I. the North-West it is city-wall of Niniveh- Kujundshik). compares the face of a Cherub with the face of a October * Lenormant's letter to me. 14) bull. X. utukku . or with the divine beings Moreover the theory that the represented by them. sidu damku. have an amulet whereon in is = Now we inscribed a talismanic incantation the ancient Babylonian Sumfro-Akkadian language (Lenormant." Instead of the ideogram. according to parallel inscription. T. I'histoire" Paris 1880. upon an unedited possession of M. especially rem. viz. 40ru-bu damku is de Clercq in Paris. in the dian word represented by sidu. 10 cornp. we shall have proved the Baby- lonian origin of the Cherubim and their final identity with the winged colossal bulls that keep guard at the entrances temples &c. p. the case "take into when we for "IK*. 3. Cherubim are exactly identical with the colossal bulls would palaces. Meantime comp. these bull- Hebrew (and lion-?) colossi are sidu see Norris and lamassu (of doubtful origin). p. is dated 22. genius. containing the above statement. com- munication* confirmed. (Obverse 5 i. In this incantation. lamassu tabu. 1 4) the good spirits are invoked with the words 7: e. choix de textes cun6iformes p.40 walls THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE (pylon in 0. the Sumiro-Akkathere appears. 218b). Ezekiel &c). damku exalted "exalted bull-god propitious lion-god (?) . 89). this writer's "les origines de 118. . the legend (AN) ki"exalted Cherub" (see my remarks in the If this Jenaische Literaturzeitung 1874 p. account the parallel passages The Assyrian names in the Bible (Exodus. 1873. Though not clear from the passage in Genesis that the Cherubim of Paradise were regarded as we can scarcely doubt that such was winged creatures . after an invocation of the evil spirits.. 688. Lenormant.

the appellative Babyl. so the former appear as the sentinels and guardians of the majesty of God that is withdrawn from the glance of the profane. According to . We are im- into mistakeably led towards the East. Pisan-Pishon also )1# (i. finally. Delitzsch* in holding strongly to "Wo lag das Paradies" Leipzig 1881 pp. When we on Gen. idinu transformed into a proper name). origin. . Now * I agree with Fried. and. the reference to the figsoil of growth from the Paradise is unquestionably non-Babylonian. of Babylonia. at all events partially or in some way .GENESIS III. 4583. see on X. Guhan- Gich6n. revert to the preceding Assyriological III. that just as the latter appear as the special sentinels of the ruler's abode and likewise of a place devoted to a sacred cultus. II. likewise the conception of 'watering' or 'irrigating' the land by a river or 'field' canal. (to On in the one 24 we clearly discern a double phaenohand this Biblical account of Paradise terms) speak general appears throughout locally defined and endowed with local colouring. a region of the Euphrates and Tigris. tree as a On the other hand. and the same is equally 41 last true of the name for the precious stone Shoham . 6 (8)] 'before Assur' K is not to be conceived as possible on Babylonian soil. and as the protectors of his sacred dwelling (Riehm). that flows The description of the Tigris as a river is certainly of non-Babylonian the as and. and of all the mention of the land Kush certainly points to the *S0w^-East. e. comments 4 menon. or to speak more definitely. point specially to Babylonia. blending of the Babylonian with the African Kes [in the form Kush. 41 Also the Cherubim of the Ark of the Covenant have at least this point in common with the winged bulls.

in the post-exilic Book of Daniel (X. And lastly known the fourth is the Euphrates. which waters the garden of Eden in undiminished be conducted over the entire stream is divided below Babylon to . For the assumption that this Indian article of commerce. that Bdolach-Bdellium is identical with the Indian madalaka. T. The first stream. is the Pisdnu. e. the events of which take place in Babylonia. which branches off below Babylon and flows the Persian sea. 132). T. with its Indian name. India. . 4). came by the track of commerce to the Babylonians from whom both thing and name passed over to the Hebrews does not involve the slightest difficulty.42 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE that 0. tion. that generally speaking lies beyond the of vision Hebrew say nothing of the two other the view range (to 42 rivers or canals that are mentioned) . if true. on the right Arabian side of the Euphrates in a long course direct to the second arm of the Euphrates is the Quchdnu which flows from Babylon on the left Babylonian side of the Euphrates in a long line through the whole of Middle Babylonia to bend its course again to the main bed of the Euphrates. in which a is held not only by the Euphrates but prominent position also by the Tigris*. Euphrates." * The reader is aware that the Hiddekel-Tigris is only mentioned once in the entire 0. i. would not by any means imply that the Hebrews had any knowledge of the ultimate source of this article of trade. even if the opinion that has (in opposition to Delitzsch pp. and in which the specific Babylonian system of that such be presupposed. country in four great waterways. viz. 16 foil. the conception of a Paradise. viz. arm of the Euphrates. should hitherto ** What been held obtain further confirmation.. Such an assump. in which reference is made to a precious stone (DIJIP) with a specific Babylonian name**. the third is the well river of Assyria the Tigris which from that point onwards assumes its former position independent of the Euphrates. has been stated remains true. with the exception of this passage. a conception of Paradise can only have been formed ulticanals seems in some way to this writer the Biblical (? see sketch of the garden: "From Eden below) narrator draws the following there went forth a stream to water the garden the The abounding fulness of that is the Euphrates.

u. were Assyrians had (Delitzsch p. the The latter. as described by the narrator is a Garden . which is watched by the Ezek. through it. might easily have hit upon the notion that the two sister streams. we know. and only on exit from the garden becomes divided into four streams. ** An attempt of this kind may be seen in Delitzsch ibid. from the Hebrew-Palestinian standhe can only have sought for this common origin in Armenia which must always have remained very obscure to him*** both as to its precise the mountain region of * Here. Geschichtsforschung pp. common 43 point . among them The author thus thinks into the Euphrates and the Tigris. On the other regard every attempt as determine the Hebrew conception of Paradise with greater hand I am compelled altogether hopeless which seeks The geographical precision and to fix it on the map**. who entered Mesopotamia from the West by the road from Karchemish. of somewhere or other upon the Earth XXXI. correctly informed respecting the sources of the Tigris and Euphrates. other or even sources of the . will have . 43 in Babylonia*. Accordingly. . *** I gravely doubt whether the Hebrews had by any means as accurate an acquaintance with Armenia and Northern Mesopotamia as stress. that again approached so close to one another in the North sprang from a common originated very near each source.GENESIS mately to to III. Delitzsch p. -Dunia much (Middle-Babylonia with Babel Kar (Gan) on which H. 24). of the Euphrates and the Tigris as coming from a source. a nameless river which does not its coincide with the Euphrates. In my opinion. laid so to be put altogether aside. Kawlinson. the Hebrew. liespecting the actual . 9) (compare There flows and to which there is no access. the originator theory of the Middle-Babylonian Eden. however. the of the name of the Babylonian district itself). Hebrew Paradise. Cherubim still God existing . now as ever. 66. 128 155). at any rate of the Eastern primary stream (Keilinsch. Hebrews did not amount to The geographical knowledge of the more than what they could pick up through the ancient high-ways of Mesopotamia that passed from East to West. compare also the map accompanying his work.

VIII. Syria and Meso- potamia but is not a characteristic growth of Babylonia. . a tree viz. to Palestine. this legend was to him in its original shape so outworn that he had 44 only the dimmest ideas of Pishon and Gichon. regarding the matter from his own mountainous Dillmann and others). Gichon and Pishdn. our opinion the story of Paradise it first arose and from . the fig- which certainly belongs . in spite of knowledge that made its way to them about the ''mountains of the (land) Ararat-Urartu". the main the Here we have in same feature that we have already taken occasion to point out in the story of the Creation and shall subsequently have to emphasize when we deal with the account of the Flood. It was peculiar standpoint (compare well known to him that the Tigris flowed before Assyria. to the As these Babylonian legends migrated Hebrews and were adopted by the its Tigris. whence tree. 4. Hence he retained those elements of the legend which had come down to him by that is tradition and which pointed to a Paradise situated further South. . as well as of the Euphrates with both tributary arms. and he united these elements into a general conception that was altogether incapable of being complete. North of Babylon. 14. and simply blended the Babylonian Kash with the African Rush that was to him much more itself. Babylonia in Without any thought of he transferred into the district where familiar. to made The Babylonian legend tradition with its of Paradise that came down land of him by altogether concrete names Euphrates. Gen. II. passed to the Hebrews . in Babylonia. as well as the Kas and the precious stone Shoham. the Hebrews can scarcely have been otherwise than poorly and imperfectly informed. configuration. T.44 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE and its 0. if informed at all. geographical features somewhere as Paradise have he can Thus imagined only North of Mesopotamia. Tigris.

45 they became in some important respects changed in accordance with altered local relations or.45 landischen Gesellschaft XXIII. It : is evident that these were in originally family5 names "life". 2. IV. Asur-bani-habal i. hebraized. g.). name Hebrew no satisfactory Adam's second son. The pronunciation Nafionakdaapog. in the name : of the builder of the North-West-palace at Nimrud-Chalah Asurof the nasir-habal "Asur father of protects the son". name with not Hebrew word for 'breath' is only on connection. "Nebo. Seth ditto. Cain "shoot". Adam means "man" general Eve (Havv) should also then "mother". "sprout". assumed in Greek the form (Berossus-Josephus *) or Nabopolassar (Canon of Ptolemy). 360 foil. at least was the most powerful of Assyrian kings. pp. in we obtain (Oppert) by glancing at the Assyrian which habal (abal) is a common name for 'son' (comand this pare my remarks in the Zeitschrift der deutschen morgen.GENESIS latter. lastly Enosh means once more "man". see Scheme's Eusebius p. "Asur created have another instance in the We during a portion of his reign * Syiicellus. We expect a similar designation in the case of Adam's second son. through the abbreviation pol) which we find even among Nabopalassar Nabu-habal-usur Assyrians. protect the son. we find in To this corresponds the Nabupalsar in the Armenian I. IV. Chronicle of Eusebius. /?n Abel. e. name of one who. The word often appears in proper names e. ." last of the habal to bal e. name. in a single word. but because the name all account of the unsatisfactory in question would be an other names of the earliest all exception to the analogy of men. without double s. in the : name Nebukadnezar This (i. 43 foil. finds in The traditional comderivation. of the bination of the objectionable.

KeilVIII. see Assyr. ^p. 307 the in Delitzsch's Assyrische Lesestiicke). 24 anm. "grandson" (Assyrisch-Babyl. The parallel Chaldaean accounts have. der Wiss. Keil- (Assyrisch-Babylonische inschriften und Geschichtsforschung pp. into was pro- Assyrian** from the Sumlrobably adopted Akkadian. Barth. ibid. 193). "son's son" = Keilinsch. been long known to us through Berossus and Josephus (see * See Bibel-Lexicon Vol. as regards their substance. occurring in the connection bin -bin e. With reference to we are here considering. 120 foil. the son". In this extract has been handed down to us the Biblical account of the Flood. 517 the subject that foil. which the Greeks transformed to 'Sardanapal' &c. e. occurs with kindred words. seems to be The word habal. Delitzsch. Sayce. ** With the Assyr. I have already drawn attention in another place* to the fact that a word that is used as an appellative in one language has been preserved in the a allied proper name. 507 foil. . 5 having the same meaning). insch. 1884 p. in which the word for "son" is ibila (Syll. 32). H. bal moreover word since in it F. bplu Beitrage zu Hiob p. T. other Semitic language in an appellative sense in this sense.). derived from the same root. III. 1883) Berl.46 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Haupt) Assyrian (A. p. The same thing Meanwhile we find in Assyrian ]3 along with still it the old and genuine Semitic word "son" i. compare ^pin> fr m Idiglat (see above p. preserved. pp. from the Akkadian ibil. is bi-in-tu i. 32. Keilinschriften pp. foreign language simply as a abal. does not occur in any . martuv VI.-Bab. DJ3 (along with mar at. der Akad. P. Compare however J. Also the Assyrian for 'daughter'. and the Author himself: Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge der altbabylonischen Cultur (Abhdl. and taken It has no satisfactory derivation. 27.

1872) ingeniously 12 signs of the Zodiac i. 6 . = of the judgment of the Flood" A comparison of this account * See P. the The 11 th month. praepar. honour of discovering the clay-tablets containing the Chaldaean flood-legend belongs to the late official of the British Museum. I. Apion. 47 Eusebius. This account coincides in the main it features with that of Berossns. lished the fact that this very account only formed a portion of a more extensive whole i. to which the eleventh tablet containing the sacred to the storm-god of the Flood story would correspond. Ant. Eawlinson (Athenaeum Dec. 11. 19. e. cont. The number as 47 twelve.e. . Chron. but supplements in numer- ous details and brings the Biblical narrative into much The closer relation with the Chaldaean flood-legend. "month *. 11. corresponded. e. ed. was Ramman. I. 3. than could be assumed on the basis of the tradition in Berossus. Schoene I. At the same time he estab. 19 23).GENESIS VI Josephus. Assyrian Shabat . of the tablets and of the cantoes. Sir H. to the conjectured. The 11 th tablet contained the episode of the Flood. a part of the so called Iztubar-legends. Leipzig 1881 p. revolution of the sun or the twelve months of the year. VIII. Evangelica IX. George Smith who first published news of his discovery on Dec. an epic inscribed on 12 tablets describing the deeds and adventures of the hero Iztubar. 3 1872 and then made the first attempt at a translation of the texts. But meanwhile the Biblical story has unexpectedly received further illustration by the discovery of the cuneiform account of the Flood. 12. Haupt's Der keilinschriftliche Sintfluthbericht. The Akkadian name month iti zunni signifies as a s^gi Assyrian arah arrat "month of the curse of rain" i. to 7.

I.). III X (Sar?) i.ff). see 156158. we read that the Babylonian Noah in the building or Berossus in Eusebius 124 equipment of the ship (V. 40. ku-up-ri at- ta-bak ana ki-i-ri 12 pDH tion is = . Zurich 1863. 9 foil. stated by the Elohist VII. 12 VIII. lastly the offering of a fragrance VIII. III.f ana lib-bi) e. p. 14 16. 37foll. Compare the I. 37.. the birds f sent forth thrice VIII. in the sacrifice after the flood had ceased . Chaldaean account of the Flood 32.. not communicated by Haupt because it was so seriously mutilated and in many places unintelligible. ** On Kritik foil. 45 foil. 37. 21. . But even * Compare with what follows Delitzsch. 3. the description of the building and equipment of the ark 48 (VI. also In an extract II. VII. III. parallel passages II. Haupt. 185 *** Comp. 6 to be 600 The number 600 years. and the inhaling able sacrificial by God of the agree20 foil. Sintfluthbericht pp. lag das Paradies pp. f For further details see below. mention of the seven days VII. T. 8 12.uitity) of bitumen. 4 the down-pour of rain VII. Elohistic statement that the ark I ft The *lJ32 (VI1 1 foil. line I. compare also col.48 in it THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. in the cuneiform by the Babylonian Noah himself). 18 foil. 2 the closing of the door of the ark to the . the division of the Biblical account my Studien zur uud Erklarung der biblischen Urgeschichte. 23/24 1. 4) occurs also in was pitched "with bitumen" the Chaldaean flood-story (coinp. Haupt ibid. Wo . 16 b (in this account by Jahve. in is 31. 20 foll. 19. pp. . P. col. . in the main features. On the other common between hand almost the only point the Chaldaean narrative and what is. characteristic in the Elohistic story. in the Bible makes Haupt's rendering with the account clear* that of the two Biblical records that of the Jahvistic- much closer contact*** prophetic narrator** comes into This may be seen by referring with the Chaldaean story. poured out (root a designa- pp2) over the outer and inner wall III X (Sars? The age of Noah when the flood came qu. 136 foil. III.

quite apart of course from the pronounced heathenish colouring of the cuneiform narrative. 34).' Berl.und Gewichts- wesen &c. common I. 3600). other points. No. ed. Braudis 'Mu'nz-. 18 VII. pp. to all three narratives. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen 1877. living things as essentially the arbitrary especially of Bel. 5 account represents foil. Schoene 21 (22). Sar' in the Zeitschrift fur Aegyptische Sprache und Alterthum 1878. to corresponds to the Babylonian ner (VIJQOQ. Assyr. ni-i-ru) as well as ten times a Babylonian oaJGaoq. in Berossus-Eusebius [Chron. Assyr. 22. Bertheau in the Jahrbiicher fur Deutsche Theologie XXIII. Sussu (= 60) and the ar sixth part of a Sar (adpoq. 10. it In the Bible with Jahvist as well as Elohist. Assyr. it 15) that the narrator gives a hint was the wrath of the gods over the iniquity of reality mankind that was the ultimate cause of the judgment. Oppert made an attempt archal in his ages to .GENESIS VIVIIL in this part of the 49 seed of life' I. comp. 657 682. 1878. cuneiform account the expression 'preserve 22 foil. Genesis' in the Nachrichten der kb'nigl. 56 foil. The most important differences between the Chaldaean and the Biblical story consist. 29. pp. The . J. account given by Berossus the exhortation addressed to those who escaped the flood cog deov (Compare in the : ilvai fteociepsls Eusebius chr. See the criticism of this same way to a Babylonian origin in the refer the numbers of the patriarticle 'Die Daten der hypothesis by E. 3. Mafs. reminds us at once of the Jahvist 'to preserve seed' VII. likewise J. VI. pp. I. origin of the numerical statements of the Bible = Thus the Babylonian is manifest. 7. Ner. 4]. of the is the sin and 49 corruption human race which bring 9 foil. 3 foil. 201 223. It is only at the close of the cuneiform that in story (IV. col. II. see VI. The cuneiform the Flood and the destruction of all act of the gods. inclusion of the "relatives" also among the rescued is among lib. and compare also Fr. about the judgment of the Flood. 4 . Delitzsch 'on Soss. in the different motive assigned for the Flood. 1864 pp.

p. reckons the Flood in periods days (an introductory respite of seven days. pp. flood according . a swallow but. the . 19 foil. that and a raven . The Chal- daean story of the despatch of the birds when the flood subsided (III. As is well known the Biblical narrators themselves differ in this respect to a very consi- derable degree (see the account my Studien &c. to the different narrators. decrease of the waters in 3 X 7 days . Haupt's Sintfluth p. * 124 . the swallow : has entirely dis- appeared the second time Noah sends forth a dove. Chasisadra fashioned the ship hi seven days. 50 Ionian Observe the touching trait in the description.). Observe that in the cuneiform narrative three birds are sent forth. when this story passed over to the Hebrews. 28 rem. comp. which this as well as other points comes closest to the Chaldaean of seven and of forty story. a dove (?). see P. all living things that are not The latter causes fish.50 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Observe also the varying duration of the 0. 154). forty days duration of the flood. T. 29. 149 foil. 6 12) has unquestionably greater claims to originality than the scrip- 3844 tural account. Thus in of the Jahvistic-prophetic narrator. see ibid. VIII. conception. III. and then drained . with Gen. 2 8 foil. that the BabyNoah as he beheld the swimming corpses "sat down and wept" and that "tears flowed over his face" This reminds us of Genesis XVIII. According to the cuneiform record the flood after an introductory interval of seven days * lasted itself seven days III. off in another seven days. it may be remarked is a more natural since seven days of high flood fully suffice to drown like. name of one of these birds. Yet XisuthrosAccording to the section not given below II. 23 33. This . amphibia and the no difficulty to the narrators.

* ** See on Kritik this point Ewald. 157 foil.GENESIS VI-VI11. 4* . VIII. VIII. compare.). 2b. the following one is sent forth. 10.. and this is owing to the intro- If such duction of the [three **] intervals of seven days. swift and far-flying swal- low might yet found it. however. p. Indeed an interval the situation might have that the so completely altered. it is 51 only from the Babylonian narrative that the selection of the different birds becomes clear. in each case. seeing that the Biblical Similarly Delitzsch. does not exclude the Though from his the dove returned to the ark. Dillmann. Accordingly the Babylonian chooses on each occasion a different bird that better adapted to obtain for was perhaps him the wished-for information. 152. VIII. was the first to discover land and on that account did not return to the ark. In the Biblical story the process of thought appears obscured. yet this possibility that the less confiding. 3 (Jahv. same bird could now find what he before searched for in vain. periods existed. die Genesis erklart. as soon as the bird that has been despatched returns. of at length discover land. Jahrbiicher VII. my Studien zur und Erklarung der biblischeu Urgeschichte on chap. we cannot see why in that case the same birds were not sent out after so long after the lapse of each period. loth to withdraw far accustomed abode. 7 (raven) as separate from the Jahvistic account and as the remnant of an abandoned Elohistic. where the dove had not But the raven. who had not the same dread the water as the dove and did not shrink from a passage through the element (evidently for the sake of the floating carrion). to Somewhat in this strain seems of the 51 have been the process of thought in the mind Babylonian narrator*. The Babylonian sends all three immediately after one another. 17. Paradies pp. who however would regard Gen.

in the latter Dove (?). we find. the bird first despatched. We that the two birds fails to first sent and the fact that the third is do so is the in proof for which Xisuthros looking. . while the raven in the Biblical narrative has no longer any proper position. moreover . According to the cuneiform story. This original occurthe Biblical rence of number three is account merely replaced by the artificial thrice-repeated despatch of the dove. that a bird . middle position. is the order in which the birds just the reverse of were sent forth in the in the Bible what it is cuneiform account. that if we place the swallow instead of the dove back in its original.52 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. dove three times. In the former we have Raven. Gen. just as the logic of concrete relations requires forth return. "flew to and fro. i. and the dove Observe also actually appears three times in succession. 7 "and he sent out . narrator without any scruple substitutes the dove for the swallow which vanishes from the story . e. narrative we in see that the Biblical was not the the original story. Dove. The reader ought likewise to notice the remarkable similarity of the Biblical and the cuneiform description with respect to the despatch of the birds. is sent forth four times to bring the needed information 52 the raven once . VIII." In the Bible we find'. In the Bible it is fact the very first bird sent forth that fails to return. [Swallow]. need not investigate to which side originality belongs. is This inconsistent with the absolute refusal to return of the . T. tin- Compare especially the words of the Bible. Raven. fold despatch When we compare with the threea different bird in the Babylonian account being sent forth on each occasion. bird sent forth on the third occasion is and this inconsistency only superficially glozed over by the assumption that the raven. Swallow. the this .

GENESIS VI. On the other hand the cunei- form account speaks of the mountain or the range Nisir which according to the inscription of Asurnsirhabal II. must be sought for on the other side of the Tigris and South-East or East of the lower Zab ***.). with the cuneiform III. *** See Keilinschriften und Geschichtsforschung . let it fly. VIII. raven who flew forth. who did not practise voyaging. 145155. XIX. as such the tOyjN. evidently the proper word for "ship" was exchanged by the Hebrews. 38 (( he let out the dovefi). (1869). of the A raxes the plain overhanging e. 33 being situated near the town Babiti. mountains Assyrian Urartu. is a Hebrew addition (comp. Noldeke. so it returned to him into the ark" (VIII. . 9)." last A and more important difference* is in the various be noticed in reference to the landing-place While the Jahvist does not mention a of the Ark**. that appeared to them more suitable. VII. That the Babylonians in fact foil. . in the Jahvistic writer.VIII. DO. ** Comp. fixed the landing-place . the dove flew backwards and forwards so it 39 it did not find a resting place (manzaz). the 53 (comp. somewhere North of the Baby- lonian lowland may be inferred from the statement of Berossus that the ship of Xisuthros landed on the Gor* I would not for my own part lay any special stress on the fact that the Bible speaks of an ark (box) of Noah. while the Assyrian inscription speaks of an actual "ship" (ilippu\ to which fact Haupt draws Yet the following circumstance deserves comment: attention (p. 2 foil. on this subject in general Th. 4) designates of Ararat" or the i. Haupt ibid. 18). 37).). flew to 53 and fro". traditions to landing-place at all. It is obvious that the distinction between clean and unclean animals (chap. returned. also "but the dove found no resting-place (0^9) for the sole of its foot. pp. further on 2 Ki. 5 1 foil. the Elohist (chap. for the Aegyptian word for box (teb). 270. "the mountains mountains of the land Ararat. Untersuchungen p.

f. Me*nant. root "ISU. p. Syllab. since he had already codified date is placed much earlier by those * Assyrian Comp. root ^n& and of "winter" harpu. 21 foil. (see Talbot. See Jahrbiicher fur Protestantische Theologie 1875 p. Assyr. 225.). Likewise on the other combination "summer and winter". when the Baby- lonian Flood-legend may be presumed to have come to the Hebrews. Akkadian with the transposition: MI UD = II. root (U Rawl. and that they carried these stories with them from Ur of the Chaldees. immu u muu. to be the age of the prophetic narrator of early Biblical history. v. urru (*T){<) u Journal I. I am also led to the obvious conclusion that the Hebrews were acquainted with this legend at a much earlier period. 23 directly confirmed by the statement of Berossus still (ibid. 359 foil. however respecting the combination "day and night" umu u muu. Last of all. 25 foil. II. 341. 47. we observe the manifest difference between of the Chaldaean in the Biblical the concrete and mythological conclusion story and the vast universality expressed record (VIII. compare the distinction which meets us among the Assyrians of two seasons of the year. Assyr. to which healing properties were ascribed. is indyenian mountains e. 22 muu 54 . C.*). 0.). 800 The B. T. e. 1870. in the musu u uru (Haupt). that there were mountains remnants of the preserved on the Gordyenian vessel of the Flood. Norris.54 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE i. The time when these . of the Royal Asiatic Society .) that there were legends existing in his day. Delitzsch's conjecture that the and I.). Respecting the time when the Chaldaean legend came to 54 the Hebrews. Haupt's foil. Diet. ** When I have stated the terminus ad quern.). name Nisir itself simply means "deliverance". Fpn of "summer" sihirtu. impossible that they acquired a knowledge and that of these it is far from and the other their primitive myths now under investigation as far back as in the time of earlier settlements in Babylonia. we can only affirm with certainty that the date cannot fall later than the age of the prophetic-Jahvistic narrator (about the legend **. theKardu range (Eusebius Chronic.

9 as a personage long familiar to the people Israel. and in the latter passage there is also a reference to Gen. legends as well as the Creation-story were remoulded in the spirit of Hebrew antiquity must of course be placed subsequent to the migration of the Hebrews from their Babylonian home. . 'The Eleventh tablet of the Izdubar legends' in the Transactions of the Soc. as the point where Noah landed. Delitzsch (Paradies the Exile.. and not in Baby- and therefore not in the period of the Exile. 20 and also in Deutero-Isaiah LIV. 50. Haupt and Fr. * The student may be referred to the original text published in the fourth volume of the English work containing the inscriptions. The opinion of P. 14. 94. down. VIII. 55 who derive the Elohistic portions of the early Biblical a historian history from who wrote before the Jahvist. 530 foil.OENESIS VI critics VIII. of Biblical Archaeo. 21 mention of the range of the Ararat instead of the mountain Nisir (or of the Gordyenian foil. with the citation of a passage that shall exhibit in the most characteristic manner the relation of this account to that of the Bible*. 15. leads us to conclude that the story in its Biblical conception arose and was committed lonia. in Ezekiel XIV. I to writing in Palestine. 51 to the translation and comments of George Smith ('The Chaldaean account of the Deluge' London 1872). since the Jahvistic narratives of early Biblical history originated at a much earlier period. 2 (1874) pp. p. IV Rawl. logy III. Sintfluth p. 20) that both the Biblical Flood-stories were not composed till when the Hebrews became altogether breaks acquainted with the Babylonian legend. IX. and these narratives cannot be violently severed from the other Jahvistic-prophetic Moreover Noah is mentioned portions of the Pentateuch. and to his 'Assyrian Discoveries' Lond. now propose to give a general survey of the contents I shall then content myself of the cuneiform Flood-legend. Lastly the mountains).

p. * [** Chasisadra = to According Sayce: Adra-hasis phonetically B uz ur-s ad i-r a bi. written Ad-ra-ha-sis. 422 foil. Die Sintfluth. In the ancient city Surippak. promises to the ancient Babylonian hero who visited him. 1875 pp. T. F. 165 foil. this These had resolved to bring about a 3 flood.56 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0.] . order to preserve "seed of 49).. Chasisadra*. 382 foil. to . and last of all I'a the lord of inscrutable wisdom. Leipz. Ledrain origines de 1'histoire' (Paris 1880) and especially to the transcription. and determination was announced by I'a-Aos in a solemn address to Chasisadra son of UbaraTutu (i. Prague and Leipzig lastly and 1883. .. the warrior Bel. closes the door and entrusts the floating palace (ikallu = ^DYl) and all that it contains to the helmsman Buzurkurgal** (col. or as he is frequently called in his A ssyrio. 15 foil. I. foil. Lenormant in <les pp. Delitzsch in the German edition of the Chaldaean account. that he would narrate the story of his own wondrous deliverance and that he would announce the decision of the gods respecting the longed for healing of Iztubar's sufferings. QnaQT7]g). 8 II. life of every kind" (see above p. Comp. 55 foil.. to build dimensions and to take refuge in his a ship with certain prescribed it himself together with was What was necessary for subsistence be stored within the ship while cattle and wild animals of the field were to be brought beneath its shelter in family and servants. . translation and commentary of Paul Haupt in the German edition of this work p. Fr. 39). on the Euphrates. the throne-bearer Adar I'nnugi the prince . and also in Ed. 1876 p.Semitic name Samas-napisti Iztubar. and last of all enters the ship. 318 I p. e. Translator.. Chasisadra acts in accordance with his injunction. Siifs. The god summoned Chasisadra to leave his house . there had assembled together the gods Anu. Oppert in E. also J. the Xisuthros (&l<jov&QO$) of Berossus.

(or of the other gods take part in the [darkness] comes on. Six days and seven nights storm to flood and tempest roam abroad and "cast down wind and the ground. . the water **) bring subterranean gods the dark cloud thunders Ramm&n. The plural H'iD'inn is similarly used iu Prov. see Smith-Delitzsch. The the ship speeds to the land Nisir. word tiamtu." On the seventh day the tempest subsides. no land (nagu) is to be seen. 40 III. in of heaven. col. its Chasisadra traverses the sea.GENESIS VI Then arises VIII. 4 and Psalm XXXVI. as meaning "water of dawn at break of day". Wj??] chap. (?) the weep sympathy Annunaki the authors of destruction And the gods in ("sat there weeping"). 11 in which H3*1 Dinp designates the subterranean water. 57 from the base Mu-siri-ina-namri* Annunaki floods. [** Comp.] i. Wheresoever*** Chasisadra directs his gaze . III. in flee from the flood and take refuge with her over heaven. 7. the sea retires and the evil flood cease. 6. who brings ahout the irruption of the catastrophe. and in like manner we should understand the same phrase in Ainos VII. . which bears along on surface corpses like the stems of trees. e. n31_ Ql^p nl^D'^D VII. 20. * Delitzsch interprets name of this personage. Genesis p. II. Ill. 18. till Istar takes heart and in grief intercedes for mankind. nation Among They the gods conster- was quite as deeply felt. Men are affected with utter indifference to one another ("no longer does brother look upon his brother"). 319. 19 29). He his opens the roof-window of the vessel light streams over countenance and tears flow down over it (col. point of the compass Oppert). the fertilizing springs "broke forth" from these vast internal On the corresponding Assyr. see above * Translator. In the mind of the Hebrew water-depths. "to the twelve heavenly houses" meaning towards every (J. work of destruction and universal is A profound impression produced among mankind by this terrible calamity. p. Chald.

I gazed on the And the ark quarters of heaven (i. Towards the twelve houses was no land*. 35. VIII. On the and sixth day the mountain Nizir stopped the ship &c. Col. 31. Chap. a district Fresh Light from the Monuments p. and fourth day the mountain Nizir stopped the ship &c. On the third the ship &c. Biblical Account. * So Haupt now renders (with Oppert) . whithersoever I gazed). III. 37]. edition of this work Haupt translates "I navigated the tracts of land (now) a fearful sea. p. 25. There a mountain of the region of Nizir stopped the ship I and did not admit it further towards the height. Then he offers there append here the exact words of the corresponding passage in the translation of Paul Haupt.. 30. I We follow the rendering as well as analysis of Kritik documentary sources given in my "Studien zur und Erklarung der biblischen Urgeschichte".. heavenly 32. Cuneiform Account. The mountain of the land Nisir holds the vessel fast. moun- On the first. till and there Chasisadra waits the water falls and the earth a sacrifice to gradually becomes dry. and place by and its side the Biblical account both of the Elohistic Jahvistic narrator. 4. 184 foil. a fearful sea. T." * Haupt now renders: at the edge of the sea. In gradually till the 10 the tenth.** month the tops of the tains appeared. water however diminished very th month. To the 33. The mountain of the land Nizir stopped the ship and did not suffer it to mount up. Zurich 1863. on the 17 th day of the month on the mountains 5. there arose a tract of land twelve measures [Sayce: "I watch the regions rose twelve measures high. e. The (of the land) Ararat. fifth 36. voyaged through tracts of land. . see Siifs p.58 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. [German Kasten chest] came to a standstill. on the second day the mountain Nizir stopped 34. the gods. "33. the first day of the land Nizir steered the ship. In the German high"." doubt however whether ana nasi can signify "towards the height".

when he sent the dove forth but did not return to him it . to see whether the water had diminished from the surface of the earth. All living things. Then took out a 43. when he sent the dove forth once more from the ark. and it ate. erected an altar on the summit I I set VIII. when he saw that the water had diminished again . there was no resting place there.] [* : [** Sayce "I set vessels (each Transl. I Then (all) VIII. wading but did not return. a 40. 11." . But the dove The raven flew away and.GENESIS VI Cuneiform Account. again. and he flew it returned. to sent out the four winds. all reptiles and all birds. let it fly. because however 39. And he waited again another seven days. VIII. it 42. and all that moves upon the earth according to their generations went forth from the ark." Translator. Then let backwards and forwards till took out fly. 8. Then went out Noah and the wives of his 19. Then he sent forth from him the The swallow . returned. raven and let it fly*. and behold a fresh oliveleaf was its bill Then Noah perceived that the water had diminished on the earth. 9. dove there. 59 Biblical Account. he approached (?) into the ark cautiously (through the water). it wandered away. 45. VIII. 46. I offered a sacrifice. up** : Jahve and took of all clean and of all clean birds and to left. And Noah waited another seven days. 12. "I sent forth a raven and it Sayce translates as follows The raven went and saw the carrion on the water. it did not return. And Noah built an altar cattle of the mountain peak. to him . And the dove came in to him in the ! evening. 44. swam. 20. I took out a dove and 37. swallow because and the water dried off from the earth [and Noah waited seven days]. 7. flew . however. I it Noah opened the window of the ark which he had made and sent forth the raven. and his wife sons with him. And it happened at the end of the fortieth day that The dove flew hither and thither. place I there it was no resting 42. At the dawn of the seventh day 38. . hither and thither 41. 6. found no feet resting spot for its and so returned 10.J containing the third of an ephah) by sevens. 18.

] . 51- in the tradition of the flood handed down to us by Berossus. And Jahve smelt the delightful smell. announces spot to them that they are to be translated to a distant and gods'). spread spice. Adagur Under them cedar-wood gods vessels I in sevens. calmus. the gods inhaled fragrant the gods savour. IX. bears him and his wife aloft ." Translator. who feels which unsparing blame is cast upon Bel the At length Ta-Aos interposes. 49. 21. and author of the flood. According to this account also. is held in makes the demand that his in future every man shall atone for own sin and suffer the penalty that accrues to fall . and so descends into the ship to Chasiand with a blessing sadra. IV. exalted to the same honour (xal /(> amor 6ia rip evctt- [* Istar According to the cuneiform narrative at this point the goddess approached and reared aloft "the great bow which Anu had created. his daughter and the helmsman are .60 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Cuneiform Account. a consultation of the gods At the instigation of Istar . Bel is thereby effectually brought to reason. 13 "My bow I set in the cloud and shall be a covenant-sign &c. 15). and The burnt offering upon the altar. him ("on the sinner let his sin transgression fall". offered a inhaled 50." With it this we may compare chap. III. 0. Biblical Account. The last feature in the narrative has also been preserved col. and on the transgressor let [his] col. Xisuthrus after the flood received an abode among the gods on account of his piety and likewise his wife. Like gathered over the sacrificer*. T. 48. IV. shall be exalted to the gods (literally 'like the In accordance with this announcement Chasisadra and his wife are carried far away to the mouth of the rivers (col. impelled to take the interests of mankind to heart. 30). the the flies savour.

"kings of Babylon". u. inschr. "this the &c. however. note **. and we also and districts of . . Elam stands first and Aram last. 14). nukurti amounting to 70 including the Philistines.). or without them to 69 (Noldeke. Keilas in Gen. 31. see Eusebii Chron. Compare the words 79 an-nu-tuv sarri-i sa arki a-bu-bi who &c. e. amounting to 68. Die Sprache der Kossaer. ed." Even the number of the cities and districts mentioned in the list as it is published. 295 foil. order of We may individual the races take this opportunity to remark. . Leipzig 1884 p. ir NUM. published in IV Eawl. and containing a record of the towns Babylonia and the adjoining provinces. 38 no. Gesch. ir a ir cities of i. the Gomer-Kimmerians first. Delitzsch. e. r?]g 6s xal TtfV yvvalxa avroi xal rr(v frvyartQCt xal TOV iSTSOfflxtvai . . come first. we are somewhat surprised by the omission of the plural sign with Sar. the Javan-Ionians second also among the Karaites we commence with Kush-Nubia and close with Kanaan. meet with a concluding statement to the following effect: ir sa irsituv. below pp. Similarly this rule may be shown . 20. Fr. Ki-in-gi-KI Akkadi-KI. ir sa Akkadi-KI. kings 1 *. bl3$n n tf $ afier after the flood the flood. 160 foil. We refer to the ancient Babylonian geographical list 1. transcribes ar e" i. KI (mat I'lamtuv)."** in an ancient Babylonian * We and districts tahle likewise have in the cuneiform inscriptions a list of towns which has many points of comparison with the Scriptural of races. .. can no longer be determined. comp. p. to hold in the subdivisions. ** In place of Sarri-i Sa arki &c. Here too the towns and districts are mentioned in systematic order (comp. pp. Schoene I. Among the Semites. 22). Keilinschr. In this case. . ir a Sumiri-KI (Ka-mi-KI). "cities of the Earth cities of Sumir. 84 foil. X. Sumir and Akkad foreign cities. Kiel 1869 Whether indeed originally the number was intended to be 70.GENESIS X. comes very close to the number of races in the Biblical table. X. as was certainly the case with the Elohistic narrator. Untersuchungen zur Kritik des Alten Testaments. 61 fisra rcbv fi-zaiv olxtjOavra. though certainly the sequence is not main- tained with equal strictness. Geschichtsforschung pp. u. that in the catalogued in the Biblical table it is always the races inhabiting the more distant parts who are mentioned Thus among the descendants of Japheth. cities of Akkad.

62 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. as settled. 38). 6). II. "I $3 Gomer. likewise mentioned in the inof the Achaemenidae scriptions (Behistun 14. In name is first mentioned in the reign of Rammannirar (812 783). p. we shall have to assume. Gesch. the latter form the (mftt) Madai (Ma-da-ai).d a . Respecting JTUD Gdmer . e. compare ??n with Assyr. Hitherto this name has not been found in the inscriptions. T. Hebrew ?]^p with Assyr. Tabal TiftaQfjvol on the one hand. 23) tenebat neris Evexius quatuor. as well as the mat A m a d a i (A . "those belonging the people (Assyr. "land") Gimir". Geschichtsforschung pp. . 171). = Cappadocia see on Ezek. occurring in the inscriptions of the Assyrians after AsarWith reference to the variation in haddon (cyl. whence they subsequently passed over Sinope into the central parts of Asia Minor . high in the North by the Euxine on the Tauric peninsula.). 80 list of kings (Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeo- logy 1881 of Berossus-Polyhistor p. (Keilins. see Keilinschriften u. Magog the Scythians. regionem 2. 23 &c.m a . 157 foil. This race of Kimmerians. Assyr. according to the most prevalent hypothesis. identical with the to (mat) Gimirrai i. "HB Media. Accordingly identical with Gdmer we have the Kimmerians (Kififi^Qiot) and Greek mentioned in Greek writers. Probably we may regard as identical with this the mat Matai (Ma-ta-ai) mentioned in the inscriptions of his immediate predecessor Samsi-Ramman. 16. the Hebrew vocalization. XXXVIII. u. also the statement : quod post diluvium Chaldaeorum (Eusebius-Schoene I.ai) of his grandfather Salmanassar U. 6. were at the time when the table of races was drawn up. Muski and Greek Mo6%OL on the other.

.GENESIS ]V Ionia. is likewise to be found in the cuneiform in the The is first and single mention of them Assyrian records (722 fishes be found in the inscriptions of Sargon 705) who informs us that he "has drawn forth as to to more accurately "those who belong the land Javan" (mat*) Javnai ( J a .n a . lonian kings The later Assyrian and also Baby4).a i). mine whence these lonians came and whether they arrived Cyprus where. cylinder-insc. 35) it is expressly said of Sargon's successor Sanherib Abydenus that he defeated the fleet of the Greeks in a naval battle off the Cilician coast (et in maris litore terrae Cilicum classem navali proelio certantem navium Grae- We can no longer detercorum [lonum] profligans vicit). at any rate in the time of Asarhaddon Greek princes resided (also the Hebrews . settled. 63 name of the Greeks inhabiting the Greek is. ina kabal tiamtiv). specially from regarded the Kittim-Cyprians as see on chap. in to as Fr. 22 (Bull inscription) has ir. among the "sons of Javan". V Kawl. 21. 2. who way Westward farther than any other Assy- rian king before him. 120 (cyl. "who the Javanians".81 lands and the coast of Asia Minor or of the district upon which they inscriptions. Delitzsch Paradies p. And yet he mentions the Lydian Gyges lonians. X. Rass.a v . into On land the the Assyrians nowhere came direct contact with Not till we come to the inscriptions of Darius ** * So Botta 36. as well as his son and successor**.): arki-Su habal-u (without men- tion of the name). never again refer to the "Javanians" or a And this is true even of Asurbanipal "land of Javan". Eusebius (I. forced his X. supposes. 249 since the conquest of the piratical Greeks. are in the midst of the sea" (sa This probably refers.

Ina u-mi-suma sa XXIV 106. They men- the reign of Salmanassar II (860 in his obelisk inscription speaks of who paid him tribute. III Rawl.64 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE . 9) . Stade. On are the differfirst ence in vocalization see note tioned in p. Sarrft-ni sa mat Ta-ba-li illi-ku-ni i. in the table of races and in the Persian inscriptions. 1880 pp. 109 foil. But the this name view can scarcely be harmonized with the use of in the above sense as early as in the reign of e. Sargon.e. comp. 67. the Tibarenians of the Greeks and Latins. B. sense of "Grecian Asia Minor" (meaning islands e. as before. m&t Naksh-i-Rustam) do we again find the record of a Ja-a-va-nu (Beh. i-bir a-na mat Ta-ba-li at-ta-rad. 0. of Tabal came. sarr^-ni sa mat Ta-ba-li i-gisi-8u-nu am-tah-har i. Tubalj undoubtedly the Tabal of the inscriptions and i.: 24 kings of the land of Tabal".>2P more than 200 years previously. This writer con- cludes that from the similar use of the name "Ionian" i. 8 foil. Comp. that I received the gifts of In those days came to pass. their tribute I received". De Populo : Javan parergon. Behist. we may draw the inference that the two literary productions closely approximated in time. T. certainly does not mean Greece proper. . Giss. 5) or Ja-va-nu in which the 82 king. in the by this term the of Asia Minor). the Greeks of the European especially by the lonians continent never "obeyed" him. We 825) who 24 Tabalaean princes read in this inscription 104: Ina XXILpall-ja XXI saniti nar Bu-rat 105. "In the 22 nd year of my reign I crossed the Euphrates for the 21 st time and deit scended to the land of Tabal. II Hawl. "the kings of the land In the tribute lists i'Tighith-Pileserll (Layard 50. ma-da-ta-u-nu am-hur e. 66. but rather the region inhabited by the Greeks in Asia Minor.

) th the annals for the 9 year (Botta 81. Sargon in the Bull-inscriptions (Botta 40.) we have in the main to identify Tabal with 5 . Now the territory of this prince was so situated that when Sargon The previously married his daughter to him. 65 to the prince of Tabal is mentioned as tributary next mention of the princes of Milidi (Melitene) and Kaski (land of the Kolchians). Zeitschrift 1875 pp. in the in and triumphal Khorsabad-inscription (Khors. . the latter being also included. This fact becomes more clearly established from an expression used by Asar13: ka-bi-is kihaddon on the clay-cylinder II. on the neck of the inhabitants of Cilicia (and) of who there inhabit the forests that border on Tabal".) . 10 su-di nisi mat Hi-lak-ki mat Du-uh-a a-si- bu-ut hur-sa-ni sa di-hi mat Ta-bal "who his foot sets the land Ducha.2 foil. like the region of the Tibarenians of the classical writers. 14 foil. e. Therefore with Gelzer (Aegypt. land of Kaski. From these passages is it may be seen that the Tabal of the inscriptions not to be sought high up in the North. the Assyrian king was able to hand over to him Cilicia as a dowry.GENESIS a X. 27 mt mat Bit-Bu-ru-ta-as mat Hi-lak-ku whole of Bit-Burutas. "Tabal. he describes in detail the subjugation of the prince of Tabal who was in alliance with Urartu and Muski. Tabal both as far as the land of the Moschians". 30 foil. but rather in the central part of Asia Minor in the direction of Cilicia and Melitene. is obvious conclusion we can draw from this that Cilicia still was conterminous with Tabal. t Kas-ki mat Ta-ba-luv And. I and parallel passages) enumerates in succession as Ta-ba-li gi-mir captured by him the following: foil. the also in the cylinder-inscription mat U-ra-ar-tu m i. Cilicia" 15: . "Urartu. lastly. a-di mtMu-us-ki e. i.

22. T. . however. when I take into account the different form occurring in the LXX = Fa/ji^p. importance is that even in the time the North East side of Tibarani dwelt on without doubt the remnant of the Tabalaeans in the 7 th who were scattered North and South the invasion of Cappadocia u. '26 foil. 13 &c. LXVI. while the inscriptions of Asurbanipal 84 tion of "great steeds" as make exclusive Another fact of not of Cicero the Cilicia. some such form as Babylonian id in -|p!| (comp.).). XXVII. GeTheir place of abode schichtsforschung pp. that classical it With this the fact writers. 155 foil. (comp. as well as the coincidence in the form of the name to among the Greeks (KL^EQLOL) and the Assyrians (Gimir-rai). the Moo%oi of Herodotus and Strabo. Is. repeatedly mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions after the time of Tiglath Pileser I (about 1 100 B. 62. according to the Assyrian inscriptions with which so together * For the change in the prevailed among the LXX (Moab%) having the vowel u (o) see above p. u. = p. C. century owing to (Keilinschr. when men- Cappadocia. less forming the tribute paid by Tabal. Tj&'D identical with the people and land Muski (Mu-us-ki) or Muski (Mu-us-ki) i. The full form in not be restored in the text.66 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE in later 0. assume that the vocalization which was intended by the writer of the race-table was one that represented in some way the pronunciation (Jimir o. by the Kimmerians Geschichtsforschung p. arises whether at all events the vocalization pronunciation Tl&'jp to the form that the Assyrians as well as among the Greeks and in The ques7]CJftD should Moreover the strange vocalization ^3pl instead of ^2H or 8ome such form is probably preferred merely through a reminiscence of pn ^fl in Gen. mention that abounded in horses. IV. tion. e. 156).). py i. Hebrew which it is written in Ezek. what was designated view harmonizes referring to times Cappadocia. Even in the case of Gomer I am inclined. 19) ofcourse proves nothing to the contrary. but especially in tribute the reign of Sargon who subjected them to with the Tabalaeans (Keilinschr.* must.

de On the equation Togarma = Oo^yaQfjiK of Lagarde 5* . Similarly in the inner series we pass from the Western lonians of Asia Minor through Tabal-Cappadocia to the more Easterly Moschans in Lesser Armenia. 67 for in Greek writers agree. Delitzsch (Paradies p. ir. na"]jn Fr. in foreign names of places) the syllable Til. the second with J&van. be observed that Til-garim always has the 'city'. North- East of them again lived the Kaski or Kolchians. a spot repeatedly mentioned in But it may Sargon's inscriptions along with Milidi-Melitene. North of Melitene. be looked . determinative expressing before it (KhorsabadSl. is Moreover in each series evidently the direction to East. of which the first begins with Gomer. races the unmistakeably represents the more distant second those living nearer to the Hebrews. maintained from West Thus in the first or outer series we pass from the Tauric Kimmerians through Mag6g to the Eastern Medes. somewhere in North-East of Tabal-Cappadocia therefore Lesser Armenia . monizes the circumstance that the place is expressly termed the royal residence (ir 82 and the dannutisu) of the Melitensian king moreover serious objections appear to me to exist against the supposition that in the case of ^H "hill" (which . e. was familiar to Hebrews. see P. The enumeration of the six "sons" of Japhet from to G6mer 85 Meshech (about Tfr&s nothing can be said with certainty) evidently proceeds in two series of three races each.was transmuted into T 6-. * Ashkenaz and Riphat. the clever conjecture that this 247 & is earlier) makes T6garm simply a cor- ruption of the original form T i 1-g a r i m m u. The name of the people has hitherto proved as difficult to deal with* as that of their "brothers".GENESIS far the statements of X. with which entirely harparallel passages). The first series . LXX. the East i. as well as other peoples.

identification which regard as far from certain. foil. One portion or district i. learn from the Inscriptions of Asarhaddon and Asur- banipal why the Kittians and their island were reckoned among Greek the sons of Javan. leads us to the inference The that the Assyrians obtained the name Kftsh from Hebrews. T. 48 no. but. The Assyrian name of the island was mat Jatnana. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. tify crit. It should be remarked that 1881 To gar ma with I 483) claims to have been the first to identhe Til-Garimmu of the monuments an p. 6. der Wissenschaften 1877 fact that the pronunciation of the name with ft is not to be found in the inscriptions of the country. we may foil. 4 line 2 and no. with the exception of the Assyrians. u. 5 line 5) in the inscriptions of Asurbanipal (Keilinsch. Geschichtsforschung pp. $13 Rush. These inscriptions inform us th that the island already in the 7 colonies. 1 and comp. Keilinsch. We 86 D^H3 Cyprus with the city of Kition . Abhandlungen pp. century was covered with Indeed this was undoubtedly true of a much See the proper names of some of the Cyprian rulers in the tribute-list quoted on 2 Kings XXI. as well from the records of Asurbanipal. Geschichtsforschung pp. * i.68 4. 63 on verse 2 (]V).). 242 foil. The name appears . Gesammelt. as they certainly did in the case of the Misir) the Kanaanites or (Babyl. For Ashkenaz see however the "Addenda". In some isolated instances earlier period. Monatsberichte der Berlin. above p. of the island bore the name mat Ja-' e. conclude that Kus J. 282 with From a comparison these inscriptions as others on bricks published by Layard. ^3. e. solely among the Hebrews. in the Assyrian inscripfor the first tions in the form Kus (Ku-su Ku-u-su*) and again repeatedly of time on the bricks of Asarhaddon (I Rawl. . 0^3 according to the well known interchange of sound between the Assyrian and Hebrew. = name Musur Misraim. The Babylonian inscription of Darius at Naksh-i-Rustam 19 gives us KuSu (Ku-u-su) i. Akad. this see 89. now Larnaka. it is also written Atnana. 255 Hale'vy (Rev. (nag ft) "Land Jah". e. On p. u.

as "upper-country" and (ibid.. Miluhhi Kush on 2 &c. 9 &c. 202). g. i. of the writer of Gen. coincided in meaning whith the Aegyptian more precisely Nubia (comp. 292 foil. 13. This statement rests on a confusion which also meets us in chap. Testament 1860 * a 274. stands in place of the latter.). 11.e. who was brother of Misraim. 291). Geschichtsf. may - wise be inferred that this native African exactly name of the country corresponds to the specific Babylonio Assyrian of Aethiopia. 44.). and that both were related to each the other as "lower-country" "Highland" and "Lowland". pp. has in the meantime been confirmed by to monuments according the communication made by Pinches in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. Geschichtsf. in the well-known combination "Sumir and Akkad".87 Miluhhi. on the part of the prophetic-Jahvistic narrator (see De Wette-Schrader Einleitung ins Alte part. pp. This writer. misled by Respecting second Babylonian country named Miluhhi see The supposition that not only Keilinsch.GENESIS and Musur as tt )! X. this Miluhhi but also Mfcgan. 2 Kings XIX. 69 in the Assyrian texts are related to each other the Hebrews. 4. i. as I have already shown (Keilinsch. Ke s e. Miluhhi. land was without doubt Northern Sumir or South Babylonia. Hence the former i. on a misunderstanding on the 12 and suppose. so frequently combined with it in the inscriptions. e. p. The latter. II. or Upper Babylonia in contrast with . see on In other cases we come across the of Sanherib II. the p. O and D?1P among or 1. II. Upper like- Aegypt XVIII. the designation Taylor's cylinder Kings XVIII. X. 104. Khors. properly speaking. reign of Sargon e. u. 4 b foil. in the Bible Is. Jan. as we . It XX. 1 3 or. which accompanies a relief. was a Babylonian country. 1881 He states that in the inscription. 109* In verse 8 Nimrod the Babylonian son of this is represented as the Kush. u. name Miluhhi as well as Musur as a term for first Kushin the Aethiopia on the historical Assyrian inscriptions. E-me-luh-ha (I'-mi-luh -ha). 8 chap. 81. 533 foil..

pp. * king of Kardunias" (IV Rawl. 176. to some extent. u. Kassu He was below). just as A k kadi. The Biblical narrator had dim conceptions of the geoAfrican Nubia. 476). u. At length Karachardas. the resemblance of the names. Gesch. former. 33 col. 473). 31 34). Geschichtsf. C. a leading position in Babylonia. stand here occasionally without a also in the above-cited . king of Sumir and Akkad. I. son in law of the Assyrian Asuruballit is slain by the Babylonian Kassu (Keilinsch. King Agukakrhnf of Babylon is first styled sar Kas-si-i u . Ak-ka-di-i and immediately ilu afterwards sar of the matBab- ra-pa-as-tiv . graphical relation of Babylonia to defective The condition at of the general prevailed that time respecting knowledge which peoples and countries does not render this want of knowledge on the part of * Both KaSu the and Kardunia determinative. of Nimrod the hunter and founder of cities. Akkadians (see V "king king of the land of Babel the wide-extending" Another ancient BabyRawl. 38 no. (885 -860 Likewise we find that Asurnasirhabal of Assyria B. and other stories lonian 88 These Babythat took root in Babylonia. e. Kassu and of the lonian king Karaindas called "king of Babel . T.70 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. (for this informed about the latter together with the legends and traditions of Paradise. king of the Kassu (sar Ka-as-su-u). on whose large tary forces a North-Babylonian tribe conquered by him depended for support (see the references in my Keilinschr. Kassu occupied in very ancient times an important and. is i. p. passage. 271. 3 lines 611).) refers to the (mat) Kas-si-i on the mili- Euphrates in Northern Babylonia. confused the Aegypto-Nubian Kes-Kush form of with the Babylonian the race-name see Kas.

17(5 text II. Leipz. See on Sumir remarks on chap. u.* See also the and comp. pp. and comp. 251 the Musur * With the above-mentioned theory compare the kindred view of Bunsen quoted in G. . 1884. by the Assyrian habal) as (quoted by king Tiglath-Pileser well as by Salmanassar II (860 Asurnasir- 825) and Tiglath-Pileser II (745 Musur well. main agrees with b). Hence he made the Babylonian Nimrod son of Kush's brother Misraiminfer Aegypt. 71 Misled by the resemblance of name. remarks on chap. sensch. 3354 With regard the we can only conclude from the nationality of names of the kings of Kassi that they did not belong to the Semitic branch of the population. Dpjjp Aegypt. Hommel has independently arrived at an opinion which in the p. Elam-Susiana. who does not doubt the identity of the Kush of Genesis with the Babylonian Kassu. and F. Sanherib . die Sprache der Kossaer. believes nevertheless that one should maintain the ethnological connection of the Kassi with the Nubian-African Kush-Kesh. 1874 no. C. . on the Kossaeans Th. and Mu s r i . X. p. see Keil- insch.GENESIS the Biblical writer surprising. u. 124. my own to (Augsburg. and note. lonian Kassi (of whom he naturally knew nothing). 727). Parad. Musuru Sargon furnishes the forms Asarhaddon (r i) . 54 foil. KoOdaZoi. 31 foil. is mentioned under the third form 13 pp. 128. Delitzsch. 1. All- gemeine Zeitung 1881 these Kush-Kassi. Rawlinsous "Five great Monarchies" 2 n ed. Gesch. Bunsen fixed on the Elamite Kossaeans instead of the Babyp. 89 of the word for the first time about I 1100 B. he identified the Asiatic Kas with the African KesKush with whom he was far more familiar. he supposes to have descended from the Susian mountains to Chaldaea. may be and the Kassi. These Kossaeans <l Fr. Musur (Mu-sur) Musuru (Mu-suru) andMusri (Mu-us-ri). logical any ethnoconnection whatever between the Babylonian Kassu Respecting the connection that held to have existed between the Babylonian Kassu Kidtiol of From this we certainly ought not to and the Nubian Kes-Kush. pp. Ndldeke in Nachrichten von der Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wis8. 40 foil. XI. Delitzsch. 51. F. Assyr. and Asurbanipal former perhaps Musri as see the references in Keilinsch. Geschichtsf.

has not been confirmed (comp. like the Assyrian inscriptions. Stade. and regard the 90 name as referring to the African Libyans see B. quoted in unedited texts and according to the latter also in II Rawl. Perhaps we should here read D^DI^. 47. 13 foil. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE * 0. which is the more noteworthy as the Persian original. XLVI.72 foil. as in Jerem. as well as Delitzsch. 9.). the Babylonian Lastly the Persian trilingual inscriptions exhibit in versions of Behistun (5. p. ibid. The former pronunciation of the name is thus shown to be specifically Babylonian. the Hebrew Dn9 an d the Arabic yo). pp. Delitzsch (ibid. ]W?. Keilinsch. Smith and Fr.) and of Oo Naksh-i-Rustam (16) the form Mi-sir** (comp. p. 69 c. 50. u. is Kanaan. . For the etymology of the name. Geschichtsf. with the name Hattu (originating from Hanu) i. rians It is remarkable that the Babylonians and Assy- name Kanaan as denoting the maritime country inclusive of the mountain-district as far as the Jordan. 7 note. exhibits the form with u in the D" 1 first syllable = Mudraja. But this endeavour appears to me unsuccessful.*** Both the earliest Philistaeo-Phoenician do not know the Babylonian as well as the Assyrian monuments designate this region as a rule by the term kur Martu (Akkadian) Respecting the name Magan for "Aegypt". ** Also Nehucadnezar gives us the form Misir (Mi-sir) instead of Musur. Paradies pp. the Chatti-Hethites . as well as the designation of Palestine by the name Kanaan. See my remarks in the Aegyptische Zeitschrift 1879 p. see Keilinschr. that (mat) Kana-na. 289 foil. u. Gesch. T. *** The conjecture of G. see remarks on p. 365. side * 139 foil. Paradies p. 270) attempts to explain the identity of the Kanana-KI (which is rather to be read Hana). Delitzsch. . see ibid. 290 foil. e. that appears side by with them in the inscriptions of Asurbanipal. as the !^ Lydians } otherwise unknown name to of an African tribe. 282 foil. Delitzsch. by the assumption that the name Hattu-Kanana was transferred to this region. the "Semitic" These have 'certainly nothing do with Lud (verse 22. 104). pp. 98 foil.

54. mat Aharri Philistia. e. according usage prevalent Hebrew this also. u. Edom and Palastav (mainly the land of Omri (Samaria) . XIV. X. in which Kudurmabug. another We likewise informed respecting Babylonian ruler Sargon I. that in were included by the Assyrians Tyrus. this sea being termed the inscription of Asurnasirhabal i. 73 properly in e. the Mediterranean . 56. habal AsurIna ri-su-tf sa Asur. 13. belonging to the dynasty of Elamite descendants of Kudur. 14). mat Aharri to the to the extent 'hinder country'. i. (I Rawl. is monuments inscription the land Aharri first On the Assyrian mentioned in the C. see i. Ramana-ku Tukulman. bili-a. e..* 91 great sea of the land Aharri" e. ill at the sources of the Tigris. pp. The passage Samas. see below on v. e. 297 foil.). 'Western country' = Assyr. 171. land Martu and reduced that he undertook several it to subjection (see Keilinsch. then. 85 &c. Sidon. rabuti. 53. and that this region was considered to extend "as far as the great sea of the setting of the sun" in i. of Tiglath-Pileser I (about 1100 B. Gesch. styles himself as ab-da kur Mar-tu (Akkadian) "ruler of the land of Martu" 2 no. ti-habal-f sarr a.) "the country". sarmat Assur. which was discovered reads: 52. "the West This region is first brick-inscription at mentioned on an ancient Babylonian Ur-Mughair. are below on chap. .GENESIS i. king of campaigns to the Agani (Agati ?). the West country 1). 55. (III. 3 lines 4. 'West country'.). As embraced term among the Assyrians. we gain the information by from an inscription to be quoted on 2 Kings XIII. 1878 p. Berlin. * See my essay The names of seas in the Assyrian inscriptions (Abhandlungen der Koniglichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin : 1877.

Geschichtsf. 58. 56. 232 foil. i. was it use down the time of Sargon. and in the time of Asurbanipal this old name enters once again into its rightful position. the old term "Western it We continue to meet with in the reign of Sanherib (Nab. c XXV.74 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 57. habal Mu-tak-kilsar mat Assur-ma ka-sid istu 59. the great gods. in mat Aharri to Phoenicia-Palestine. Samas and Ramman. this mat Hatti "land the still Yet there remained side by side with country". and even temporarily subject to tribute. u. king of Assyria. sa mat Assur. king of Assyria. I. my lords 55. should be observed that these diverse statements may be traced back to diverse authorship. which certainly included Phoenicia and perhaps Israel also. 58. Nusku. 0. saniti ana mt Na-i-ri allik e.). 92 for This name. it 3 they are represented as descendants of Abraham. who himself employs in his reign frequently in his inscriptions. as far back as the time of Samuel " earlier. 52. "With the assistance of Asur. so that we are scarcely . about this vogue see remarks on verse 15. 57. T. across the But already afterwards we come name which of came into Chatti". pp. Inscr. "With regard to the ]yp ND^ Sabaea and Dedan. In his reign it is once more the only term for Phoenicia- Palestine (Keilinsch. 61. Three times have I marched The reader does from this not need to be reminded that we may infer passage that . Jun. the Assyrians made the Western country". son of Asur-ris-isi. while in Gen. king of Assyria. the great sea of the West country 60. ruling from son of Mutakkil-Nusku . rts-i-si." land Nai'ri. sar tiam-di rabt-ti sa ma t A-har-ri 60. III. adi tiam-di mat Na-i-ri. to the sea of the to the land Nairi. Tiglath-Pileser. 59. 68). discrepancy that Sheba and Dedan appear in the table of races as Kushites and descendants of Ra ma.

Amardi Amadai Madai and several other exx. XXV. this comp. while he did not found Erech. ** A. e. 75 Sheba. Grivel regarded the name as the Semitic transformation of the Akkadian Amar-ud i. 6. = . Compare 8. u. as Knobel does. Gesch. pp. keilinschriftlicheSintfluthbericht. Amar- . by G. yet he made it his royal abode. Sayce following the hints of Jos. Haupt's Der passages a Middle-Babylonian city. The last-mentioned writer 93 believes that he can explain the name lonian race-name = he of Marad. who also observes that Smith identified p.). all this is stated on clay tablets respecting the ancient Babylonian hero Istubar this (pronunciation doubtful). that are mentioned or related in the Biblical passage respecting Nimrod. accordingly hero repeatedly identified of Babylonian legend has with the Biblical Nimrod. 3. Olshausen). 1881 Marad or Amarad ** with the Babylonian district situ- ated by the Chaldaean fens and lakes. that he was a Babylonian. 179). Delitzsch 220. that. and these the essential features.GENESIS justified in distinguishing a third X. Haupt. also Aniarad *. monuments have hitherto been Several points. 17 d (Ma-rad-KI) and other See P. that he was a mighty hunter. And been g. that he crossed the land. e. the 'ApaQdoxata (so = * With reference to the dropping of the initial a. comp. Mardi. All attempts to read this Tip} Nimrod. Smith and P. (J. Paradies p. on the basis of a different ethnological classification" (Keilinsch. . utuk) which would itself be identical with Maruduk (from Merodach (Academy 1874 no. as was according Rawl. to II an ancient BabyMarad. also the comment on verse 28. as. 87 foil. name on the Babylonian or the Assyrian baffled. 93 p. H. Respecting the distinction of South and North Sabaeans see the remarks on chap. Zodiac. 47.

0.-Pileser "into I. so also the political passed Northwards until supremacy of Babylonia gradually Assyria rose to power and became independent of the mother-country.) . South-East of Niniveh. col. T.76 the THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE name should be read) of Ptolemaeus V. So also the of Ramman-nirari I (IV Rawl. Erech ^"1K. 6 no. details see the remarks on verse 1 1 . that the Northern place of residence 860 (885 become perFor further manently the capital of the Assyrian Empire. The beginning coincides with all that relation of his dominion was Babel. I (pi. Babel site. see on chap. Babel. Greek frggoty has been discovered in the * Comp. Inscrip- tions of these most ancient of Assyrian kings are published Also the Rawl. Akkad. 95 "(they in brought I tribute) a-na ir-ja A-Sur IV. 44) inscription on a stone tablet whose reign carries us back as far as the 14 th century. that the capital of the Nor- kingdom was at first side of the Tigris. 3 This (Willb. 62.West palace and rebuilder of Kakh B. we otherwise know respecting the of Assyria to Babylon. . 9. 383). had their ultimate root in Baby- lonia. 20 (19). at the spot 94 stand at the present Asur*. for example Tigl. XI. 916) great cylinder-inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I comes from the city of Asur (Kal'at-Sherkat). and there arose in the That the imperial power exNorth a separate empire. e. 10. II. tended by degrees from South to North may be inferred from another circumstance thern viz. my city Asur" comp. situated on the Eastern where It time the ruins of Kal'at-Sherkat. Just as the Assyrian system of writing the entire and the Assyrian religion. was not until after the time of Asurnasirhabal. V. i. we might say Assyrian culture. the builder of the North. Erech. Babylon on the Euphrates in the well known Respecting the etymology of the name. C. Kalneh in the land Shinar.

u. but a feminine deity is AN . Dingirri who Bellino Cyl. probably identical with Beltis seeNebuc. according to the syllabary above-cited. in i 1 u 'man' which the we it determinative of deity should change the as name is explained by apsu. 265 foil. II. Sumirian. observing to is that the sign or word Ur in the Akkado- according syllab. is arhu (mx). as one would expect. . 35). r . Akkad. IV Rawl. Haupt. ** See the adjective of reference Arkaitu "the [goddess] of Arku" Smith's Assurb. bank of the Lower Euphrates. not with a Chet (m). seeing that in Assyrian also 'month'. the equivalent of the Assyrian a is m (v) to 'human being'. has been interpreted by Oppert to signify en is "moon-town (Expedition Me*sop. Bawl. 160 foil. 85. 95 is 86). 5 line 53.). But the ideogram for "month" this a different one (Syllab. That we have in this spot a seat is of very ancient civilization shown. attached. 21 Raw.). e. 139 foil. 52 "Istar. Keilsch. I II Bawl. Loftus (see his "Chaldaea English engineer The name and Susiana" (1857) pp." Comp. holds that Assyrian to Amil-apsi and explain meaning "man of the ocean. 1. and moreover town written in Hebrew and in Babylonian "pN i. 11^ GUR the mother of Ea) Delitzsch quoted in Haupt's Sumerische Familiengesetze I. . 50. and moreover that the further sign gur. 46/47 (comp. 54. 15. in the native dialect of the city pronounced Arku**. no. K. Heft IV 76 lines . 58 no. with a Kaf. quite apart from the by the inscriptions of U r u k (?) * and his them ancient Babylonian kings. 11. W. 250.). 850 (Akkadische und Sumerische Keil- schrifttexte p. o.Lastly was not so much the moon-god Sin that was worshipped (as in it Ur-Mughair). the exalted Mistress (bilit) of Uruk" * P.GENESIS ruins of X 77 Warka on the left South East of Babylon. which have been brought to light by the character of the ruins themselves. p. BI perhaps . 19. Sum. 36 b (AN. M also Uruk IV 50 b foil. on the sign referred to (no. among son Dungi. 264). Sum. 3. Keilschriftt. u. Haupt in Akkad.

we can be sure of is. in Northern Babylonia accordance with this fact.78 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. as the Babylonian and people. Akkad has not yet been pointed out on the inscriptions as the name of a town. We have for the present no satisfactory etymology* Akkad name "GN often occurs in the inscriptions for a country is of the name. being regarded as Paradies p. 533 and comp. 65 is A "land of Akkad" (mat Akkadi) mentioned in the synchronistic table of Assyrio-Babylonian history II line 52 a. has hitherto remained nothing more than a hypothesis ** Keilinsch." anything with certainty with respect to the position of this All that city or country on the basis of the inscriptions. b. uru-uk hardened ** (?) form from uuu-ki "abode". Eawl. which appears in * Delitzsch attempts a derivation. T.Assyrian form given to the name of the town Agati (or Agani?) mentioned in the earliest times and to be 96 looked for in close proximity to Sipar-Sepharvaim(see below). u. u. who are fond of styling themselves sar Sumiri u Akkadi "king Nevertheless we are unable to say of Sumir and Akkad. p. applied the term Akkad also to in the hinder country at the South. city-name In this case the njS^ Kalneh does not fare any better. however. its a Delitzsch. 225). pp. Paradies p. that we must . The supposition of G. 996. that Akkad was the Semitic. . The supposition of Delitzsch (Paradies p. references in Keilinschr. The region occupied by the Akkadians to in the titles of frequently referred Assyrian and Babylonian kings. look for the region of Akkad since the Assyrians. (Oppert). The fourth Kalneh is name Ku 1 - u n u. name has not been found once in the inscriptions. in Deutsche Literatur-Zeitung 1881 p. See the foil. doubt correctness. 198 does not. Geschichtsf. Smith. especially Babel. 221. Gesch. that identical with the local 294 note. .

the Habba of an name Akkadi see H. that in the rendering we have rejected all reference is omitted to the country in which Assur founded Niniveh and the other towns.GENESIS a list X. .. With the name Shinar to the case now 1 1 . Dillmann and most modern critics. Ke till a h] was 97 not exalted into a residence of the Assyrian kings after the [* Comp. becomes clearly apparent not only from the fact that in the nowhere else Old Testament is Assur spoken of as an individual. 38 line 9 plausible. who con- firms the view of Schrader. is of Babylonian towns. it has not been possible hitherto to adduce other evidence with the Babylonian is to establish the identity of the Biblical city. definitely ascertained. Hilprecht. From this country he advanced Assur. it is 1 andResen between Niniveh and Kalah: reference to this notice all it In should be observed that not at ** inconsistent with the fact that Kalah [Hebr. We saw above that this notice respecting the foundation of Assyrian . See on XL 1. comp. which is established by rVKftn IDD^DO in verse 10. dominion from Babylon as the starting point cides with the exactly coin- monumental data. 5 where the parallelism clearly shows that *f~)p} ^1{< refers to Assyria. as compared with another which has been proposed 'from this countryAssur went forth'. II. 79 a. 50. by the citation of Mic V. and built Niniveh and Rechobotk-Ir and Kalah 7 that is the great city. IVRawl. but also from the contrast. Inscr. different. as that of a Babylonian city now I. col. as against the older expositors. Delitzsch. and also from the fact. between this statement and the other respecting the foundation of Babel. Commentar iiber die Genesis ad loc. 10 11. . Freibrief Nebukadnezar's Leipz. 1883. yet. The correctness of the translation we have adopted. Tr. v. see likewise Dillmann ad loc* 12.] ** Through the discovery by Hormuzd Rassam at Abu inscription on a basalt-block of Nebukadnezar is I. as far as I can see.

as bit. in the hymns. a-lik pa-ni-a su-u i-na-ah-ma iz-lal ir su-u ana i. Einleitung in das A.. The real founder was the elder Salmanassar who lived about B. in his great monolith-inscription and in the shorter . we take into account the fact. th beginning of the 9 century." rebuilt According to this passage Asurnasirhabal simply Kalah and raised it into a royal place of residence. have become related. founded I built (tfDlO* ^is city became waste and ruined. 5. this city anew. 'head (risu) &c. 29 a and elsewhere). king of Assyria. This elevation of Kalah into an imperial residence was accompanied not by the founda- tion but rather by the ^-founding of the place. who walked before me. besides this. fs-su-ti ab-ni e. Asurnasirhabal. 'tree (is). Standard-inscription as it is called. "The ancient city of Kalah which Salmanassar. T. ** Comp. 1 same way. his expressions on this subject are unmistakeably clear. T. C. . When. p. 1300. as can easily 1 be shown 1 value both as to meaning and syllable in the respective sign. 320. This is Both expressly stated by the king then reigning. are now We trace the existence of Ninua-Niniveh to a * While still earlier age in we continue to transcribe the ideogram for "town" by ir accordance with the phonetic value which otherwise belongs to the corresponding cuneiform sign.80 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. passages the same remark may be made appear as maru and martu "son" and "daughter" in place words belong to the loftier poetical style. de Wette-Schrader. 8 th as when in poetical the corresponding words for of ablu and bintu: these other ed. for example (IV Rawl. ri &c. to syllabic signs and we cannot believe in an accidental coincidence of . C. the ideogram (or Akkadian word) for "toum" is represented by the Assyrian alu. Thus the foundation of Kalah took place about 500 years before the time when the passage of Genesis we considering was composed by the Jahvisticcan prophetic narrator** writing about 800 B. In the Standard-inscription ma-nu-u ssir ibu-us ir he says: I'r* s ar mat Kal-hu mah-ra-a sa SalAssur rubu. lines 14foll. that in the the ideograms for 'house (bitu). is.

had already temporarily moved their residence from Asur which lay exposed to attack on the Western bank of the Tigris. this and the following pages should consult Kiepert's volume especially the plans illustrative of . 5 inscriptions we must therefore begin with them in our in- vestigation*. and possessed a much superior strategical of the four cities With regard in the Bible to to the relation mentioned of them .GENESIS when the Assyrian princes X. Under and 15 centuries temples in the 19 these circumstances it need not on the all other hand surprise us that the author omits c mention of the founding of the city Asur (Kal at-Sherkat) which took place before Niniveh was imperial capital.] of this to map appended Niniveh. son 108 5 a). This palace is placed in the corner formed by the upper or Great Zab emptying itself into the Tigris . Indeed it is unquestionable that their predecessors . 81 Asuruballit th Samsi-Kamman and th built or restored respectively. and as such had already been forgotten. 6 . one another. directly fixed Next. before Asurnasirhabal Salmanassar II changed their residence to Kalah . of these two the position of Kalah is by the inscriptions of Asurnasirhabal and by situation of the North-West palace erected by him. therefore at the the [* The reader Tr. promoted to the dignity of an At the time of the prophetic narrator the ancient imperial city had long ceased to be the residence of 98 the Assyrian kings. The reader should and his also observe that. further Northwards to Niniveh. two Kalah and Niniveh are also mentioned in the . and their precise position. they made Niniveh their abode (see the evidence in Art. which lay on the other side of the river position. Ninive in Handworterbuch des biblischen Alterthums p.

. the and chiefly the central palace latter by Asarhaddon. It is kings "Ninua.West and likewise on the left bank of the Tigris of Nimrud the town there lies the Mosul now village exactly opposite . in brief.West and to the right of the Chausar. his imperial abode" that Sanherib returns after the campaign against Juda and Aegypt (I Rawl. as long as these had not built their particular palaces in Kalah. also Nina (Ni-na-a) "Niniveh". Chausar. In addition to these. This is the second great ruined site. About 30 Kilometres (18Vg English miles) North. South of the of ruins named after the prophet Jona with the remains of the palaces of San(Nabi-Junus) herib and Asarhaddon. mentioned in Scripture. Kujundshik. familiar Asur-idil-ili to readers . of the Bible. erected a modest building on the platform of Nimrud in its South-Eastern corner. T. 39). spot their of Ninua from It is this that Asurnasirhabal and Salmanassar II entered upon to campaigns against their foes. a stream that empties itself into the Tigris. grandson of Asarhaddon. This city surrounded by an encircling wall or.West palace but also and the South-West palace. situated to the North. bears in the mound Assyrian inscriptions the special name (Ni-nu-a). and at the grandson Asurbanipal. the former by AsurnasirhabaPs son. The above-mentioned built central palace was afterwards reconstructed or anew by the Tiglath- Pileser (II). Salmanassar II.82 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE now stand the village and } 0. 39. . the North those of the palace of his We have likewise. . Ninivite Accordingly Kalah was town. this part of the city. containing at the South the remains of the palace of Sanherib. the Southern Here upon the so-called palace-terrace there were built subsequently not only the North. the Husur of the inscriptions. spot where mounds of Nimrud. properly speaking.

or. 1084 foil. In this article. "Lower-town" (comp. 83 which has was in Ninua to that he built himself the palace been discovered Owing 42. the Bible furnishes us with a clue Since remark : "Resen between Niniveh and Kalah". In the Bavian all inscription line 12. and since his time . we name was not yet comprehensive With regard in the to Resen. the network of towns Z&b and Tigris appears to have obtained on the whole so great an impor. especially in the eyes of foreigners that after his . a single common.100 tance . quarter of the "great city" for which a should say. I gave expression to the con- the name Mespila might perhaps lurk the Assyrian mugpalu I "level place". The Biblical narrator writing the 100 years before Sanherib general designation. is not yet acquainted with this He still simply is.GENESIS It X. 25). sets Kalah over a against Niniveh. reign name of this portion of the city (so to speak) became the name for the entire network of cities between the Z&b and the Tigris. am 6* . when investigating the identity of Xenophon's Larissa with the Kalah of the monuments. this portion of lying between the in its ruins (ibid. current.* Sanherib. there can be in general no doubt respecting the situation of Resen. Sayce arrived independently of myself at the same supposition in the essay from which I shall afterwards quote and which was published only a short time after the above article appeared. that A. where is still covered with ruins. both the latter localities have been precisely defined as to position. glad to he in a position to remark here. It must lie on the Eastern side of the the land at Tigris between the present day Nimrud and Kujundshik. and of the Mespila of the same writer with Kujundshik-Niniveh jecture that in . among the 18 towns from of which wb'rterbuch * For further particulars see my article Ninive in Riehm's Handdes Biblischen Alterthums Heft XII (1879) pp. To him Niniveh exactly as Kalah. Standard-inscription 17). H.

What was intended was the quarter with "large open spaces (POm)" which lay before the city" are city. in accordance with Hebrew mode (Assyr. might easily become )D1. p. judge from the formation.84 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE is 0. to Kalah or * to Resen.* Delitzsch. It would not be impossible with A. But are we actually = . which we may assume to have been closely built on account of the encircling city -wall. as Hitzig proposes. It is only the name that can here afford us to any a guidance. however. and Musri range of mountains. in the above which (I. who has lately explained the name in (Paradies inscription 261) compares of Asarhaddon rise the ri(re>bit ir Ni-na-a mentioned a similar way. (fr) mention monarch of a town perly the Ri-is-i-ni = made by that (pro- Risin^^n "Spring head"). T. regard it as compound word so render of Sanskrit mould (and yet Semitic ?) and as "Street-town" (Strassto by some such term burg). especially as we are in this case without such a clue as we possess with respect 101 to Resen. 34 44). it has not been possible up to the present time to give any precise information. H. 1880) regard Risin as the Biblical Resen. It is no longer possible to determine to which of the three above mentioned "towns" or "quarters" we are to understand that this "suburb" was neighbour. The meaning. so called in contrast to the town proper. Sanherib stated to have cut canals to is the Husur or Chausar that intersects Niniveh. We it ought not. to of representing the Assyrian sibilants and by dropping the aspirate proD) nounced very slightly in Assyrian. is Respecting the position of the third city that mentioned Rech6b6th-I'r. is probably altogether different. 53) and Sargon (Cyl. whether to Niniveh. This form. These "broad spaces of the what we should term "a suburb". $ = Hebr. Sayce (Academy May 1.

this name ^^f-je in remains strange that they should be perfectly free in their choice of name between Nimrod. Sargon. to believe that a quarter of the Niniveh was designated thereby. . Sarrukin came Khorsabad. (1880) p. 'abode'. and thus remained true who as jcn? * See Marasid ed. the root D13 whence comes The name." into existence. was never severed from the f locality. was certain that the name was of Semitic Ninua or Nin might well be connected with DJJ 'station'. The this prophetic time. the Arabian geographer Jakut was still cognizant of a locality obviously a mere corruption of is Q^Jy^ (Sar un) *. As is well known. 382. Wiisten- feld II. names have any historical connection with one another. earlier than 707 B. ** Recently. doubt has been expressed whether the two G. origin. just as about Sanherib. on account of which that locality was called by later times. composed before (see was 1). 85 is The reader in i. after it once "Sargon's town. Hoffmann. C. (Dur) Sarrukln (S ar- a name which gon). Ausziige &c. 422. III. e.** The omission of "Sargon's Ninivite towns mentioned in this that these verses were i. called in the cuneiform inscriptions DurThis name. and that Hebrews would have changed the Ribit as heard by them into to their system of pronunciation. it is true . narrator lived and wrote before As to the name Niniveh. 153. Jakut ed.GENESIS X. p. Tiglath-Pileser. town" among the 102 passage is once more proof this city Is. whereby Sargon also built a palace in the ruins of Khorsabad. Juynboll I p. 183 (comp. will see from the above that there nothing the Biblical passage that points to the Northern town e. and should have actually indicated all this it Yet with correctly the king by whom it was built. if it it would almost of itself suggest an etymology. is of opinion that a legend has been fabricated by the Syrians about Sargon. Sanherib and Asarhaddon. built. 347. II p. 44). nevertheless (see above) adopted into their language Ri-ini simply Rech6both. therefore on XX.

in an enumeration of tributary nations of Western proceeding from the West (Phoenicia) to the East (Northern Israel). already a collective name for a In other words the variety of small states and kingdoms.* 14. already found it The Assyrians may have attached to a spot that had existed from earliest antiquity. which is would appear as though the Assyrian king included Juda also under the term "Palastav" or Philistia. along . as he advanced the coast from the North Assyrian. Philistia. i. house'. We can therefore hardly get beyond the realm of conjecture. 52. 40 b**) often men- tioned in the inscriptions. passed over in silence. 24. however. Juda. so to and invaded Juda from the side of Philistia. (II The land Palastav. communicated in the note on 2 Kings XIII. It is scarcely to be supposed that this is purposely done. because it alone was not tributary. that already cited on 103 The most instructive passage is 73 from the inscription of Rampage mannirar. designated conjecture has recently been propounded by Delitzsch. that while Northern Israel ("Land Omri") is completely hemmed in by the races enumeris ated. * For the latter form see p. need not be Semitic. further proofs in Delitzsch. Pa-la-as-tav list e. That .e. Paradies 288. . is also Pilista Rawl. as meaning. Paradies who derives the name from the Akkadian. There. * A 206. passes at once over from Edom to Philistia. then to the South (Edom) and lastly to the i. 'house-fish' or 'fishp. Accordingly it which was speak . this district was intended by the term is beyond doubt only it is remarkable mentioned. T. according to the elements of its sign. D^lPl?? Philistines. He is certainly right in his explanation of the ideogram for the name of the city.86 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. the West again. Asia.

48: Tue. on the prism of Asarhaddon 40. was divided into the "Great" and "Little Sidon" according to a passage on the Taylor-cylinder of king Sanherib col. nu). 35) as kings of Sidon. e. 38: Ir i. Gesch. We find men- tioned on the cylinder (II. Si-du-un-nu rabu-u . the was or : designated by the strangers. edly mentions town with Simirra (see below verse comp. Ululai i. X. sometimes nasirhabal. Arch.West.GENESIS Juda. 35. foil. 50 XVI. col. u. 2. see I Rawl. 450. 74. 9. also equivalent to ir Ar1 ka-(a) in the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser II this who repeat8) . 25 col. 17. = 104 ^N. 16. |1T r Sidon often occurs in the inscriptions in the form i and also matSidunu 12 . 46 . sometimes of . "he of the month Elul". i. Keilinsch. rotal3# "Servant Queen of "piy he ofArka. see 336. name of the for e. Asurn&sirhabal (Si-du-nu. Geschichtsforschung pp. frequently occurs III. II. ofAr-va-da (Asur- 86). 2) Assyr. p. 116. same way likewise as in later times the whole of Kanaan being hinder-country . I. inscript. 6. "the Great Sidon the Little Sidon". Ithobal tyaOtf (1 Kings col. Lu-li-i e. 10 no. Si-du-unIII. e. It is It repeatedly named together with Tyre (Surru). i. u. also ibid. who came from the West by same name of 123 'Palestine' see Keilinsch.nu sihru e. ba-'-lu i. 87 as being the hinder-country. u. I. HVIK Arvad.country in just the . Ill Rawl. pp. 3 line 35. 86 &c. 15. ir Si-du-un. the "AQxa Area is "AQxr} in Josephus V. and lastly Ab-di-mi-il of the (mil)-ku-ut-ti Heaven". 18. rather the South. I Rawl. also Keilinsch. without doubt Elulaeus (Joseph. IX. The This latter Arch. in the Ninivite in- scriptions under the form. with the . 31). 15. 21 Ptolemaeus of = the and Pliny V. Gesch. 14. II.

e. where it is clear it fact that Asurnasirhabal puts last in the enumeration of Phoenician towns proceeding from South to North [Tyrus. (cyl. comp. Rassam II. pp. 3. Religion of Israel vol.Rassam and also as II. the cylinder of Sanherib. ^/DtP n. see Taylor's Sanherib-cylinder in this 49. 19. Translator.88 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE (I 0. 63. Gebal i. 6. Prophets of Israel pp. 3).] [** name whom the people slew at the instigation Compare Hosea 404 foil. 293. He mentions see such Ja-ki-in-lu-u the Poenulus Act. 18 of the priest of Baal of Jehoiada. I R. Ar-u-a-da Assurbanipal31. XIII.Q 18. In^PlD** and the name of the Arvadite Matinuba'li. A-ru-a-di. T. which we meet Matanbaal = on 1 the monolith-inscription of Salmanassar II (see on Ki. Maiza(?). and W. and also distinguishes it by the addition on an (line tiamti "which agrees with its is in the midst of the sea". 170 foil. Smith's Ass. T. foil. A-ru-da (-ai). 315 the also p. Die Phonizische 6. 2. e. Rawl. Sprache pp. Kuenen. ^JOOIK and njty n^lfcf. Sidon. see also Maltzan 10. Asarhaddon i. That we have from the passage no place in the has of enumeration between Sidon and Gebal. The name that appears in the passage 105 of the cylinder of Sanherib viz. It curious that in 2 Kings XI. Compare also ^y^tf and of 0. 304. mentions as king Arvad Ma-ta-an-ba-'-al e. XVI.] . Ab-di-li-'ti "13J7).j . See below in the following page. see Schroder. 127 note The name therefore is jfl signifies "gift of Baal". the Heb. II. We but the latter portion also become acquainted with a king of (= Arvad from the as inscriptions of Asurbanipal. 9) I. Machallat (?). 35. as well as from the word the Phoenician Arados. Tr. 1 . 48. V is sc. 86) sakabal which exactly known of situation island. is perfectly clear as to the first portion is obscure. and !}ppgN or 2 Chron. Byblos. Phoenician ^IQJHD Muthumballes (Plautus*. Smith. 29). 81 V [* i. Kaiza(?)].

70 u. 62. byiiy (comp. the reign of Sanherib the city became the residence of an Assyrian governor (ibid. &c. Phon. 89 Rawl.: Aziba'al* = ba'al == ba'al = b]?3'3N. bal. In the time subsequent to Gesch. mentioned in the records ofTiglath-Pileserll (III 9. vary between this = mode of writing it and the other viz. Ba'almaluku Abimilki == "]b'3K lastly Ahimilki = . * In the case of the following proper names the cylinders. Si-mir-ri) first of the cuneiform inscriptions. e. p. II. (Si-mir-ra. in one portion of the names. and in another 'Abimelech' as Baalshafat (comp. 116. 198. . 9. pp. 1. Spr. thus resemble as a D<I name the forms rP}D?. with the heathenish Kanaanites as far as possible" Tr. New The its list Punic inscription. Rassam . 121 & 450). 10.) repeatedly along with Arka pltf. see above (Keil. 46. StfiVQCt of the is Greek which lay at the foot of Lebanon. 35). 117 = Cyl. ^2 Ssemar. viz. 2) which is probably compounded of Jakin-ilu. the word ha'al ^3. next in those of Sargon (Khorsabad 33). still dences would be of at more numerous and instructive if "the redactors the Biblical canon" had not "made it their object to obliterate or least weaken the reminiscence of any earlier and closer kinship ibid. P??iT. Pudibal = ^JQHD Ba'aljasupu Ba'alhanunu = ]3H^3. BQBh'JT and tOOK^Sx)- has been found in a pp. [** This name occurs in a Carthaginian inscription. Of in Arvadite royal sons the following are enufoil. 543). of Phoenician names given in the text is deeply Probably the coinci- interesting in relation to the Old Testament. SapatibjKVQV**. writers . iT^) Abi- . as well as K^. merated Smith's Assurb. also frequently in the Assyrian lists (II Rawl. so It would that the name would signify "God establishes". the Hebr. 82 foil.GENESIS X. the ir Simir Rawl.] . viz. Aduniba'al = toWIK. 53 no. ba-al i. see Schroder. This place = Slfivga. 88. p.

Monolith &c.). of governments reminds once of the other series in the geographical list Tushan. where the determ.).90 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE Hamath } 0.** 825) Hamath seems to have become repeatedly if not * In the case of Amatti the determinative of country with the exception of the two 37 and III Rawl. 353. together in the records of Sargon tion Both forms are found gives the pronuncia- who Ha-am-ma-ti we find in the Nimrud-inscription. latter to the kingdom of Hamath. 62. Ama11 106 the i A ma ( - t) 1 i) The former pronunciation with to harder aspirate is always be found in the records of Asurnasirhabal and likewise Tiglath-Pileser. Amattu On the other and Hamattu from one another and understands the former to refer to the toum. and also . Amid-Diar bekr. at analogous to that between ti and ti' inHatti hand Delitzsch (Paradies pp. 53. the Hebr. ** Perhaps the change from limits ft to ^ in the same name within the of 1 the (II Hami'di series Assyrian language itself occurs also in the case of Rawl. ^n = Hivite footnote*. Guzana. in the (Ha -ma -(at) -ti. . Geschichtsforsclmug pp. 122. T. "town" precedes. comp. in the stele at cases Larnaka along with the other form generally. 53 no. and with this moreover tallies the addendum ana pad gimrisu "in its entire range". - also (a - m&t* Hamatti Ha-am-ma-at-ti) and m&t inscriptions . also 146. 31. Bull- A m at u with unimportant variations (Khorsabad After the time of Salmanassar II (860 inscription &c. The in the list T us ban. The latter pronunciation already occurs in the inscriptions of Sal- manassar II (Obelisk. The same is true of I. 4) and Amidi i. 276 foil.). 9. ir we have only (mat). if in other not exclusively. Keilinsch. indeed. Here however we find that both names equally exhibit the determina- and the especially tive matu "land" and that the former does not appear with the : determinative of "town". See above foil.) regards as entirely distinct = Hatti&c. Delitzsch's further combination of this appears u. 167. the latter on the strength of Sargon's Cyprus monolith I. Guzana (Nazibina) Hamidi' (the alternation between di and di* is us. e. Amidi . 51 foil. 202 398. 53. also in those of in the geographical lists (II Rawl. Amattu. 1 line 37). Hammath as Havv&th with me open to objection. Hamatti passages II Rawl.

the in the . line 19. Gesch. Jtir? in those of H^nunu (Hanunu) Asarhaddon Sil-Bil. Ir-hu-li-f-ni PJT^ITV (?). 26. = 107 are of Kanaanitish type. 10. 29 VII. Ha-az-zu-tu zat Hazzut III Rawl. Gaza. p. 25. III. narrower broader sense of a small Kanaanite tribe sense of a at other times in the considerable race-division. Hjy tions in Gaza occurs frequently in the cuneiform inscripthe form (ir) Ha-zi-ti (Asurnasirhabal col. again find butary. the Hebr. p. see Keil. also i. u. so far as I have observed. 19. . XXXI. for this monarch frequently transports refractory populations to the region of Hamath (Khorsab. 217) &c. 13. is here intimated by a h. or Haz- ibid. 34. line 4). = Hebr. nn "Hittite") Chet. the latter (Dili- 2 Sam. whose pronunciation or rather representation causes the Assyrians on the whole some difficulty. to^? Exod. name "Hethite" in the (or sometimes used Old Test. comp. 1 is a name resembling 35. 71 .'s p. . &c. Pil. u.GENESIS X 91 permanently tributary to the Assyrians. The Hethites are referred to in 1 Kings X. In the records of Tiglath-Pileser and Sargon appears as king of The former maim) 2 &c. 20. In the same way they transcribe "Hp^ by Humri. this 56). and under Sargon to have entirely lost its independence. is As is well known. Az&z jljc c by Hazazu (Keilinsch. Inschr. Asarhaddon I Rawl. wider sense..). on 2 Kings XVIII. 79 and my essay Zur Kritik d. viz. Khorsab. 6 in the latter. Gcsch. 48 e. The names ^*0^ of the Kings of Hamath that occur in the inscriptions. It will be seen that the Heb. In these passages "kings of the Hethites" are likewise spoken . Thus henceforth we never mentioned in the inscriptions as triNeither Sanherib nor Asarhaddon refer to it as state such. Ja-u-bi-'-di (Ilu-bi-'-di). XIX. #. X. 49. Tigl. I'-ni-i-lu = (Del.

Wellhausen and Ed. among which Karkemish on the Euphrates specially occupied a The king of Karkemish is important place. line 22). Meyer "into the land of the we should read Hl&np DTinn ptf of (along with those of the Syrians) ^ Hethites. 0.) into the Assyrian empire. We come across the name as far back as in the cylinder- inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I (about 1100 B.) and Kummuch- B. Commagene (708 and we find indeed . After as son and successor Asurbanipal disappears. is certain that the name mat Hatti employed by the Assyrians in this original sense as late as the 8 th century B. Also the Assyrian inscriptions frequently make reference to Hatti. to Kadesh" (on the Orontes). C. C. the latter of whom incorporated both the Chatti states of Karkemish (717 B. 65 comp. Sargon in Layard 34. As the region inhabited by the Chaldaeans became gradually and permanently occupied by the Assyrians after the time of Tiglath-Pileser II (745 722) and Sargon (722 705). where following Thenius. III. into and were divided various small states and kingdoms. T. C. From it a comparison of the inscriptions now under consideration settled West appears that these Chattaeans were of the Middle Euphrates * as far as the Orontes.C.92 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE . comp.) and after that as late as the time of 108 well as in the reign of his it Asarhaddon. variations) or Hethites. XXIV. the name Chatti was shifted in its application further to the West.). the Chattaeans rarely Hatt Hattai (with a country (mat) (Del. It is 57 . . 6. * Including under this term the extent from Samosata (Sumeisat) to Barbalissus (Balis). Hatti. Hitzig. on the styled inscriptions "king of the land of Chatti" (Asurnasirh. 2 Sam. as well as of a people. first of all in the records of Sargon.

Semitic type. of Biblical Archaeol. 215). of the Chattaeaii sculptures is Babylonian and not Moreover the sculptures of Boghaz-Koi and Ejuk in Galatia on the right i. e. bear this the type . 248 293. Also the princes of Chatti mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions. He holds also civilization of that Ninivite. 93 Under is designated a Chatti-city. Sayce's views in the Transactions of the Soc. VII. E. . (Var. exhibit a very slight. H. contained in the records of Assyria and Aegypt. 221 foil. especially of Babylon. to the West. Sapalulmi and Lubarna San gar and Pisiri(s) of Karkemish. 6) reappears as the name for the above mentioned territories see refer. Sayce endeavours to show that the Chattaeans. Moab and Amand the old term On the other hand . mean Tarchular of Gamgum (Keilinschr. pp. if indeed any . that they were not Semites. m^t Aharri 'Western country' (see on X. Gesch. East of the Halys even the rock sculptures of Karabel E. said to "prince of the Cheta" a formation which cannot possibly be Semitic. to which we now draw settled interior attention. Sanherib and Asarhaddon the name "Land of Chatti" is altogether transferred Philistia . in our opinion. u. and that they exercised this function as early as in the age that preceded the advent of the Assyrio-Ninivite power. Geschichte Aegypten's (1877) pp. however. ences in Keilinsch. S. near the ancient Sardes. 225 foil. between the Euphrates and Orontes and even as far as the of Cappadocia. The It appears. C. proper names of the kings of the Chatti. of Smyrna. Liburna) of Patin . about 1500 B. 109 We have not been able hitherto to obtain any precise in- formation about the nationality of these North Syrian Chatti. were the real channels for conveying the Mesopotamia. This is especially true of the much discussed Cheta-sar. .* u. in the records of Asurbanipal name entirely disappears (see above). 208. 192 foil. pp. Chattaeo-Babylonian character ** See such names in Brugsch. to the countries on the coast. . on the * What has been stated in the text is. the as well as to Edom. Kanaan and mon. 2 (1881) pp. Geschichtsf. confirmed and supplemented by A.GENESIS that the Philistine city of Asdod X. 450 52. as Katazilu of Kummuch.** When we find that. .

thoroughly Hebrew in form .). 0. XXVI. XXIII. 270) holds that we should connect Sangar do not look at with and Pisiri(s) should remind us of . 2 Sam. 1tinin> Keil(Tljmn 539) proved from the cuneiform inscription to be century. 7 th . 34. 10. BirBiblical tradition of the Dadda (-ajin) fittingly = Bar-Hadad = jiQ -|j"iy (Keilinsch. ^&PtO> ilETTD^. see Gen. u. the logical conclusion to be drawn from this is that these Kanaanitish Hethites 110 .) and Atar-samain i. Elon.94 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE . of these two similarity in name essentially distinct nations is to be explained all Semitic and certainly are far removed from the type of proper names known to us from the Bible as Kanaanite-Hethite. 6. and this must have "y have made p$ "Astarte of Heaven". 2. V contrary the proper names of the Kanaanite Hethites are (e. and likewise on the ground of the name to this = Mari' (root {<*1Q. 1 Sam. Basmath Ada &c. Achime- lech.Moreover the pure Aramaic names which occur among the Northern Arabians. Ephron. ibid. quite apart from this we have also the names ^Kin.e. to we have no right whatever draw any ethnologic inference from the occurrence among the Cheta of migrating cults like those of Baal and Astarte. however. XXVI.. Gesch. In the case of Damascus. But what I have stated holds true also of names such as Ahuni of Beth-Adin. as early as the 9 th view on the ground of the Kanaan. XL 3 &c. Mut(t)allu of Gamgum and of others in which one might be disposed It is at least to attempt a Semitic derivation. can only be taken place at a comparatively early time (certainly before the century). Gesch. Delitzsch indeed (Paradies p. g. T. see below) . unnecessary to observe that Aram * Delitzsch (Paradies VII) holds a contrary opinion. unless we assume The that they were Hebraized. He regards as limited to the region on the left of the Euphrates and con- siders not only the actually Kanaanite Hamath but also Damaskus as Kanaanite together with the states of the Chatti lying between the Euphrates and the Orontes.J3*) and see DnjP$) ( "1-lpt^ on his view footnote * below). had absolutely no connection* with the Syrian Hethites. their way to them through the supposed to Aramaeans on the right bank of the Euphrates. XXXVI. the Assyrian Chattaeans. p. Uria. objec- might certainly be raised Aramaic name Hadad-'-id-ri tion insch. u.

Meyer (Zeitschrift A. of a North-West-Mesopotamian ruler (Asurcomp. and consequently completely separates those Hethites. 1. the land Nil (Sal ?). 95 with Ed. the Hebrews formerly rested in this region (Harran) for a time. 1881 the fact that the name Hethite. instead of ''son of Lamaman" we ought read "son of a nobody" i. 22. 89). (which in p. belonged exclusively to the inhabitants of the region of Libanon and of that of the Orontes. and according to the Assyrian inscriptions belonged to the inhabitants of Northern Syria as far as the Euphrates) the that this to a name was erroneously also. c. e. I. 19 (and under any circum-m stances he must have been either the later Elohist or the prophetic. Vers. and many others and rejoicing". according to the Aegyptian inscriptions. Keilinsch. regards the Hethites as dwelling entirely within this region. 182 In to rather See p. Ammeet with been mi-ba-'-la ^yyfiy name nasirh. (1879) essay Zur Kritik der Inschrift Tiglath-Pileser's II 1. X. 1865 p. who lived between the Euphrates and the Orontes. A-hi-ja-ba-ba 32T1X from Bit-Adin. not without per- manently leaving settlers behind them . XI. comp. as they migrated from Ur-Mughair ? to Kanaan. Gesch.GENESIS X. my the latter passage. in Bit-Adin and higher up towards the Tigris. 76. Wissenschaft I.). "ini^nN will have some such meaning as "my brother is root 33^. Whence have these Kanaanite names drifted hither? Or are they the traces which yet remain that the Kanaauites. also the Kanaanitish royal name 33^ Josh.Jahvistic narrator). 14 rem. foil. from the Kanaanites. or. des Empires de Chaldee et We have thus A-hi-ra-mu QTntf ot d'Assyrie. when he represents the terri- tory of the Kanaanites as extending from Sidon to Gaza and the Dead Sea. u. properly speaking. hist. The name Ahijababa would resemble Qt/j^ntf. 118 foil. 152.. * We take this opportunity of remarking that in the Assyrian on the East side inscriptions in the districts of the Middle Euphrates of that river. T. II. we often long names whose Kanaanite type is at once ohvious and has recognized (see Oppert. pp. 125) from reality.* applied by Hebrews Kanaanite stem At all events the writer who composed Gen. "a person of obscure origin".

sus. internat. of Bibl. Susiana corresponds to the Babylonian I'- lam -mat (Beh. 1 79 foil. to be made according to this in my Assyrisch-Babylonische Keiliuschriften p. i. comp. IV. form line I' 1 am t u * see for example Tigl. NR. e. 41 (see Text). 25). is 11). 346. D^# often occurs in the inscriptions in the feminine . G. never meet with the name "Persia" or "Persian" before the time of Cyrus. see also the remarks on The name Elam assigned by the Semitic Babylonians to the Susian highland and itself signifies "highland".*** We * The latter Correction is stands as I'- lam -mat also in Beh. Compare also Oppert.-Pil. 173.G. Sayce) Rawl. 2. in which a Persian term U v aj a Ezra IV. 0. II (II Rawl. Sayce in Transactions of the Soc. 1873) pp. V H.** Elam is by no means interchangeable Apr. see the syllab." To this we would add: extract. Susiana. (extrait des me*moires du congr. H. A. 1 pp. This is confirmed by the Akka- dian expression for the same region. and was pronounced Susinak e. a. the 'Elamite' is called I'lamu The definite (Sanherib Taylor-cyl. Noldeke in N. geographical meaning belonging to the territorial name may be learnt from the Behistun inscription of Darius. 9. 16.. 6 7) 14 (mat I'lamti). of the Susian bricki. 16 foil.96 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 22. The native meaning 451 foil. 70. with or equivalent to Persia. Archaeol. (There also we must supply of "Armenia" in accordance with the Persian text. also "highland" (A. les inscriptions en lang. T. W. Ill pp. 46. either on an Assyrian or a Babylonian monument. V. name was according to the Susian brick-inscriptions derived from the H2 capital Susan inscriptions) (=Susin orSusun 9. . . II Bawl. see on Ezra IV.) ** * "Aegypt" instead = "Nachrichten von der Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Numma-Ki." We "and also not in any pre-exilic Biblical are at once led back to the conclusion that a fragment. . 468. 478. Th. 41. root rhy. b.

113 Observe also that it would be strange under any circum- Babylonia were not mentioned together with Assur (the insertion of verses 8 12 obviously proceeds stances if from an altogether different hand). merely another form of the latter name) see Keilinsch. with the Greek AQQajtaylTLq has already been tacitly disposed of in my Keilinsch. attested fc^l not only by the Arabic but also by the Aethiopic A^4^t"" Thus 'arp meaning "(boundary-)rampart". Arbaha and the Armenian Albq as e. u. Moreover a form "J^? the ' 1KO of the text. Gesch. u.or territorial name. 7 . XI. 28.GENESIS X. 161. 31 from Ur-Kasdim. 164. 28). 167 and should be of this definitely The combination abandoned. Assyrian inscriptions on No this direct light is shed by the obscure race. name. 22) may unquestionably be present in we have a form ar p. migrates according to Gen. 1^?B")N Arpakshad. Now the "Hebrew" Abraham. who however himself regards Arpakshad . 80 note. has been advanced that nation of Assyrians . Syria and the Syrians. The latter is certainly to be connected with the Assyrian i. according to later usage below on (see CH^). 14. deriving his origin from Arpakshad. the district at the source of the upper Zab (Kiepert ibid. (comp. 97 Assyria. on the other hand. "wall". does not require refutation. "boundary" and would such as the race-table in Genesis. p. 164. would mean "boundary-rampart". pp. and thisllr is undoubt- edly to be looked for in South-Babylonia (see on XI. likewise -oi XXII. II. points us for its origin not to the post-exilic but to the pre-exilic period. Gesch. 167. Assur The opinion which here does not represent the but rather. which mentions Elam but not Persia. pp. see on chap.

He in without regarding the two expressions as equivatakes Arpakshad in a wider sense and would be disposed . to Babylonian expression (mat) arba-ki&di "(land) of the four sides or directions".** The to enumeration of the descendants of Sem would Japhet then proceed . Luddu 13. 95. yet lent. A name . who should rather be identified with the Chalyhes. takes Arpakshad to Also Floigl. ** Likewise Parad. of Elam and Assur belonging to the mountain districts of the Tigris) there succeed those of an inner arc. 64. the Assyrians the same name e.98 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. however. Accordingly I am led to the belief that. to say the least. The expression which constantly see the name a recurs in the titles of ancient Babylonian. This. seems thoroughly adapted to be the name of the ancestor of Abraham (see above).. runs differently [== kibrat(i) ar ba-i (ti)]. T. pp. also be understood in the other sense of "territory" fines. They in or their land are referred to the inscriptions and exclusively of Asurbanipal * Respecting the so-called Armenian Chaldaeans. 114 Lud (? see immediately below) and Aram. the Chaldaeans. it is. 5. bears This son of Sem has been generally under- stood to represent the Lydians of Asia Minor. has not been verified hitherto by the inscriptions. T6 Lud. see my essay 'The descent of the Chaldaeans and the primitive settlements of the Semites' in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXVII. among 2. whose country i. sort to Babylon. foil. 22. V all Rawl. Chronologic mean Babylonia-Chaldaea. 73. the peoples and countries of an outer arc (in this case. viz. by far the most probable hypothesis that by Arpakshad we are to under- stand the land of the Chaldaeans * or Babylonia. see Smith's Assurban. of first (mat Lu-ud-di). 399 foil. similarly to that of the descendants of that is . 255 refers the term in some Delitzsch. which contained the races inhabiting the banks of the Euphrates . der Bibel (1880) p. as matters D^^3 stand at present. . therefore like "territory of the Chaldees" = pX land or population personified . as well as Assyrian kings. p.

conspicuous position in history This presumes that we are not disposed either to assign so late a date for the composition of the race-table (see however below). It is just this region. a circumstance which the reader must bear in mind. whether we should actually refer the 'Semitic' Lud of the race-table to these Lydians who lived far away in Asia Minor and only obtained at a comparatively late period. 93).* * Comp. this at all events does not apply to the ancient time.e n is regarded by Wiedemaun as forming a denominative. could have arisen. But the further conjecture of the same savant and of earlier authorities appears to me more worthy of consideration viz. of the Lydians of Asia 7. pp. towards Assyria. is identical with the Ruten or Luten repeatedly mentioned in the Aegyptian inscriptions (especially of Tutmes III). u. again. indeed. I. a name in which the final . son of Bel. But. I am informed by my colleague A. Gesch. 24. The question might be asked. n observe that.GENESIS X. if in support of the inclusion Minor among the Semites we rely on Herodot Agron is called son of Ninus whence we . where the Heraclid infer that Lydia once belonged to the Assyrian empire. or to assume that there existed an ancient Lydian for themselves a more empire extending as far as the interior of Syria see A. scarcely political relations (as Noldeke supIt is only when the Assyposes. rian empire fell to pieces and the Lydians succeeded in part to the inheritance of proud Assyria. 99 (reigned after 668). whom Wiedemann and Champollion in fact both take to signify Lydians. sup- posed to belong to the that the dental in the Aegyptian in Ruten is very doubtful. under the term Ruten. Bibel-Lexicon IV. that the Biblical Lud. 522 543. Lastly I would final . Wiedemann. and also word is different from what one would So we must characterize anticipate if Ruten were equivalent to Lud. If the fact of Lydia having once belonged to Assyria were the reason why Lud 7* . to the latter hypothesis. there are many objections. And moreover the kingdom of Mermnads never formed a constituent part of Assur: even at the time of Asurbanipal Lydia sustained only international. this explanation as at least problematical at present. Erman that the denominative force. moreover. Aegypwhich would have admirably fitted into the gap between Assur and Arpakshad on the one side (see above) and Aram on the other. Keilinsch. Geschichte Aegyptens 1880 p. The name Rut-Lud might surely have existed in the language of the Kanaanites and Hebrews to represent the region between the Euphrates and the Orontes inhabited by the non-Kanaanite Chattaeans who tians a region included by the are omitted in the race-table. that the legend of the descent of the ancient dominant dynasty from Ninus.

106 foil. Keilinsch. . e. pp. Gesch. but of the rulers of the Babylonian Arimi (and Kaldi) merely as malki e. and both = 16) with Qparda-Sardes 1. see Th. "tribute of the kings of the Aram and *** The Assyrian to the Biblical ma mi Armaja Q^rp Q-]{< "Aram of of the Kaldi-country"). separated from Lydia (see verse 2). II in IIRawl. 37).*** We also meet with the raceto the designation in (mat) Armaja in a reference waters left the neighbourhood of the Chattaeans on the or is among the sons of Sem. 'Aramaean waters' points directly the two rivers" as well as to the Aegyptian Naharina. This 0. assuming that we are actually to understand it as See on this subject Th. Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXV. D"1N name occurs frequently in the inscrip- tions under the forms (Sanh. 67. Among these Tubal and Muski became included in that case certainly for a time dependent on Assyria (I allude to Sargon) and in quite a different way from Luddu. the 'Agiftoi of Homer. i. and why besides was Lud's neighbour Javan-Ionia. princes (II Rawl. that Tiglath-Pileser II speaks of the rulers of the powerful Chattistates between the Euphrates and Orontes as Sarraui "kings". Noldeke ibid. yet this would not explain why G6mer also as well as Meshech and Tubal were not reckoned as sons of Sem. 115.Assyrian. or Tubal and Muski of the Assyrian time). schrift der 15 * = Lydia? Comp.-Piles. Euphrates and Surappi as far as the river Ukni on the coast of the lower sea". Arumu (Tigl. T. I. Hesiod and Strabo. Taylor col. 5. also the parallel passage Beh. mat A-ri-mi u mat Kal-di Chatti-country. 9 foil. p.100 115 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Aram. 150*). as an inclusive term for Babylonian (ibid. Gomer-Gamir of the post. Respecting the existence of Aramaeans in Babylonia at a comparIt is worthy of note atively late period. e. what may be presumed to u. while later we find Darius without prejudgment connecting together in the (26 list on the inscription of Naksh-i-Rustam Javan and Katpatuka-Cappadocia (i.) and Arimu 74 Khorsab. Comp. Noldeke in Zeitreferring to the Aramaeans. 67. Why were either Gomer or Tubal and Meshech. 74: bi-lat Sarra-ni mat Hat-ti mal-ki i. with the latter form the other viz. of the princes of e. Aramu races of 116 be Semitic nationality** "on the shore of the Tigris. 113. ** i.

&c. "Aram not so of the = D"J$ )1D Aram" as i.GENESIS Eastern bank of the Euphrates. 101 This occurs in an inscrip- (mat) which Armaja agrees well loc. too far outside the vision). less to Gesch. e. It is true that we by we the cuneiform i. Z6ba by But these regions. are never called the Assyrians Aram-Damascus. XXVIII.* * of It may (see 1878 be regarded as definitively proved by my investigations Keilinsch. 115 foil. to be sought on this side i. we cannot be said u. 20. are called by special political names. "plain of e. XXV. with Biblical notices respecting the Aramaeans of Harran C. it in its Eastern portion i. 38) as meaning a "king of Aram". 226 meet with the foil. 47). (see below). XXXI. u. they regard "Assyria". 5. when they are mentioned by Thus the Assyrians.) : 1100 B. II. In each case the terms chosen by the Assyrians are political. 20. but rather the district Hebrew range of between the middle Euphrates and Balich-Belias or Chabor. e. tion of Tiglath Pileser I (about X. (see Lotz ad (Gen. Tigris.). 99114. 24. e. much what was lies afterwards called Mesopotamia (the between the Euphrates and the Tigris already said. Perhaps also we ought to understand s a r matA-ru-mu mentioned by Salmanassar II (Mon. Also the Aramaean districts. mami Arm'aja two rivers" of the Biblical DHriJ DIN. mamf V. Aram"Aramaean" 117 Aram-Damascus is called Gar-Imirisu &c. districts. pp. Keil. as belonging to mat Assur South-West of the Euphrates viz. Yet it is to be observed that the Assyrians call this region in its Western portion (reaching Eastward as far as BalichBelias) by the name Bit-Adini.) that the . 46 foil. Gesch. pp. taking Harran as the centre. Neverthein name "Aram" are reminded the cuneiform inscriptions in the current sense with which are familiar in the Bible..

situated however between the Euphrates and Orontes. 15 Bab.102 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. Gesch. Athura. T. which occurs in the enumeration of Persian provinces between Babylonia on the one side and Arabia-Aegypt on the other.. ibid. pp. 237 foil. like that of the Syrians of Asia Minor (in Cappadocia and on the shores of the Euxine) and like that of the Leucosyrians. u.. in which I hold that in ancient times the Aramaeans did not settle at all. and lastly that Pukudu is not to be sought near Hauran (in opposition to what is stated in the first edition of this work). "AGOVQOI. . Palestine and Phoenicia. this name Syria originates.). was known to the Assyrians by the (see this as The name 107 representing foil. Delitzsch (Parad. 2vQioi. from the time when these regions became gradually incorporated in the Assyrian empire after the reign of Tiglath-Pileser II (745_727) and districts especially of Sargon (722705). (Hermes V.). p. 118 Assur. conclusively proved an abbreviation of the foil. respect- who are entirely distinct from the Babylonian N a b a t u North-Arabian Nabataeans. 240) entirely supports these views. ana mi sir 2vQOi is. Moreover the observations ing the I made . nor the Hagaranu Ru ua ' above inscriptions) with the Bibiical descendants of Hagar. 5 Bab. as Kiepert has Hamranu (in the to be identified with the inhabitants of mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser II are not Hauran. Sv^la. These were then "cast into the territory of Assyria" (Assyr. merely In the inscriptions AtiGvQioi. . pp. have been most satisfactorily confirmed by Delitzsch's investigations (ibid. mat Assur Noldeke has> utirra). Naksh-i- Rustam 26 Pers. region Syria. pp.). Northern Syria. 442 original AtitivQia. and the territory which was afterwards designated by this name mat Hatti expression as a general term including Damascus. I. nor with Urhoi-Edessa. designates. as of Darius Hystaspis (Behist.) the still uncorrupted form Pers. having Haleb as its centre. in Keilinsch. 14 Pers.

but which cannot be proved for any epoch would extremely improbable in the time of the Achaemenidae. Mesopotamia proper and in the main the whole of what was afterwards termed Syria. the Sumir in of the monuments = Shumr [written Su-mi-ri. which Kiepert would have also to be assume. "ljl$ Shinar** the name of Babylonia in the Old Testament. beside the region of Athuria. opinion of Delitzsch that the name Aram is to be limited to the regions on the left bank of the Euphrates. XI. dimir "God" became in ding^r to dingir. On the other hand we would observe that the name Athuria continued to the latest times to adhere as tenaciously to the above district as the name Arbailu i. p. * Lehrbuch der alten Geographic (1878) p. . 3. through the intermediate form u m g 6 r *iyD$.. name in this region. . Bible). Hammurabi I. It may be assumed to be identical with the name 1 for South-Babylonia that we meet with in the cuneiform inscriptions viz. Np^ Sabaea. 11: Su-mi-ir-(im)]. Tr. It is clung to the place of that also to be observed that an extension of ArbirH the term Babylonia to include Mesopotamia proper. This unquestionably means the people and country of this name in South-West Arabia with the 28. of the Babylonian Kiepert holds that the Persian Athur. [** in the German edition Sinear (as in the Germ. Kespecting the Sabaeans of Northern Arabia.GENESIS XL 103 recognized*. e. 161. 1. including Phoenicia and Palestine. sungir. capital Mariaba or Saba. old e. The form "1X0$ thus passed over 119 Hebrews and was pronounced "!#}$ p#3$? ). represent Syria proper" and that therefore the district of Athuria and the whole of Mesopotamia (in the to was employed "exclusively narrower sense) did not come under the scope of this remark. became "110$.j . see the remarks on XXV. His Kiepert statement is substantially correct and merely needs supplementing. s This. Pers. simply the region from the Northern Zagros or Tigris Westward as far as the Mediterranean sea i. pronounced the same way or the In Babylonia sungr. = Aur text. see above Respecting the 94. the Sumirian dimr.

Acad. 3 p. separated from Sumir as we find just as indubitable proof that on the other hand. A and also to another cylinder e'tudes Compare on remarks in this subject F. 70 . 533 Respecting the preliminary question. Preufs. strictly well as from Akkad. Keilinsch. see Keilp. It is from the latter that the It is Hebrews derived not quite clear Sumir-Shinar. 296. Babylon with the surrounding speaking. XI pp. 533 foil. 1875 pp. . and of from dialectical variety. II. Morg. also the references pp. 526 = insch. 1880 der Berlin. regarded Babylon as belonging also to Akkad and therefore to North-Babylonia. 1884. Accad. pp. Comp. Gesch. Ges. the district of the city of country was. foil. Haupt 'The Sumero-Akkadian language' in the Transactions of the Berlin Oriental : Congress I No. to cyl. T. (cyl. 59 inf. for in one case they put "Akkad" for the expression used in p. see the essay of the present writer "Is the Akkadian of the cuneiform inscriptions a language or a system of writing?" in Zeitsch. foil.* what was the In particular it extent of the term might seem doubtful accord- ing to the inscriptions whether. 152. Lenormant. into North-Babylonia = Haupt in Nachrichten von For the division of Babylonia Akkad.. The former was Babylonia. der Wissenschaften 92: Fr. u. u. the city of Babel also belonged to Sumir. their pronunciation definite of the name. Delitzsch Parad. as well as the subscriptions to the cylinder of Asurbanipal discovered by Rassam * Rm. der Wiss. other cases "Sumir and Akkad". While we i. the pronunciation of the Sumirians living in Souththe latter was that of the Akkadians who were settled to the North of them. Akad. whether the Akkado-Sumirian was a language and what was its character. find in the inscriptions that the land of Kardunias e. as the Bible certainly leads us to suppose. der Gott. P. Monatsberichte Wiss. The pronunciation with n g on the other arises m (mi) on the one hand. and South-Babylonia Sumer. of the year 1883) Berl. 198 d. my p.). pp. and the author's recent essay "Zur Frage nach dem Ursprunge der altbabylonischen Cultur" (Abhandlungen der Kim. Gesch. der Deut.104 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. foil. Consult also P. 249 foil. the Assyrians. Gesellschaft XXIX.

in addition to these. which occurs on Assyrian as well as Babylonian inscriptions. sion The expres- "Sumir and Akkad" for the whole of Babylonia. Arch. 153 foil.GENESIS (V Kawl.of Bibl. all that by the name Sumirians and Akwe can say with certainty is that they were neither Semites nor Indo-germans. 10 &c. that lay actually in South-Babylonia. 105 Rawl. and Babel that was situated on the frontier of Sumir as well as and Akkad. which forms the position of Babylon. It is not improbable that these Babylonian Sumirians and Akkadians together with the Susian Elamites and the non-Aryan Medes formed a special family of races. and the Persian sea. Yet it is quite as certain that the Babylonians distinguished the district of the city of 120 Babel from the land Akkad (see the Annals of Nabunit col. Akkad which was certainly North-Babylonian this is at all events an inaccuracy. the city . the shifting political relations that existed. 26. Delitzsch Parad. especially when we consider Finally. Zeitschr. 39 note. makes this uncertainty in geographical nomenclature only too easily conceivable. II. VI. but. pp. The Southern boundary of "Sumir". is well known. XXIX (1875) p. 196 foil. 124): "governor of Akkad" = "governor of Babylon". may possibly be traced to a subsequent extension of the term "Land of Shinar" to in- clude 'Irak as far as the frontier of Assyria. 1 pp. Gesellsch. 120. 2 (1863) p. of Soc. 5. As. 10. But more definite results . Journ. which. der Deutschen Morgenl. and that they spoke an agglutinative not an inflectional language. III XI. however.VII. where "Akkad" begins. 484. 124. in Trans. Kalneh-Kulunu (?) whose position cannot be determined. which stands almost exactly in the centre of the region between the Lower Zab in the North. when the Hebrews included in the region Shinar not only Erech. Respecting the nationality of the people represented kadians.).

is Koooaloi D^ab HJ?^ we act will make The Babylonians air and Assyrians the call the brick which dried in the and the of moulding bricks by the same words as Hebrews. e. p. . Hebr. "burnt The brick dried in the air (in contrast with the >~S >& j=>\ . which otherwise means to down" (of the countenance).* The Assyrians use k u p u r to express "ipn Asphalt. agurru constr.48): Comp. libnat e. also respecting the Babylonian Kassu and the remarks on chap. bricks. and this 4. the above writer thinks that it is from this meaning that the term for The Hebrew HJSS would brick-making is derived (Parad. be made" (Shafel) Tigl. Sargon's Bull-inscription (Botta u-sal-bi-na li-bit-tu "I caused bricks to . cannot be reasonably held to have been any other than one of the two tower-shaped sacred buildings ** whose ruins still iii Assyrian. Hollenf. any "1|?3 .-Pileser VII. 75: libnati albi-in "I prepared bricks" and other similar examples. see p. 100. that There cannot be any doubt the legend that we here meet with is based on the actual existence of some erection in former times. * Because the root la ban "sink". 6 121 3. just as "tile" in our language from the Latin tegula. With regard to the fact has handled a Babylonian who ever one involved. exactly the Hebr. 37. X. g. ** See the figure of such a building in its original form according to an ancient native representation in Smith-Delitzsch's Chaldaean Genesis (1876) p. brick will satisfy himself of the correctness of the statement. this. T. is that 48 note. 127. Comp. signifies according to Delitzsch "press down" or "press flat" (comp. is named in Assyrian libittu. b^Upl "P# city and tower. tile" st. must be future enquiry. where the verb is used of casting down the countenance appu). Istar p. (8). Susian Kassi Kiddoi . 145). nj?b- The act of moulding bricks the Assyrians express by the verb lab an. "let or cast then be a foreign word in Hebrew. ^>\} i.106 THE CUNE1FOBM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE left to 0.

but in course of time fell to ruin and. 15 &c. Guyard. Of Borsippa which lies to the these the Northern ruin lying on in . the other. and provided it once more with a for a it not altogether clear what temple in the temple also. This writer i. also J.). 51) that it was dedicated Bel-Nebo . 17 foil. I. p'p'Qf) e. to 16 31 (I Bawl. see. the later "Bel" . the tower of Borsippa* ascending in is seven stage-like terraces. and belonging to Borsippa. is called Babil . Journal Asiat. that and containing identical it is the Southern one of these two erections. **) it and may . It is was deprived of its summit. inscriptions. This temple was called Bit-Sag-ga-tu (read with Delitzsch I'-sagila) i. p. it as the remains of the chief temple of Babel the temple of Bel-Merodach. ** Comp. however. ^3] (comp. "house proposes as the Assyrian reading of the ideogram of exaltation" or (figuratively) "splendour" Bit-Zabal .GENESIS exist at XI. the Cyrus-cylinder V Rawl. 19 II. It is a likely supposition that we should regard . 181. . Bors. 40 &c. Southern ruin. * Comp. 222. the city-divinity of Babylon (comp. to the West of the Euphrates. "house of towering summit" (Oppert: "pyramid" be presumed to have been a structure built in stages resembling the temple of Borsippa (see East India House Inscr. 12 (1878) p. We learn from col. Herodot I. 122 bank of the Euphrates. which lights (spheres ?) the "temple of the seven referred to in the of Heaven and Earth" II. in particular it Nebucadnezar restored pinnacle. 35). we must we have main suppose to be in this case to recognize in the ruin Babil. e. with the same root as well as meaning. gather from clay- We cylinders found on the very spot inscriptions of Nebucadnezar. . 13. 35. is called Birs-Nimrud. VII. 23 foil. Briill. 107 Babel itself and South of that the left city. St. Herodot's babylonische Nachrichten (Aachen 1878) I. connecting Hebr. I.

The legend of the Babylonian tower.108 I23lt is THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE designated as 0. it has not been possible to determine with certainty which of the two has the better claim upon our attention. brick-inscriptions and elsewhere).*** * Delitzsch Parad. and Merodach". Talbot in 'Records of the Past' Vol. 1). ibid.. being situated in Babel itself. "the temple of the firmament of Heaven and Earth" Delitzsch Parad. T. the same in Grundziige der assyr. as we read it in the Bible. 9. J.* Along with this there is occasionally bftu imnu or mentioned the temple called l'-zi-da = knu "happy or firm house" (Bors. ** We may On with good reason altogether omit to mention another temple referred to in the Borsippa inscription. El. Paris 1875 pp. dwelling of Bel Marduk . 10 (1857). As to "the time of the flood" after which the temple had decisive stood deserted (Oppert). Asiat. "palace of house of the highest god Merodach". the "Divine Lord" par excellence. . of the Royal Asiatic Soc. "Palace of Heaven and Earth. ikal sa-mi-i u ir-si-tiv su- ba-at(ilu) Bil bit ANAN (ilu) Heaven and Earth. however. . which tells in favour of the temple of Borsippa. but it is quite distinct from the latter. as Delitzsch has correctly shown. But no testimony can be advanced for this hypothesis. having restored and it has often been identified with the temple of Borsippa. '* the interpretation comp. There is much. But Merodach is himself Bel. 19. including the Jewish tradition (Bereshith Rabba 42. may be held to have been associated with the remains of one of these structures. F.** Hitherto. It is certainly worth the trouble to append this account. Oppert Journ. Mdnant. . VII. H. I. Rawlinson and Fox Talbot in Journ. 11 foil. p. p. there is no reference to it whatever in the particular passage of the inscription. V. 216 foil. most probably one of the two first mentioned. Nebucadnezar likewise speaks of himself as it. XVIII Baby lone (1861). 216 translates: the dwelling of Bel. 73 et la Chaldde. Kunst Basel 1862 pp.

See Delitzsch Parad. and lastly Ba-ar-zi-pa v. Col. XLII am mat u-za-ak-ki-ru-ma 30. Zu-un2. * I Rawl. 7.sip). Bar-sip We have (according to II Kawl. ul-tu u-um ri-1-ku-tiv in-na-mu-u-ma 32.ta-sa u-us-zi-iz-ma f-ik-si12. ul-lu-ti 15d. also in the Birs belonging to the name of the tower. Col. 15c. 31. likewise Bar-zi-pa. ibid. in the Borsippa and Borsippos of Berossus and Strabo. a. while in the name Birs-Nimrud it exists at the present day. ab-ta-a-ti-sa u-ul-lu-u ri- ri-im-ma 15 sa Col. and lowing lines marked 15 a d are missing. u-ul-la-a ri-i-sa-a-sa 27. a-gu-ur-ri ta-ah-lu-up-ti-sa up-t a-at-ti-ir-ma li-bi-it-ti ku-um-mi-sa is-sa-pi-ik ti-la-ni-is. si- su-mi-ja as-ku-un. 5. 27. Br-sap. p. 53. ab-ta-a-ti ir-ma 11. la su-ti-su-ru nuv u ra-a-du 4. i-na ki-tir-ri*^ 15. la u-ul-la-a ri-i-sa-a-sa. mu i-na 1im magari 9. a-sa-ar-sa la i-ni-ma la 8. mu-si-i mi-f-sa. li-bi-it-ti ku-um-mi-sa u a-gur-ri ta-ah-lu-up-ti-sa 10. * 217 Oppert is the ancient Babylonian name for the certainly right in conjecturing that city is preserved. Bar-zi-pav. : u-um I. has ki-li-ri(?). b. A-na i-bi-si-sa bilu ra-bti-u Marduk 6. "We announce the following! The temple of The name is variously written Bar-sip. also pronounced Bur. ki-ma 15a. A-na i-bi-si-sa i-si-sa ga-ta as-su-um-ma*** ti-ir 13. u . I. ** See Oppert.e. Ni-nu-mi-su : Bit 28. u-saat-ka-an-ni li-ib-ba. 14. i. mi-ki-it. j as we might reasonably suppose .GENESIS XL 109 124 Statement respecting the completion of the tower-shaped temple of Borsippa. in it The other copy reads a-ku-un-ma. the four fol- f This exactly resembles the perpetually recurring formula of the . u-na-as-su-u li-bi-it-tu-sa 3. II. 1. Ina arah sa-alu-na-ak-ki-ir ti-mf-in-sa. hamami VII irsitiv zi-ku-ra-at Bar-sap* sa sarru ma-ah-ri i-pu-su-ma 29. i-is-si-is ki-ma la-biab-ni-su-ma.

on an auspicious day 9. 3. 7. the were flooded away to heaps of ruins. 30. to ammat in ideographically written is "yard" attached.walls. whose pinnacle however he had 32. with The number the explains itself. p. 15c. 14 ha-am-ma-mi a ar-ba'. as it was in remote days.110 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 126 col. urged (?) my mind." Notes and Illustrations. the tower of Borsippa. did not change its foundation. Col. 31.] . the for its care of was no There water. 45). is four points of Heaven (quarters of the world)". pi. To restore it. 1. DarijavuS Sarru ikabbi 1 Ninum is probably Pers. 27. I raised hand. hence with the meaning of "announce". and put the inscription of of its edifice. TUK. 'The Babylonio Assyrian measures of length according to the tablet of Senkereh. corap. 25 and VIII. Forty two yards. not set up. I built it (the temple) anew. its site (however) I did not injure. 125 the seven lights of the Earth. T. 4. renewed 12. month of good fortune. "Darius the king Kal of Qfr$j "speak softly" seems to be employed of [With this compare the HIPP QN3 of the Hebrew oracles. Respecting the value in measurement of the Assyr. the tiles of roofing were split. 1 Berlin 1877. I erected its my (the tower's) pinnacle. To restore it up pinnacle. Translator. 13. I improved the bricks of its building and the tiles of its roof8. Hebrew DiSPI 'sun'is 29. meaning by Sarg. 280 (the truth may be inferred from a comparison of two parallel passages of the inscription of Nebucadnezar now in London. Diet. 28. its substructure (?) my name and set on the cornice its 14. see R. Khorsab. ammat = sign U which the meaning see * ne J"1SNJ references Norris. which a former king had erected 29. its had washed away its bricks. great god Merodach 6. I. ammat. Impf. Assyr. Abhand- Behistun inscription says". into a compact edifice. In a ing 10. hamami. gutters proper rain and storm 2. as it was ages before. 15 a. II. Yet it solemn address. since remote days had fallen to ruin. Lepsius. and had completed to the height of 42 yards. then "speak" in general (Oppert). 268. written ideographically with the sign and as "the to guaranteed as to pronunciation by syllab. VI. the bricks of the building (proper) 5.

of *QJ. Comp. 20 note 2. Haupt). XLI. the to same word as the Hebrew Q")]. see his Grundziige der assyrischen Col. plur. more correctly iskul. Kuust (Basel 1872) p. p. sutiSur Infin. Istafal of asar (llt'N " moderari. Also Oppert now holds this view. the phrase scriptions. meaning of water" Is. Imperf. Gottinger Gelehrt. der Akad. uzak- kiru high" ri'kut 3 Ps. Syr. sing. sing. Oppert in the Mouatsber. not however to be referred to a root Qp]} (Oppert).-Babyl. Anzeig. With this comp.. Imperf. hence "make pointed. d. Pa. who assumes root to "flood over". "thunder" then "storm". Pa. on the Bellino-cylinder. un as su 3 Ps. ) with the meaning in this this interpretation passage of "water-drainage". we read utakku with k (p). of = rhy i~ m Hipp") The word i here inaccurately written with k (3) instead of with k (p) comp. ||^9. 741 758. the correspondence between the ahove and J. as Oppert attempts to do. Nif. in which the corresponding word is zenam. 61) u t a k"they led him" (|"IDn)> while in another inscription of the same Now monarch. s k u 1 "he weighs" C?pt^). which would not give a satisfactory sense. 18. Wissensch. II. to at the same time finding words innamu is an legend of the Flood. uiilla 3 Ps. * Assyr.) nor [-JDJ (Opp. of n as a evellere." The formation an allusion the Biblical = is analogous to immasu "they were lost" Imperf. but to the root [-]} QIJ "slumber" and with respect to things "fall to decay. (Grivel. The transition from the Assyrian the Hebrew is to be found in the radu Aethiopic.* scriptions for It is that they confuse generally peculiar to the Babylonian inthe weaker k andthe emphatic Tc. comp. since both these verbs whether in sound or in sense = = in occasion difficulties. tahlup correctly taken by Oppert and Talbot the sense of 'covering' 'roofing'. "l^" 1 Nif. of both Rawlinson and Talbot The is correctness of corroborated by the simplicity and naturalness of the meaning and is placed beyond all doubt by what follows (col. . Lotz Die Inschriften .neither ^iPJ (Rawl. 3. therefore. Zu nnu "rain". 1878 pp. 12. Keilinsch. and translates "after pn days of the Flood in the it was abandoned (by men)". Talb. 1. that one that commonly occurs in the inthere is not the smallest reason abandon in this passage the rendering fits (which admirably in with the context) "from the most remote days" and seek after another interan ancient Mesopotamian the pretation.) should be brought into comparison.GENESIS XL 111 lungen der Akad. Thus kuu example Nebucadnezar writes in the London inscription (II. musi' mi' like Qi N^ID exit 32. 1). 1877 pp. 1055 57. "the distance". to ultu umi' rukuti is It is evident. of HEi'Ej dirigere. is Pognon. II.

C. 15. T. J. properly til&ni. "to make right". of abat = j-Qj. 14 note. 107179.AN and KA. of y)^y "make.. ) "formerly". right".A1S (with sign for plural). 10. 25. "put to = rights". = 5.1 1 2 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE p. en Me'sopot. of kasar Hebrew -^3 "to be straight. mag^ru fern. 1839 pp. instead of uSatkaninni. 135 200 foil. of the Shafel of zuz "come forth".). imperf. Talbot "new" "something . in Shaf. 15. 0. uSatkanni Impf. This ^92 Babylon. comp. ikir 1 Ps." suffix 1st pj-|. in Assyrian "afflict". "in of a column" (?). imperf. pp. 7. is occasionally roof. in Rich. H. on the topography of ancient Bab. Rawl.. see J. "network" building" (Oppert both are unsuitable in meaning and in"columns". isSapik Nif. 8. 7. inscriptions latter. tilanis Assyrian adverbial form from "hill". 013. the same body of the house" (= Arab. XVIII p. Expe'd. of -j)fc' ^j?| properly "pour out". 9. V Rawl. Pael of -Q3 ^ n the sense of "change". ibis Infin. II see above. imperf. "anew" iis #-!n? Respecting the ruins themselves which are the subject ot investigation. 43 -104. ini 1 meaning Ideogr. is uptattir the Iftaal of ku mm u HED "the in building proper. frequently occurring 15 b." to be found elsewhere e. ziz "anew" Beh. In these latter cases (Nebuc. name as it is is as often written in the . capable of vindication as to form). Rich.AN (= Ka-dingir). mi kit ^3$ instead of mikint. Shafel of sing. to be "favourable" Rawl. "renew". adv. probably with the ps . "firm hence woven". I. adv. in Assyr. Oppert. HD1D "heap"?).RA (read dingir-ra). 127Tiglath-Pileser's I signification. unakkir abtat 1 Ps. Hebrew HJIDE properly "stand" then "substructure" (Rawl. phonetically ideographically if the generally with the sign KA. imperf. Soc. Babylon and Persepolis. usziz 1 Ps. of the Royal As. VI. likewise AN. Lond. comp. 156*. kitir Hebr. Kal of }"|3J? Ps. also KA. 35. 32. Plur. imperf. timin 29. rnfls "capital l^a. of tfj0. its in the phrase its ul-tu timin-sa a-di tah-lu-bi-a "from foundation to . g. speaking from the plural 6. IV. foil. in the Journ. 26. labirim the sense (root Enn = olden time". Asarh. as- suma in 1 Ps. 17) the final ili KaKA- * The word 22 foil.AN.

Bafivkwv.) IV. We have moreover mixed modes of writing the name asBa-bi-AN. SU-AN-NA-KI &c. From we per- while observing the phonetic style of representing the word. For the ending -car the Greeks alone are responsible. 213 ** On this see Norris Diet. 1). are B aThe original Babylav) and B a b i i 1 u.).RA (dingir-128 ra) Nebucadn. in which however there is some peculiarity (DIN. 28 &c.** lonian pronunciation was accordingly Babil. Delitzsch Parad. Moreover the Greeks other nations must certainly have attained to a knowledge of Babel. final *** The relation fore u is Babilai written of course unessential (comp. pp. com-ojv in the . the above mentioned ideographic mode of writing ceive. among 8 . Babiruvija). 212 foil. with the Semitic Perat and Diglat) but. This meaning There are other examples * special Respecting other ideograms. p. Also we regard it as more than doubtful whether the Persian Babiru ought to be cited in The Persian form is of course inexplanation of the Greek name. see Delitzsch foil. pp. TIE. is 113 wrongly understood to express a plural. more precisely 365). Now we know that the names of the Mesopotamian rivers Ev(pQUTrjQ and Tlypyq. the commercial city of ancient renown.1 v. also the adjective of Babila-ai III Rawl." as well.* The most important phonetic forms of writing the name. flected just like an Indo-Germanic u stem (comp. as in the case of the name Baftvkwv. Nebucadnezar's bricks and elsewhere. before the Persian age. and there- name ought no more to be quoted as an argument for deriving the for God ilu *}{$ from a root I"]Sfi<> than to explain the termination Greek name for the city. Parad. pared with the Persian certainly B&biru. the adject. TiypiQ were certainly introduced to the Greeks through the Persians (comp. so it can be seen from Ufr&tu compared with EixpQ&xriq that the u of the Persian w-stems has no particular influence over the Greek ending in both the proper names. such as we u find on (1 i b i . the Pers. perhaps B&bil (see Syllab. KI. 43. 70. II. (East India House Inscr. Bab 11 u (see the last mentioned phonetic mode of writing the word***). Ufratu and TigrS. the meaning of the name was therefore "God's gate-way. the return to I in place of the r is strange.QENESISXI.

" The interpretation of the name adopted by me in the first edition of this work. of Is -mi- Da-gan and The place was certainly existing at the time when the New-Babylonian last empire fell.). = Babel see on Jerem. mentioned Khors. 1 times. 17 and which shows that the Babylonians took the elsewhere second part of the name in an appellative sense.114 129 of THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 77 footnote *) and of his son Dun .gi as well . of the 28. "Gate-way of El". ruined town with the locality mentioned in the inscriptions is proved by the records of ancient Babylonian kings found on the very spot. 35. T. especially of Uruk(?) (Amil-apsi? see above p. 28) or of the kingdom Babel (often in O. lying on the Western or right bank of the The identity of the Euphrates. 271. ^D3 }HN Jer. L. the XXV. in Thus we have i. Babilu occurs on the inscriptions at a very early period as name of the country (comp. also is p. T. 26. 0^3 11K Ur of the Chaldees. 8. LI. 15.town). Babel the extended". which in its remains S. "king of the land p. occurring in V Rawl. see the I'gibi-tablet Transactions VI. 20 a town called B&b-Dur e. Keilinsch. Even then we find an ancient Babylonian king. a little South of 3 1 Lat. "Gate of the Fortress. in which Nebucadnezar called sar m&t Babilu. later Geschichtsf. 41. must be given up on account of the plural form of the ideogram for deity. others. On ^W$ . asofKu-du-ur-Ma-bu-ug. Agu-kak-rimi styling himself sar For mat B&b-ilu ra-pa-as-tiv u. present represented by the ruins of Mughair ( ^Ju^l Asphalt. is i. the name town from which Abraham migrated. This is identical with the town Uru of the cuneiform inscriptions. names of towns formed with Bab-. king of Babylon Nabunit (Nabun^'id) have been disco- indeed cylinders of the .X. at e.

expresses the meana name which would suit Uru or Ovgir] like no other among the ancient Babylonian towns. a tradition which independent of what appears to be the tradition of the Bible.). as saying that Abraham came p]$ VJCEQ Bapvlwvoq Xal6alcov l. KafiaQivy 6e eivai jiohv Jiyiv (ie&Q{tTp>ew[ivip> XaXdaiwv OvqlijVf born Iv jtofov'J. simply derived his wisdom by rounda- bout ways from the Bible itself. when explained from the Arabic. at all events. remark that.eYO[tiv?]Q (comp. e. from which where he rested. Ill. prepar. so far as the is designation of locality concerned. that jtolei Abraham was (i]V rivag T# r7/q Baftvfaviao. was one of the ohief seats of the worship of the moon-god Sin. like Ur. ing of "moon-town". Uru was properly the seat of the worship of the moon-deity. to an approximation to the form name attaching to the better it known Sicilian town. p. is we seem to have. tx T//C I. gr. contained in Euseb. 7. yet it by no means follows that a trustworthy tradition was followed by Nicolaus Damascenus. 2. Mueller. However may be.* The non-Arabic termination would have to be referred to some Greek influence of the i. so also Ha r ran. 211 foil. We must however regard as extraordinary that in the time of Eupolemos and earlier there should be an Arabic renam- ing of the ancient Babylonian city. Ill. fragment. IX. Nicolaus. take this * We occasion to Abraham started. see note on chap. C. hist. 43. fragm. On the other hand we might regard the notice of Eupolemos. 373). 8* . arch. 68). evangel. 17 (see Mueller. and it is certainly a strange coincidence that Ka[iayiwj. in his turn. We should rather have this expected a Greek change of name. XXVII. who is quoted by Josephus. Here. as possessing greater importance.GENESIS XL vered there (I 115 130 Rawl.

XL 9 ad fin. see my arguments in the essay referred-to below. chap. IX. Syntax of the Hebrew 286 c. Gesch. and T. is being increasingly recognized as the only right one. * We in this discussion might supplement what has already been brought forward by observing that also in the Old Testament Ur is never directly spoken of as land or region. Compare likewise the remarks npliJ QTIK on chap. yW fHN. of the "Chaldees" is 131 or district* as that thoroughly in accord with the statements contained in the inscriptions. as are ^ a different character.1 1 6 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Though the confusion of the Armenian Chalybes with the Babylonian Chaldaeans. we may at conclude from the inscriptions of Nabuna'id. Neh. have rather turned out Respecting the so-called Armenian Chaldaeans of Xeuophon. T. Clark) Examples like Qnnj Dig. who to be identical with the Chalybes. clearly exhibited in the above-mentioned essay. found Mughair. Language (T.. a term Ipn^to V^N which eventually passes This is into the other and quite general signification of "home". Moreover in passage (verse 28) we meet with such a designation merely in the appositional phrase 'land of his birth'. as would be The rule certainly is that gentile cities." very instructive passage. 94 foil. that the ancient place was still existing at a Also the designation of the spot comparatively late time. The question might be instance of tbe name of a country name united to it in the relation cisely then defined more predetermination "Ur of the Chaldees. -)!)tf Nowhere is there an as there are 7. a 10 12. by the additional local Compare what is. scriptions are cognizant of a land Chaldaea (mat) These in- Kaldu. XV. It is also satisfactory to be able to * remark that the hypothesis. Ka 1 d i situated entirely in Babylonia as far as the Persian Gulf (comp. pp.. on this point. my essay on the Names of the Seas &c. see Ewald. 177). names of this kind are only employed to define the names of Gath of the Philistines &c. IHK XL 37. an Dllg this &c f>l&$ - 5 comp. Jer. an 8. in the Abhandlungen der AkademiederWissenschaften Berlin 1877 On the other hand they make no mention** of p. is . XXII. that the Chaldaeans were exclusively Babylonian. which I have defended for several years. constructus. u. as well as Keilinschr. asked whether we have any other being determined by a gentile proper of status the case in the supposition under dispute.

Gesch. Layard 1 7 line 14 (Keiland the name was definitely Babylonian region stretching Southward With this we may perhaps confrom Babylon to the sea. der Wissensch. H. yet it is to be observed that the Armenians call themselves their inscriptions (Chaldis)"? See (those of Van) "people of (the god) Chaldi on the latter A. of the year 1881 pp. in . 113 foil. I. 35. 22 foil. thus in Asurnasirhabal we III. The centre and source of the dominion of the latter lay South of Babylon. 23 comp. 200.). with 24 . never sar B&bilu or though Merodach-Baladan certainly resided in Babylon (125). Delitzsch. Congr. find also also the citation from the inscription of Sanherib in Keilinsch. Borsippa and Kutha as cities in which he had presented offerings. comp. probably to be referred ultimately. See to him. Parad. . Pil. 176 foil. insch. 31113. Khorsab. that nect the circumstance Sargon always calls his opponent reserved for the Merodach-Baladan by the name sar m&t Kaldi or sar m. or at least in part. u.g. &c.we find the designation of the Persian gulf as a timtuv Bit-Jakin exchanged for the other tidmtuv sa mat Kaldi (see "the Names of the Seas" in the Abhandl. 107) &c. to the resemblance of the name Kaldi to that of the Armenian god Haldi. 122). Bit-Jakin (e. North of Babylon. Gesch. u. Hence also sar m&t Kardunias. ment use of DHfeO). pp. In other passages Babel proper distinguished as mat Kardunias from mat Kaldu. The name mat Kaldu denotes in many of Babylonia including Babel itself (compare the passages the whole Old Testa- Thus Kammanmr&r (I Eawl. p. der sa Akad.) speaks of the sarra-ni samatKal-di kali-su- nu "all the kings of land Chaldaea" who had done homage 132 and then expressly mentions Babel. Orient. . Sayce in the Transactions of the Berl.GENESIS XL Chaldaeans living elsewhere and particularly in 117 Armenia. pp. p. Tigl. Ha in 1 d i a.

55. see Monatsber. chiefly appeals) not so much as a "region" only from line 14 b onwards that the regions This is the more unmistakeable in the 14 a. T. 176 foil. Keilinsch. Babylonians. and on these not than the reign of Asurnasirhabal (885 see this 860 B. on the banks of the Euphrates there dwelt in the reign of AsurnS-sirhabal (III. 24). Dilbat. Kutha.1 18 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE . Babylon. Sippar. is 176 foil. Respecting the latter ibid. Nipur. which is form hitherto discovered in the inscriptions and again transmitted to us the Greeks. Erech. Delitzsch's opinion (Parad. tion Respecting this variation in the pronuncia- of Babylon and of Assur. latter also distinct from the matKaldu* Moreover it is worthy of notice that the name earlier Kaldu "Chaldaean" has hitherto been found only on Assyrian monuments. which are present case. 6 (8). is for this reason that I hesitate to agree with Fr. 0.). = connected the pronunciation of the name with the only the liquid Kaldu . pp. Gesch. Larsav. and who belonged to the land Ka (Keilinschriften u. monarch's monolith-inscription With the circumstance that we up to the present time possess acis / counts of the Chaldaeans only from Assyrian sources. der Berl. pp. X. repeatedly mentioned in the Babylonian as well as Assyrian inscriptions. Ka-da is described in the geographical list II Rawl. Geschichtsforschung pp. u. (it is which Delitzsch but rather as a "town" denoted by mat follow). C. Dur-Ilu. 271). though the "land of the Chaldees" explanation of the Babylonian (mat) KaSdu from the Sumirian Furthermore 53 line 9 (to this Ka-da "Kassi-district" might seem plausible. the * It Babylonian KaSdft "Chaldaeans" (gentile name according to Delitzsch) are identical with the KasSu. . fridu. were in reality cities and not districts. Borsippa. Upi (Opis). Respecting the KaSSft and the land KaS see remarks on chap. by hand the Hebrews have preserved for us what is probably the more primitive pronunciation K a s d i m which they derived from the with the sibilant On the other = . viz. 129) that the inhabitants of mat Kaldi. Nituk-Dilmun.). Xa^daloi . because the spots mentioned in lines (1) 2 certain of identification. 17) the inhabitants of the mat K ass t Accord- (Kas-si-i ingly the 133(111.

attention to the fact. see Keilinsch. 1877 XI. to whom we also owe a the series of important respecting the East. 94 and comp. 277). = frequently mentioned as Harran and also as a Mesopolikewise tamian "Aramaean" town. and Keilinsch. line 8 . on the monu- 134 ments is tributary Ba-li-hi). a placed on the Belias (Balich In the inscriptions it is of the Euphrates. where mentioned side by side with captured North-Mesopotamian towns as well for the place is explained as with Armenia. 8 Wette-Schrader. XV. e. also in it is Khorsabad 10. see ins Alte Test. 355. .GENESIS Akad. 38. Moreover of chap. )". Gesellschaft XXVII (1873) pp. pp. th XIV De to be placed to the ac- count of the Jahvist. with the above of on the "Descent the Chaldees" &c. The ideogram by the syllabary II Bawl. der Wissensch. pp. 8 foil. note *. 94 foil. u. 22 b. XXVII. and comp. u. insertion II. like Ur of the Chaldees whence Abraham set forth. Geschichtsf. especially Babylonia (comp. Einleitung ed. that the to we would draw special reference to Ur of the Chaldees be found not only in the Annalistic-priestly narrator (Gen. in that of Sargon Rev. 31). Geschichtsf. this in early times. is X. 28. 8 foil. 31. 7) i. in the Zeitmy essay schrift der Deutsch. Harran. Lastly. XI. as bearing upon the Biblico-critical questions so much is discussed at the present time. in the same narrator notices . This occurs even as early as in the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I (col.n it Harran a Mesopotamian town. 387 foil. was a chief seat of the worship of the moon-god Sin even also p. 119 p. Morgenl. Obelisk of Salmanassar 181. 43 and From his tribal 115 footnote and there abode. on chap. VI. 71). 536. Abraham and we conclude that companions made a considerable statement . but likewise in the prophetic-Jahvistic (chap. des plaq. p.

T. Aramaic and Assyrian in present a close unity in contrast to the South-Semitic languages. 54: im-nu and su-mi-lu pa-ni u ar-ku behind. IX. in the in- any other explanation of 1." "right. ^Snp* Amrdphel. 69 col. inscriptions of the latter was the subordinate king. kas p u &c. With that even in the more ancient Assyrian inscriptions there occur proper names which decidedly wear On this see p. right hand.120 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. (Nebucadn. 2. East India House Inscr. Respect- ing Shinar see above on XI. Also in the name for "gold" Assyrian coincides at all events with the poetic usage in Hebrew. "^"J^ Arioch ofEllasar. stay in this region this tallies the fact between Belias and Euphrates. king of Shinar. b^D^"]^ on the East India House Inscr. which use other words to designate this metal. 12 The three North-Semitic languages this respect Hebrew. . left. It is not inconsistent with the explanation there given that in this passage the king of Ellasar-Larsav (see immediately below) is mentioned along with the king of Shinar. The former was the superior king. 2 no. before XIV. It has not been possible hitherto to point out this scriptions or to give name it.). 58. XIII. footnote *. IX. (Sumiro-Akkadian my opinion unquestionably "Servant of the moon-god" Assyrian A r ad -Sin). It is interesting to observe that the Assyrians likewise call silver III. 1. Kudur-Mabug I Rawl. 95 a Kanaanite an not an Aramaic type. on the left. III. fnn (Nebucadn. identical with in e. I'ri-Aku . king of Larsav i. Compare the inscription of Nabuna'id I Kawl. 3J51 ^953 in silver and gold. II. 135 hu-ra-su which is evidently 9. since the Assyrian word for that metal is = Heb. 12). comp. though Larsav-Senkereh itself certainly lay in Shinar.

and Susiana pp. the oldest brick-inscriptions of Uruk (?) found there I Rawl. no. as long as he lived . 700. 2.GENESIS XIV. the same as that to which. "l^y^n? Kedorlaomer. Smith. Taylor : * For the reading see Neb. no. Chald. II. "">P^N Elldsdr. represented at the the ruins of Senkereh . about midway between the day by Euphrates and the Tigris. 5). Mabug. 42. 1. he belonged father and of to grandfather the = (see below). Norris 277. of the superior monarch of a to king of Surair and Akkad whom he held. also XIII as well as of Nebucadnezar of the sun Rawl. I XV. K. "Notes on the Chronology of the reign of SenHe was the son of Kudurnacherib" Lond. VII. of Ur and also e. Kedorlaomer Kudur-Lagamar belonged Kudur-Mabug Simti-silhak show. 15 . between Lat 32 and 31 (H. as we conclude from the name. In the first place we have the name of another Elamite king called Kudur-Na-hu-un- di I'-la-mu-u "Kudurnachundi of Elam" Sanher. Lenormant). 4. Other examples preserved in the inscriptions of the names of kings compounded with Kudu r. king are of Elam. 51. As his the name Babylonian Elamite dynasty. Loftus. those of Hammurabi(gas) I Rawl. 1871 p. 52. 4). Smith. 10). 68 no. With respect to the ruins Rawlinson. Cyprus-pillar I (II). the position of his vassal-king. those of Purnapurjas 4. king i. 136 The of the city owed its importance to its being a chief seat worship of Samas or the sun-god (comp. we regard as unquestionably the Babylonian Larsa orLarsav*in which there was a present celebrated temple of the sun. Sarg. 240 foil. 2. consult chiefly W. Gr. at Larsav-Senkereh still existed (I The temple at the time of Nabuna'id Rawl. 121 (G.

80. Accordingly we cannot doubt that the Elamite kings in the earliest times exercised a this 137 chiefly in Babylonia. North. and whose belonged to . DA (mat) MAR-TIT "ruler (?) of the West-country" (see above p. who was cer- of Elamite at origin bricks this have been discovered very Elamite We might then conclude that in dynasty of Kudurids. T. Now we are in- formed repeatedly by Asurbanipal in Smith's Assurb. 251. * See G. 10). whose image was carried original text runs thus: Assurbanipal p. 16) that he brought Elam under his sway. Next we have a very ancient Babylonian king Ku-d u-ur-Ma-b u-ug (IRawl. which had been carried off 1635 years before by a more ancient king to of Elam Kudur-Nan hundi (so written by Asurbanipal). 234. 9. 9. conquered Susan.Babylonia.122 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. that there was an Elamite deity Lagamar (La-ga-ma-ru) **. see on X. The passage in the mat Akkadi kata-gu id-du-u (root rnj). 251. Smith. 249. This supposition might be regarded as a certainty on account of the circumstance. 2 no. 114). who styles himself AD. and on that occasion brought back Babylonia an image of the goddess Nan a.) La-ga- . And if temporary hegemony be true. a-na is-ri-i-ti 14. ancient times Elamite kings had extended their conquering Mughair expeditions as far asKanaan. cylinder col. He expressly observes that this Elamite king "laid hands on the temple of Akkad"* (i. the capital of the kingdom of Elam. e. his inscriptions (G. then it is probable that the above tainly Kudur-Mabug. IV. Ill). pp. and it would also be extremely probable that the Elamite king in the Bible Kedorlaomer mentioned belonged to this Elamite dynasty of Kudurids. * The inscription of the king Kuter-Nachchunti line 3 bears direct testimony to the worship of the deity Lagamar [written (det. 70.

185. 1871 p. Astronomical-table subscriptions III Rawl.* inscriptions Smith) appears unwar- ^tnR Tid ( dl. Stud. (written Di-ma-as -ki) maska (Di-mas-ka) and sometimes in the form Di- and also Dim mask a (Dim(I mas-ka). 138 In Assyrian the name of the pt^tai city appears with as well as without the duplication of the second radical. 6. Theol. Kudur- Mabug ranted. Rawl. name Kedorlaomer in Greek assumes second part with the XodoHoyopOQ which completely name Lagamar. so far as I can see. 48 71. textes choisis II * See Oppert in Theol. p. without of the further grounds. The strange word Guti or Kuti frequently referred to in the inscriptions of the Assyrians and whose abode should be sought in the North-East (not the West) of Babylonia on the Median On this people see further on Ezek. (G. To identify Kudu r-L a g a m a r with the (Kedor- La6mer). frontier. 4. and is ingeniously connected with the tribe or meaning. XXIII.GENESIS XV. 23. by name of a race. p. off 123 VI. and that the the form with others from Susa by Asurbanipal (V Rawl. 33 . Rawlinson as also the Sir races. Assurb. from any conjecture whether as to origin is D?1H occurring among other taken H. name we names of refrain With respect to this king of the heathen. XV. 511. Lenormant. . 364. 35). the term Damaskus in the Assyrian ma-ri] among the Elamites. Respecting the sibilant comp. . See Rammannirar 21 No. Geschichtsf. my Keilinsch. u. Khorsab. more coincides in its In the present state of investigation further or definite information cannot be given. 121. und Kritik. col. 33). See the inscription in Oppert. Fr. It should also be observed that. Studien und Kritiken 1871 p. It appears sometimes in the form D i m aski 2. Damaskus.

which is probably "Fortress Imfrisu" (Layard 50. I Rawl. so often interchanged with the former. . is like that of bit in mat Humri 1 alongside of the form s m&t Bit Humri. inscriptions designates only the and not the kingdom of Damaskus rians in as well. 5. count them". my 195). is ex- pressly named Damaskus (comp. capital . The omission gar . 323 foil. ** The latter name is of the word fuller evidently the see on more complete. For. in reading a the first it syllable of the is Kings XVI. X. 50. 9. Gar -g amis. . conclud- ing essay pp. Mari'. evidence. 17. 9. Rasunnu. Keilinsch. This word can be gar. (See Assyr. has in until it is supported by documentary to the sense. in place of g a r i. but never of the sign for sa which was so commonly employed not the omission of a syllable. Furthermore. e. Berlin 1880 No. 15 XIII. Babyl. . in the first place. : names of places**). 139 In the inscriptions are to be read the names of the kings of Damaskus: Ha dad. for the See also for further information Is. 103). 35. 4 D)^n vjyb? We meet with the same comof heaven". III Bawl. 1 2 Kings VIII. see on 1 Kings XX. . p. a. the The latter is expressed by the Assyname (mat) Imiri-su (as for example in while its Salmanassar's obelisk 98. 24 XV. Kar-kamis Kar-Sarrukin and comp. 280. Sa-imiri-su. D^Dpten "10P "count the stars. the omission of the sign in certain cases indicates the omission of a word that is not in itself necessary by Delitzsch Parad. No. expressed in * See further on this subject in Assyr. cannot however be by the Assyrians and was on the former sign latter ibid. 16*) or the kingdom is called (m&t) Gar-Imiri-su. T. Kespecting the kings of Damaskus Benhadad Hazael Rezin. though preferred my opinion but slight probability. Haza'ilu. "like the stars whether you are able to Comp. XXII. . 23. other . Kar-Dunias. 37. Syllabary.124 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE city. what is more. 0. 321. parison also in Assyrian and. The possible name. XXVI. see notes on above passages.'idri or Ramman-'idri. . we have up to the present time in the first syllable evidence only of the sign which is to read also as gar. or 10.

"father" (abu). "I his away" numerous prisoners. i. Smith's Assurbanipal 87. "like the stars of heaven". 32. sing. kima MUL ami changes for ka-ak- ka-bi-is a a-mi e. XVII. same words." XIX. The rnilO singular is 67. just as in Hebrew and Aramaic. 211. III. numbering 11. D V"U9 carcases. the foil. 12 the above i. l^nn Ids sons-in-law. father" and a form see (2 ^) meaning "grandsibtu (fOW) meaning "grandmother". tab? 10tf*3 and he said in his heart e. is 14. "1J. The pronunciation of the sign may be inferred from a comparison of this passage with another in the inscription of Nehucadnezar at London in which col. lives also meet with it several times in the syllabaries.9. It may be inter- esting to note that the root 3^ properly "gray" then "to be old. he read just the same phrase in thought Smith's Assurban. pag-ri Asurn&sirh. We read Asurn&sirhabal sa kiraa carried 43: sal-la-su kab-ta alpi-su lu si-ni-su kakkabi saini mf-nu-ta la i-su-u i. 42. where. "so he thought to himself. is pa-gar rD^'3 at advanced age. We "good old fellow". Assyrisch-Babyl. fsuo "grandfather".pl. not). however. is in Assyrian. the common expression for this conception. hoary" as in the Syr. e. 66 should be erased). "brother" (ahu). II. e.GENESIS XV. 87: ki-a-am ik-bi it-ti lib-bi-su to himself. abstracts. precisely the III. beside the words for "son" also (maru. . We "so he said in his heart" i. Theplur. like his oxen also to his small cattle which the stars* of heaven were not is be numbered (properly. and in modern Syriac MO-OS in the sawuna Assyrian language. 17. 15. XVII. 125 col. The same word hatan employed by the Assyrians to denote the husband of the * Kakkab "star" is here written with the ideogram MUL. 41 (IRawl. Keilinschr. hablu). or their V we likewise have sibu 140 reference II Rawl. 21). 213 (where.

35) line 10. 39. 53. daughter. 259." (Var. e. TiglathHiPileser II (II Rawl. . We : read in Smith's Assurban. 14- 18e. . T.). i. 24 rabi-tuv sa si-it san-si "the great sea which is nap ah (Aram. 14? is of Moab ad (perhaps to see loc. 37. II Rawl. 313V and similar names) In the second passage we mentioned as king of Moab. uMa-'-a-ab. and sal am. also (?) salam (Hebrew Q^#). In the passage there reference to a king Ka-(ma?)-as (?)- hal-ta(?). (Im-ba-ap-pi) ha. 37. Comp. 208.-ab under the name Ma-'ba. at the setting of the sun". "as far as the great as far as the great at the rising of the sun. Sanherib Taylor-cylind. tim-tuv comp. NiT Wft$r\ the sun 23. 69: (the land of Media) sa pa-ti nisi A-ri-bi ni-pi-ib san-si "which at the frontier of the Arabs of the rising of the sun". used for the "setting" e. also 109. g. 1 below (ha-ta-nu). In the first passage Kammusue. M See Taylor's Cyl.tan Um-man-alda -si "(Imbappi) the son-in-law of Ummanalhad risen. of the sun. DNlD appears also on the monuments of Niniveh a. 68 (VRawl. V. comp. M ' . find mention be identified with last ofSalamanu as king )^$ Hosea X. is In Assyrian also there sense of the rising 7 NUN (= NSP) employed in the specific I. Rammanirar (I Rawl. '-a-ba. 67 line 60). 121 288. II. ul-tu si-it san-si a-di i-rib san-si "from the rising of the sun to the setting (my) of the sun". e. alsoKhorsab. 2) das das. pDJ?) used for the "rising" of the sun. nadbi is Kamos-nadab (comp. Smith's Assurbanipal 31. 13: a-di ili ti^m-tiv rabl-tiv sa na-pah san-si a-di ili ti&m-tiv at the rising of the sun".126 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Sanherib col.f. 11. IV. 144. 5 col. We also find the word rabi-tiv sa sul-mu san-si sea which sea which is is i. We read in Asarh. Similarly 144.

form one recognizes the name of the Northern king Kfty3 (1 Kings XV. XXII. HS? ?"^ ^pW "and he weighed Exactly the same mode of expression 16.GENESIS XIX. 21. 28. Jer.-Pil. Gesch. holds that the name of the king of is to be identified with 3J>Ofc. comp. found in Assyrian. 53. HD Buz. XIV.n a (n i) (Sanh.Amman follows the analogy of names like B i t- Humri person. i 127 pB# Ammon . two districts lying in neighbourhood of Northern-Arabia. 1 XXIII. (Samaria). Bazu 307. II. ibid. 2. with conand Hazu of the the immediate cuneiform inscriptions. itn his fifth son. 13. by Delitzsch Parad. the to be We read II Rawl. just as if This designation Bit. XXII. 366 note. Parad. Bit-Jakin. 2. 33). In the second passage Sanibu* is This word I am not in a position to inter- Lastly. r) Bit-Amman . see III Rawl. Pu-du-ilu is name comp. p. Delitzsch. pret. With this Keilinsch. money". ibid. with the p. Adma in Gen. . and third passage mentioned as king of Moab. written Am in a . 12b) we have Am-ma-a-[na]. 44 d: kaspai42 i-sa-kal "the money he weighs out. Asarhad. are connected siderable probability. out is 23 . XXV. Tigl. u. 7). XXI1L 38. tne name of the king . 48. ^NHl? Numbers XXXIV. I line (ir) once also (II Rawl. also recorded as the name of an Ammonite In Israelite col. Job XXXII. Indeed we sometimes also find the determinative of Ammon were a person prefixed to the In the p. name first Amman. in an inscription of the elder Salmanassar (II) is Ba-'-sa king. 8 this 95. I Rawl." The word Sj?^ shekel has not yet been made out phone- Ammon Sauibu of * Fr. is named in the inscriptions - (mat or . second son of Nachor. 294. described as such.

was valued in later times by the Babylonians and Assyrians It should be remarked. This was the its value in Assyria and Babylonia. But after the investigations of Brandis (Miinz-. Berl. pp. in payments of money. for in frequently employed (iixloq the Graeco-Persian 6'r/loq. XIV. ultimate Assyrio-Babylonian origin the name. e. pp. T. this last however. or properly speaking on the imperial or standard-weights (lions ducks) disco. the original talent of 3600 shekels (the mina being reckoned at 60 shekels) formed the basis of computation. not only among the Assyrians and From the Babylonians. I ma-na sa sarru "a mina of at Niniveh. We th have just spoken of the shekel as the 60 part of a mina. the Greek didrachmon) b\)$ denoted th the 50 part of a mina.) it wichtswesen in Vorderasien.128 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE know. (Brandis ibid. which is quite (Tj^n )DN 2 Sam. 0. that mentioned talent was only employed when money was weighed. as it did originally as it among the Babylonians. HSvered weight is designated as imperial by the additional phrase "of the king" e. Among Hebrews (comp. "to weigh" is it was also an Assyrian term Moreover the root sakal Lastly certainly points to an Assyrian. Mafs- und Gefoil. but rather 3000 shekels. "pB DJB "mina of the king" (Aramaic text). i. the . but also in the Old Testament. g. former weight (which was lighter also in the silver piece as far as the shekel itself is concerned) the latter or heavier weight was distinguished by the name of "the royal weight" This phrase. and the talent consisting of 60 minas contained therefore not 3600 shekels. 53 foil. I tically. 1866. as far as in the Assyrian inscriptions. 103). In statements respecting weight. 26). unintelligible in the Old Testament. 43 can scarcely be doubted that th for the 60 part of a mina. Upon these. is illustrated by the Assyrian monuments.

the king" (Assyrian text) p. 129 in see the inscription no.37 (Hebrew) grammes coincides with the present two-pound weight of 1000 grammes to all intents and purposes. we may.) or 60 X 16. 11 222 . 14. the Hebrew gold-shekel. (plate 185 6 p. not merely to reduce In fixing the standard for the it to a proportion of we have 13% silver to 1 gold in relation to the gold-shekel. XVI. 5). of the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society also -]te M II no. pB "two minas of the king" for this is 220 the The above mentioned term in second Book of Samuel weight simply an adoption of soil. to 1). 95. gold-shekel amounted to 16. in other words. From a statement in Josephus (Arch. had simply to take into account the proportional value of 144 9 . coincides in main with the above Assyrian shekel-weight. yet according to the results established same thing does not hold true silver-shekel. measure.37 Brandis ibid. grammes is weight pp. It evident that both shekels were fundamentally the same. but at the same time to get a silver piece which would possess the quality of being If we "handy" or. to the is and correspond essentially 16. Hebrew (J. that the Jewish gold mina was equivalent 2Vi Roman pounds (= 818. Now while.57 that the in conclude.GENESIS XXIII. as opposed to the lighter money-weight. And it weight German "Loth" weighing less evident that the no Mina- of 60 shekels = 60 X 16.83 grammes standard 7. imperial measure. such a mode of expression into to Hebrew The phrase full. . heavy.67 grammes. the and certainly also the Hebrew shekel-weight. as has already been shown. grammes).83 (Babyl. Accord- "royal weight" would seem denote the ing to the imperial weights discovered at Niniveh. 102). in like by Job. the Babylonian shekel-weight amounted to 16. on the other hand. Brandis the manner of the Hebrew latter. adapted for commerce.

the two precious metals we should have an entire coin of ISVs X 16. weighing 14. what has already been stated with reference According to the money-shekels. money nearly Hebrew 2.37 to x 50 the = by multiplying by 50. shekels that of weight-talent and 3000 shekels in that of the as a weight.55 grammes. so far as the coinage is concerned. gold-shekel would be equivalent the silver-shekel to about half-a-crown while the i. and 14. as well as in and 'Gewichte'.weight. on the one hand. 'SekeP and 'Talent'. 5. Riehm's Handworterbuch des . in the specimens that weight of 14. When amount the is shekel. to 43. about 6750 and also 145 'Geld* the silver.83 grammes = 224. 0. the mina may be obtained. to 49.130 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE . 14. 818. to money -talent) accordingly amounts. Compare the articles 'Mine'. 5 e.5 grammes basis corresponding to of comparison . in The the talent of 60 minas . gold. and as the silver-talent.2 grammes would have weighed nearly circumstances the it quarter of a pound. still as the silver to the gold-shekel. silver-shekel.55 x 50 727. as the gold-talent.96 The fracand 7. weighing 22.. This gives 16.5 grammes (see above). reducing in this entire way pieces.22 grammes respectively.. the value of to .932 kilogrammes.110 kilogrammes.talent would amount to 3000 x 2. 58.650 According to the present kilogrammes.44 and 11.48 grammes respectively. piece corresponding Even the half- piece of 112. T.4 grammes.talent to about 375. piece into fractional tional piece for the exist. Under to these of was and the necessary to resort divisions entire piece choose fractions say Yio or Vis.96 grammes became the standard silver-shekel Hebrew exhibits to an average which. on the other. and the the corresponding = gold-shekel. we must 3600 multiply by 60 to so that the mzVm-weight would (or 982 grammes.

IV. 2.to in the Sa-ba-'. which Abraham took departure. cause you to Tjay thy hand under my thigh that I may swear by Jahve &c. infc'?} same lu in Smith's l^tfl they ate and drank. ate (and) drank". 110 113. comp. 4. XXV.GENESIS XXIV. (I Rawl. 3. 16. of the Babylonian in Lepsius' 131 Respecting the fractional weights their designation. which were set up as frontier and boundary marks the portion corresponding to the glans never bears an inscription. is It should be observed that the inscrip- tion always placed on the portion of the conical stone . see mina and my essay Aegyptische Zeitschrift 2 Chron. the large conical stones. 227. 1878 at pp. 54. NDltf. and to avenge it if violated (see Dillmann ad loc.). 100 drachmas. resulting from the rite of cir- usage merely symbolizes an invocation to posterity. or whether this But I wish to point out that in his Ur-Mughair the place from . I do not propose to determine whether the usage alluded-to in this passage points to a phallus-worship or to a special sanctity of the organ of generation. like Dedan. and of Ismi-Dagan &c. We 6. read just the 21): f-ku- i-tu-u "he XXV. as well as in other ruined towns of Chaldaea. On the later Greek valuation of the mina IX. VI). to guard the oath that has been offered. see the comment on 2. cumcision. and symbolic figured representations. verse 9. phalli made of clay have been see above p. We have here merely religious .Arabian tribe in this passage. which It is this 9* . it A North. next to which Northappears Arabian Sabaea that is referred. Bibllschen Altherthums. discovered with inscriptions ofUruk(? 77 foot- note*) of Nur(?)-Rammn. 68 (V Rawl. I. Assurb.. XXIV. which extends as far as the glans while the exposed glans Also on on the other hand never exhibits an inscription.

however. pp. This Midianite Epha should with Delitzsch of Parad. in in later times in close relation to the mother-country. explain the appearance of is Sabaeans in North. X.r a i. at all events. supposition would satisfactorily .. Berlin 1881. Gesch. e. !"!'#. Haipa** Respecting the "Ladauum and Palm" &c. u.Arabian Mas'aeans and Thematites. which gifts he had likewise In this nothing received from the above-mentioned tribes. pp. 87 foil. as well as the remarks above on chap. and see further in Keilinsch. 413 ** That i8insteadofChajap(Chaiap) = Hajap (Haiap) should be . 40.Arabia. 15. Assyrian term here employed. Yet there is. Wissenschaften.Arabia also which confirmed not only by the Bible but Comp. * 304 be identified with the Hajapa. as those whom he had received tribute in the form of camels and spices * among other things. 4. nothing to prevent us from assuming that the power of the South-Arabian Sabaeans extended a considerable distance Northwards at the time of Tiglathand that they formed trading centres North-Arabia and founded settlements which remained This Pileser II and of Sargon. 27. certainly understood to be referred-to in the Sabaeans whom from Tiglath-Pileser II represents beside the unquestion- ably North. also Job I. see my essay on in the Monatsberichte der Akademie der foil. is implied which is opposed to the supposition that these North-Arabian South. 146 Sargon mentions as the land of a tributary king It-'-amAnd it is a. by the testimony of the inscriptions. been possible hitherto determine with any certainty whether those of North and South Arabia formed one large community.. 7. Sabaeans were connected with those of It has not. 261 foil. T. or whether the to former constituted a politically independent body. p.132 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Jathaamir itDNyrV Khorsab.

11. Botta 75. 104. p. 330. u. Keilinsch. Neb&j 6th. and compare Glossary sub voce as well as Delitzsch Parad. perhaps [N a-] pi -a. 147 261 foil. 22. Nabataei of the also the - Greek and Roman i - writers and Nabaitai (N a b a a 1 a a i) of the Assyrian in- scriptions (Asurbanipal). - are undoubtedly the Nabataeans. 304). p. see Keilinsch. the long a is entirely absorbed by the added . 20. pp. The name of the country was (mt) Nabaitu also Ni-ba-'-ti In one case we have (Na-ba-ai-ti). Nafiaraloi. p. u. see on verse 14. once and flNDj. 13) (Say. 3 (see Keilinsch. On the repre- sentation of the Babylonische Keilinschriften p. u. Geschichtsf.GENESIS XXV. Sabaeans (see verse 3) and also the Badanaetribe ans (Badanatha? Delitzsch). Delitzsch) on the other. and Idiba'ilaeans (see on verse on the one and the Tamudaeans side. at a ei in Pliny (V. This form corresponds more completely to the Hebrew !~iD^- ^ n *^ e race-name termination Haiappai ai. by the Assyrian h. and the Neb &j 6th in this passage of the Bible These Arabian Nebaj6th-Nabaitu have with Kedar. Gesch. to do. 17. Geschichtsf. see Assyrisch198 rem. Ishma'el. the cuneiform inscriptions. 263. Gesch.v^lrai) and Marsimanaeans (Maioaifiaveiqy see Keilinsch. 133 the This is name of a North- Arabian frequently mentioned in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser II and of Sargon along with the Masaeans. flop XXXIII. u. p. 217 and Zeitschrift der Deutschen MorgenlandiI/ Hebrew schen Gesellschaft 12. either in locality or ethnology. This people appears in the inscriptions in conjunction with the Kidrai (see below). ^NtfB^) 13. 3. Thematites. 65) with the just as the Nab Cedrei.tf. p. with whatever nothing the N a bat u (Na-ba-tu) of the inscriptions of Tiglath- written throughout Hajapa (Haipa) with final long a according to Sargon cyl.

9. The district is called 26 1. This is a name that we also meet with among the princes of mat Aribi 26 ( (see Smith's Assurbanipal 260. Astarte) 270. Gesch. 99 Tip Ked&r. p. der Deut. 19. Kid-ra-ai). 87) i. The inhabitant of Kedar is Among among 148 those the proper named Kidrai (Ki-id-ra-ai. Kidru (mat Ki-idsee Bellino-cylinder in a. 104. as The latter race appears a subdivision i.134 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Sargon and Sanherib. 293 (4 th See "Atar (Athare. 92. our attention attracted not only by which evidently are of Arabic type. VBD"TO = ptfiny b. Gesellsch. Morgenl. . 271. of the deity Atar-samajin (A-tari. 271 > 106 )- this last see Keilinsch.87. Pileser II. Protest. 287. these tribes. also a. Ammuladin and Jauta'.87) i. ri). names and especially the names of kings is the Kedarenes. of the the Babylonian 0. Aramaeans 116.) Baudissin.ed.I. that pre(7 vailed among i. e. remarks in Zeitsch. u. Arimu) e. 53. u. 290. . among which there also occurs a > Birn (ilu) Dadda name e. of see the references in Keilinsch. of the goddess 283. 9. 295. 283. Smith's Assurbanipal 288. u. . T. 283. Keilinsch. (Arumu. 288. 539. Geschichtsf.Arabian th age century and ofcourse before that) may be concluded both from the above names and from the worship. That Aramaic influence tribes at this early was exerted on these North. 31 290. p. pp. Gesch. ^Njq. des Alterthums II.Vol. Max Duncker. Babylonian Aramu . my XXVII p. Gesch. but also by one that is of unmistakeably Syrian origin. Ha-za-'-ilu (260. 539. 283. Real- encyclopaedie2. 160. The inhabitants Kedar are also fre- quently mentioned on the inscriptions of Asurbanipal along with the Nabataeans and the inhabitants of mat Aribi. 424. nrpa 1Q . of Heaven" Q. sa-ma-(ai)-in) e. ed. 95. see Smith's Assurbanipal 31. Kadru (mt Ka-ad-ri).23.

135 the tribal N Adbeel. as altogether distinct. pp. u. with the appellative signification "desert". ultimately Akkadian. See the references foil.GENESIS XXV. 364. The name Isamthis latter mi might have form. this 262 364. 95 VIII. unless we are to assume that - a a m m - i -') there was an error in orthography (D for "). In the form Isammi we first ( should rather consider that there lurks the part of the familiar name 1 ^NJ/Bt^ . Gesch. 16) in the form Mas' as in 149 MPD). gentile Mas'ai (Ma-as-'-ai). III Rawl. This writer would regard occurring close to the above form in the inscriptions of Asurbanipal. 111. Ntrn Temd. p. 2 line 39: I-diba-'il-(ai). 242. (Ti-ma-ai) mentioned in conjunction with the Tim a i * Without the final guttural. name of a North-Arabian tribe. 298 supposes. . Gesch. Rassam ( Smith's Assurbanipal 270. (KDD the and Asurbanipal (297. recognized by Delitzsch Parad. see the passages in Keilinsch. 102. (m&t) Mas or Mas*. 12: [I -]di-bi-'-i-lu 16 66. I-di-bi-[ -]i-lu. been merely an abbreviation of NE>O Massd* often occurs in the inscriptions of TiglathPileser II = Hebr. 301 in name Idibi'il. Comp. p. u. also Idiba'il in the inscriptions . JJptpp Isamml { - = (I s cyl. 201 foil. comp. p. Keil. as Delitzsch Parad. u. pp. for the great 15. f of Tiglath-Pileser II Layard 29. p. Delitzsch Parad. being a special word. Gesch. 10. Mischmd^ can scarcely be identified. with Fr. with the cuneiform 14. unquestionably the of Tiglath-Pileser II. Keilinsch. but employed by the Babylonians Syro-Arabian and Assyrians as a proper name desert.

'esteem highly' belonging to the verb ^3T. In the inscription of Santhat of Tiglath-Pileser herib Malik -ram -mu* Ka - * So the name should be read according to Assyr. 35) line 12. 13. 10. d. II. 66 col. (p/3t in this i. D'HN Edom is frequently mentioned in the Ir) where it is written (mat. Moreover Harran was also the abode of the moon-god Sin . . foil. 43. and name Zebulun meaning "honour"). NJ#B (see verse 14). u. 119 in the inscription of Rammannirar (I Rawl. pp. 48. XXX. so Delitzsch and Sayce. T.-Babyl. It is also written U-du-u-mu in lib (before [MoabJ and Ammon). comp. 1 line 3 . XXIV. and illustrated by the Assyrian (and Arabic). IV in Juda) also (II Rawl. see Keilinsch. 26 Song of Songs . Taylor-cyl. where mention made of the land . 1. See Keilinsch. Gesch. (my husband) e. Mas'ai pp. II. 6. . where it is mentioned as lying between the "land of Omri" (Samaria) and a again Asarhaddon I Rawl. Moab 150 in the enumeration) is likewise in Smith's Assurbanipal 31. also ibid. e. to Laban. to Harran. Uduml between Juda and Moab. see III Rawl. 0. The Assyrians were acquainted with a god Laban (written Laban). Palastav" i. 67) line 61 (immediately after Sanherib . XXVII. Juda). 355. Keilinsch. XXXVI. . 52. my brother . 23 XXX. The question therefore for the arises. Respecting the only suitable passage 'honour'. Pil. u. Philistia in the inscriptions of (immediately following II Rawl. inscriptions.136 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE i. . mi) Tigl. Gesch. ]^ar OrOH From this time forth honour me seeing that she called his I have indeed borne him six sons. 536. see remarks on 1 Kings VIII. 271 e. VI. Lastly Laban may have been a Semitic name of the moon "the white-gleaming". whether Laban was not originally a name moon-god of Harran. U-du-mu (mi. will 20. 258. 54 (following .n)^ Is.

1) = rnp^B~by2- Might Kostobar be Kosgabar. compare likewise the names KoOTopagos * and Ko6@aQaxo$ in Josephus and the Greek inscriptions (Keilinschr. p. u. the Assyrian Ka-us can only have corresponded to a Kanaanitish-Edomite word The not Qlp. II. I. in Miller. such proper names as Abu-Malik "Moloch col. 1 in this instance. as a rule. (when. in that of Asarhaddon Ka-us-gab-ri as kings of Edom. The name Kausmalak See occurs much later times as Ko6[taha%OQ. a name of the god Malik ("1^). e.GENESIS XXVII. 1882. Edomite divinity was therefore called not connects Hale'vy Q"jp J^l'p. partly appellative a determinative of e. Gesch. father" (III Rawl. b$W? it. according to the Ayssrian laws of phonetic interchange. as * Bil-abu-u-a my p. 109 foil. (Nold. 79). 3 a = is p. XXXVI. 21) &c. the name with the Arabic . is in Assyrian ruler. \33 Israelites. gj'ip. arch- 1870 Febr. with which we may compare other "Bel names. again in Rev. thus the name be merely identical with the Kaus_ . of Polybius (VII. pp. the inscriptions ? I mentioned in the text . 140. The name KoGTofiaQOQ has been recently explained by Paris 1882. The first resembles . = viz. The name name is Israel does not occur in the inscriptions as a general term for the Israelites. But when we bear in mind that another Edomite name GaalfiaJiog ^JQ~nSJE)i tne assumption of a transition of bal to bar is open to objection. 1 col. no. Cl\nfr? Dy^bl? and similar names in the Old Testament with the second we might compare ^P^ and with the third ^"9$. 137 us-ma-la-ka. XXX. 31. i. added) a proper name. the BctQuoxaQOi. Malik as i. so. The latter case is illustrated in father" (III Rawl. Safa. 23). are mentioned . J. 9. Nor does kingdom. Asiat. is deity and partly. and not gabri of corrupted in pronunciation from Kosgobar i. Eigenn. XIX.). 322) as in the Journ. though we have an example of this transition in the case of the Phoenician J = 489 (Essai sur les inscriptions If HaleVy du the 'truth of Baal'. e. p. ^2~lO p name is of course to be cancelled from the text. appear as the for the Northern Instead of this the name that usually employed Exc. "QJt^lp = originally "OJQIp would remark in passing that.

67.* The name Israel occurs only once on the inscriptions. where it means the kingdom of Israel. e. see remarks on 1 Kings XX. on palaeographic. 43 b. p. otherwise Botta 36. &b Ladanum (tfdavov . 1. 35. 866 as well as the other prevailing form usi &c. Geschichtsforschung should be erased). 113. 356 371. 52. 28 &c. 95. 25. (II Similarly we have Sapi' well as Tiglath Pileser Sapija ibid. Comp. 11P1 Hadad 2.138 is THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE i. . 29). linguistic and historical Israel is grounds. 31 17. Compare mentioned also Sargon Khorsab. The verb substantive of the same root exist also in Assyrian. in the name of this country.. Gesch. XXXVII. u. and is then provided with a personal determinative (as in the case of the inscription of Rammannirar) and also is not regarded as such. Tiglath Pileser II as ladavov) by a Syrian tribute-offering under the * Besides Humri in we have also the II's form III Humri a. and n:n report. pp. . 37. ibid. root T1D) he devised against me". T. mat Bit-Hum ri e. 61 We read in Smith's Assur- da-bab sur-ra-a-ti it-ti-ja (literally id-bu-ub "treacherous plots "a plot of insur- rections". 35. inscriptions usia Rawl. the inscriptions of Sargon Botta 16. may be read in my Keilinsch. land of the House . "he of Israel" The justification (see the passage on 1 Kings XVI. 19).) com- pare above Bit-Amman "House of Ammon" or m&t Humri "land of Omri" in the inscription of Kamannirar 151 line 12. banipal 266. Humri is both understood as Moreover. for this reading. 60. 0. 23) as Rawl. an actual personal name. Keilinsch. . 366 (where in line 1 Bit-Humri u. and is then left unprovided with the determinative (as in the case of Sargon's inscr. on the monolith of Salmanassar II in which Ahab of spoken of as (m ftt) Sir'lai i. originally name of an Aramaic divinity. secret plot. with the latter signification. name evil of an Edomite king. viz. I Rawl. Omrl (as in .

Delitzsch (Parad. 31. just as O - we also meet with the form tar pi' for p. see the reference in Berl. the advance of my army. Monatsber. 32: Tar-ku-u i. also [W. 43. Ebers. 23. however.). however. (V 2) after Ni' = pp. 558.pO. 1881 pp. 11. Dv^ peace to you. see Gesen. N6-Thebes (see Delitzsch Parad. S^pCU &c. |K. 45.. 4). 318 foil. IN? Nile appears as the also in the cuneiform inscriptions in the form Jaru'u. XLIII. ^~ON. 419. a city of nothing to tioned Lower Aegypt. an ingenious way with the Assyr. from the fact is still that this term itself uncertain both as to origin and meaning.GENESIS XXXVII.. the Heliopolis of theLXX and classical writers. "Tir'haka. which. 413418. abandoned Thebes Ancient Aegyppassed over ("OJJ) the Nile. Akad. see G. has do with the Upper Aegyptian (ir) U-nu men- on the Rassam-cylinder of Asurbanipal II. scure fern. nr Ja-ru-'-u i-bir e. the comparison of an Assyrian does not at all word in this case commend itself to my judgment. read in 1. pp. . 23 Rawl. plant ]EJ3 D^lp3 pistachio nuts. Monatsberichte 1881. XLL XLIIL 139 name ladanu (Layard 45. who heard of his capital. 2. ir Ni-' ir dan-nii. Thes. name of this river XLI. The name of the "pistachio" also appears in the inscriptions in the form butnu. die Bticher Mose's I. 342) connects this ob- word a in bra kk at. tamarisk ^Jo.ti-su u-mas-sir. Aegypten u. a-lak ummni-j a is-mf-f. Koptic I<J. abarakku Quite apart. in the allied languages (Arabic and Aramaic). DD^ See Berlin. in Hebrew an address of encouragement." tian aur (properly "river"). 225. We sai52 Smith's Assurbanipal 4 1. 337 foil.

pp. and perhaps for this reason with the addition "king of Aegypt". Respecting jsi. and moreover. See here again. We read at the head of of Asurbanipal (Khorsab. I. . rfbqty rviD^q "garments for changing" (see XLV. 112 and comp. 0.-Babyl. 49 g. see Assyr.140 as is THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE well known. 252 foil. In respect a dispensa- of the latter use. "apparel" II Rawl. sul-mu ai-si lib-ba-ku-nu ibid. the usual form of salutation. 3. 22. pp. Compare the similar phrase in Sanherib Bellino-cylinder line 63: A-na arak umi i-na sarr&-ni habli-ja sa Asur ana ri-iuv-ut mti u nisi i-nam-bu zi-kir-su e. i. my descendants. the phrase also employed in Assyrian stands closely tion related. Studien I (1874) p. 408. 25. Dillmann). 3): sul-mu ja-a-si lib-ba-ku-nu "my good wishes to you !" = "my salutation I offer you. 9 as-tur-ma a-na ah-rat u-mf f-zib [at its "(the tablet) I wrote and left it (31V) place] for the future days"." Comp. tioned in a of articles of apparel We find men- na-ah-lap-tuv. in the future XLIX. 1139 in Smith's Assurb. DW rnq? time. II. aisi "I" and libba pS) "over". the future of days.. 189. "In i. EXODUS. he whose name Asur proclaims over land and people" &c. riin^ Pharao occurs also in the Assyrian texts. We read in Smith's Assurbanipal 318. 2. 108. just as in Hebrew. just as we find in the Old Testament. simply as a proper name. Norris Diet. 1 . 40. T. 291 foil. e. Assyr. under the kings to rule . The Assyrians list also employ the root *)^n to express garments or kinds of garments. We also meet with just the same form of expression in Assyrian. 259 rem. 1. See Delitzsch. 153 Keilinsch. h i-i t-1 u-p a-t u v "change-garment".

HZ5J Q# a foreign people. the Assyrian satar was sar Rawl. V. Behist. III. VI. LI. IX. 27. which has passed over into Hebrew in the form ^PQIO. definitely the position of this spot. his heart was obstinate". The inscripalso mention a district (mounevidently identical in tain?) which is name with the above. 6. obstinate so that they offered resistance". XIV. its hospes= hostis. compare It is worth while to observe that Q^. 91: a-na la na-si-i bil-ti lib-su ik-buto bring ud "so as no tribute. dip-gar. In Assyrian the corresponding word nakir plur. The name of an Aegyptian city situated in the tions of Tiglath Pileser II neighbourhood of the Red Sea.154 &c. nakiri had already acquired the more special (?) signification "enemy". EXODUS Khors.GENESIS XLV. 141 V. mat Mu-su-ri "Pir'u king "So onjSB Hing 1 Kings III. 8.).). 22. We al-tur "I wrote". lath Pileser col. namely Ba-'-li-sa-bu-na (see Keilinsch. with the &c. 1 &c. V. Similarly Khorsab. the 6. see on Jer. But it is not possible to determine more pp. 7: ik-bu-ud lib-ba-su-nu a-na i-bis tukmati "their heart was IX. XXI. meaning "to write". 98. 7. (see inscription of Infin. indeed meaning is Comp. was also employed meet with the forms is-tur "he wrote". ]iD bys. 70. col. 2. 33. XIV. Lat. u. satar 53 (sa-ta-ri) "write" Van K. Khorsab.lpiP writers. which is apparently quite distinct from the above Aegyptian site. Accordingly the "tablet-writer" was named in Babylonio-Assyrian dup-sar. XLIX. 9. Tig. XXI. Taylor-cyl. 27:Pi-ir-'-u sar of Aegypt" . 8. I. 397 foil. Gesch. verb "ltO$ which exists in all in Assyrian. The Akkadian (III equivalent of 78). more nearly . riing) lb stinate. "I2pv) and the heart of Pharao was obSanherib Comp. Semitic languages excepting Hebrew . root (Q^p) Khors.

U?S 'Aoan. NUMBERS. was represented. . its the Assyrians there 1. 4. in place of inscriptions of the Achae- menidae which the plural nikru. the inscriptions position in the Assy- have not yet yielded precise information. 21. In Smith's Assurb. 182: "violet-blue red purple. Thus inscription of Samsi-Ramman (I Rawl.3) especially in an applied sense. existed a "7J7E Moloch. " I9J1N) J 1 ??^ violet-blue (Ed. expressed by "rebel". LEVITICUS." The if jasper can scarcely be meant. 22. 142. 65 &c. nur light 3 occurs also in Assyrian in the form S in the (comp. Respect- ing the character of this deity and rian Pantheon. list of sequence and ta-kil-tu ar-ga-man-nu 20. II Rawl. T. 290. god Malik. XXXVI. Hincks) in a 155 connection. Berl. 19. Comp. 3. See on Is. Monatsberichte 1879 p. probably the agate. gents". 113 the god "Bel. nakru another form is nikruti "enemies". give. Arab. ^. XIII. XXVIII. "insurgent". "13 Khors. of nakiru. 28 no. The corresponding Assyrian is sa-bi-1. 14: all matat na-ki-ri ka-li-sun The "the lands of (rebellious) enemies". "insurand red purple we read coloured materials in the same signification XXV. Behist. compare for example Khorsab. 32) line 11 Samas is designated as the "light of the gods". see on Among Gen. 5 line 27 kunukku sa sa-bi-i "seal of agate. 155. 11." XXVII. XIX. we by another ideogram. "Q!^ a precious stone. son of = Bel" bears the same epithet.142 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. XVIII. for this are not mistaken. Akad. 43 V Rawl.

E.\

XXV.XXVII. LEV. XVIII. NVM.XIII.XXII.XXIII.XXIV. 143

XXII.
town
in

5.

Tin? Pethor, according
,

to

Deut. XXIII. 5 a

"Mesopotamia"
"Tpfn'^Jf.

situated like
raa 7
-

Karkemish "on the
to

Euphrates"

I*
i - i

De

conjectured

be the

t r u P i t r u (P *) of the Assyrian inscriplike Karkemish itself, on the which be should tions, placed, Western bank of the Euphrates and also on the Sadshur

same

as the

156

,

(the

Sagura, Sagurri

of the inscriptions) which empties
;

itself into

the Euphrates from the West Salmanassar's Obelisk II Layard 89 line 37 foil.; Monolith of Karch HI Bawl. 8. II, 36. 37 (comp. Keilinschriftt. u. Gesch.
pp.

140

foil.;

220

foil.).

The

first

passage reads thus:

n.

Bu-rat

a-na m. Assur u-sah as-bat; s a nir am-ma-[ti] s a n. Bu-rat, s a ili n a r S a gur-ri sa nisi Hat-ta-ai ir Pi-it-ru i-ka-busu-ni a-na ra-ma-ni-ja as-bat i. e. "I crossed over
i-bir,
ir
(root
"121;)

the Euphrates, the city (Til-Barsip)

I

carried

away
side

(root DDJ) to Assyria, I took;

what was on the other
river Sagurri
,

of the Euphrates,

what was upon the

what

the Syrians call (HDp) city (of) Pitru, I took in possession
for

myself",

see

Keilinsch. u. Gesch. pp.

220

foil,

note,

and compare Delitzsch Parad. p. 269. XXIII. 22. Den, see on Deut. XXXIII. 17.

XXIV.

22.

?|3I^

"VHSte

HD 1#

Till

when?t/ien

will

Assyria carry thee forth captive. statement about the Kenites, to whom
they should be carried

The passage
it is

contains a

threatened that

away

by the Assyrians.

This threauttered, the

tening presupposes that, at the time

when

it

was

Assyrians had already acquired in Western Asia an imposing
position of superiority.
* This

It is

now

generally supposed that

is

which
p.

is

to

not to be confounded with the P i t u r u of Aurn3,sirhabal, be sought for in quite another region; Keilinsch. u. Gesch.
p.

221 note,

184.

144

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE
had
as
their

0.

T.

the words

Pileser (II) or that of

background the age of TiglathSargon and Sanherib; and the inof the
first

ference

is

drawn from

this that a redaction

four

books of the Pentateuch
the 8
th

was made
this
is

in the

second half of

century B. C.

But

not a sufficiently war-

ranted conclusion.

We

contact with Assyria at
the former

know now that Israel came in a much earlier period, and that
to Assyria as far

was

in fact tributary

back as

in the ninth century.
157

For example, not only does king

(who according to the Assyrian Canon of Rulers reigned from 812 to 783 B. C.) mention in a list of kingdoms that were tributary to him the "land
of Assyria
Philistia

Rammannirar

Omri" (m&t Humrl) along with Sidon, Tyre, Edom and in (I Rawl. 35 line 12); not only do we find

the cuneiform inscriptions a generation earlier that "Jehu,

son of Omri" offered tribute to Salmanassar II (2 Kings

IX. 2)
9
th

;

but

we

also learn

from the inscription of Asur-nasir-

habal (885

860)

that as early as in the first half of the

century the whole of Phoenicia was overrun

by the

The king Assyrians and made tributary. III. 84 foil.: ina umi-su-ma si-di

states in col.

sd

Lab-na-na

a-na ti&m-di 85. rabt-ti sa mat Ahar-ri lu-u i-li. Ina ti&mti rabl-ti tukl&ti-ja
lu as-bat;
lu u-lil-lu; niki

ana ila-ni lu as-bat; ma-da-tu sa sarra-ni sa si-di tiamti 86. sa mat Sur-ra-ai mat Si-du-na-ai mat Gu-bal-ai mat Ma-hal-lata-ai matMa-i-za-ai matKa-i-za-ai mat A- ha rra-ai u ir Ar-va-da 87. sa kabal timti kaspi, mahurasi, an&ki, siparri, KAM siparri da-ta-su-nu am-hur, sfpa-ja is-bu-tu e. "At
i.

that time I took possession of the boundaries of
I

Lebanon
;

;

marched away

to the great sea of the

West country

on

NUMERS

XXIV.

145
faithful ones

the great sea I gathered together

my

;

I of-

fered sacrifices to the gods; the tribute of the princes of

the sea-boundaries:

namely of the Tyrians,

Sidonians,

Byblians, Machallataeans, Maizaeans, Kaizaeans, of those of the West-country and of Arados which is in the midst
,

of the sea: bars of silver, gold, lead and copper, objects (?)

My feet they copper I received as their tribute. We see that, as early as about the middle embraced." and end of the 9 th century, a writer might very well threaten the Kenites with evils from Assyria. Accordingly this
of
158 passage would not stand in the way of the assumption that the redaction of the pre-Deuteronomic Pentateuch belonged
to the last quarter of the 9
th

century B. C.*

24.
the
that

Under

these circumstances

we

are not surprised

by

threatening pronounced in
ships

this

verse against Assur,

from

the

Kittians

would oppress Assur and
it

Eber.

We

should rather consider

quite natural that,

when even

the proud commercial cities of Phoenicia, Sidon

to bow to the superior power of was Assyria, help expected from quite another quarter, That we have no information of namely the Kittians.

and Tyre were compelled

Assyrian power cannot occasion us any surprise. Indeed it was only from the cuneiform inscriptions that we learnt that Sidon and Tyre were compelled at all at this early period to do homage

any enterprise of the

latter against the

to Assyria.

Respecting the Kittians see on X. 4.

*

De Wette-Schrader,

p. 205.

We

do

not

th ed. 1869, Einleitung in's Alte Testament, 8 dwell here upon a still more ancient passage

above
is

occurring in an inscription of Tiglath-Pileser I, which we communicated in the note on Gen. X. 6 (p. 73), since the event there referred-to
too long anterior to the period here spoken
of.

10

146

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE
5.

0. T.

XXXIV.

Dnjfp

to

brook

of Aegypt

,

the

present

Wadi-el-Arish, as na-hal mat

occurs also in the cuneiform inscriptions Mu-us-ri "brook of Aegypt", the

frontier-stream towards that country; see Sargon, cyl. 13;

Asarhaddon Ann. Ill Rawl. 35 no. 4; Delitzsch Parad. p. 310.

DEUTERONOMY.
III. 9.
159 as

]V^

Siryon and TJjp Senir are here mentioned
for one

and the same thing, the former name given by the Sidonians, the latter by the Amorites Both to the mountain called by the Hebrews "Hermon".
two
distinct

names

names occur among the Assyrians, the first in the form Sira-ra (comp. note on 1 Kings V. 13), the other in the
form Sa-ni-ru
pp. 536
foil.

(III

Rawl. 5 no.
variant

6,

45) Keilinsch.

u.

Gesch.

The

\^$

Ps.

XXIX.

6 does not in

reality exist.

IV. 16. tap (arising out of tao 2 Chron.
15, for which
for an

XXXIII.

7.

we

also

have ^pp Ezek. VIII.

3. 5) the

term
In

image of a divinity or for divinities themselves.

Assyrian

samulluv

is

the

name

for a tree or

wood.

With

the sign for deity prefixed, the corresponding ideogram

appears also in the

name

of a divinity which

is

identified

in a syllabary with the designation of the

sun-god

Sam as.

my essay Zur babyl.-assyr. Chronologic des Alex. Polyhist. und des Abyd. in "Berichte der Kon. Sachs. Gesellsch.
See
der Wissensch."

1880

p. 2.
It

XVI.

10.

npt? number.

has been supposed that this
in the
"it is

word occurs

in Assyrian in the form mistu, namely mis-ta la- a isu-u "a number is not" phrase
col. I.

=

not to be numbered" Asurnasirhab.
the parallels in III. 43,

88.

But from
same sense:

where we read

in the

NDMBEBS

XXXIV.

DEUT.

III. IV.

XVI.

XXL

XXXII.

147

mi-nu-ta la i-su-u (mfnut from
a to

man a

!"D

"to divide"

number"),
12.

MIS

is

rather to be considered as an ideo-

gram; comp. Haupt

no.

436.

XXI.

]"15

nail (of the finger) occurs in the cognate

Ooj

languages

(y& /f /
4).

n

^)

as

we ^

as

the latter the

word assumes
This
is

the form

n Assyrian. In Kawl. su-pur (III
*

48

no. 1

not a case of quid pro quo, as

is

shown
visible

at the present

on the

tablets.

day by These impressions were made by
present or

the impressions of nails clearly

the persons

who were
7.

who took

part in the trans-

actions with which the

document was concerned.
In Hebrew, as
1

XXXII.
occurs.

fyfoj?

years.

is

well known,

the masculine form of the plural D'Ofc

is

that which usually

So

also

in

Aramaic

and Arabic.

We

should

therefore expect also in Assyrian this masculine form of
the
plural.

But

in

always feminine.
col.

We

Assyrian the form of the plural read it as sanat e. g. Tigl.-Pil.
sing,

is

I

VI, 97 (san&-ti)
ti^

sattu,

constr.
It

st.

sanat.

10.

|1^5

as the apple of his eye.

is

worthy of

remark that the Assyrians also call the "apple of the eye" the "little man" viz. nisit a new feminine formation from
nis "man".

We

meet with
1
,

it

in the Standard-inscription

of Asurnasirhabal line
as ni-sit
i.

Bll u

Adar

which the king styles himself "apple of the eye to Bel and Adar"
in

e.

object of their protection.
1,

Also in Sargon's cylinder-

inscription I Rawl. 36.

in

himself

still

more

distinctly

ni-sit ini

which the king designates A-nuv u Da-kan
(for the

"pupils of the eyes of

Anu and Dagon"

remainder

of the opening of

this inscription see the

remarks on Isaiah

XLI.
*

25).*
to Fr. Delitzsch

According

in

Zeitschrift

fur kirchliche

Wissen-

10*

148
17.

THE CUNEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE

0. T.

DH#

the

She dim.
are

passage as demons,

The Shedim, appearing without doubt the stdu

in this

of the

to

This word was originally employed Assyrian inscriptions. denote those divinities which were represented in the
colossal bulls.

monuments by

The corresponding ideogram
(good and bad),

similarly designates in general the genius

On the sibilant see my Assyrian utukku. Norris 688.* remarks in Monatsberichte der Berl. Akadernie der Wissenschaften

1877

p. 92.

XXXIII.
rendering)

17.
is

Din

buffalo (according to the traditional
sort

some

of wild

antelope

,

perhaps the

antilope leucoryx, or else the wild ox, Arab.
insch. u. Gesch. p.

mah&
i.

(Keil-

137 rem.).

The name

is

undoubtedly
e.

the

same

as the Assyrian

rimu (ri-i-mu)
Compare

the

name

of the wild ox, perhaps of the wisent or buffalo
u.

;

Keilinsch.

Gesch. pp. 135 footnote**.

also F.

Hommel,

161 die

Namen

der

Saugethiere bei den

sudsemit. Volkern,

Leipzig 1879 p. 227.

JOSHUA,
X.
1.

D|?& n] Jerusalem

J

is

found mentioned in the cunei-

form inscriptions up to the present time only in the records of Sanherib (Taylor-cylinder col. III. 8. 20. 32; III Rawl.
12, 27. 29). written with
in

Here the name
s

is

Ur-sa-li-im-mu(ma),

(D) instead of

Assyrian.

The

city

is

being a foreign word described in the second passage
s

(#),

achaft,

Leipzig 1882, p. 125 the expression niSit ina &c. means "raising of the eyes of this or that one" i. e. he whom one looks at, one's "favourite."

*

On

the identification of

-jfcJ

with the Assyr. Si'du,
III.

see

also Fr.
p.

DelitzBch Parad. p. 153.

Comp. the remarks on Gen.

24

39

foil.

DEUTEBONOMY XXXII.
with reference to Hizkia

XXXIII.

JOSHUA

X.

XL

149

(Ha-za-ki-j a-u)
i.

as fr

sarru-

ti-su "city of
also

his

rule"

e.

"his residence." of

with

the

Assyrian

representation

the

Compare name

the

Aramaic

XV\A,JO]

(along

with

the

Biblo-Chaldaean

Likewise the name of the city Samaria came to D^ptoTJ). the Assyrians in its Aramaic form (see on 1 Kings XVI.
24).

Both may be explained from the
of the Amorites, comp.

political

and geo8. 12. 15.

graphical relations involved.
5. 6 (all) kings

XXIV.

This name, so frequently employed by the Aegyptians for Kanaan and the Kanaanites, is never to be met with in
Assyrian.
existing

Was
in

there no people with such a

name any longer
race settle

th the 9 century B. C., or did this

more

in

the South-Western

part of Palestine?

Comp.

Ed. Meyer

in Zeitschrift fur die Alt. Test. "Wissenschaft I,

1881, pp. 122 foil. Respecting the identity of the Amorites and Kanaanites see also Steinthal in Zeitschrift fur Volkerpsychologie XII. p. 267. XI. 22. !"H# Gaza, well

known

city of the Philistines,

is

frequently mentioned in the cuneiform inscriptions in the form a-zi-ti* (it, at Assyrian feminine ending =Hebr. !"!),

H

less

frequently in the other form
III

Ha-az-zu-tu (Hazzut)i62
(in

Ha-az-za-at(Hazzat)
tion of Tiglath Pileser II).

Rawl. 10, 19. 20

an inscrip-

At

the time of this last mentioned

foil.

monarch, as well as of his successor Sargon (Sarg. Khorsab. 25 &c.), there are mentioned as kings of Gaza H a-nu-nu,

Ha-a-nu-(u)-nu "Hanno", Hebr. ]1Jn "the favoured one" (2 Sam. X. 1 1 Chron. XIX. 2) in the time of Sanherib,
;
;

*

The Hebrew
comp.

by

h,

y is in other Humri "HD# 8ee
(

cases as well represented in Assyrian

below),

Hajapa, Haiapa, n

on Gen.

XXV.

4) &c. &c.

named A-hi-mi-ti e. in 'PN^P 17 &c. 24 a king of Ashdod called whose name may most readily be interpreted as ^JflP formed form rPJ-^np 163 = njflflp 2 Kings i XXIV. a Bel is protection". (ir. mat) As-du-du(di) Khoris 100. V.150 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. According to the orthography the name would signify ("Wy). 25. Asurbanipal cyl. 26. 10). 80. Ezek. 1. Hebrew The Sargon above mentioned placed king instead of Azuri i. Monatsberichte 1877 p. 90. Asarhaddon cylind. probably is to me the brave one". see Assyr. 1. 18. Neh. Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal Sil-Btl lO~8 (Sanherib Taylor-cylinder col. 23. Mi-ti-in-ti "Mitinti". Assyrian sab. I* *s "whom we have possible. The occurrence of the word "Jahve" explained in in a heathen personal name might then be as that described in somewhat the same way * The change from s (Q) to 8 (jp) takes place in accordance with a prevalent phonetic law. p. 135 no. 3 line 5) i. Compare Hebrew masculine name ^J^HN "my brother is the help" and the feminine name Djt^n^ "my brother is the meaning "brother the charm of love" &c. Keilinsch. col.* Tft&KAs/idod. 104 &c. 1 (or "brother of death" = rYiBTlK[?] Chron. III. DDTIX "brother-man" or "my brother is man". VI. 15. e. Berl. A-zu-ri there mentioned as king of Ashdod in the time of Sargon. Sanherib mentions in his annalistic inscription 51. T. Compare my essay Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's II &c. that (God) helps" here a form In that case inaccurately written for the Az-zu-ri XI. name before us would exactly correspond to the T2 Jerem. . as = 1^. II. Rassam no. XXVIII. The final iT would be shortened to as "Jahve's messenger". X. Berlin 1880 p. Bellino col. 33. (Khorsab. Bab. 111. however. 94) a brother of the latter.

]"? . 11. Asarhaddon makes mention Ashdod whose cylind. Whether indeed the Hebrew name itself of the city existing in the text may not have arisen merely by dittographia of |*nD from the original ]T\to& The (comp. mentioned above ibid. 26.) 1879 80. 13. this The proper reading by by of name has meanwhile been established the fragment of a cylinder of Asurbanipal recently discovered M r . See p. XI. p. see on 2 Kings XVIII. the inscriptions communicated the See the passages from notes on 2 Kings 164 XVIII.JOSHUA XL the note on Gen. 4. see So also Asurbanipal Rassam 3. 3. With this city we should identify ]nf?# . and South of Akzib-Ekdippa. jKNhip city on 1 Kings XX. A-hi-mil-ki. XXI. VIII. essay XII. and in the inscriptions of Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal after Byblos and Arados. see my 20. Socin (Badeker. Ekron. 18. Akad. 151 Lastly. XIII. Leipzig 1875. ]1"W otherwise not known. P~$P$? mentioned on Sanherib's Taylor-cylinder at the head of the tributary Kanaanite states and before Sidon. 1). a well known Philistine town North-East of Ashdod. 441) near to. II. is at least a matter for enquiry. e. 14. Syrien. p. perhaps corrupted from the form pB"Btety and therefore identical with the original Samsi-muruna = Hebrew Samsi-murun i. and Abiba'al in = bjD'QN are men- tioned as kings of Samsi-muruna. Asarhaddon und des Asurbanipal" (Berlin. des See my essay on "Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pilesers II. Ras- sam. Biblical spot is found by A. 34. Byblos and Ashdod. the present es-$emirije Minhimmu = QnJp 1. XII. A Kanaanite royal Shimron-Meron. XIII. Palastina in u. Arados. Bellino 18 of a king name above evidently = Hebrew A h(i)-mil-ki of "jjjNVlN (phonet. 105). tfvb Lakish. and North of Akko. pi?$ Aphek.

2) That this is all the more inconceivable in the case of a place which like Migron was under any cir- cumstances quite an unimportant spot. Padiah. 3) That the campaign of Sanherib. Tyrus and Sidon. is by by Rulers more said for Akkarun. a liquid. e. Rassam 3 line resolving the reduplication and replacing . Respecting the occurrence of the name for deity Jahve. a name exactly corresponding to the Hebrew HH9 2 Kings XXIII. inconceivable. Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal (Sanherib Asarhad. 16. T. h. But there are other grounds which 1) It is render Oppert's view untenable. II. and also inconsistent with all the historical notices in the Bible. we ought to understand by Amkarun or Amgarun the place Migron in the tribe of Benjamin. that a more or less independent ruler could have established himself in the midst of a Judaean district. LXX 'Axxdpoov. . The view respecting the Amkarun of the inscriptions advocated above is opposed to that of Oppert and Mdnant. 36. it Smith's Assurban. Ashkelon. in which he first reached Amkarun II. cyl. in the days of Sanherib and Asarhaddon.152 the THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. But the change in the pronunciation of this word. Am-kar-ru-na . The king who ruled this small realm in the time of Asarhaddon was called I-ka-u-su (L-kacase of Gaza. a few miles from Jerusalem. just as in the By bios. u. Bellino V. 25. Ashdod. III. Of these rulers of Ekron. 1. 31. II. (col. one sam-su? Keilinsch. comp. 4. frequently occurring in the inscrip- tions of Sanherib Tayl. According to the latter. Gesch. is sufficient of itself to awaken our suspicions. Amgarun. which we must assume in this case. p. even or less independent stood at the head of the state 7). who lived during the reign of Sanherib was called Pa-di-i i. 69. For we should at least expect a form A-mi-gar-run. 79). see on Gen.

however. XL haddon 48. Zidka (HplS) as king of The first part of the name is without doubt Ashkelon. Joppa. Accordingly we follow Rawlinson and Talbot in identifying Amkarun with the Philistine town Ekron. 697. 613. the Hebrew p"l3 "righteousness". see on XI. III. ed. the final a must be considered to have arisen out of PP and the name identified with the Hebr. p. Tayl. How he could have suddenly diverged is Migron. righteousness (righteous) is Jahve. the inscriptions Is-ka-lu-na (Asar(Sanher. Gaza. . Asdod]. Ill line quite impossible to see. Olshausen Lehrbuch der hebr. North of Jerusalem. Kritiken 1868 IV. IHJplS i. The order is: the inscriptions of Asarhaddon Gaza. Comp. II. 4) Lastly. is = i"pno . 58. clearly passed along the Philistine coast. I. Ashkelon. Two other royal names are recorded in the * Riehm in Theol. XIII. say what is the origin of the final a. and Ashkelon. see on 4) and pl^N Ashkelon. in col. II. Bne-Berak.JOSHUA 65. Studien u. 165 in The king reached this route that succession Beth-Dagon (in the tribe It is just of Dan). 153 1). 22. Amkarun. 67) a king Si-id-ka-a i. Consequently. 33) with a name Hrinp which unquestionably Sprache p. 63). 69. in Hebrew also (Ezra X. that everything tells Thus we see in in favour of Ekron and nothing favour of Migron. It is more difficult to We meet. 4. p8 Ashdod. Is-ka-al-lu-na Next we find in Sanherib's inscription (line 58. Arvad. in the king's name which under discussion. Gen. and and Asurbanipal we find Amkarun between Ashkelon and Byblos. e. Byblos.* is 25 in Amkarun mentioned next to Ashdod and Gaza. upon it the Philistine to Ekron lies. Zedekiah e. in 22 [Germ.

which became contracted to nj "wine-press". Ill Rawl. 166 inscription above quoted. 1). IV. The latter signifies "Bel "in) . placed on his throne by Sanherib himself or Sargon. is 1 col. T. Necho I obtained the Indeed Sanherib describes this Sarludari as the former Assyrian vassal king i. e. 62) respect to the first With name (for the reading comp. 39) Bll-lu-da-r i. This fact is. 46. The name of the father Rukibti remains to a certain extent obscure. and was in manner reproduced. DTtttfb? H3 "Gath of the word that Philistines". Sarludari means "the king is eternal But how does the Philistine king get this = (ruling)". see note = DH1DN fU as a this perhaps as (fr) Gi-im-tu As-du-di-im-mu . i"PpFlD ? which is furnished by the inscriptions of clay cylinder and Rassam 3 . Asdudim should of course be regarded as a pure so sounded to the Hebrew form. e. e. 48 and the Var. Smith's Assurbanipal p. Assyrian name? Just in the same way as the pure son of pure Assyrian name Nabu-sfzibanni (Smith's Assurban. it is evidently are rather not an ordinary Hebrew-Kanaanite form. dur indeed an eternal one" (dari partic. the tributary king took the Assyrian name in deference to his feudal lord. e. certainly worthy of notice. comp. n|. i. reminded of the corresponding name in the canon of rulers We (III Rawl.154 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE of Sanherib (line 0. the Biblical Gath. other king's name M i-t i-i n-t i i. however. Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal (broken I Rawl. see Hale'vy in Zeitschrift . XL 22. "Gath of the Asdodites" comp. namely Sar-lu-da-ri and Ru-kib-ti (the former son of the latter). and Assyrian ear. just as bintu to H3. should be considered to stand for g i n t u DH. DD~) though a derivation from the root Respecting the appears almost self-evident. on Josh. 64). ofdara the former i. Gimtu. 48). however.

16) I formerly identified A-zu-ru (col. of Bethhoron. Onomastica sacra. a town on the Philistaeo-Ephraimite situated West I. cyl. p. ir) la-am-na-ai others). 21. p. 14. "pTrn ? Beth-Ddgon. Sarg. Judg. 22 (Me"nant and p. 'lapvla. Morgenl. XXXII. is clearly apparent (see on Josh. 290. 155 der Deutsch. "1J3 Gazer. Bn-Berak now Bt-Dedschan.66. conjecture we should have to assume the weakening of the 10. e. mentioned by Sanherib in his But in this annal-inscription as destroyed by him. the Semitic character of well-nigh all the Philistine royal names. p. II. handed down to us in the Assyrian inscriptions. ! is may probably a corruption from the original form be seen by comparing the (as well as LXX 2 Chron. situated according to Eusebius * between Jamnia and This position agrees admirably Diospolis. a town in the district of 11 the tribe of Juda. XV. XI. Gesellsch. See on the other hand to time 81. is Greek 'lapval. Jabne. With this royal the continued occupation of the Kanaanites (see Kings IX. border city in 3. a town on the Mediterranean. Gottingen 1870. 'lafiveia. Ekron and Ashkelon). in the present passage : Accordingly. 104. XXVI. 235. 66). The into last mentioned writer would resolve Asdudimmu XV. XVI. 6). with the passage in the inscription ofSanherib 11. Botta 36. 14. I. As we from time have seen. as 1 i. XVI. .JOSHUA XIII. where mention is made of a town Bit-Da-kan near Joppa and Banaibarka 46. 167 41. HO n^p?J. Asdudi immu = DJP1 int^N "Ashdod on sea" and regard this as a special port-town of this name. 1 iSee Lagarde. verse 29. 169. not Assyrian (mat. 397 . 22 Gaza and Ashdod. Delitzsch Parad. in the future it will scarcely occur to anyone to regard the Philistines as anything else (Hitzig) than Semites.

on the other. and thus there no between this and the Assyrian Azuru. sacr. be referable to a word of Jabin). du-u 40). 90. and of Beth-D&g6n and Bn6-Berak. the reproduction of line 6 the Asor e. quae cecidit in sortem tribus Judae. in the comp. el-Kubab p. I. Meanwhile the Biblical Gazer has been recovered in the spot Tell el Dshezer. is 1 . as the reader aware.156 g to a THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. T. however. this. on the . was wrongly held Gazer. 57 "INI. 289. ed. to be the ancient . (II Bawl. "lian Besides. the position of the spot is scarcely. and Ekron (see is Badeker. 137). also Ma-gano. 53 no. in included in a geographical same the verse. if at suitable. certified by the cuneiform elsewhere) also inscriptions (we have also is TH XII. in (comp. situated South-East of Joppa. p. as Delitzsch does in p. 23 & found. IK'l Dor . no. "HJO in the inscriptions (ir) beside a place mentioned Ma-gi-du-u. "llUn But this Asor appears i. I p. We might well.. cujus et scriptura meminit. 5J in foreign words the Assyrians were generally very accurate. on the one side. Lagarde 1870 est et alia villa usque hodie Asor in adpellans earn ad finibus Ascalonis contra orientem ejus. mere aspirate. Parad. 111. compare Jazur (Badeker Palast. The orthography is with X in the middle. 56. 7 We 10): A s o r in the neighbourhood read (Onomast. In addition to all. Jazur lies I is would also remark that Hieronymus in the Onomasticon likewise acquainted with a place of Ashkelon. IV. in the inscriptions list (i r) Du - ' - r u. Sanherib's inscription immediate neighbourhood of Joppa. Palastina 168 connection Syrien 143). In the first edition of the present work J a z u r with Van der Velde. which is open to objection. distinctionem veteris to Asor novam. 1 XVII. foil. lying between u.

see Keilinsch. u. p. 121 XIX. see J. c. with Delitzsch Parad. sa i-na kabal tiam-tiv mlit la-av-na-ai sa-an-da-nis ki-ma nu: u-ni i-ba-ru-u-ma u-sap-si-hu mt Ku-i u ir Sur-ri i. the 9 th was tributary to Assyria as early as the first half of The passage in the inscription of Sargon century.-Pil. 238. the Ciliciau coast-region. form (ir. by Monatsber. Keilinsch. g. ** Generally we have the latter determinative. 66. . Gesch. Tyre. D^rpM in root Dill Ps - IV. as well as the city p. Olshausen in Berlin. is the well known royal city of Phoenicia. 1879 pp. in those of Sargon e. Akad. i. XIX. 36 line 21 as well as those of Asarhaddon and Asurbanipal (see my essay Zur Kritik I Rawl. III. u. line 19. (Schoene) I. 29. With regard to the fact. and rescued the land Kui. XVII. "(Sargon) courageously (nb) to the combat. from their oppression" (Keilinsch.JOSHUA XVI. comp. . 2. Geschichts- forschung pp. Respecting the laud pp. IS Tyrus*. 1.*** From * With respect to the reproduction of the Semitic emphatic sibilant the Gracco-Latin t in this name. u. 550 foil. We find it in the 169 monolith-inscription of Asurnasirhabal col. *** uSapSihu. inscription of 157 Eshmunazar foil. runs as follows 1 i -' tam-ha-ri. 67.'s II &c. 86 along with Sidon and Byblos likewise in the inscription of king line Rammannirar 22. who in the midst of the sea draws forth the lonians like sandanis fishes. we must bear mind Sauherib's victory over the Ionian fleet on the Cilician coast [Abydenus quoted in Eusebius' chron. e. p. 236 Kui foil. causative like the Hebr. 248). ir occurs in II Rawl. root fll^O (= Arabic ^\**s ?). 35 der Inschriften Tigl. cylinder-inscription I Rawl. e. Gesch. as well as Sidon. frequently mentioned in the inscriptions in the mat**) Sur-ru. Sur-ri. Sargon Khorsab. 35]. We gather from the passage in the monolith-inscription that Tyre. 33).

XIV. 51) in another inscription of the same king. passage we learn that Tyre occupied the position of a vassal towards Sargon also Sargon does not inform us that . Metten &c. Rassam (V Rawl.-Pil. IX. 14. 531 foil. on Taylor's cylinder. From the last mentioned circumstance * it follows that it was not the Judaean Ekdippa name preserved is Testament. IX. namely Mi-1-ti-in-na e.158 this THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. see 1 Chron. VIII. tribute was paid by Respecting V. (Tigl. (III i. 58. also = 1DB (Keilinsch.o<. 17067. e. 21 mentions a Tyrian king named Baal living in the 6 th century). ** Smith's Assurbanipal 31 b has the same name in the form Ba'-al. 2. p. T. e. 5. i. 36 (also Josephus contra Apion I. Among these Q~pn * 8 three * forms of the ne that in the Old ne on ly to be regarded as original. I. Hirummu and the E c i'()a)fj. cylind. in the form A k-z i-b i in connection with Sidon. 66) u. Hiram DTTJ 1 Kings V. 11). 9. is mentioned in the inscription of Sanherib. 528). Rawl. names of ^three Tyrian kings recorded in the Assyrian inin scriptions. Hi-ru-um-mu D-lin 1 Chron. V. Kritiken 1870 pp. see my essay in Theolog. of Josephus (contr. the city was actually subjugated. II. . 49) has Ba-'-li. Smith's Assurban. 1 &c. i. DTf! 1 Kings VII. 30. when we compare the Assyrian 17 sq. comp. Geschichtsforschung p. Salmanassar's disastrous expedition against Tyre (Menander Josephus Arch. Assurb. Sarepta and Akko. Apion. lastly Ba-'-lu(li) in Asar- haddon's and Asurbanipal's ** records . 15 &c.* . Mytton. the name of a deity which also appears several times in the Old Testament as a personal proper name . Mutton. 84. see II Rawl.). its He apparently con- tented himself with recognition of Assyrian supremacy and the payment of a tribute. 40. D^?N Ekdippa i. e. evidently '#3. the city to Asarhaddon also Such (cylind. We have the Studien u. 2).

towns. in order Padt. of the tribe The present Ekdippa . Sanherib boasts of having destroyed both these Moreover we learn from col. 44. 43. 31. but in earlier times also included in the tribe of Juda (Josh. generally included Dan (as in the present passage). It is there spoken of as lying between Altaku the (see immediately below) lies and Ekron. II. district. According to this opinion. also Judg. 159 XV. spoken of tion (coll. I. still another view which has been proin . Altaku ta-ku-u Sanherib 76). 44. 10. who had been banished by the is king inhabitants. in the tribe of 1). 14) that can have been meant (as lay in the district Me'nant supposes). Timnath (Tamn&). exactly accords with the manner in which it is mentioned in the inscription of Sanherib Taylor-cylinder II. 57). 171 There is a close coincidence between this Hebrew-Philistine the city (AlTaylor-cyl. There is. 1 that the king. it was not the above . XV. and on the frontier of Juda. certainly to be looked for in the neighbourhood of Ekron. I.JOSHUA (Josh. 82. East of Ashdod . 83) this place is mentioned in conjunction with a second. Mic. marched to Ekron. indeed. In another passage of the inscripcity name for and that of the II. pounded. 83 under the name Ta-am-na-a. XIX. III. Its position South East of Ekron. on the Timnath. also Hjpn Timnat/t. a Philistine town (Jud. npfl/N Elteke/t is a spot which has remained to the According to this passage it is present time undiscovered. frontier of the Judaean and Philistine ancient South-East of Ekron. by Sanherib as the spot where the battle between him and the Aegyptians was fought. All this complete accord if the Eltekeh of this passage of scripture be identical with the Altaku of the inscription. ""injpn. immediately after their to reinstate there capture. Asher coinp. XIV. Now Tibneh.

not to Juda. hemmed is in by mountains. 45. the modern Ibn Ibrak. 66) . . the form of the Philistine Eltekeh. 46. North of first place. Hence it was impossible for the Aegyptian army to have diverged to the right. on roads scarcely to be traversed by an case its army. the large open plain sonantal n. Philistine Eltekeh that in the inscription. why the two hostile forces should since it have confronted each other is at this particular spot. quite certain that the Aegyptian adopted any other route from that which army would not have Aegypt to Western Asia than all had been taken by military expeditions from Philistia. p!5 V$ Beneberak. iDJ Joppa. mentioned in Sanherib's annal-inscription East of Joppa. together with Joppa and Beth Dagon (col. . Therefore we must not connect the Altaku of the inscriptions with the Judaean. Jaffa. see also notes on 2 Kings XVIII. T. on the coast of the Mediterranean This town also is mentioned in the inscriptions. XV. Lastly. North There cannot be any doubt that the B a na-ai-bar-ka. towards Hebron. is identical with this spot. but with the Philistine Eltekeh. it is Hebron and not clear close to that town. in the Juda.160 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE was intended . than the ground near Hebron. that Altaku (as mentioned in the inscription along with well as Ekron) points clearly to Philistia and . 0. harmonizes better with the Assyrian than the Judaean Eltekdn terminating in a conThirdly. the locality Tinmath. viz. that quarter. II. namely via Gaza and Now Sanherib had already advanced as far as Lakish (see note on 2 Kings XVIII. by Ekron is far better adapted for such a decisive battle. for in this entire flank In the second place would have been exposed to the enemy. 14). but the jpflbN of Josh. sea. 59 to be looked for in the tribe of But. which ends in a vowel. 172 Altaku.

also Ma-ga-du-u. I. 161 66. 289. 135? see note on Josh.. XXI. see on Josh. XIX. and Usu. II. * Sanherib (Rassam) furnishes the form Ja-pu-u p. :AnN Achldb and also H3^n Chelbd remind us in of the Sanherib cylind. Ekdippa and Akko on the other pp.a-tav mentioned in a geographical list (II Rawl. i. 103 122.JOSHUA col. Delitzsch Parad. XIX. XXL BOOK OF JUDGES I. Delitzsch. 13) between Sarepta on the one side. 40) annals in conjunction with Sarepta and See also Smith's Assurbanipal 282. Rawl. 31. 11 . see the commentaries on the passage. = V Ekdippa. u. Hamath** mentioned in the same list (line 3 7) between Damaskus. 122) after Du-'-ru is and Su-bat e. p. Gesch. 29. in the in his 173 Akko. to denote We meet with the form tya with only in the case of the an a. 11. 11. not to be confounded with Ir Hamat(ti) e. II. "H4P Megiddo. see Keilinsch. 9. and Hadrach. I. This exactly agrees with geographical position. Htfl rton Hammoth-Dor. II. is identical with this Hammoth-Dor. . BOOK OF JUDGES. II. 283 foil. an unknown city. employed this deity. Parad. Itfl and HDlS. 35 Respecting the question whether the Hammath mentioned in Josh. . 53. 27. II. a Phoenician port-town. probably the ir Kara a. 32. XVII. D^f| Baals. 40 foil. ** XIX. where the same Ja-ap-pu-u* occurs between its Beth-Dagou and Banaibarka. inpK Ekdippa. 39 (see Ma-hal-li-ba occurring on 2 Kings XVIII. likewise mentioned form Ak-ku-u = Akku by Sanherib (col. This ir Ha-ma-tav i. in the inscriptions Ma-gi-du-u.

also Nebucadnezar Bellino-cylind. lastly. moreover is Asarhaddon I Rawl.162 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. on the same of Sisan(?). stlicke pp. 41). 48. ^3pN. meaning "lord" . p. at also a king (see e. in the pason the Samas sage Bellino-cylinder. names (without analogous doubt identical IT^HO and other similar Phoenician ^IDDriD as well as with Muthumballes. From a comparison of this list with 174 the catalogue of the identity of the divinities denoted gods in Salmanassar's inscription we infer by the above ideois grams. 26. similarly in Sanherib col. T. XIX. II. 32. e. mentioned an ir?J-|fcf. of deities in Delitzsch's Assyrische Lese- 39 foil. stone there is see above p. ^'3 (see on Josh. g. of instances written ideographically with the sign signification whose btlu bvi we learn from variants (e. and also with the other sign BI' e. to who bore with the the name Matinu-ba'li. 6 mentioned a king of Samaria named A-bi-ba-al i. In the same way the singular bH-ja "my . 48. 31. 88). Moreover. KIT(GI') II Rawl. 48 we find a king of Sidon in the inscription of called Tu-ba-'-lu i. (with no indication of the aspirate) of e.e. quite as often as it is the proper name of the god Bel. g. Arvad on Salmanassar IPs monolith Karch i. (the sun) and another are addressed as bi-i-li-i-a "my lords" (in the deity variant stands the ideogram I'N with the plural sign and the suffix a). Asurnasirhabal Monolith I. Tyre is Thus a king of called Ba'lu i. bjC^SN. the word bilu a simple appellative.b. the Hebrew See above on 88 foil. below). The native Assyrio-Babylonian pronunciation of the name for the deity was Bilu = ^3. the names of the Arvadite princes. 29). Adunibal also comp. For example. names borrowed from the Kanaanites. Obelisk 3 list . Salman. This is in by far the larger number I'N. also I'N. IT. just as in Hebrew.

) as well as nu-ur ili blu "light of the gods" (Smith's Assurb. 31 ibid. *** On this see P. the "father of the is gods". is the Bel of the list first triad of deities (II Rawl. the mother of the gods"***. 36. V Rawl. This a. see above p. of the planet Jupiter (Khorsab. the designation of the old Bel as in Tigl. Marduk 37b). 11* . where Annunaki is a misprint for Anunnaki.BOOK OF JUDGES lord". The younger Bel." is however. BI' and I'N. wife of Bel. 48. KIT In (GI'). in TiglathI. Pileser I col. 155. epithets si-i-ru a-bu ba-nu-u "the exalted the father of gods. the elder Bel is written with the sign the name Bel. see Salmanassar Obelisk 12: Btlit hi-ir-ti Bil (BI') urn ili "Beltis. be observed that Asur also designated as abu is "father of the gods". "Merodach". see Sargoninscr. Leipzig Respecting these existences . 57 (and footnote **). b. 3. the father of the gods. 163 to bilu rabu "the great lord" are frequently be read in the inscriptions. KIT) appears as the consort of the old Bel. de Lagarde Gesammelte Abhandlungen. foil. 20. 41. cylind. the creator". In contrast with the old Bel. 112 As the consort * ** of Bel. the king of the whole of the is] Anunnaki**.Merodach. [the Here it should. Pileser's inscription ibid. The Assyrians and Babylonians distinguish two deities of First. II. the same as the planetary god god I Rawl. Sanher. Bilit (NIN. the lord of countries. Layard 17. this called (ilu) Bilu abal (Liu) Btlu "Bel i?5 son of Bel" (comp. of gods in Delitzsch of line 7). we have Zir-bani-ti Is omitted upon a cylinder. 43. 4: bi-lu (ilu*) b?l sar gi-mir (ilu) A-nun- na-ki a-bu god who 111 ill matati "the lord. the inscription Salmanassar he ili is described by the . II Rawl. I'N = BHu. V. 153. pave* des portes pi. 3. the 143. 48. Botta 7 quat. 15.

T. 36. BAR "mistress of countries. has in the "the deity. the ruler of the gods. see Lenormant Etudes Accad. p. to rock. the mistress of the gods. * "the great (noble) mother. BAR is a verbal ideogram. mistress of the fruit of the body. BAR. 38. 27). meaning "bosom".164 i. inhabits there the temple BAR. 16. also the proper name Ztr-bani "the producer of posterity". 25. 15. BAR-an-ni stands in the text. 27. 38. also pronounced and written Zarpa-ni-tuv (II Rawl. II Rawlinson 66. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Comp. IV Rawl. with which an Aegyptown was named anew by the Assyrian king (see Smith's Assurban. 37. 12. 48. I. 1 (inscription of Asurbanipal) bestows it on her the epithet b M mat at who i a-si-bat I'(bftu) BAR. the womb of the mother comp. li who gave me in birth . Nebuc. . root Q^Q i. sur-bu-ut ili ma-li-kat na-ki-ri ti(ilu)A-nuv deity. 3) she called: ilu bt-lit ill biMit nab- ni-ti i-na lib 176 SI. The syllabaries inform us that its Semitic equivalent is naplusu. : who made his Also she appears as bu-kur(the kings) birth glorious". 14). B. 69 III Rev. Probably an Akkadian word adopted into the Assyrian. II Rawl. It is clear that SI. cyl. is to be explained as amounting in signification to "She (the goddess) made or founded the fortress". ib-ba ** umm i*** a-lid-ti-j a ki-nis BAR. 264. the conqueror of 1866. which is to be regarded as combined with the name of a male deity II Rawl. 19." * too the name "interior". same goddess as d-ti-su "the 1 which Sargon describes just the 1 u bi-lit ili mu-rap-pi-sat ta- 60 "first-born of Anu. the pride of the gods. e. II. I Rawl. *** In the text there stands AGARINNI which by ummu a syllabary explains (no. Qtf- f SI. 192) "mother" Hebr.an -n if . Grot. "the bestower of posterity" rPJ2~jrn* Layard XVII. carefully rocked me" . 26 a calls here briefly um-mu rabi- tuv tian Perhaps Kar-ba-ni-ti." In the bull-inscriptions of Sanherib (Layard is inscr. 67. e.

Dilbat see = AMyaT. b line 2. protect the king" &c. the syllabary From the passages which have been "t^>. e. g.ni^# Astarte. biltuv in Assyrian. Gesellschaft Wissenschaften 1. 4). 70 no. 9. Controle der EntzifFerung p. 4 (comp. just like bilu. IX. "Bel. is quite as much an appellative as a proper name. 128. That we are here actually dealing with the goddess in question. at is properly least in the names that have been quoted. I'N) it is Bel-Merodach that speaking to be understood as referred to. to which corresponds the Aramaic transcription 7p*nKMf (see also Assyr.BOOK OF JUDGES enemies" II Rawl. see in particular my observation in the Berichte der Konigl.* According to the selected ideogram (AN. Btl-ibus (Belibos) properly "Bel produced". Her name Bilit is preserved to us by Herodotus I. Babylon. "mistress". (b) Bi'l-ibu-u. Chronologic") p. . (c) Bi'lb u . 9 . lastly to the i - * See With regard Assyr. Keilinschriften. be may gathered that bilit. 66 I. n~. 169) likewise by the feminine which is bi-lit bestowed on her e. name Bi'1-ibus written (a) Bi'1-ibug. 14). pp. Keilinsch. 165 II. 1880 ("Zur Babylon. e. Babylon. 3 1 in the form Mylitta. which word has nothing to do with ing star corresponds to her. II. the mistress of battle" feminine plural formed from the singular. 133 foil. also on the planets Venus.tar btlit N ta-ha-zi "Astarte. g. in the phrase Is. 13. also Bil-sar-usur (Belshazzar) i. in the inscriptions. This deity is frequently mentioned and always in the form Is -tar i.u s. Assyr. by the Is-tar-at Khor. epithet in I Rawl. Among as the even- quoted on verse 13. Assyr. der note Sachs. is proved by the 177 proper name Istar-dur-kali upon a bilingual inscription (II Rawl. There was a strong tendency to form proper names the Semitic root cited it compounded of the name Bel e. without the feminine ending.

on the 66 A. with V Rawl. 24. . II. denotes the for the decision of the question how the term is. to show how important it ending. 73 line 4. Pileserl calls her in col.) she is the struggles mighty". hand. i-ta-ri-tuv in Delitzsch's used in the appellative sense of "goddess". but the more ancient Tiglath warlike strife. 80.* particularly to be observed that in the Assyrian in- It is scriptions she properly speaking appears as the goddess of Not only does Asurbanipal describe her as bilit tahazi "ruler of battle". 5. 0. Indeed Btlit in one above). THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 176 and Istar^-ti II llawl. irW Astor-Kamos is on the Moabite Stone of Mesa (line 17) to be understood. 13 foil. T. latter epithet. mu-sar- ri-hat kabl&-ti "mistress of victory (? #&TI). Btlit. I78lstar-Astarte is fundamentally identical with other 1 is the in latter. 92.166 sab. Respecting the remarkable feminine sing. Hymns . I. this subject compare Dillmann in Berlin. especially the fact that in Assyrian. We 66 1. also as hi-rat Btl "consort of Bel" From the comp.: bi-lit ti-si-i. see the Assyrische Lesestiicke p. denominated also ris-ti ili "princess of the gods" or else Obelisk (Salmanassar 13) rjfs-ti sami u irsi-ti "princess of heaven and earth". 8. 2 (here with the need not comment on though without the feminine female deity. case obtains the very epithet by -lit kabli u tah&zi "mistress of strife and battle" ibid. II Rawl. Monatsberichte 605. which we have already (see on chap. who makes In other passages (ibid. which appears in * 1881 On p. (nabhar) ili "princess of heaven (and) earth. ris-ti sami-i irsi-tiv sar-rat kal also called Asurban. 11) met conjoined with Bilit-Beltis it may be concluded that III Rawl. queen of the whole of the gods" (comp. sign for the plural inserted).

Dil-bat* ina samsi a si (ilu) Istar kakkabl Dil-bat ina samsi &ribi (ilu) Bi-lit ili . With the latter ** schaft On this see Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen GesellXXVII p. as its "feminine" rising]" namely "from the 2) as [till and i. . .*** announce * To the Akkadian dil-bat corresponds the Assyrian nabu 'to Venus is the (II Rawl. IV Rawl. 53 no.179 iSt u samsi aribi setting of the sun e. 30 is in which AN. 5 8). is representative of the goddess Istar. h. Delephat at the setting sun is Beltis among the gods". p. the planet Venus in the evening. 403. 53. means that the divinity of the planet Venus. namely "from the rising of the sun [till its This. The rendering there given is to be corrected in it accordance with the above. however.BOOK OF JUDGES other instances reserved for Istar. . or the evening star. is representative of the deity Beltis. rev. 23/24). 36 foil. . "Delephat at the rising sun is Istar among the stars . ing star. 37 g. Dil1) bat at || e.) Istar also appears throughout as the goddess of (animal) fruitfulness (obv. This states ** the Venus in the or the morn: planet morning. tablet III Rawl. same i. is . as "masculine" setting]". the With Venus this agrees another passage in foil. . and as goddess of the morning star. 7. the planet described as i. . *** zikaru is often used in Assyrian in the sense in which rendered above. zi-ka-rat || istu samsi asl DU e. 167 in the Moreover Baby- epic of the "Descent of Istar to Hades" (see ray interpretation Giessen 1874 pp. 8 foil.. . We syllabary III Rawl. 77 are told in an oft-discussed 80. how the Assy- rians themselves held this unity in duality: . . lonian II. . 27 I. as goddess of the evening star. has a feminine. sin-ni- s a. 1 planet that announces either the day or the night. 77 note 2 above. . passage comp. a masculine character. 2 rev.

87 below). 30). Sayce of Biblical Archaeology III.tar "father of decision" &c. This fact is to be regarded as parallel to the modification of the Assyrian .168 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE we may say that 0. in a hermaphrodite character even on the basis of this syllabary (see . Keilinsch. in Transact. Tiglath-Pileser I col. e.Astarte god". am unable to attaching to Istar Sayce and Gelzer.at and also isvery largely. points decidedly to a foreign ancestry of the word (see Assyrisch-Babylon. on the other hand A. prevalent. Asur I into the Aramaic would also *o2| compare Greek 'ArovQia. The Semitic languages furnish no satisfactory derivation for her name. if not universally.. tar-at and the mode of writing the plural (for is-ta-ra-at). the moon- 3 banat (marat) (ilu) Sin "daughter of Istar. pp. came subsequently to have a special origin assigned to While Beltis was called "first-born of Ami" (see on was named in the verse 11).. again . of the Society 196 foil. which is is tar.. each one deity fundamentally it. u itar-at m. comp. Istar 2.ti-ja "and the goddesses of my land". This Assyrio-Babylonian Istar became among the South-Arabian (Himyarites) yCit 180 (with lisped t in place of the sibilant). "Descent to Hades" Obv. H. Gelzer in the And after what was Aegyptische Zeitschrift 1875 p. It may also is be observed that in her ulti- mate origin scarcely a Semitic divinity.. n am -tar "the plague" (properly "the decision"). In conclusion we have Hence here two deities I altogether distinct believe. Sumiro-Akkadian words. a. H. appears elsewhere in non-Semitic. itar&t for "goddesses" in an altogether g. IV. one had been differentiated. remark that the Assyrians likewise em- ployed the plural general sense. p. which The same remark applies to the termination tar. T. 38 . with from each other.

Lagarde pp. V1I1. 15.). NI'. which is mentioned in the Book of Judges. On ac35) which must have been situated near Hamath. XI. VIII. 34. ^jNDr^N "fire that will devour. ^p"jp Karkor." Compare foil. following the Syriac and Aethiopic. 181 Journal Asiatique. . on ing)". But we hold 2 n ^? It combination to be unwarranted. IX. This cannot be identical with the Karkor referred to in the Bible. sing. count of its position. Eusebius (Onomast. this place also cannot be connected with the spot bearing the same name. plural rYPn&'y goddesses who dwell in the land We is might readily suppose that the Hebrew to be connected with this use of the plural this of is tar. to the different statues of this divinity. 169 Khorsabad 176 ill u is -tar. 1/2). The plural of mntPI/ should rather be regarded as parallel . As the in name for a city. The Assyrian 7. igatu corresponds the ideogram NI (Delitzsch. inscriptions likeri) wise make mention of a city Kar-ka-ru(ra. (Sal- manassar monolith III Rawl. should be referred to the images set up in the temples. the inscription of Artaxerxes Mnemon we line 10 i-sa- tuv ta-ta-ak-ka-al-su (so should read with Oppert. Tiglath-Pileser's I p. fr To the Assyrische regards i a t u as a singular. June 1872) "fire devoured it (the buildIsatu* of which the plural is is&tu (comp. to the plur.at a-si-bu-ti m&t Assur"the gods and of Assyria". iSatu corresponds the Lotz on the other hand (Die Inschriften plur. ed. 10. . MIS (passim). Sargon Khorsab. Lesestiicke 73. 118 foil. to the plural and should therefore be explained in another way. it occurs with tolerable frequency the region where the Semitic languages were spoken.BOOK OF JUDGES in II. 90. 110 115) knew of aKark6r in the neighbourhood of Petra.

there are one view the name derived from ]J1 "corn". clothes'. habal Monolith 33 line 1. . XVI. as the reader to the two opposite opinions. and hence god of animal Neither of these opinions can be correct. We meet with them it this Philistine divinity also among the Assyrians.170 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 36. stead of = 22. Stand. 41). rViD^C! changes XIV. word must have been used in But this is not the is name either for 'corn' or 'fish' Assyrian. of the god According aware. in the form Bel- Dagon. what was the signification is We name? inquire. B. 1. 9 preserves to us the Da-gan-ni. Drives ]*\rh to Dagon. e. the latter nunu. g a n the word has an Akkadian type and called si. as for example the above-cited passage in the inscription of Hammurabi. is 23. on XLV. XV. of fe (in- ^n^n). their god. by called Da-kan I. Hebrew 0N.g. XVIII. was therefore a deity of vegetative fertility and growth other view his according to the name was derived from Jl "fish". tatakkal Ifta. and origin of the On is this subject. and he was fruit- therefore the "fish-god" fulness. may of the be proved from the Assyrian transcription of the name city Beth-Dagon by Bit-D a. T. I Hammurabi Museum form nd (2 millenn. I 11 (9 th century) Sargon in Layard plate The identity of both names Rawl. comp. Gen. 27). Asurnasir. Moreover the ancient Babylonian in the British inscription of col. The Assyin corresponding radical 182 rian.) line 8. noticeable that the name in Dagan likewise occurs in combination with that of the deity Bel.kan (see on Josh. and he . The former In the form Da - siuv. 19. C. of clothes. inscription line 1. The name It is chiefly occurs in the inscriptions in conjunction with that of the divinity also A nu (as in the passages that are quoted).

BOOE OF JUDGES the XIV. We have another testimony Dag an e. viz. Dagon). same phrase occurs times without number in the inscriptions. rniSSaofca.Assyrian * and other Semitic languages. E SAMUEL. . 2. des bibl. is a matter of uncertainty (see the figures in Kiehm's Handworterb. VIII. to the very great antiquity of the Babylonia beside king Hammurabi mentioned above. a city and kingdom of Syria. 122) there appears a city Su-bi-ti (ITD^) . Comp. was not likewise a fish-deity. which can 183 In an inscription of Asurbanipal (Smith's Assurb. "Dagon hears" (comp. this We do not however assert on this deity fish of ground that among the Babylonians pare the 10. IX. 15. another ancient Babylonian king who bore the name Is. plate 2 no. 259. must remain a fish would certainly be disposed representation of Cannes. XVIII. 5. the sculptured representation which passes of the body wearing a cap. or.miin i. 17). col. to regard the former figure as a latter as that of and the Dagon- (Dagon cannot any longer be connected with the god /J/oc mentioned by Damascius. see above p. p. II SAM. tfND 107^ they consumed with fire. XVI. Com- human Berossus &6axcuv (Eusebius-Schoene the figured representations the Whether among characters exhibiting a fish-skin thrown over them. note on chap. The author and depicts a bearded man intended to express Dagon. Just the Odakoii. V. Alterthums Art. VIII. as for example Botta 76. 11 Tiglath-Pileser I 72 &c. V. i-na i-sa-a-ti as-ru-up "I consumed with fire". on the other hand into . 171 name of this deity probably passed from this language into the Babylonio. 60.) XVIII. . 27. * Dagon-worship viz. 3. ^N^D^)I Inscriptions of his 1. reign found at Mughair are published in Rawl. 12.

of Damaskus (Delitzsch. 14). Z6b copied in Keilinsch. Moab. V. Palestinian foil. (Hadrach. . III. he received trunks of is irini Is. rtoppH the Lebanon. in the first syllable. Hauran. Manzuat) Dor and (Chamath?) Samalla. 79 Lab-naa-ni Asurnasirh. * Saharri which are further mentioned (?) and Chargi. Hazakiahu = "11^9 ( see on Gen - Heb. pp. "cedar-wood (see note on XLIV. Nebukadn. foil. Gesch. the nagi' ga ir Subiti "the districts of Zoba" are separated Jabrub by the territories from list: this Ammon.e.?N royal weight. i. name of the well-known mountain range. 45). p. 280) is unimportant. XIV. with an a form to the Pa last a v along with Pilista = analogous X.172 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE *.. . or to the Assyr. 121 appears once between Hadrach and Samalla. Hauran. that. T. 28 col. at cities. other objects of Asarhaddon reports among tribute. 128 I KINGS. 13. We cannot obtain from the passage any more precise inIn the lists of Syroformation respecting its position. 0. Parad. East India House III. XXIII. 22. is in the The form Labnanu. T]Ssn . 5) and also in the Babylonian inscriptions ** in yet another form La-ab-na-nuv 16 (I . Moab. only be Z6b& to in a list of Aramaeo-Kanaanite tribes. appears in the Assyrian inscriptions in the form (sadu) Labnanu (Lab-na-na Asarhadd. 14) and Cyprus- * North-East since The simultaneous mention of (ir) Ja-ab-ru-du. Rawl. Jabrud. V. u. Accordingly we must at any rate another time between look for it considerably to the North. I. 36). Bellino-cylind. and is sur-man e. next Edonij Ammon. Saharri(?) and Hargi. i. Smith's Assurban. I Rawl. Inscr. 313. 16 p. and lastly between Kul and Zemar on the Phoenician coast. 26. p. see note on Gen.

Asurnasirhabal . extension of his realm. lastly had slaughtered various game in the city Arazik**. . habal Tuklat-Adar sarru rabu sarru dan-nu sar kissati sar mat Assur 65. 421 note. the great king. sar kissati sar mtAssurma ka-sid istu i-bir-ta-an 67.II SAMUEL VIII. is-tu si-it sam-si a-di i-rib sam-si 70. the great king. 15. 8): 63. u.ti kali-si-na 69. in Berlin. dan-nu sar The passage runs thus (III Rawl. lastly Asurnasirhabal relates how he sailed on the sea in ships of the land of Arvad (ina ilippi sa m&t slew Ar-va-da-a-ja ir-kap). also ur (u-iir)-mi (vi)ni. m&t.mi(vi)-ni. XIV. 4 no. 228. NJ37I0. e. on the names of the different kinds of pinewood occurring most frequently in the inscriptions. I KINGS V. and p. see ibid. tiam-ti rabl-ti. Mouatsber. he had 184 wood(?)"* Asurbanipal (Aram. son of Tiglath-Adar . the king of nations. 14) and Talm. 419. Gesch. the king of Assyria . the word is ur. son of Ram- * See the article. 1880 p. a-na niri-su u-sak-ni-sa i. p. 173 Lebanon. Lab- na-na). 6-ba*a-i) from states that in the erection of his palace employed large cedar-planks from Sirjon and Libanon (gusuri is irini siruti ultu sad Si-ra-ra u s. the mighty king. see Keilinsch. habal Ramman-nir ari sarru rabu sarru dan-nu 66. ** Respecting Arazik j = 'Epayl^a of Ptolem. nar Diklat a-di sad Lab-na-na 68. the king of Assyria. (V. the mighty king. nahira in the great sea (ina ti^mtiv rabi-ti i-du-uk). the king of nations. Asur-n&sir-habal sarru rabu sarru kissati sar m&t Assur 64. lying before Syria at the In conclusion he also mentions the range of the Lebanon in an inscription in which he states the foot of Lebanon. &ur-man is the Akkadian form of the name that is The Semitic equivalent of usually preserved in the Assyrian texts.

W_^'"]^ (God) founded In him (God) is power. 13. 21. Asurnasirh. 66. the great king. 3) in the inscription Byblus should be completed into I line 1 (cor- "l^)0[~l]{< with De Vogue". z Rawl.174 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. or . col. the Gebalites i. (to the) great lands under his subjection from the the inhabitants of the sun. is the other was called name Im-gur-Btl Ni-mi-it-ti- Bi 1 "Bel exaltation" (root 1ND) Nebuc. ^ PPZl "house of height". IV. according to this passage names of the two columns erected before the entrance to Solomon's temple. of Gebal (^3| Ezek. of Tiglath-Pileser II (III 9. Salmanassar Obelisk 104. I 1 p. the well-known Phoenician This town or its inhabitants are often referred to in the inscriptions. e. 16 V. In the records 51) there appear as kings of Gebal Si-bi-it-ti-bi-'-li ( ?jn"njnt&. 16 &c. the king of nations .? comp. or Gu-bal-ai. XXVII. settlement. 9) or Byblos. 67. "house of exalta- * Hence the name -j^ ^ pus inscript. East India House Inscr. in those of Asarhaddon and Asurp." rising of the sun to the setting 32. had this custom of bestowing significant and bore the to some extent. In Babylon one of the great encircling walls "Bel is propitious". (ir. VIII. banipal (see my essay on the subject Hebr.*. the king of Assyria to the all . as in Asarhaddon III Rawl. mannirar. the town being mentioned in the form mat) Gu-ub-li. Sanherib Taylor-cyl. sacred names upon buildings. T. 50. also The Babylonians . 86. ^OK^o. who brought D'S?jir! range of Lebanon. in those of Sanherib U-ru-mil-ki t*)i "^BHN. comp. III. the inhabitant in the form Gu-ub-la-ai. 1 and ^KniN &c. )BWDte = 33) Mil-ki-a-sa-a p VII. Semit. who rules there from the banks of the Tigris 185 sea. II. the mighty king. .

e. that of p. The fact that the . Akkadische und Sumerische Keil23 no. he consistently adopts the assumption of interpolations Thus he holds the dignity of to coming from the Persian era nn) be a "Persian rank" with "Persian rian Sargon (722 title". two prophetic historians of the regal period (see 1 Kings XX. With respect to the mean- "raise". as well as X. the sense of "commander". In both the passages which now come under consideration (1 Kings X. XLIX. LXIII. 178) all this two centuries . Is. = zabal ing see Stan. 15. 24). GA 186 see II Rawl. 15 and comp. the 20. note on Gen. 2 is 15. 45. 233 foil. 15. should have prevented so erroneous a supposition. The objection is recognized by F. Giesebrecht in Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft (1881) pp. 453). 22. 175 bit zabal = corresponding to the Assyrian (perhaps more correctly bit-SAK-IL see P. much into that of "greatness" (grandeur}. 24). nltlS (Khorsab. too 220 foil. Blt(I)- Sag-ga. For the equation SAG. And (Bit-Jakin). schrifttexte p. 24 in absolutely no reason to meaning. Arabic Joj.I ZINGS tion". X. and his 705) establishing his pahati is himself solemnly enthroned in yet we find the Assyover South-Babylonia his palace amid pahati i. (j-HNH) ninO vicegerent (of land) occurs frealso in quently in the Old Testament with Kings XVIII. Einleitung ins Alte Testament 221. Haupt. word is be found in such ancient documents as that of the prophetic narrator of the older Biblical historical work. 15. "bear". of this XX. for holding the this There word to be foreign. in Guyard On this subject comp. VIII. 107 footnote **. This writer evaporates the signification of "exal"sublimity" tation". 12 (1878) pp. VII. "exalted palace". and whose post-exilic origin appears to him on other grounds quite certain. Asiatique VII. de Wette-Schrader force . or Persian in origin (as most suppose). Journ. XXX.* On the contrary we have as well as in that of one of the * Comp. See also the remarks on Ps. V.

it to have come to the Hebrews first through the Persians e. from the fact that in Assyrian it is employed and inflected like any other word of pure Semitic formed a plural p a h ati (pa-ha-a-ti) "viceroys" Khorsab. origin. is thoroughly Semitic in type. 60. then. and from the root is formed no less directly the abstract pihat "satrapy". to Hal-ab (Salmanass. Assyrian sin al-ab (hal-ab) of Halab"." It is well before other words . certified it could at any (or rate only have found way to them through the Assyrians to Baby- lonians. after the all have no other word at in the older prae-exilic time of Cyrus or Darius?! Moreover we but HnO * express this idea of 'viceroy' to Hebrew. as we can well understand. satrap. Why. 55. SI. Epigr. 58. 64. Ill 14. its came to if it be a foreign word. though the word has not yet been exist in the inscriptions of the latter). known that no satisfactory derivation can It be found for the word in the inscriptions of the Achaemenidae. and. Cyrus the conqueror of Babel and liberator of the Jews. in at a time when the Persians were still leading their separate political and idyllic life "behind the mountains. . we are here dealing with a purely Semitic word. A root should be classified etymologically. 22.e.. when it occurs? And even supposing interpolations actually exist. should we assume interpolations in the passages. 22 (178). of the prophetic portions of the to belong. uses in its place the genuine Eranian word khgatrapavan i. Obel. nrarggJ ivory literally "tooth of Habb-animals" i. e.176 is? clear THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE evidence that 0. on account of this word of all others. is is no longer used in Semitic languages the same fact in the case of just as little surprising as many other words. which we must consider the Hebrew Books of Kings now under discussion in The word is it jJQ which likewise appears Hebrew after the time of Jeremiah nnO> howsoever undoubtedly of Assyrio-Babylonian origin. Yet in spite of Eranian. as = "tooth Ill) we may conjecture. From a singular p ah a t is ibid. That the root as a verb. we may suppose be the Assyrian name of AM. T. never occurs in this are we to suppose i. Darius. why should these bring certainly the Persians were us to so late a period as the post-exilic Persian epoch? For not the channel through which the word the Hebrews. Beh.

XII. 39. Leipzig 1883. stat. PHini Juda occurs as the name of the Southern of the twin Israelite kingdoms many times in the under the inscriptions after the time of Tiglath-Pileser II . comp. * A syllabary has in the meantime been discovered by Theoph. Comp. fc^CID) see Delitzsch On the signification of the ordinary ideogram for (imir) KUR. The al-ap in the above epigraph can therefore only be alap. 29. p 75). XIV. e. Hebr. Pinches which explains AM. And the exportation Among among of the steeds [took place] from the Assyrians also Aegyptian steeds had a specially high value. 44 a. 165. Keilschrifttexte Sargon's. we can no longer doubt.I as KINGS X. G. see Lotz. The ordinary or designation was rather mat Blt-Humrf or mat Humri "land of the house of "land of Omri". 110. 629 b. fift (IIRawl. 708 foil. b. G. p. ?N^1 Israel. 23. see Lotz. ^~. p. Parad. Comp. constr. of alpu "ox". 21. SI by piru and thus fixes the latter as the name of the elephant.* 28. 1 this name XXXVI.). 44 p. and respecting KA = sinnu "tooth" |#. 19. as we have already observed. See XIV. and refers to the Jak-ox likewise represented on the corresponding relief.-Pil. and comp. Aram. my remarks in Jenaische Literaturzeitung 1878 no.** XII. 137 foil. Eespecting on Gen. the plural pirati in the epigraph III of the obelisk of Salmanassar II (see also D. Aegypt. Sargon in his triumphal inscription si si mentions his possessions (line 183) mat Mu-188 see note su-ri "steeds of Aegypt". the elephant. "ass of the East". Omri". 31 (pp.. Tigl. QSJQ. also the note on XVI. or merely "land Omri". The usual term for the is kingdom of Israel in the Assyrian inscriptions not this. note on Kings XVI. Lyon. 161 foil. my remarks in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXVII (1873) pp. "horse" = 12 .. Ill i. e. 29). ** For the form sisu (comp. RA i. Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's I pp.

II Rawl.-Pil. in land of Omri". Ja-u-di Ha-za-ki-a-u sar-su i-mid ap-sa-a-ni Juda tion" e. several III. tion line In the same inscrip"Azariah (Uzziah) of Juda. 2 Chron. Berlin 1880 that The conjecture expressed in the first edition of this work p.* Comp. in the Nimrud-inscription (Layard. note on 2 Kings XXI. where we rap-su na-gu-u its mat i. a Sargon. the same who is called Mi-in-si-i in the inscription of Asurbanipal (Rassam. as well as in the other inscription III Bawl. e. \j^$)> Juda is repeatedly . in which Ja-u-ha-zi i. * See p. form J a h u d all (m a t. is that of Mauasseh." 4 we read the name of the country itself mat J a- u-di. menin the tioned frequently in the records of Sanherib first Nebbi-Junus inscription read: at Constantinople line 15. annalistic inscription of Sanherib where Hizkia (col. 1 .178 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE u. i r) J a u d u (d i). T. Zur Kritik der Inschrifteii Tigl. times designated 12). 9. who so often refers to mat Bit-Humri viz. 6 7 is line 6 1 . 31 c).'s II. apsanu named is "obein the dient". First of we meet with the gentile name Ja-u-da-ai "Judaean" in the inscription of Tiglath-Pileser. king of Juda". Inscr. which is hroken off in the trilist butary (Smith's Assurbau. 33. XXXIV. only mentions Juda in one passage. plate 33 words mu-sak-nis mat Ja-u-du s a : a-sar-su ru-u-ku "(Sargon) who subdued Juda whose 189 the land of is situation (is) a remote one. "the wide district of the land of prince Hizkia (Hezekiah) I reduced him to subjecin Assyrian redigere. e. (imid root 1O#. II. Moreover Asarhaddon mentions as his vassal Mi- na-si-i sar ir Ja-u-di "Manasseh. Jahudai "Judaean" 72. my essay. 11. written 0." Juda . would thus . char. Joachaz = Ahaz mentioned as a tributary vassal. root Ctf2N. 91 the name of the king "of Juda". fragment line 2). the line 8). 3 where there is a record ofAz-ri-ja-u Ja-u-da-ai i. in cuneif.

see Keilinsch. 1 Hence there can be no doubt by Jehu.1 KINGS XIV. and not "land of Omri" or "land of the House of Omri". in the 98 no. or more briefly mat Humrt be confirmed. 10 for example. (h as in Haziti = l"rj#). Comp.). XVI. Keilinsch.* In this way we understand why the Assyrians designated Israel simply as mat B i t-H u mr 1 "land of the house Omri". Geschichtsf. ** Should be thus rendered. u. that is to say. 15).i and also first H umeet um-ri-a with it = y. Similarly it is on Tiglath-Pileser IPs inscription in III Rawl. "land Omri" ** (see Rammannir&r I Rawl. See below. on Sargon's bull-inscription Oppert 26 &c. sometimes as pp. Humria In other words but it has no longer the personal determinative before it. II) . no. in the small inscriptions which stand separate (Lay. u. "Hpy Omri. concluding essay pp. 33. -Babylon. Keilinschriften. in the 1 79 XV. 190 (See further in Assyr. the to As mode of designating the successor of a celebrated 12* . His name appears on the inscriptions in the form Hu - um - r i . 94 foil. On the same obelisk we find a reference to the kings of Damaskus Hadad-'idri (Hadadezer) and Hazael and 2 Kings VIII. 32 1 foil. 23. 226. 366 note. XX. 19. Gesch. the son of Omri". cited p. the Jehu of the Old Testament meant who succeeded the rulers of the House of Omri. king of Israel. Ht^JiG Baasha occurs form Ba-'-sa also in the monolith-inscription of Salmanassar II as the name of an Ammonite king. since there Humri. that is (see the remarks on chap. in Botta 36. 29. * See also the Moahite stone line 7. XV. We on the Nimrud-obelisk of the elder Salmanassar. the comment on XVI. country. has altogether become the proper name of the different. mat and Respecting the change in the designation of Judah. in the passages that have been cited. The dynasty of Omri must on the whole have enjoyed a great reputation abroad. XVI. member the favourite Assyrian of a dynasty. phrase ma-da-tu sa Ja-u-a abal Hu-um-ri-i "tribute of Jehu. son of Omri. sometimes as ir.

10 line 17. Sargon cylinder line 19). Respecting Humria as a colruler lateral [In XXXVI. The sequence is : S urru (Tyrus). the extended" next in the bull-inscription Botta 36 line 18. The most ancient extract stele of is from the Nirnrud-obelisk as well as the Salmanassar II (see above). traces Hebrew also find way we can understand the parallelism in of Israel. p. in which we read mu-ri-ib mat Bit- Hu-um-ri-a rap-si . first of the cylinder-inscription I Rawl.. 67. Then follows the mention of the mat Humri in king Rammannirar's list of tribu- tary states. give ear". Northern Israel. 26) in Gaza and other Philistine or rather fragment of 191 close connection with Kanaanite towns (see on 2 Kings XV. 24 Omri I built the capital of the kingdom. e. and of designating the territory or kingdom that belonged to him as the "land of the house of Omri. 207 note. see Keilinsch. 12. Adin. 36 29). 18. 35. Pave" des portes. In this form to Humri. 31 (footnote* p. PalasTiglath-Pileser II mentions Northern Israel annals (III Eawl. 19 sa-pi-in fr Sa-mi-ri-na ka-la mat Bit. passages in the cuneiform inscriptions in which reference is made to the "land of the Ofcourse I omit the house Omri" i. (Samaria). ITdumu (Edom). Botta pi. and house of the king. T. 25: ka-sid ir Sa- or founder of a dynasty. of the same tendency to designate a nation as the 'house' of some king or founder of a dynasty. Next comes Sargon who all in refers to the land of the house Omri. we see note on Gen. line 19. Transl. to cite all the now propose parallel passages in the inscriptions of Sargon. "combatants (subjugators) of the land Omri. Geschichtsf. house . 24.180 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE It should 1 0. in this be observed connection that according to Kings XVI. Sidu nnu mat Humri his tav in a (Philistia). Samaria. 138). Silan" (II Rawl. Jakin.Hu-um-ri-a "destroy er of Samaria . 15) &c. as the "son" of the latter. u. Hosea V.] 1 "hearken. the entirety of the land Omri". (Sidon).

npg. to a definitive end. which repeatedly appears in the inscriptions of Sanherib (Taylor Cylinder II. From the passage evident that. comp. was through Sargon that it was brought 24. occurring in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser. I'ntffiP Samaria. Khorsab. 34. which there is mention of a king Mi- ni-hi-im-mi in ir Sa-mi-ri-na-ai "Menahem of Samaria" connection with Ra-sun-nu 18. 17 comp. Zur Kritik des Tigl. p. 2 lines 26 28. lastly Sa-mi-ur-na also We (Botta 17. and &c. "Rezin" of Damaskus. where it appears in the forms S a mir-i-na (Botta plate 16. 23).). founded by Omri. 16 city V. 24 foil. comp. is capital of the Northern kingdom.e. (Layard inscrr. it is where of a "king" of Samaria (sarru-su-nu) said that he ir Sa-mi-ri-na the city i-di- nu-us-su u -mas -sir "alone left Samaria". it at least in later times. there is a eponymus III Rawl. North of Juda were simply named after For even as late as the time of Asurin 192 banipal (who viceroy of reigned Assyria after 668) we find a Samirina (Sa-mir-i-na) mentioned as an On the other hand. first-cited. meet the form Sa-ml-ri-na in an inscription of in Tiglath-Pileser II Ill Rawl. Sa-mi-ri-na (Botta 40. 9. 47) and Asarhaddon (III Rawl. Aram. 33). 95.I KINGS XVI. 26. 27).. 31 foil. |nptf. whose name was read U-si-mu-ru-na. 18. 50 line 10. I myself thought it must . 10 this was king Pa-ka-ha i. 181 "con- mir-i-na Omri". pi. frequently mentioned under this name - in Sargon's inscriptions. the rulers of the territory situated the city Samaria. is no. u gi-mir mat Blt-Hu-um-ri-a querors of the city Samaria and of the whole of the land After the time of Sargon the "kingdom Omri" It is never again mentioned. As may be inferred from III Rawl. Similarly in Layard 66. 50).-Pil.

29. Annals in Botta 10 foil. One of its rulers. 33. called e. though for a long time past is we have been altogether ignorant what spot meant by the name Samsimuruna. And this is only confirmed by the intelligence that Samaria formed an alliance with Hamath. (see It is The name is therefore to be read Samsimuruna Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tigl. Mi-in-hi-im-mui. T. and the rule of. Menahem it is (in the records of Asarthis haddon and Asurbanipal A -bi-ba-('-)al). Delitzsch's conjecture. For a newly discovered fragment of an inscription of Sardanapalus. DNHN Ahab is i. place is e. by Salmanassar II A-ha- ab-bu Sir-'-lai "Ahab of Israel" in an inscription . XII.) of that monarch's reign (Khorsab.-Pil. C. The same thing may be kingdom had long said of the mention of a governor of Samaria in the reign of Asurbanipal (see above) : the become an Assyrian province. Respecting Fr. Thus we have no occasion to question the statement of the Bible and of the inscriptions.182 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. In Asurbanipal's inscription the word is written Sa-am-si- mu-ru-na. obvious that this Samsimuruna has nothing to do with the Biblical Shdmerdn and the Samirina of the inscriptions. 33 . that with the conquest of Samaria of the state by Salmanassar the independence come to an end. Arpad. 193 70.'s &c. sam) of the word must be regarded as here having the value sam and not u. But not to be identified with the Samaria of the Bible. pp. in the second year (720 B. rose under and against Sargon. 20.). see the remarks on Josh.Asurbanipal (Rassam 3 line 10) shows that the sign which stands for the first syllable (u. Zemar and Damaskus. mentioned by Sanherib we know to have been a certain . be regarded as identical with Shomeron. 34).

i-bir. sa Gi-am-niu na"rKas-sat-a(?) ak-ti-rib. MI'S. i-du-ku. siparra 85.): XIV. 78. ir Gar-ga-mis-ai sa Ku-un-da-as-pi ir Kumu-ha-ai sa A-ra-mi abal Gu-si sa Lal-li ir Lal-li(?)-da. 31. sa Gir-pa-ru-da mat Pa-ti-na-ai sa Gir-paru-da mat Gam-gu-ma-ai kaspa hur^sa andka (PL) si parr a KAM. Na-kan-ti lu ap-ti ni-sir-ta v-su as-kun. lu a-tip-pa GAR. Ina tuklat ra-ma-ni-su-nu Gi-am-mu bil-su-nu 80. 183 Respecting Sir-'In the original the discovered on the banks of the Tigris. Ina lifoil. il&ni-ja ana ikal&tis u lu u-si-ri-ib ta-si-il-tu ina ikalti-su lu 81.za i-du-ru sipa is-bu-tti. Istu ir Kit-la-la attu-mus a-na ir Kar-Sal-ma-nu-ussir 82. 36.ai sa Ha-ja-ni abal Ga-ba-ri 84. GA-su GAR.ai ir Piit-ru 86. .* lai see note on Genesis XXXVI. ** This word should be inserted here. sa nir am-ma-ti sa n^. tah. A-na ir Kit-la-la u ir Tul-sa-abal-a-hi lu iru-ub. i-ka-bu-su-ni ina lib-bi am-hur. ak-tirib./ KINGS XVI.r Bu-rat sa ili n&r Sa-gu-ri sa amlli-i H at-ta. on the right bank of the Tigris. n&r Diklat f-ti-bir. kaspa * The precise spot where the stele was dicovered is the place Karch. ina ilippi masak kab-si-i sa sani-ti sanit . ir Ninua attu-mus. 87. n-rBu-rat ina mi-li-sa Ma-da-tu sa sarr^lni sa nir am-ma-ti sa nar Burat sa Sa-an-gar 83. II. [ana]** ir Asur ut-tir as-bat. Istul94 ili n^r Bu-rat at-tu-mus a-na ir Hal-man akti-rib. 8. South-East of Amid-Diarbekr. comp. a-na ir&-ni 79. Rawl. na-mur-rat kakki-ja iz-zu-tl ip-lahu-ma. pul-ha-at l>a<snge runs thus (see III 78 mi Dajan-Asur arah Airu urn bilu-ti-ja. SU-su as-lu-la a-na iri-ja Asur ub-la.

184 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE -su -nu 0. M. II. narkabit-hal-lu X. M. 90. ** Without determinative. I'r Kar-ka-ra ir sarru-ti-ja* abbul ag-gur ina isati as-ru-up.) . II. M. ira-ni 88.SU-su 89. (Det. mat] Imiri-su VII. M. C. pan Ramman man at-tu-mus a-na II. hurasa m a-da-ta am-hur. ? M. Ina idi siruti sa Asur bilu iddi-na ina kakki dannuti sa nasiru rabti a-lik pani-ja 97. M. [sa II. M.hu-li-i-ni 91. sabi sa Gu-ai** gam-ma-lu C. narkabati. sab!(?) sa ak-ti-rib. sabi sa Mati-nu-ba-'-li ir Ar-va-da-ai II. *** do. sa A-du-nu-ba-'-li mat Si-za-na-ai. sabi 94. sabi sa matMu-us-ra-ai X. sarra-ni an-nu-ti a-[na] niraruti-su il-ka-a a-[na ibis] 96. narkabati X. II. C. sabi sa mat Ir-ka-na-ta-ai 93. is-ru-ka it-ti-su-nu am-dah-hi-is. narkabati X. sabi sa Ir. Istu a-na ir Kar-ka-ra ir Ar-ga-na-a at-tu-mus. C. Dad-'-id-ri bati VII. sabi sa mat U-sa-na-ta-ai. C. T. . A-mat-ai ab-bu 92. do. M.-la-ai V. bit-hal-lu XX. X. narkabati I. I. sabi sa A-hamat Sir. gab-ja it-bu-ni. A-mat-ai ak-ti-rib ir A-di-in-nu ir Barsa ir ga-a (Mas-ga-a?) ir Ar-ga-na-a ir sarru-ti-su aksu-ud sal-la-su GAR. Istu ir Kar-ka-ra a-di ir Kir-za-u(?) apikta- * Must evidently moan arru-ti-su. XXX. C. M. lu nikl a-na Istu ir HalHal-man ipu-us. J m. C. C.GA ikaUtisu u-si-sa-a a-na ikalati-su isati i-du(?). sa Gi-in-di-bu-' sa matAr-ba-ai Ba-'-sa abal Ru-hu-bi*** mat A-ma-na-ai: XII. M. kabla u tahaza a-na sabi 95. sa Ir-hu-lii-ni m. GAE.

on boats of sheepskin I crossed the The triEuphrates the second time during its high-flood. 185 su-nu as-kun. gold. Girparud of Patin. 86. bute of the kings who [are] on the further shore of the Euphrates. . of Giammu on the river Kassata (?). kima Kamman ili-su-nu ri-hi-il-ta u-sa-as-su-u. I advanced into the town Kitlal and the . pa-an-na mi-i u-sam-li. his treasures I took to myself. whatever he possessed. a-na nadan bal[lat?] napsati. Kundaspi of Kumuch. nar A-ra-antu lam-ti-i-ri ak-sud. Ina ki-rib tam-ha-ri sua-ti narkabati-su-nu bit-hal-la-su-nu 102. sonofGabar. marched to city Asur. Arami. what [is] on the further shore what [is] above the river Sagur what the Syrian inhabitants call the town Pethor. XIV. sisisu-nu simda-at is ni-ri-su-nu i-kim-su-nu i. Girparud ofGamgum: silver. rapsati ummanatisu-nu ina kakki u-sar-di. sabi 98. M. Kar-Salmanassar. Lalli of Lallid(?). articles of copper 85. i-ml-is-sir (?). crossed the Tigris and advanced against the towns terror of 79. With confidence dominion. son of Gusi. During the archonship of Dajan-Asur on the 14 of Ijjar I left Niniveh.su ab-ra-ru-u rap-su a-na du-buri-su-nu ah-li-ik ina amtll-su 101. gods in his palaces. 82. town Tul-sa-habal-achi I set up my made tasiltu in his palaces. namely of Sangar of Karkemish. 84. there 1 (for) the of the Euphrates. ta-si-[rak-su?] -su-nu 99. The my dreaded. I brought away to my From Kitlal 1 took my departure. lead. I declared as booty. the onset of my powerful troops they in themselves they slew Giammu 80. their master. Chajan. I 81. [ti]. th "78. 196 . His treasuries (?) I opened. his riches. I took. I destined town Asur.e. copper. pagri-su-nu har-pa-lu sa na-gu[-u] 100.du-ki-su-nu 195 ina kakki u-sam-kit.7 KINGS XVI.

1000 men from the land Musri (Aegypt) 10. 1 fought with them.000 men from the land Irkanat. his) royal city I destroyed. . 87. 2000 chariots.186 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE From the river Euphrates I 0. bestowed. advanced against two towns 88. of the town Adinnu. 200 men from the land Usanat. 20. of Israel. son Ruchub. marched to Karkar.000 men(?) of Dad'idri (Hadadezer) 91.000 men of Ahab 92.000 98. Ramman (Hadad? ). with their .Aleppo?). combat and battle. (of I caused the filled their) troops I slew. Silver. their far- extended bodies of troops I cast down with the weapons. gold I received as their tribute to . Karkar... 10. against me. marched advanced against the town Chalman (Haleb. his took possession. property . I the surface of the water. T. From the town Argana I took my departure. 200 men Matinubaal of Arvad. With the exalted succour which Asur the lord rendered.000 men of Irchulin of Hamath. 97. 30 10. a hundred men 95. the town Argana.. who marched before me. laid waste. my (? read. They avoided a battle. 14. of Ammon: to these twelve princes his e. of Irchulin of Hamath. as the to god Ramman 197 descend upon them 99. the treasures of his palaces I brought forth. Adunuba'al of Sizan 1000 of camels of Gindibuh of Arba. I Barga(?). Bahsa. Irchulin of to join Hamath) took assistance. he (i. . 10. which the great protector. forth. of Damaskus. his royal his prisoners. received (the tribute). From the city Karkar as far as Kirzau (Gilzau?) storm 1 prepared for them a defeat.. Chalman I took my departure. rich offerings I presented From the god of Chalman. the town city.000 men of of 94. chariots. ad- vanced. 10 of chariots. 90. 500 men sumed with 1200 chariots. into his palaces I cast(?) fire. 93.. with the mighty power. embraced my feet. 1200 horsemen. . of the Guaean.. confire. . 700 chariots. 700 horsemen.

) III. . region 100. 5 G ar-p a -ru-un. Dp3 "speak". 79.. SU. Gesch. their horses. nisirtu "treasures". hence arrangement or place ["IHD for storing up treasures.. u. Notes and Illustrations. perI haps: to preserve the life of the population). 164. busuni Tigl. 76 (Var. tasiltu I do not understand 81. 1 78. Pa. 216 and comp. izzut adj. atippa ubla. u.I KINGS XT I. u.. 85. 101. for the reading s Asurfflft . see Keil- insch.. perhaps p. 187 their corpses he (?) scattered over the open plain (?) of the (i. Imperf. Kal of tapa HOD* i"IDlQ "fumble" then "touch" (?) XX. Kal 1 pers. p. apti from pat a == HHD &*'-& . root ^2N "bring". itibir Ift. for the equivalent gir syllabary II Rawl. see 216 on miluv ibid. see note on 2 Kings 12. 12. p.. Babylon. 214. u. with II. Assyr. Gesch. plur. "what one guards". Gesch. Imperf. 49) and the phonetic complement ub. ammatu Keilinsch. We (II also meet with the pronunciation ikab10. root nasirh. Layard see the 98 comp. 76. with Salmanassar's bull-inscription Layard of the corresponding sign. Babyl. 16. Girparuda. this ideogram be explained as having essentially the same meaning as amilu. at the exit of the pass leading from Media to a spot far more familiar to them Babylonia comp. Imperf. 686 and see below. ak tirib root 2")p (respecting the phonetic value ti also of the second sign. nakanti. From the parallel passage on the obelisk line 39. The pronunHaleb-Aleppo ciation was modelled by the Assyrians in accordance with the name of Ilalman-Holwan.ub with the usual ideogram for "enter" (Assyr. plur.). 141 note). here written TU. from nakamu "heap up". e. in order to give life to its inhabitants e. root |^. root probably "HE. the Syrian Keilinsch. my Keilinsch. . The river Orontes battle I took lamtiri 1 took in possession. On 84. i. the exactly similar passage on Sanherib's Bellino-cylinder line 9. amilu here written with a special ideo- gram.da Salmanassar's obelisk. of kaba = HDpj DDp> perhaps "name".. = . ugirib is Shafel of the same verb. root nasar. II. . their teams. namurrat (for the reading subst. 40. (1880) no. see Norris p. Syllab. 229 note **. no. pers. root n*l^ (Aram. may 86. Keilinsch. . 67) 32. 1 pers. p. 8. Halman(van). 15. foil. . wJl^ . "on yonder side". III. II Rawl.. 10.. comp. 141. 66 no. p. on the land Patin see Keilinsch. Keilinsch. ikabuSuni 3 pers. Gesch. -82. pp. their horsemen. Gesch. see my Assyr. attuinus Ift. 34. '{< = Hebr." Li mi. p. divided (?) among its inhabitants (?). Amidst that from them their chariots.-Pil. Norris 1011) 80. with the Var. irub 110 no. read thus in accordance p. comp. root 12$. u. kabsi' 214..

"ny HH foil. see Assyr. rp^ 90. see below. root ..32 Var.188 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE III.. nirarutu "help". Babyl. GAR. . root Hebr. 2. 157. and as such. Gesch. comp. root tab a POn. -Arabic "131. adj. "dash in pieoes" VHO* in Ift. II Rawl. Hebr. fr^i. ) -p "cast". 538 inschriften p. "might".. root NJJN = 56 (comment idu. j-jp^ np^. Keilinsch. us"amkit Shafel "like of makat = f)pO the god in the sense "overpower". on 2 see on Sanherib Taylor-cylinder 89. nsiru. GA. id din root nadan = jHJ. ideogram amdahhis Iftael from mahas. nar Arantu can only be the Orontes. mi' = QIQ "water". 45. then "con- dan nut tend". u Geschichtsforschung pp.-Piles. on the t changed into the labial-nasal d. 79 foil. 64 = Hamath (Hitzig. i. Keil- Hebr. 0. uSamli "troops". = comp. also Assyrisch-Babylon. from dan "strong". idu. asrup root is root . Hebr. 8. 140 footnote. -|n Iftael. ideogram PAN. comp. Norris reads la-tiri meaning "without return". inscription 7. Keilinsch. properly "hands". i^i plur. MAH see Smith's Assur- banipal 222. Lagarde). root Vfl*l "overflow". PAN. and this applies in still greater 101. Stand.it* frequently ^3. II. the divinity of storm and tempest. root root "lpj. 2 nar-kab-ta. comp. SU. apiktu. with phonetic complement ut. plur. 15. - Dad-'idri e. here ideogram below pp. root 98 [ti]dflki-unu "their combatants" root -jOH. u. Hebr. Tigl. BI'(MIT) umman&ti = to pagru. Keilinscl1 . (see below) "defeat". sing. 29 (nar-kab-tuv). Kings XVIII.~ 96 itbuni. we must be content be without an exact interpretation. 75. pjpj (Aram. Noldeke. c>. - comp. nD3")pphonetically determined by 33^ As Oppert has perceived. root narar. 145. degree to line 100: lamtiri is not clear. kakku "weapon". "ItjniHj 95. 205) for rihista. p. Keilinsch. "dash one another in pieces". GAR. - = siru "high". ilka. 62. 1. Shafel of tf^E. Babyl. root ^33 a '> "chariot". -p. of the atmosphere. 38 corap. here ideogram (see below) Shaf. here the Orontes is meant. comp. panna instead of the ordinary pan. of |-|T1 comp. thus) Sa nagu translation (nag imissir(?) may have the meaning ft harpalu (read referred-to in the is known to signify "district"). 19. 198 Ekbatana of Herodotus 87. the ideogram II Rawl. to Syll. 13): uSisa ypfl = Shafel. Ramman". p. 190 foil. Sarap = gg ur ( akkur of narkabtu narkabati plur. rihilta stands according to the Assyrian phonetic law (Assyr. For the ideogram a. kima Ramman ra-hi-si ili-Su-iiu "like Rammn hurling myself over them". I. uSardi plur. nikft "offering". 106 no. according 88. see 101. properly interpreted in syllabary 227. . "exalted". "pour forth") col. T. see Keilinsch. p. u Gesch. abbul . 109. usassft can only be properly considered to be Shafel of a root {<\J3 or J"l^! 99.

47. Wellhausen). ikimsunu 1 pers. inscription may be consulted on . is KINGS XVL The 189 rest is perfectly intel- to say "without delay". of the In the sixth year Great the allies were totally reign King defeated in the battle of Karkar. VII. after the battle Damaskus count. that ligible. however. On the other Ahab appears in alliance with learn that Ahab. Gesch.e. disastrous issue. p. and the cession of "alleys" in Damaskus (1 the Israelites This alliance. ^py "yoke") the animal bound to the yoke (ni'r) i. 199 28. Observe that here Ahab . and Hadadezer = Benhadad II (see below) ofDaraaskus appear in conjunction.7 root lip. Its * On fell. the circumstance that "Ahab the Sir'lite".000* of of the their soldiers were put hors de combat. at is explained by Tiglath-Pileser I col. who the varying traditions respecting the see Keilinsch. mentions as Jehu the son of Omri well as Hazael of Damaskus. on the Nimrud obelisk. 34 foil. Imperf. the ideogram that occurs here LAL. u. constr. No less than 14. state simdat. root Q3{< "take". The misfortune of Benhadad and his confederates reacted on the alliance. was brought about by the common threatened danger a which both the empire of Assyria. a horse or ass. The parallel passages in the obeliskin the note and in the bull1. For the as allies kingdoms from the the confederacy had the we perceive from passage of the inscription which has been quoted. Hence there Israel is is no room for doubt that the Biblical this Ahab of meant by is hand. which cities mainly involved the restoration to Israel of the which had been to lost. the Sir'lite 1 Kings XX. meaning (comp. "take away". Kings XX. with suffix. concluded an alliance with Benhadad. also that this tion same monarch (Salmanassar II) in the inscripsubsequently drawn up. For the rest see glossary. completely in accord with the Scriptural acthe latter From we of Aphek. Simittu. number of the enemies .

190

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE

0.

T.

bonds were relaxed and soon afterwards completely disThe consequence was a rapprochement between 200 solved.

and Juda, which eventually led to the resolve to recover from the weakened Damascenes territory that formerIsrael

ly belonged to Israel; an enterprise,
in
disaster.

however
the

,

which ended
king

In

the

decisive

battle

Israelite

was wounded and the
direction
:

dispirited

host scattered in every
to his

the king himself

succumbed
identity

wound

(chap.

XXII). with Ahab

Respecting the

of

Ahabbu
356
e.

Sir'lai

of Israel, as well as on the historical questions

involved, see Keilinsch. u. Gesch. pp.
for the identification of

371.

Also

Dad-'idri

i.

1J$J~"nn with the
1

Biblical

Benhadad

see ibid. p. 539.

Comp. note on

Kings

XX.
31.

1.

^apK

Et/ibaal

(Menand.

^o/9loc;

Josephus
the
see

Ei&wftcdog),

name

of a Sidonian and also of a later Tyrian

king, appears in the form

cuneiform inscriptions as note on Gen. X. 15.
34. D*^r* Abirdm

Tu-ba-'-lu likewise in the name of a Sidonian king

;

is also a proper form of with the pronunciation Assyrian, II Rawl. 69 Can. Ill Rev. 5 line 20.
;

name employed

in

Abu-ra-mu;

see

XVII.

9. 10.

DO-IS Sarepta, a city of Phoenicia, situated
is

between Tyre and Sidon,

mentioned in the form Sa-riof Sanherib

ip-tav

on the Taylorcylinder col. II. 39, along with Sidon and other Phoenician towns. There is no doubt of the identity of the two
in

the

inscription

names, and that they refer

to the

same

place.

XX.
in the

1.

"nn~]5 Benhadad, name

of several Syrian kings
is

Old Testament.

Benhadad

the

Aramaic "nu~"l3

Hebraized (see Payne Smith sub voce; Assemani Bibl. Or. I. 19 Scc.). Comp. the name preserved in the inscriptions

I
of Asurbanipal

KINGS XVIL

XX.
since

1

91

Bir- Da-ad -da
it,

i.

e.

,

Dad

has the

determinative of deity before

without doubt Bir-Hadad
foil.).

= Bar-Hadad
Benhadad
is

(Keilinsch.

u.

Gesch. pp. 538

The

II,
if

who

is

referred-to in this passage of the Bible,

perhaps,

not undoubtedly, identical with
i.

D ad-'-id ri201
in Sal-

(Hadad-'idri*) -r?ir"nn

e.

^"Tlp

mentioned

The manassar IFs monolith-inscription III Rawl. 8. 90. succession of Syrian kings would then be: Benhadad I,
Hadadezer
reality
to the

(=

Biblical

Benhadad

II)

,

Benhadad

III

(in

Benhadad

II), a succession which

would correspond

custom of antiquity (Ewald) of not letting the son Keilinsch. u. Gesch. bear the same name as the father.
p.

539.

The passages
825),
in

in the inscriptions of
this

which

Hadad'idri

= Benhadad
the
sixth

Salmanassar II (860
II
is

men,

tioned, are the following.

On

the obelisk of

Nimrud

in

the report of the king

respecting

year of his

we read (Layard inscr. pi. 90 line 59 foil.): Ina ft-mf-su-ma Dad-id-ri jsa] mat Imiri-su Ir -hull- n a mat A -mat- a i a-di sarra-ni sa mat Hat- ti u a-hat tiam-ti a-na idi a-ha-vis it-tak-lu-ma a-nai-bis kabla u tahaza [a-] na gab-ja it-bu-ni. Ina ki-bit Astir bili rabl bili-ja it-ti-su-nu am-dah-hi-is apikta-su-nu as-kun. Narkabatireign**,
* Not only do

we

find the

form Dad-'-id-ri

in the texts,

but

likewise repeatedly Dad-id-ri (without '); see immediately below. * i. e. the year when Dajan-Asur was Archon (see above p. 185
of eponyms). The obelisk-inscription line 45 contradiction, when it there represents the events of the fourth year of the king (the year marked by the eponym of Asurbaniaiusur) as those of the eponym of this same Dajau-Asur. Kespecting this contradiction and the mode of explaining it, see Keilinsch. the
lists
is

and comp.

involved in a

u.

Geschichtsforschung pp. 323

foil.

192

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE

0. T.

u-nu-ut tahazi-su-nu f-kim- su-nu. XX. M. D. sabi ti-du-ki-su-nu ina kakki u-sam-kit i. e. "At this time Dadidri of Damaskus*,

su-nu bit-hal-la-su-nu

Irchulina of

Hamath, together with
to

the kings of the land

Chatti and the sea-coast **, relied on their mutual strength
202

and advanced against me

engage

in battle

and combat.

At

the

command

of Asur, the great lord,

my
;

lord, I fought

Their chariots, their with them [and] put them to flight. I from them their took 20,500 of their riders, baggage***

The second combatants I overpowered with weapons". f 91 8 7 foil. as ibid. Ina XI. line reads follows, pi. passage
:

n^rBurat i-bir. I'r&-ni a-na ma-ni aksu-ud a-na ira-ni sa matHat-ti sa mat A-mat-ta-ai at-rad LXXX. IX ira-ni aksuud. Dad-id-ri mat Gar-Imiri-su XII. sarra-ni sa mat Hat-ti a-na id! a-ha-vis iz-zi-zu apiktasu-nu as-kun e. "In the 11 th year of my reign, I
pali-ja IX. santti
la
i.

crossed over the Euphrates the ninth time.

Cities without
cities

number

I conquered.

I

marched down against the

* That the term

mat GAR-Imirisu

designates

the

kingdom of

Damaskus,

is

shown
;

in Assyr.-Babylon. Keilinschrifteu,
2. is

concluding ex-

cursus pp. 323 foil. comp. note on Gen. XV. ** Ofcourse the coast of the Mediterranean

meant.

Among
the

these
inac-

kings was included

Ahab

of Israel; see above.

Respecting

curacy of this and other passages of the obelisk, as compared with the monolith- and bull-inscriptions, in the designation of the allied
kings, see Keilinsch. u. Gesch. pp.

229232.
II

***

Properly "battle-implements" (fl^N)f The ideogram IS KU is explained in

Rawl.

19,

23. 61

by

kakku.

The word probably

arose from

karku, which
originally
lastly

according to
"equip-

the Aramaic (comp. also

TP^pp

pallium]

signified

ment", then "weapons
in footnote * p. 189.

of defence"

Respecting the variation in

"weapons" in general. the statement of the numbers, see the ref.

and

I

KINGS

XX.

193
I conquered

of the land Chatti, the land of
cities.

Hamath

;

89

Dadidri of Damaskus,
*

1

2 kings of the land Chatti
,

depended

The

third passage, in

mutually on their power I put them to flight." which this Benhadad is mentioned,
is

occurs in Salman assar's bull-inscription, which

here more

complete than the obelisk-inscription in the passage reWe there read: Ina XIV. pali-ja ma-aferred-to. tu rapas-tu a-na la ma-ni ad-ki, it-ti I. C. M. 203

XX. M. ummanati-ja nar Bu-rat ina mi-li-sa i-bir. Ina u-mi**-su-ma Dad-id-ri sa mat Imirisu, Ir-hu-li-ni mat A-ma-ta-ai a-di XII. sarrani sa si-di tiam-di iliti u sapliti ummanatisu-nu madati a-na
ja it-bu-ni,
la

ma-ni id-ku-ni, a-na gab-

am-dah-hi-is-ma apiktait-ti-su-nu su-nu as-kun, narkabati-su-nu bi t-hal-la-sunu a - s -' u-nu-ut tahazi-su-nu i-kim-su-nu; a ln the e. a-na su-zu-ub napsati-su-nu i-li-u th 14 year of my reign I despatched summons to the broad land without number; with 120,000 men of my troops I
i

i.

crossed the Euphrates at
of

its flood.

At

that time Dadidri

Damaskus,

Irchulini of

Hamath

with twelve kings of

the marches of the upper and lower *** sea,

summoned

their

* Root fjp?

In the same connection that

we have

in the text
p.

we

find in other passages

ittaklu "they

confided"; see above
sea.

191 &c.

** This is ofcourse the right reading. *** Without doubt parts of the Mediterranean
particulars see

For further

my

essay

"On

the names of seas" &c. in the Abhand-

It may be conjeclungen der Berl. Akad. 1877 (1878) pp. 173 foil. tured that the "lower sea" corresponds to the "Cilician-Issian" sea of

the classic
"Cilician"

writers

(notice

the mention
,

of
see

the

"Guaean"
p.

among
sea"

the allies of Dad-'idri

above

186),

the

"upper

corresponds
is

to

the "Phoenician
in that

sea"

e. some and that of the same
i.

writers (Musri-Aegypt

mentioned

very passage on

p.

186).

13

194

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE
troops,
[and]

0. T.

I advanced against me. joined battle with them and put them to flight, annihi-

many innumerable

lated (?) their chariots,

their
life

implements of battle I took
secure, they took themselves

from them; to make their

away

(root nhy)".

The passage in the monolith-inscription has been communicated above on chap. XVI. 29.
and
thirty two kings

were with him.

This notice

is

con-

firmed and illustrated

by

the inscriptions that have been

communicated, in so far as

we

there find Hadadezer (Ben-

hadad) always taking the field in alliance with other Syrian
204 kings
allies
;

yet in the inscriptions there are uniformly added, as

of the king, only twelve Syrian kings inclusive or

Hamath. The Assyrian inscripenumeration perhaps only took account of the more important names. Respecting the round number see
exclusive of Irchulin of
tions in this

Keilinsch. u. Gesch. p. 46.

In the monolith-inscription
individually
,

we

have only eleven allied princes among these Dad'idri-Hadadezer
total is

mentioned,

while nevertheless the

reckoned as twelve.
i"lj3Q8 to

Aphek, meaning the spot bearing this name road leading from Damaskus to Samaria, to the East of the lake of Genezareth. The name appears with
26.
lying off the

the orthography that

we

should expect, viz.

Ap-ku,

in

a

fragment of an historical inscription of Asarhaddon, in which the king describes the district from the city of Aphek to
tf

the border of Samaria as far as the city Raphia" (on the

Aegyptian

frontier)

,

as

leagues in length

[XXX

30 kaspu-kakkar or 30 doublekas-bu kak-kar ul-tav ir

Ap-ku
pi-hi).

sa pa-di mat Sa-mi-[ri -na] a-di ir RaSee the text III Rawl. 35 no. 4 (wrongly

1

KINGS XX.

195

ascribed to Asurbanipal *) in the Transactions of the Soc.

of Bibl. Archaeol. IV,

93,

and comp. G. Smith, Assyr.
foil.

Discov. pp.

312

foil.;

Del. Parad. pp. 178

287.

34. and he concluded an alliance with him.
this
is

As we have 205

directly confirmed by the coralready observed, responding passage on Salmanassar's monolith, in which

Ahab (A-ha-ab-bu)
Hadadezer.

mentioned as an ally of BenhadadSee above page 186.
is

has lately

* E. A. Budge, 'The History of Esarhaddon' London 1880 p. 115, come back to the opinion that the account is really that

of Asurbanipal, and not of Asarhaddon. In supporting this view he appeals mainly to the style of the passage, which he considers to be characteristic of Asurbanipal rather than of Asarhaddon. But a
specific

Budge's theory breaks down through the circumstance that we have in the fragment the express statement that the Aegyptian expedition of the
Assyrian king,

up with prosaic

"style" does not appear at all in the extract, which details about the events of the war; and

is

taken

which

is

referred-to,

was

his

"tenth" (Obv.

6).

At

the time of this expedition, however, Tarku, the Tyrian king's "friend", was still upon the scene (Obv. 12), while according to the cylinders of

Asurbanipal he had already disappeared from history during the second expedition of the Assyrian. Accordingly the "tenth" campaign cannot

have been that of Asurbanipal. With this tallies the in other respects important notice which occurs in the following extract (Obv. 7 foil.)
:

i. e. "(In tenth campaign) I turned my face to the land [Magan and to the land Miluchchi], which in the mouth of the inhabitants [are called] land Kush and land Aegypt." From this passage it may be seen that

u-Sa-as-bi-ta pa-nu-u-a a-na [mat Ma-gan u a ina pi-i nisi mat Ku-u-si u mat Mu-sur

mat Mi-luh-hiJ

my

the

Aethiopia

popular Babylonian term for the double kingdom continued in the days of Asarhaddon to be

of Aegypt-

Magan and

for "Miluchchi" does not exist Miluhhi, seeing that the name at all before the time of Asarhaddou. In the days of Asurbauipal there was no longer any need for such an explanatory notice. It is

Kuu

clear that the expedition referred-to, which should be assigned to the end of the reign of Asarhaddon, agrees well, as being "the tenth", with the reign of that monarch, which lasted only thirteen years.

13*

196

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE

0. T.

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS.
V. 5. DHJ3
18.

nlOq

suits, see

note on Gen.
It

XLV.

22.

liBTrV? house of

Rimmon.

has been long

known

that

Assyrian
identical

From the Rimmon was an Aramaic god. information that the he was obtain we inscriptions with the Assyrian Ramman, R^man (Ram-masee G. Smith, Notes &c.

nu,
p.

Ra-man, Ra-ma-nu,

1872

a the 25; II Rawl. 68, 2, 21 b &c.) i. e. ]DJn, ^4.^ thunderer" *, name of the storm-god, the god of the breeze and atmosphere, of a thunder and lightning" (ilu) sa ri-mi

(am) and sa bir-ki
206

(pia) III Rawl. 67.

46

foil.

Thus

he was not only called (ilu) Ram-ma-nu "the thunderer" but also (ilu) Bar-ku "the lightened [III Rawl. 47 no. 3, 7 comp. with III Rawl. 1, II. 20; II Rawl. 68, II. 2,
6.

=

(29); comp. Ill Rawl. 66 Rev. VI. 8: (ilu) In accordance with this we have the (ilu) Bir-ku**].
ideographically

Ramman
a

god described
on the
reliefs

by AN.

IM

i.

e.

god of

the celestial region" or of the atmosphere, and represented

and cylinders as armed with the thunderbolt.

storm-god" he often bears the epithet ra-hi-su "the stormer", root fTH (Stand. Asurnasirh. line 7 &c.), also riih-su having the same meaning. Consequently it is he who is foremost in bringing about the judgment of the flood (see above p. 57). The pronunciation of the name as ^ST\ in the

As

a

*

word
p.

Delitzsch, in Smith's Chaldaean Genesis pp. 269 foil., regards the as identical with ramanu "exaltation". See on this P. Haupt,

72 footnote of the

German

edition.

** This
of

is

the correct form here.
(Part.), just as

bariku

Above we have barku instead we have asbu for aibu &c. and moreo-

ver with k instead of k
note 2; 200.

to Assyr.-Babyl. Keilinsch. p. 20 (p) according

Relig. With this also agrees Khorsab. Salmanassar II reports in his obelisk-inscripis also tion (Layard plate 92) line 97 foil.: Ina XVIII. = Bir-Hadad 538 foil. comp. And Hazael pKHjCJ) became king in his stead. Theolog. 306. Ha-za-'-ilu sa mat Imiri-su a-na tahazi it-ba-a. Rassam IX. VIII. occurs just e. bi tf narkabati-su CCCC. IM XII. i. Gesch. He mentioned on the inscriptions as a Ha-za-'-ilu of Damaskus". Aramaic jQK "heap up". 197 perhaps entirely owing to a combination its of the name. i.* Hebr. also I Kings XV. origin and meaning was unintelp'B"l. XXI. LXX. battle against me. Hazael of Damaskus advanced chariots. with the name of the pomegranate The LXX in this passage give f throughout the more correct form Pt u udv* t t litDTDlp. . Gesch. The god was regarded by the the identical to with Syrian cylind. 129. do with the pomegranate. which in ligible. 15. 334 Assyrians as 342. C. 1121 of his 470 of his horsemen together with his provisions** * The punctuation of the word as ]j-j rests on a popular etymoThe deity that is meant has nothing whatever to logical explanation. Oppert's rendering "battle-array" acies is untenable in face of these passages. Hebr. the 192) unfit "baggage". us-ma-ni-su i-kim-su e. 124. I (1876) p. I foil. Bir-Da-ad-da VIII. saniti nar Bu-rat i-bir. 18 Ta^Qs^ia See Jahrbiicher der Protestant. u. Usmani will be the plural form. Compare also Baudissin Studien zur sem. 2 (V Rawl. at the passage where we found above Accordingly it would have a similar meaning. ** (p. = (1875) pp. 271. 9) = Smith's Assurb. "Barhadad" Keil- insch. pp.SECOND BOOK OF RINGS Old Testament is V. palf-ja207 XVI. uSmani i. . celestial deity Ha dad according Assurban. t- hal-lu-su th it-ti ln the 18 reign I crossed the Euphrates to the year of my 16 th time. 106: Bir-AN. see note on Zech. e. 11. M.. QQN "store-room". Comp.

On the formation comp. e. VIII.* p ali-j a XXI. his throne. Byblians I received. u. saniti nar Bu-rat f-bir." Similarly line 102 foil. IX. uib from 3J^N> root ** . 283. "after this fate carried off Hazael to Ja'lu his son I raised (root 3'N = 2^) (root D" ^) 1 . Besides the Syrian Hazael. e. I Tyrians. Kllntt "market town". 8. VIII. Rassam. . root ^21 *) carry. V Rawl.: 0. son of Hazailu. Kal of S^K. we should read in place of XI of the text. See also Keilinsch. a-na ira-ni sa Ha-za-'-ilu sa mat Imiri-su a-lik sa ma-hazi-su aksu-ud. cylind. 87 (Smith's Assurban. Lotz. Likewise compare the Ja-u-ta-' abal Ha-za-ilu sarmatKi-id-ri "Jautah. cylind. Sidonians. 260. Bellino VII. * So ofcourse line 100. 19." Notice also the cylinder-inscription of Asurbanipal col. 1). ibid. Ma-da-tu sa mat Sur-ra-ai mat Si-du-na-ai mat Gu-bal-la-ai am-hur i. ** I took The tribute of the of whose towns possession. "In st the 21 year of my st reign I crossed the Euphrates the 21 time marched against the cities of Hazael of Damaskus. Tiglath-Pileser's Comp.u abal-su ina kussi-su u-si-sib- ma i." of the first of these to On the occasion two expeditions Jehu also was compelled submit to the Assyrian supremacy and to a payment of tribute.198 I took THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE from him. Die Inschriften I p. 54. Ill. 9 which mentions a prince named U-ai-ti-' as son of an Arabian Hazael. king of Kedar". On this see chap. comp. p. the Targ. We read of one such on Asarhaddon's cylinder 208 col. T. 109/ *** Ubil is Impf. 2) carry away. the Assyrian monarchs after- wards make mention of Arabian kings who also bore this name. Gesch. Ar-ka Ha-za-ilu sim-tav u-bil-suma*** Ja-'-lu. Ina XXI. 2.

a the hand of the kingfff. with the spear-shaft (III. like enclosed birds. staff for 209 golden goblets f. IX. 2): The passage runs thus Ma-da-tu sa Ja-u-a abal Hu-um-ri-i. "rod". sabad. LX. out". NA by a-na-ku The signification of the ideograms is rp^. In Assyrian it denotes nH. 44. 98. which were found in the foundation-walls of Sargon's palace at Khori. specially the shaft of a spear.) hurasi Kaspu anaku ti (PL) hur&su (PL) sap-lu hurasi (PL) is hu-tar-tu sa-kat sarri is bu-ru-hai. shafts of spears*: that I received. 24) boasts that he has slain 370 powerful lions. is from J-]pT = - emptying probably intended.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS IX. and lastly the spear itself. silver and lead. both times in those of Salmanassar II (860 first 25). ** Saplu See on this subject Oppert. "bar". am-hur-su e. e. C.3 a shaft. * "sta^'. fr . fft Hutartd. of dalu ^TJ i. Thus Asurnasirhabal (Lay. furnished by the inscriptions on plates of metals of five different kinds. *** for Zukut subst. -)^n. f Kabuati is bu c tu) f-j- nj^?p niOp Dalani. a golden ladle ***. 343. from a syllahary (Norris Diet I p. e. son of Omri : bars of silver. sukut. = without question the plural of Heb. golden pitch ersff. above a figure. = II. root |"|3D & c |-]pt#. VIII. Hebr. zu-ku-ut hur&si ka-bu-a-ti hurasi da-la-ni (PI. "goblet". X ni'si dannuti kima issuri ku-up-pi iua bu-ru-hi a-duk). bars of gold *. 40) which interprets AN. 2. root binut. 199 NTP Jehu is mentioned twice in the inscriptions. ^Q. en Me'sopot. Expe'd. The passage occurs in the king's obelisk among the separate inscriptions . comp. "cross-beam". "tribute of Jehu. bars of lead.1 "branch". l^a. A ladle ppj (= p^i?) "pour As to the formation comp. Buruhat or buruhtu. plur. p. From this passage . (thus correctly written line 4) is the plural of buruhu Heb. the former being followed by men (Lay. kabutu (= ka- = 'vessel for emptying'. Hebr. bringing tribute." The sign for the plural is here affixed to the ideograms for The phonetic equivalent for lead we know gold. a golden bowl **. which represents a prince or deputy kneeling before the Great King.

n^!3 gum is "bdellium" in our thoughts (with Oppert). 52. The to be read on a fragment of Salmanno. sa ris tiam-di a-lik. abal Hu-umri-i am-hur the i. mat Si-du-na-ai. a-na la ma-ni as-lu-la. a-na ma-'-dis id-ka-a. 54.200 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE other passage is 0. . ma-da-tu sa mat Sur-ra-ai 64. arki-su ar-ti-di. It-ti-su am-dahapikta-su as-kun. I. 45. A-di mat Ha-u-ra-ni a-lik. Ha-za-'-ilu sa mat Imiri-su assar's annals III Rawl. C. palf-ja XVI. sad Sa-ni-ru uban sadi-i 46. M. jugs. C. 49. Ina ii-mi-su-ma 63. Hazael of Damaskus 42. . Ina XVIII. it-ta-kil-ma ummani-su 44. article Salmanassar &c. sa Ja-u-a 65. i-li. See the engraving in Schenkel's BibelOn "son of Omri" see above p. More- men who are bearing bars. ina isati asru-up sal-la-su-nu 59. napsati-su sadi-i 56. In the 18 th year of the my reign I crossed Euphrates 16 th time. 60. u-sam-kit. The following nar is the text: 40. narkabati-su. superscription : this exhibits goblets and **. 179 lexicon. staves. sabt ti-du-ki-su ina kakkt 50. IV. I. The correctness of my rendering of the words is confirmed by the figured representation which accompanies over this the pitchers. trusted in the multitude of his troops. ina lib-bi as-kun. ira-ni 57. 42. 41. XXI. kiri-su ak-kis. text and footnote . sanit Bu-rat 41. 6. I-na ir 2ioDi-mas-ki ir sarr1i-ti-su i-sir-su 55. 53. 5 40 65. sa-lam sarrti-ti-a 62. sa pu-ut sad Lab-na-na a-na dan-nu-ti-su 47. bit-hal-lu-su a-na su-zu-ub it-ti us-ma-ni-su. as- it is also clear that we have not not to pronounce the word hu-dil-ha- ti and have an Israelite product which could have been offered as tribute by Jehu. A-di sadi-i sad Ba-'-li-ra-'si 61. a 40. i-kim-su hi-is 48. a-na gi-bis ummani-su 43.i-bir. XVI. a-na la ma-ni a-bul a-gur 58. e. T. M. LXX. is-kun.

" combination of the adverb with the prepos. usmani "stores". his royal city. I pursued him. In Damaskus. 43. tiduku opposite" Keil. 45.3. Botta71. the usual ideogram for "chariot" II Rawl. 1. 147 foil. "take oneself away". 1. Notes and Illustrations. comp.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS sembled . nark a bat plur.-211 Babylon. which is situated close to the sea. comp. 47. 201 the mountain his hosts without number. also have the form (I Rawl. uban "summit" (comp. We 4) ru-kub plur. Keilinsch.. 470 of his horsemen together with his stores 52. "baggage" 23") meaning root Qt^tf. 55. artidi. from ma'du = "JK "much. 45. son * of Omri". he took himself off. gibi the ideogram SU. see above i. . p. and footnote **. "the crowd". u. /A. 194. ideothe jf"J2 On graphically written putu "that which 48. and made Sanir the summit of mountains. "combatant". ili. 536. 288. "slay". 6 1 . Gesch. is SI. Sidonians. laid waste. I. 40. towns 57. SU. 50. idka from daka "muster". see Behist. 197 transl. 144. 52. u. without number 58. 19. 44. Gesch. to save his life. I fire. formation from t i : the Ifteal with prefixed = "come i to blows with or among one another" "contend". pp. which (are) opposite the Lebanon-mountain. E. I took from him. "vehicle". of nar-kab-tuv by which 2. of Jehu . of I Haur&n number I marched. properly that which is "lumped together" root KOJ. root -1^-7 "strike". ma 'dig adv. Asurnasirh. Keil. then "the totality". 5 1 . his plan- tations I destroyed. also above p. see page 188. inflicted on him a defeat. e. To the mountains of the range Ba'liras. 51. ittakil Ifteal of takal. I besieged him. destroyed. is explained. without 69. 62) properly "thumb" Hebr. 1121 of his chariots. J^^jf . 16. root then Tlbf}* properly "mount". root rud * See above page 179 text and footnote **. 141. s a n i t u "time". With him I contended. I erected in that place. 7. 46. 46. To the mountains 56. 48. I burnt with carried away. p. his fortress. p. 54. their prisoners 59. At that time 63. Norris 283. IX. ana see Assyr. I marched . 64. I received the tribute of the Tyrians. my royal image 62. here we have 42.000 of his warriors I overpowered with weapons.

d). while Northern Israel in alliance Hazael. and Hazael smote them in all borders This notice only becomes completely intelligible from the above Assyrian reports. the king of Syria. Hebrew Syntax like so But it is also worshipped there. 2 (see was named from Comp. We have also many others. Nothing is to be XIII. then "besiege". with Syria attacked Juda. 100. died. 55. And * [Dr. . 171 foil. 24. XIV. T. and the Phoenician mariners would sight Translator. We know from 1 Kings XVIII. isir root "IDX "enclose". Ewald. Schrader seems 287 f. c. Durch Oosen 2"* ed. kiru "plantation" (II Rawl. We thus already meet with exactly the same play the days of influences that was repeated . 0. quite possible that this spot. T. 2) had its Baal-worship. Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's I pp. Ba'liras. like it Karmel. and Benhadad. according to the well understand "pJO here to signify only known Hebrew idiom comp. to possession. 30 foil. Israel.. lay near the as they sailed past.202 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE arki (root -pi. cannot be X. 32 from foil. root DD3 in the inscriptions).] . he field was the foe of Hazael. who repeatedly took the against the Assyrian and would accordingly repay Jehu for his Assyrian alliance. in of Pekah and Ahaz only that in the latter instance Ahaz took the place of Jehu. that rbsh Karniel (Amos 1. became king in his stead. Every rbsh or mountain-height (corresponding to the modern Arabic rds) might have its sanctuary. Israel.). akkis. As such. rp% rO"TS DTO~) " after " = "pur- sue". meant. while Jehu on the other hand threw himself into the arms of the distant Assyria in order that he might have protection against his immediate neighbour Syria the old hereditary enemy of . What mountain or single peak determined. Ebers. in which we perceive that Jehu was the ally of Assyria. About the same time J alive began to cut off fyc. For the rest see the glossary. see on this word Lotz. 15. ad Ba'li-ra's Ctfl f>j<Q "hew is = C^NT^D = off' (frequent "hav- ing a summit"*. Ba-'-li-sa-bu-na and note on Exod. pp. sea. his son. in after times . 16 foil. = p*|with comp. 524 foil. the Phoenician deity who was liBn b#3 1| b&3 &c - in the O.

Ramrnan") who. according to the Assyrian Canon latter was compara- After suppressing an attempted insurrection of his brother Asur-danin-abal. and in the 8 a the sea-coast". sarru sa ina . that is to say Kanaan. fall in the 212 time of the Assyrian king Samsi-Ramman The (i. tively a powerful monarch. however. learn that he made Damaskus once more an (i. His reign would. Assyrian vassal-state. These were. roughly speaking. XIII. a Servant of of Rulers. reign of his successor Rammannir&r. 35). by which term we should properly understand Phoenicia. bute. besieging king Mari' e. is there a monarch exercised any considerThis was altered with the able influence in the West. trace of evidence that this Nowhere. we have this expressly stated in a passage of his continuous inscription that is From Nip. 203 read in the cuneiform inscriptions about this younger Benhadad (III). e. however. reigned between 825 and 812. While it may be (= 7 th city an expedition against the Syrian th (= 10 ) in another campaign to assumed a priori that he came in contact with Israel in this expedition.I'kal Ramm&n-nirari sarru rabu sarru dan-nu sar kissati sar mat Assur. 29 31. him already to the Acin the cording to the of governors in we find ) year engaged th Arpad.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS X. Canon 5 th of Rulers sat on the throne from list who according 812 783. directed to the North . only East and South not to the West. From the 6 th (8 th ) year the list of governors com- mences with its brief notices. he undertook several extensive campaigns. . Nip a lord" tri- ]i) in The his residence and compelling him to pay is entire passage as follows (loco citato line 21):l. We are in possession of a detailed account of the first four years of his reign in his continuous inscription I Rawl. 1 this we preserved to us (I Rawl.

mat Mu-un-na. mat Si-du-nu. mat Pa-la-as-tav 13. mat U-du-mu. p. ina ir Di-ma-a-ki ir arru-ti-u lu-u i-sir-u. Sangu illu. A-na 15. mat Gar-Im ir i. mat Al-lab-ri-a. ar-du-ti ipu-u II. 41/41 a as well as Delitzsch in the Aegypt. 1878 and Lotz p. V. za-nin I'-ar-ra la mu-par-ku-u mu-rim pa-an I'-kur 4. . lu-bul-ti birmi KUM. a na-pab am-i itu ili nar Bu-rat mat Hat-ti. kib-rat arba-ti 5. mat An-di-u. . Zeitschr. tu-u ri'ut-su kima uti(?) nii mat Aur 3. bilna-pah . am-i. 18. M. IV Rawl. 8. mat Na-'-ri ana pad gimri-a. u-ik-ni. CCC. bilat hurasi. . matPar-su-a. XX. mat Sur-ru. M. bilat siparri. 64. mat A-har-ri a-na si-hir-ti-a. 19. IS ira KA. u-ik-ni-Su Ka-id itu mu-si-1 u-na (?) 6. la tu-su-ma mal-kut UD. T. this 29. bilat kaspi. . sa a . mat Ab-da-da-na 9. mat Hu-um-ri-i. sa a-ar-u ru-ku 10. 12. Pu-ul-hi mi-lam-mi Sa ASur bi!l-u is-hu-upSu-ma tpa-ja is-bat. (?) sa-na-an u-mal-lu-u kaII (Igigi? ill *). bilat parzilli.u lu-u a-lik Ma-ri-' gar a mat (sic!) Imiri-su 16. III. u-ar-i-du kussa-Su.t Gi-nun-bu-un-da ana si-hir-ti-Su. 17. . IS sal-mat-ti KA ah-zi ut* On comp. ? . 80.204 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. mat Mi-su mat Ma-da-ai m. bilat ma-da-tav iliSu-nu u-kin. matKib. a-di ill tiam-tiv rabi-ti ul-mu am-i a a-na niri-ja 14. hu(? mit-pak? ) adu-u a-na pad gim-ri-u a-di ill tiam-tiv rabl-ti 11. 2i3abal-su Asur sar (ilu) V. 2. M.matri-li-pi matHarhar mat A-ra-zi-a 7. a ina tukul-ti Aur btli-Su ittala- u-tib-bu-ma ku-ma mal-ki a-na niri-u.

Akkad.). What is materi- f In the text we have the ideogram KID (SID &c. Die Inschriften p. to 1 6. VI. the word 11 is to be read phonetically j-jifl ut-tu and may Die Insch. I.). line. XIII. has omitted the sixth Kur = clearly 1'KUR (bit Kur) 333 (who. do violence 11 (Exod. ** UD-tu may be a verbal ideogram (with the phonetic complement tu). whom priest's f. 4. whose reign (HlITl) they filled with empire like . has not yet been made known. f 2 line 4 in Transactions of the Soc. Tigl. to made a blessed one for the inhabitants of Assyria. flin meaning "announce *** On this inscriptions (e. . *** they 3. 2 (1878) p. I col. into whose hand (properly. 441. remarked. Archaeol. and for the meaning. the mighty king. Ifta. -pD passes properly signifies "one who over the bounds of what is iniquitous Behist. ft Muparku I derive from so that it I " Rawl.e. 97. . foil. the king 214 gods* reckoned** as his son. Comp. Sanherib Bellino Sargon Assyrian royal Khorsab. 8 no. 488.-Pil. I be as- sumed to be . Compare parkanu fft Comp. Oppert. 22 no. comp. the highthe unblame. the king of the land Assur. . Its phonetic equivalent. 102 may be seen in Norris 701 foil. the great king. 3 pers. Norris p. 205 ina ir GAR. Impf. and above p.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS li-f. phrase. * Compare the epithet applied to Bel. the king of the host of nations. Keilschrifttexte I p. a-na la ma-ni Di-ma-aS-ki ir arru-ti. ar gi-mir (ilu) A-nun- na-ki "king of the whole of the Anunnaki" (Tigl. According to Delitzsch in Lotz. of Bibl. 274. 3. 4 &c. the preserver of the Sarra-temple they established his throne. fkal-su Palace of Rammannirar. plate 906 p. Respecting the temple Tiglath-Pileser's I Expe'd. see ally correct Lotz. ableff who erected the front of the temple Kurfff. II. whose hand they placed empire without equal without equal) .-Pil.u ina ki-rib ara-hur i. however. I. morally permissible. 3). I. On this see Haupt. 6. uses violence' then anyone who . en Me'sopot. Die Inschriften Tiglath-Pileser's I pp. it may be from mere oversight). a l. SlT-Su 21. common in the exordia of the 2 . whom Asur. 204 footnote *. 105. GA-u GAR. and see Lotz 79 foil. see Lotz. so g. 13). of a root = Hebr.-Sumer. the king of the V.

comp. 240) on Gen. 60. properly "completion"." (18778) u. DI. who walks and subjugated the princes of the four territorial regions to his erly. which I would connect with the Arabic Oj. die Namen der Meere c. 251) for the "setting" DI. 11. 169180. pp. 6. Edom. is probably of different origin and should perhaps be connected with the Hebrew !"!{<) gimir. 12. according to the linguistic usage of Assyria. We have. constr. Philistia. 177 181. I subjugated to I'llipi. Gesch. a distant one. mu is therefore to be read Sul-mu. besides this. is f See on Gen. (Assyr. padu. especially "temples". Omri. the West country f Sidon. of Hebr. Sihirtu from sahar = ** Pad probably o - stat. Ginunbunda 2i5Allabria. 23. T. then is (m u being phonetic complement) "setting". . 13. pp. from the Euphrates in its entire the land Chatti. which is situated towards the rising to of the sun. 106 no. the mountain-country (?) in as entire extent*** as far the great sea. e. 0. the land compass. (i. ff In the text there stands DI. ideogram nouns (phonetically written) of Sanherib and Tiglath-Pileser of the sun.206 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE in reverence to Asur. 5) the mu . For on j other grounds it is quite certain that. Abdadana. is the position of which 10. is sway (propfrom musiluna. to his yoke). also note statement (Diet. to be rectified accordingly. Misu. in Khorsab. the land Andiu. *** Probably the mountainous regions are intended. Seizing possession Karkar. Parsua. Keil. Arazias. however. g. as far as the e. root *]Q^J. land Nam its in its entire extent**. his master.-Babyl. About the regions here mentioned see Keilinsch. "inD? properly circumire. which are to be regarded as situated South-West of Media towards Babylonia. p. *. (namely) Tyre. 9. 69. the word pa-ti which. and Norris's Comp. myself the land Kib. XIX. which situated in the rising of the sun. With respect to the transcription with d.5 "side". the land Media. great sea to the setting ff of the sun * to the West). though of essentially the same meaning. X. 6. salam (Q^&O which stands in the ul-mu and ga-lain on the inscriptions for (see Norris Diet. 63 (pa-di). the in its entire compass Munna. Khorsab. however. only the Persian gulf can be understood as meant by the term See my essay "Ueber "great sea which is to the rising of the sun".

. (root fcQ^). 110. f On the ideogram for irsu = Jn|f ((j^) see H Rawl. 74. = see Norris 94. I col. ff For this meaning of biltu tff Siparru Syllab. *** Bir-mi is KUM = Yet meant. his*** lord. in Damaskus. Mari'. . The terror of the majesty ** of Asur. ihzu 3 pers. ma-ai-al-tuv . I took. 17. bilat. 207 15. Die Insch.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS 14. a sunI carried shade * (?) fff of ivory stat. II. compare o also (Oppert) Ezek. 1 actually shut up. 24. see above p. Also I payment* the of tribute I imposed on them. 20 talents of gold. 71. he embraced my feet.. 112. 4 (p. e. III. a couch f of ivory ff.). ** Milammu ja "majesty" (Del. root j-^i. 68. "wool" and "linen". 503. against land Gar-Imfrisu e. 184 footnote *)? f Ardutu from -p{< -pi. Ifteal(?). But "ivory" is certainly meant. ** Lubulti stands. his of wool (?) and linen (?)***. p. Biltu e. Tigl. tff Salmattu. ^P3.'s I pp. 18. 160 foil. cast him 216 to the ground. garments** *. 24 footnote = II. the king of the land ImiriSu 16. Syria-Damaskus) . AM. is unquestionable that some sort of cloth- ing materials Regarding birmi. which latter appears example phonetic law. it On this see Norris 553.' * ahzi. 177 footnote *. utli'. 35. X11I. Asurnasirabal Hollenfahrt 1st. stands in the inscriptions simply for "tribute" Asurnasirabal "tribute 16 and Tigl. and Lotz. *** See on Gen. Comp. from '^tf ^y. see on Sanherib Taylor to II. XXVII. away posses- biltu. 3000 talents of copper fff. itself often I. for in II Rawl. Or should we read bili- "my lord" (comp. 123. 83 (bilta u ma-da-at-ta *). 52. elephant. Oothe synonym is ma-ai-al. 23. pi. const. according the Assyrian for lubusti 38. 5000 talents of iron*. ft Properly "horn" see the proof of this signification of the ideogram KA in Norris 502. 6. Norris 1045.-Pil. (i.f 2300 talentsff of silver.-Pil. allegiance he of- ferred. root D^> ' > uncertain. 34. * Hebr. simple conjecture. g. II. SI' "horn of Amsi" i. the city of his royalty. marched. and gifts"). root ]fJN comp. which was strictly called KA.

C. Azarjah became king } the son of to Amaziah. was able to win such important successes against Damaskus (2 Kings XIV. however. 3. e. and how to (Jeroboam) restored Damaskus and Hamath on XIII. while. see 2 Kings XIII. property without number I received at Damaskus.) "So Ziklag passed into the hands of the kings of Juda unto this day" ("in n-nn . of- course at the cost of vassalage to Assyria . his residence. The reader should compare 1 Sam. VIII. lie XIV. 25 comp. 28." sions. 6. i. or it who wished to may have originated from the conjecture of a Judaean make the statement harmonize with 2 Sam. in the midst of his palace. "jjn "OpO^* instead of the historically meaningless and grammatically clumsy phrase fHIPPb The textual error may have arisen merely from a mistake in "ii^Dreading. on the other hand. right track in proposing simply to strike out (comp. 6 Ewald was on the Syr. Benhadad III. 24. nj"]l![ v9. [the kings of*] Israel. and Arab. 1. we are able to understand how this king.208 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. T. make clear that a decided weakness existed in the kingdom of Damaskus. About this see note XV.West palace of Nimrud which Asarhaddon underfrom the took to build (they were. a On the fragments of two slabs belonging the South. however. The infirm condition of the realm had. his From Northern 217 it line 12 in this inscription we see that Rammannirar about 800 B. 28). mini. in reality two marble tablets transported thither central palace of * So in my opinion we should read. (Assyrian reckoning) received tribute from Israel. Now if the reign of the North-Israelite king Jeronearly contemporaneous (reduced to the Assyrian boam II is chronology). with XIII. lines 1 5 foil. XXVII. evidently begun to show itself already under the (last?) predecessor of Mari'.

That both inscripthe beginning with that sign tions 218 run parallel to one another in their contents as is quite the regarded probable similar choice of phraseology." A close investigation shows. 7.. b) .. fully written names (no.. ai. ina Ini ki-i .. and [za -rar-tf a-na A z-ri-] ja- a-u first i-ki-i-mu.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS Tiglath-Pileser II). .. pp. za-rar-ti a-na Az-ri-j acertain and might be in B. Keilinsch. 209 we find a) . in the place. king The passages been made (see follows : in the inscriptions to which reference has Keilinsch. la ni-bi ana Sami a-ku-u ur . 2) the personal XI11... p.. .. . names: ja-a-u mat Ja-u-da- su(? as)-ri-j a-u matJu-u-di. that the personages here mentioned with and also without the territorial designation a of Juda". Ill Rawl. as and as (with T. from a-u f-ki-i-mu. . . XIV.. on the one (III Eawl. and with names one terminating in : . ut(?) . . c). . . hi(?)gab-s"a-ti u KU kima NI' iS-mu-ma ip-lah lib 14 . 9 no. 3): a) Az-ri-a-[u]. .ja-a-u mat Ja-u-da-ai kima . 197) possesses at the same time the phonetic values az. 4. and on the other (ibid. a ul-tu aml . su(?)-ri-ja-u mat Ja-u-di .ja-a-u). 5. XV. and secondly. that person this is the Azarjah = Uzziah. 9 no.. H and D). viz.. . . ... Gesch. Here we would observe that in the b) Az-ri-j a-a-u. 396 foil. 2 (A) : 2..) are as 1.. . u. 6. referred-to in the present Biblical passage. 3..-Babyl. no. b) the word is written at which (Assyr. [j]a-a-u. are those of and the same individual. mi-ti-ik harrani-ja man-da-at-tu a Sar(?) .... mit-hu-uz-zu 8.ri-ja-u (ri. in A... 3 a.

6. . [Revolt him. i. 16.. were placed (?) 15. . . ... 5. . 7.. . 11. ab-bul ag-gur .(?) just as . destroyed to 10. 19... . tuklati-Su u-ra-kis a-na ri-Su rab sal 17. . T. I laid waste.2 1 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 9. 15. he arrayed against caused them (?) . [of the advance of my troops] the whole. . he brought (?) 16. ... . .. 17. : 1 2. .. . as well as [A] s u (?) r i j a h u of the land Juda . 18. 12.. . . their (?) heart feared .. a u-Sa-az-bil-Su-nu-ti-va . . .... . 0. .. it-ku-nu-ma mu-za-u [u?]-a-bil-ma ka ti . . . (In the) course of my campaign [I received] the tribute of the kings (?) 3... .. . his troops 1 (? he) . .. . e.. reinforced li 12 13 14. 14. the Judaean. [Az(s?)ri]-j&hu. . 219 . gab-ni(?) tak-ru za-at(?) id-lit-ma Sa ka at . 10. combat and . they (? he) heard . kima kar .... . 8. . 4.. ... .. . . [j]a-a-u i-ki-mu sal(?) kiina fs u-dan-ni-nu-Su-ma .. . 9. in the eyes just as if from heaven (?) . without number to heaven (?) .. Azri]-jahu they made. . .. . .. ... 13..

398. . . the town Usnu(?) . .. . . [kit?]-ti-aS(?) ma-da-at-tu ki-i a 25. ir NAM (pihat) ir Kar-Ramman ir (K. p.. . .. ka . Smith reads rabis katija. . comp.. text". ... Nu-ku-di-na mat Ha-ta-[rik-ka] Ha-zu a-di ira-ni Sa si-hir-ti ir A-ra-a ni ki-lal-li-Su-nu 29.. . i. XV. 22 . 9 no.. . my hand (?) . 3 (B) lines tu a li ai . . a-na mi-sir mat utir-ra-a amil Su-ut-s ak-i-ja amil Saknuti Aur ili- Su-nu took(?) a-kun . adi-i a ina Sad Lab-na-nama it-tak-ki-bu-ni mtBa-'-li-sa-bu-na a-di ad Am-ma-na mat IS. . . 211 great. . tribute just as . . ** G. ti&m-ti v a-di ira-[ni] 220 a-di Sad Sa-u-i 27.(?) . 3. bu . 22 23 Azrija[hu] great** .. KU(?) mat Sa-u a-na gi-mir. Gesch. women Ill a u Rawl.e. .. . . ti-su 28. .-Dadda) . just as 19.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS 18. . . .... 24." 14* . 2233: . . Az-ri-a-[u] [u-] sab -bit rab [ka?]-ti-ja 24. ir Us(?)-nu-u ir Si-an-nu ir 26. of Azariah my hand mightily won. Keilinschr... the town certain * "The reading of the signs sun za in point of palaeography by the (instead of muh) is made Also lithographed u . 23 .. . ir Mfl. ir-ni Sa si-hir-ti-Su-nu sad Sa-ar-bu-u-a adu-u a-na gi-mir-ti-u ir Aha-ni ir Ja-da(ta)-bi Sad Ja-ra-ku adu-u a-na . 25 26.. u. ri ir I'l- li-ta-ar-bi ir Zi-tair ir A-ti-in-ni 31. a ir Bu-ma-mi a XIX na-gi-i Ha-am-ma-at-ti a-di ir^-ni a si-hir-ti-su-nu hi-it-ti-s' a a-hi ti^im-tiv ul-mu sam-i Sa ina un za-rar-ti* a-na Az-ri-ja-a-u i-ki-i-mu 32. . and translates: . . . . . NAM gi-mir-ti-Su 30 a-nu a-di lib-bi (Sib?).

as far as * the mountain Saul . Comp. T. 27. the town lllitarbi. . . pp.3) Ofcourse there is G. 58.. the town the town Bumami. 60. the land Sahu in of entire extent. tft Comp. the town Jadab. as well as for the replies to the objections raised to this proposition. of the town . the district towns. 399 at length in Bible. Chazu together with the town Araf ff altogether. Smith reads here and 27 but against his ** Root Sa-u-a'. 38 (Del. 421. see Norris 1028. which [are] in Lebanon. is no reference here is to the place of the same name in Aegypt. p. see Keilinsch. 3. Siannu of the sea together with the cities . . the mounin its tain-range Jarak in its entirety." For of the identity of the Azrijahu of this latter further proof 1) inscription with the [Asu?]-rijahu of the first. On the other hand 1 have shown my essay "Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tiglath(conjecturally also 10) * "G. 277.). them with the Azarjah of the Gesch. Parad.). of Nakudina. 2) of both of my officers. Gesch. which in the circuit of the its circuit. . and they overpowered^?**) the landBaalsaphon*** 221 as far as the mountain-range its Ammanaf. the mountains. . the towns which are in entirety. p. 64. 10 no.. the district ff Kar-Ramman (Kar-Hadad). revolt to Azrijahu. own edited text. the land (?) izku(?). see Keilinsch." f Perhaps Amanus? There no reference to the land Ainmon. Hamath together with in their circuit which are situated on the sea of in their faithlessness the setting of the sun. the the mountain-range Sarbua town Ashan. which made 32. Ill Rawl. ria .212 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. the land 28. I turned into the territory of Assy- my governors I placed over them. u. the town Hadrach. u." *** "Such rpn? (= ]")OSJ~Sj. ft Respecting pi hat finD "district" (Del. also Khorsab. 399. properly "governorship". Smith's very probable explanation of the name. Del. Nineteen the towns districts 31. NAM = . Zitan as far as the town Atin .

Yet this we have 722 (see to assume likewise also for the time subsequent to below. as we have said. XXV But if 453. XV. 31. der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft p. of Tiglath-Pileser. If this be so. be explained away. and III Rawl. following the cuneiform in- we at once obtain room for the Mi-ni-hi-immi or Menahem of Samaria (Sa-ml-ri-na-ai). that the inscriptions with which und des Asurbanipal". according to the Assyrian five-fold guaranteed canon. concerned . did not ascend the throne till 745 ? There gapes here a chronological to dis- crepancy which refuses Assyrian chronology. my detailed remarks in the Zeitschr. are really those of king Tiglath-Pileserll (745727). while Tiglath-Pileser. the Biblical cannot be correct. the Biblical chronology to that have reference to the later period lies be rejected in the statements i. if we shift the reign of Uzziah down later. the period which are nearer to the chronicler. pp. and who also appears as the contemporary of This Menahem would then be the Azarjah of Juda. Berlin we are now belonging to the central and the South-West palace of Nimrud. 213 des Asarhaddon 1879 (1880). also Keilinsch. . the question arises how can Azarjah have been this. and if accordingly the Azarjah-Uzziah mentioned on these slabs was a contemporary of TiglathPileser. Gesch. If the certified. be the correct one.). 50). vol. partly into the time scriptions. u. open to still other grounds of objection? On the other hand. five-fold. 222 seeing that according to the ordinary chronology he died as far back as 758. period a how we justified in assum- ing for the earlier as it is greater trustworthiness. e. is 344 foil. 12 9.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS Pileser's. who with Rezin of Damaskus is mentioned by the same TiglathPileser as tributary to himself (Layard 50.

while Tiglath-Pileser. took place in the year or rather years that preceded. would be the king Pul of Assyria (ibid. Menahem XV. see the comments moreover on verses 17 and 19. that the istic still governors tallying with the above inscription (see this list at are therefore entitled to assume We earlier record (lines 27 campaign. from the large 223 fragment which is published in a revised form in the third volume of the English work pi.). or. T.). when the above-named Azarjah came For. The Azarjah of Juda in the cuneiform inscriptions was. which various Syrian towns. . more precisely. 50. cord. 9 no. reported in the above annalwas directed against foil. from the annalistic inscription of this king. line 50 with line 57). among others Hamath including the Lebanon-range. 67 in Layard). 17). on the other hand. since it is expressly stated that on this occasion he was in alliance with Hainath (see above). C. according the end of vol. 739 B.214 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE of the Bible (2 Kings 0. since years' Here again the it list of governors is in full ac- notes down for the period 742 740 a three war waged by the king against the Syrian city Hence the part taken by Azarjah in the struggle Arpad. therefore. must have fallen within this interval 742 740. mentioned on same i. plate (lines 32 took place in to the list of the previous year e. verse 19). we perceive that the tribute (see of Menahem of Israel was received by Tiglath-Pileser year of the latter below) eighth (comp. II). We can now determine from the cuneiform inscrip- tions with certainty into collision with Tiglath-Pileser. certainly living in the years 742 740. 3 (to which correspond plates 65. the contemporary of Uzziah (or Azarjah). against this in the monarch's reign Now the Pileser the cities Ulluba campaign of Tiglathand Birtu previously foil.

is Menahem stance rather leads us to identify the scriptions with the older.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. of Menahem of Samaria &c. e. 9. of Kumuch. of Rezin of Damaskus III Rawl.hi-im-mi Sa-miri-na-ai &c. Uzziah (see above). of the twenty years' reign of Pekah (758). 224 What are we to Pileser' s inscription? say of this king. mentioned in TiglathIf we take the Biblical chronology this into account.Azarjah. But say nothing of the fact that the Bible says not a word respecting such a second Menahem this hypothesis of a to . later not easily compatible with the well nigh mention in the cuneiform records of a Judaean contemporary This latter circumking Azarjah i. comp. 215 Menahem became king of Israel. following identification : We thus arrive at the * In the text stands (mat) 138. Ma-da-tu Ku-us-ta. On this see above . the beginning in hem of the Bible scarcely feasible.e. 17.as-pi Ku-um-mu-ha-ai. Mi-ni.". falls as much as 13 years before disposed to the beginning of the reign of Tiglath-Pileser in the year 745! In consideration of this circumstance. G ar-Imf ri-Su-ai. we were adopt the view that the Menahem . The chief passage occurs in the annals of Tiglath-Pileser Layard 50. of the inscriptions might have been a rival king to Pekah who threw himself into the arms of the Assyrian despot in order to win recognition. 50. i. Ra-sun-nu Dimaskai*. $n^? jrarUp T] Also the cuneiform inscriptions mention an Israelite Mena- hem under 10: the form Minihimmu of Samaria. Biblical Menahem of the in- Menahem. an identification of is person with the MenaIndeed. who was second succession after Menahem. exactly con- temporary with Uzziah. "tribute of Kustaspi .

C. e. compared with verse 5. commence his reign =Minihimmi It is clear from this that . to the hypothesis of a twelve But this has no support in the Bible . or that the reading ITHUfj which appears guaranteed by the Assyrian inscriptions. 27 it occurs before 738 B. 30 the assassination of Pekah and the connected accession of events. According 2 Kings XVI. according to 2 Kings XVII. My hypothesis to is also con1 firmed from another side. chap. according to the Assyrian only 18 years. did not 225 in the year 758 and that he cannot possibly have since reigned 20 years lists (see verse 21). culties. as is well known. should be restored and substituted throughout for the other form popular . chronology here involved in great diffi- to the passage quoted. T. is of eponyms Tiglath-Pileser reigned altogether On the other hand. 1 his successor Hoshea did not th ascend the throne till the 12 year of Ahaz i. either that i"H# he regarded as a abbreviation of the name |"jv^y (Wellhauseu). Hoshea are represented perceive that the at this is as closely We harmony of Israelite and of artifi- Judaean chronology cially. for in 2 Kings XV. e. on the Biblical side. i. = Azrijahu Pekah also Jahudai* Samlrinai. point brought about This serves as a fresh support for of Biblical my thesis of the untrustworthy character chronology (see below). compared with Pekah was slain in the year 738. According XV. the campaign of Pekah and Rezin does not occur earlier than the 1 7 th year of Pekah's reign .216 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE (Hjty) 0. on the assumption. and yet 30. C. derived mainly from that of the Hizkia-Sanherib epoch in the Judaean period. 729 B. XV. * We may also conjecture that the names is fp*!^ and t J"PU/ are identical. Accordingly writers resort years' interregnum. according to chap.

57 77 th year of his age. in the year of Uzziah's death i. and about that time was perhaps in his 20 th year. 217 in that list 20 th year of Pekah's reign. if at the latest. On the other hand. governors. of Isaiah's oracles if have reference campaign. the entire structure tumbles to pieces. we follow the against of Tiglath-Pileser's campaign Pi list a took place in the year 734. and the year of Uzziah's death is to . ! in other words 4 6 years after Pekah's death It is quite evident that the reign of must under any circumstances be shifted to a later date. delivered his th i. it would follow that Isaiah. It is may to known whole series to the year 701. 759 according to traditional chronology. sion It will be seen from a subsequent discus- of that upon monarch and well the period of Sanherib's rule. with regard to the period of Sanherib's reign. or. according to Is. e. VI. Now. the prophecies against Sanherib in the 20 -|. One last remark. But the case falls to is altogether different when Uzziah's reign a large extent within the period of Tiglath-Pileser's rule. 1. if 226 we remove a single stone. and the campaigns to in the years Damaskus Pekah 733 and 732. and at the same time retain the Biblical notices respecting it. for in these annals everything is so closely dovetailed together that. that the campaign and was Juda third of the against Aegypt be definitely assigned that a this his reign. we adopt the irrefragable statements of the canon of rulers and of the Ptolemaic canon. who received his prophetic call. We must confess that these prolivelier phetic discourses produce upon us a impression than we should have expected from such a time of life. But this again destroys the entire synchronism of Judaean and Israelite history. e.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS the XV. very year. moreover we have nowhere any hint of the prophet's having attained so great an age.

2

1

8

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE

0. T.

If this be so, be assigned to the approximate date 740. Isaiah was at the mature age of 50 at the time of Sanherib's invasion

just the age which

we

should imagine the
his

prophet to have reached,
delivered at that period.
stances there
is

judging

from

discourses

nothing to

Moreover, under these circumhinder us from supposing that
an opinion which

Isaiah's prophetic activity continued in full exercise after

the invasion by Sanherib
held.

is

generally
first

On

this

assumption we do
life.

not pass beyond the

sixty years of the prophet's
227

Our
lows
:

conclusions from the above

may

be stated as

fol-

Pekah's reign must not only be placed about ten years but must also be considerably shortened; accordingly later, the reign of Pekaja and a part of the reign of Menahem*
* This
ing.
(2)

is

true at all events of
to

For according
ibid. I, b.

line 3,

3 10 years of reign(1) Layard 50, 10 comp. 67. II, b line 3 and the payment of tribute in the tenth year of

Menahem's

rd

th

Menahem's reign
in 738 B. C.

falls in

the 8 th year of Tiglath-Pileser's

reign

i.

e.

Oppert, in Zeitsch. der Deut. Morgenl. Gesellsch. XXIII p. 146, endifficulties that arise, by placing the reign of the Menahem in question between 742 and 733, that king being to a

deavours to remove the
certain extent the

rival of Pekah (see above) and being finally dethroned by the latter monarch in the year 733. Oppert also holds that he can adduce evidence for this, inasmuch as in 2 Kings XV. 30

instead of

" QnvS Q v")i#J/ HJKfa m the 2 th 7 ear f Jotham" there must rather have stood originally in the text QHV fTPD PJtiQ ""* the year of the decease of Jotham", but subsequently through the deletion of pfl^ and the misplacement of the remaining character 3, which was taken as the sign of the numeral 20, the reading of the present text arose. According to Oppert the text had in due course

described the revolution of
as
satisfactory a restoration of
(3) the

Menahem.
:

We
(1)

for several reasons

cannot regard this solution because we nowhere read of

Pekah;

(2)

the

name
is

expression

Hl^D fl^D
and
in its
i).

in the Old Testament,

Menahem is altogether absent; Hebrew nowhere does it exist place we should rather have expected
of

not

;

DID niBto

(is.

vi.

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS

XV.

219
Tiglath-

coincide in time with the reign of Tiglath-Pileser
Pileser

;

must then ofcourse have been

either the

contemporary

of the Pul of scripture or identical with him (respecting this see note on verse 19).
19. Pal (^13), the king of Assyria, advanced against the
land.

In the note on

v.

17 we have already expressed the

opinion that

we

are forced

assume

that

this

by the Assyrian monuments to Assyrian king, whose name appears
was
either
228

nowhere

contemporary with, or one and the same person as Tiglath-Pileser on the Assyrian
in this form,

lists

of rulers. might at first feel tempted to adopt former hypothesis, and regard Pul as a general of Tiglath-Pileser, who had untertaken as part of his commis-

We

the

sion

But the Hebrews in campaign against Israel. other cases draw a very sharp distinction between the king
the

and
the

his generals (Is.
title,

XX.
name
1
;

1)

;

moreover they usually specify

but not the
Is.

of these officers (Tartan,

Rabsak;
Pul
is

see notes on

XX.

2

Kings XVIII. 17)

;

lastly

king of Assyria", a fact which ought not to be ignored without some reason. Perhaps then Pul
expressly designated

a

was a

rival

who

exercised a supremacy over Assyria?

king to Tiglath-Pileser, or else a foreign prince Neither of these

be adopted. As to the first shift, we possess accurate information respecting the reign of Tiglathvery Pileser, with which we are here specially concerned (see
shifts is to

below).
tion,

But

in

the inscriptions, which give this informa-

we have nowhere even

the remotest reference to any

such rival potentate. Yet in other cases Oriental monarchs are wont to take a special delight in recording the subjugation of these rival kings

(comp. Samsi-Ramman's inscriptions I Rawl. 29; Asarhaddon's III Rawl. 16; Asurbanipal's III Rawl. 29 foil., the Behistun-inscription of Darius). So

220

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE
also

0. T.

we must
when
I

abandon

this

possibility.

There remains

altogether one last hypothesis of this sort, which formerly,

was not privileged

to gain a closer

the annals of Tiglath-Pileser ; I

acquaintance with This considered probable.

view, following Berossus or rather Alexander Polyhistor in

Eusebius,
229

Armenian chronicle

I.

4

,

named Pul
ria" for

as king of the Chaldaeans.

regarded the aboveIn this case we

should have to assume that the Biblical writer put "Assy"Chaldaea". Though this be in itself not without

parallel, as I have shown *, yet such an inaccuracy would be scarcely conceivable in this particular instance, at a time when both the kingdoms, the Chaldaean and the Assyrian, were still existing beside one another. Again, it is hardly

probable that

,

while a native prince was

still

reigning in

Niniveh, a Babylonian would have ventured to undertake an expedition past Niniveh to the distant West, an expedition extremely hazardous in such a situation.

Moreover

such a king of the Chaldaeans,
reside in

who

did not personally

Babylon (this assumption would encounter a difficulty of its own), would be in want of a proper imperial
centre.

Sepharvaim, on the Euphrates, in North- Babylonia, which might be thought-of as such, would scarcely form a
Besides
,

centre.

North-Babylonia, including in particular Sipar-Sepharvaim, had already been subjugated (745 B.C.) by the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser II, and the above territory incorporated in the Assyrian empire,
territory of Assyria" (Layard 5 2. a,
a

turned into the
8).

lines 5

Again,

there

is

no

possibility

of a Chaldaean interregnum occur,

ring somewhere before the accession of Tiglath-Pileser
the Assyrian
lists

for

of

eponyms

distinctly preclude

any sup-

See Zeitsch. der Deut. Morgenland. Gesellscli.

XXV

pp. 453

foil.

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS

XV.

22 1

position of a break in the order of rulers at this particular
point, while the hypothesis, that there

may have

been such
Tiglathlast

an interregnum during
Pileser' s

the

period

covered by

reign

;

is

altogether impracticable.

These

considerations, taken together with others, compel us to seek 230 for Pul on Assyrian ground and to see him in one of the

well

known Assyrian

vestigation in

Bearing the previous inmind, our thoughts can only light on Tiglathkings.

Pileser himself.*
first

And

this

supposition

is

justified,

in the

by the fact that, as the Bible says of Pul, an in reality undertaken by Tiglath-Pileser to was expedition the West (in the year 738 B. C.), in which he reached the
place,

Mediterranean sea, Palestine-Phoenicia and the immediate neighbourhood of the Northern Israelite kingdom (the
Eastern inhabitants were subsequently transported to the towns Zemar-Simirra and Arka-Ark&). And the supposition is also confirmed by the fact that, as Berossus
Phoenician
a says of Phulus, Tiglath-Pileser was actually rex Chaldae-

orum".
only

Indeed he
the

calls

himself in his inscriptions,

not

oft-repeated general designation "king of by Suniir and Akkad" i. e. Chaldaea, but in an inscription**

th 18 th years) belonging to the last period of his reign (17 he styles himself also by the special epithet of sar ilu "king of Babylon", a title which, it can be shown, only

Bb-

those Assyrian kings assumed

who were

also actually re-

cognized by last fact can be established by other illustrations.

the Babylonians as kings of Babylon.

This

Comp.

* H. Rawlinson and R. Lepsius.
p. 441.

See further in Keilinsch.
Inschriften

u.

Gesch.

** See my essay "Zur Kritik Berlin (1879) 1880 p. 19.

der

Tiglath-Pileser's &c."

222
on

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE
Gesch. pp. 342
foil.

0.

1.

this subject Keilinsch. u.

422457,

espec.

449

foil.

The name Pul has been pointed out by G. Smith (Notes
p.

25) in the inscriptions with the orthography Pu-u-lu (Pulu) as the name of an officer in the time of Sargon, This name Pul the second successor to Tiglath-Pileser.

231

by

its

form stands forth conspicuously among the

series of

royal

names that are otherwise
name.

familiar to us.
is

On

the

other hand, the

name Tiglath-Pileser

elsewhere guaranteed

might naturally assume that the person we are endeavouring to identify, when he became ruler, exchanged the name Pulu, which belonged
as an Assyrian royal

We

him as a subject and occurs elsewhere, name Tuklat -abal-fsarra. Yet the
to

for the other
earlier

and

original

name was perhaps
first

that under which he

more popular one. It was became known to the Israelites.
the

Thus

it

was

still

preserved in the recollection of the people

together with the later
Napole*on), while, as
it

name (we might compare Bonaparteappears, the Babylonians only placed

in their lists the original

name Pulu.

This can be easily

explained from the fact that the appellation Tuklat-abaliSarra

was

certainly not frequent
it

among

the Babylonians.

Thus we may regard
Assyrian Pul
is

as

established that,
a Phulus

identical

with the
is

not only the rex Chaldae-

orurn" of Berossus,

but that he

identical also with the

king IIwQoq mentioned in the Ptolemaic canon for the The reasons are as year 731 along with Chinzer.
follows.

In

the

first

place,

there can be no doubt that

Tiglath-Pileser was actually

ruler of Babylonia as well as

Assyria.

In

all

three inscriptions which have his
II Rawl. 67,
1
;

name

at

the head (Lay. 17, 1;
parallel inscription line

1
,

as

well as in the

see above)

he styles himself

"king of

Sumir and Akkad";

in the last

mentioned inscrip-

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS
tion (and,

XV.

223

we may

conjecture,

also at

one time in the un-

damaged one II Rawl. 67) he likewise calls himself "king of Furthermore he expressly states that he had Babylon".
subjugated Babylonia

and had performed sacred

rites in

Babylonian towns.
17, 4

We

already read in the older triumphal

inscription; composed before

Arpad was taken (742
foil.;

740),

Layard
ir

foil.;

comp. II Kawl. 67. 5
4.

Keilinsch. u.

Gesch. pp. 105

107:
ir

Ul-tu rU

arru-ti-ja ul-tu

Sip-par sa Samas' ir Pa-232 amflDu-ba(?) 5. a-diNipur amill-tu-' amil Ru-bu-' matA-ru-mu kali-su-nu a siddi nar Diklat narSu-ra-pi 6. a-di narUk-ni-i a a-ah ti&m-tiv gapliti a-[bil]; i-na ili TulKam-ri sa irHu-mut ikabbu-su-ni 7. ir ipu-u,
si-tav
a

Dur-K u-ri-gal-zi

ab-bi; nisi m^atati ki-sid-ti kat-[ja](?) ina lib-bi u-[ij-sib* amil u-ut-sak8. Mat Bit-Si-la-a-ni ja ina muh-hi as-kun.
ir
7

Kar-Aur Sum-Su

a-na si-hir-ti-su ki-ma tar-[bi-]**ti u-dak-kiir Sa-ar-ra-ba-a-nu 9. ir sarrti-ti-u-nu raba-a kima til a-bu-bi u-ab-bid-ma [al]-la-su a-lu-la. Nab(i-u.ab-i arra-u-nu 10. mi-ihik;
rit
li;

abulli (KA.
[al-]lat-su

GAL)

ir-su a-na IS za-ki-pi u-Si-

GA-su 11. A-muk-a-ni

ban^lti-u GARni-sir-ti-Su ikal-u a-lu-la. Mat Bitda-ai-aS-ti
12.

aat-su abli-u

kima nii-u GAR-SU-u
SI.

a-di-is

pu-hur

a-na mat ASsur u-ra-a. Sa amil Pu-ku-du amil Ru-'-u-a amil Li-'-ta-u
SI (abikta-)Su-nu

PA-ma(?)
u-i-rib
U

13.

ul-tu a-ri-

* Parallel passage II Rawl. 67: *

I

caused to enter" (root
90 (red)
line 2

Completed in accordance with Inscr.

no.

;

see

Tiglath-Pileser &c. Plate.

224

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE

0. T.

Su-nu as-su-ha-Su-nu-ti. Amil A-ru-mu ma-laba-Su-u a-na ni-ri-ja u-s'ik-nis'-ma; 14. 8arru-ut ar (Sing.*)- Su-nu as-bat; Kar-dun-j a-a3 (Plur.) Hi nii Ra-'-sa-a-ni a mat Kaldi 15. bilat a-bil;

ma-da-tu u-kin**; a-na ASur, Si-ru-uh-a, Bil, Zir-banf-ti, Nabu, Ta3-mi-tuv, Na-na-a 16. btlit Bab-ilu, Nirgal, La-az (s, s?) lu niki illtiti i-na Har-sak-kala-ma KI ak-ki i. e. a 4. From the
commencement of
233 the

my
far

rule:

of the town
the

Dur-Kurigalzi,

town Sippar
5. as

of the
as

sun,

town Pasitav of the

Dubaeans(?)
district

Nipur;
entirely,

the Ituh,

Rubuh,

the

of the

Aramaeans
of

those on the banks (in

the
as

lowlands)
the river

the

Tigris
is

Ukni which
;

of the Surapi 6. as far on the strand of the lower

*** sea, I took possession
the

at

town Chumut,
I

I
its

built

a

Tul-Kamri, which they call a town; Kar-Asur ( Asur's

town")

named

name.
of

The
hand,
8.

inhabitants
I

of

the

countries,

the plunder

my

settled there,

my
its its

viceroy I placed over (them).

The land

Bet-Silan in

compass
a

like
1

I

crushed f; the town Sarrab&nff,

great capital,
ally

desolated like an overwhelming flood
;

(liter-

mound

of a storm-flood")
I

Nabu-usabsi their king, 10.
fore the

booty caused to be impaledfff be-

their

I

carried away.

gate-way of

his city

;

his prisoners, his wife, his sons,

Probably tbe plural sign has been simply misplaced. Obviously so to be corrected. See MtSnant j'ai impose*. *** In II Rawl. 67, 9 tbe stands ak-ud.
*
:

*

t From the root pp^ (Keil. u. Gesch.). ft II Rawl. 67, 15 Sa-ar-rab-a-ni. ttt *}p\ in Aramaic means beside "hang up" simply "crucify".

We

have no instance of the representation of a crucifixion in the Assyrian

monuments

(Keiliusch. u. Gesch.).

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS

XV.

225

his daughters, his property, 11. the treasures of his palace*
I

carried

away

as plunder.
;

The land Bet-Amukkan
its

I

trod

down
erty,

as in threshing

the whole of

inhabitants,
(?

its

12.1 carried

off to Assyria.

I

who smote
Lithau,

= abik-

prop-

taSunu akun?) Pukud, Ruhua,
them away from
as

13. carried

their abodes, subjugated the

many

as there

were of them,
;

the

kingdom of

their kings

I

Aramaeans, yoke 14. and took who took possession of Karto

my

dunias, on the Rabs&naeans of the land Chaldaea 15. im-

posed payment of tribute;
banit,
to

to

Asur, Sirucha, Bel**,

Zir-

Nebo, Tasmit, Nana, 16. the mistress of Babylon, 234 offered many splendid Nergal, (and) Laz (Las, La's ?)
,

offerings*** in the city Charsakkalama".
of Tiglath-Pileser, according to the
list

This campaign

of governors, took
viz.

place as early as the

first

year of the king's reign
to

745

B. C.

It seems,

however,
all

have possessed but transient

importance.

At

events Tiglath-Pileser acquiesced in

the rule of the king of Babylon,

who had up

to that time

occupied the throne,

viz.,

according to the Ptolemaic canon,

Nabonassar (747

733).

We may

assume that Tiglath-

Pileser contented himself with the recognition of Assyria's

supremacy by the Babylonian king.

But the Assyrian

monarch, according to the list of governors, undertook a second subsequent expedition to the river-country, on which
occasion he received the

homage

of Merodachbaladan, the

son of Jakin (see note on 2 Kings XX. 12), in the city This campaign, according to the list of governors, Sapija.

*

** Bel Merodach
p.

Literally: "his treasures, his palace" (Keil. u. Gesch.). is meant; see Theolog. Studien u. Kritiken 1874
**.

342 note 2, also above p. 12 footnote *** Respecting nikfi "offering", root
109 footnote **.

npj,

see Keilinsch. u. Gesch.

p.

15

226

THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE
we have

0. T.

took place in 731, and

also detailed information

about

year

triumphal inscription belonging to the last of Tiglath-Pileser's reign II Rawl. 67 (together with the
it

in the

Parallel).

We

there read: 23. ir

Ukin-zir abal A-muksarru-ti-Su i-sir-Su
di-ih

ka-a-ni ina
24. kiri
is

Sa-pi-i

ir

di-ik-ta-u rna-at-tu ina pan abulli-Su a-duk;

mu-suk-k an-ni sa

duri-su a-

kis-ma iti-in ul i-zib; is SAH-i-Su Sa pi rik kur Si (?) a-duk-ma u-hi-nu-Su as- mud -ma umal-la-a kir-ba-a-ti. Gi-mir ir&-ni-su 25. abbul ag-gur ina iSati as-ru up.
a-ni,
al-li

Mat
[mftt]
til

Bit-Si-la-

mat Bit- A-muk-k a-a-ni u a-na si-hir-ti-u-nu ki-ma
tili

Blt-Sa-'-

a-bu-bi u-

235a Ba-la-su

kar-mi u-tir. 26. Ma-da-tu Dak-ku-ri Na-di-ni Tamtam-ak-ai (?) kaspa, hurS-sa ni-sik-ti abni am-hur. Marduk-abal-iddi-na abal Ja-ki-ni ar tiam-tiv Sa ina sarra-ni abtiti-ja a-na mahar ma-am-man la il-li-kam-ma 27. la u-na-aSi-ka ip&-su-un pul-hi mi-lam-mi a ASur bilja is-hu-pu-Su-ma a-na ir Sa-pi-ja a-di mahab-bid a-na
u

abal

?

i-k a Hur^tsa ip-ja. mati-Su a-na ma-'-di-i 28. hur^si su-kut-ti i-par ni-sik-ti abni bi-nu-ut (a ban) TIK- i hurasi, tiam-tiv-? lu-bul-ti bir-mi SIM(RIK) ma'da kala-ma, alpi u si-i-ni ma-da-ta-Su am-hur i. e. U 23. Chinzer, son of Amukk&n him I shut up in the town

ri-ja il-li-kam-ma u-n a-a

-

;

;

Sapt, his royal city,
gates.
I cut

many

of his troops

I

slew before his

24.

The palm-groves which (were)
,

before his fortress,
;

down

left

...

I

hewed down

not even a single (palm) remaining his I destroyed, and filled with them ; his ...

the inner portions (of die city? the trenches?).

The whole

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS
of his
cities

XV.

227

The

25. I destroyed, laid waste, burnt with fire. land Bet-Silan, the land Bet-Amukkan and the land
in

Bet-Sahalli

their

entire

territory I destroyed like the
into a
,

mound
fields.

of a storm-flood, I

changed

rubbish-mound and

26.

The

tribute
(?)
:

of Belesys
silver,
,

son of Dakkuri, of
precious stones (?)
I

Nadin of Tamtamak
received.
sea,

gold,

Merodach-Baladan
in

son of Jakin ; king of the
royal

who

the time of

my

predecessors had not

27. and had not kissed presented himself before any of them their feet the terror of the majesty of Asur, my lord, cast
:

him

to the

ground; he appeared

in the

city Sapija before

me and

kissed

my

feet.

Gold, the dust of his land, in

... set in great quantities, a golden drinking-vessel, stones gold (?), precious stones (pearls ?), the produce of the sea, 236 garments of Berom (?), many spices of all sorts, oxen
. .

.

and sheep, I received as

his tribute."

23. Chinzer (X Lvt.iQoq , Notes <md Illustrations. 'iv^QOg) written here ideographically DU-zi'r i. e. Ukiu-zi'r, see Assyr.-Babyl. Keil. I have established the correctness of the reading on p. 155 no. 61.*

X

the original during my repeated visits II Rawl. 67 in place of the sign
sign

to

London

DU

there

(in the lithograph stands by an error the

GAB, which closely resembles it but makes no sense.) The duplicate of this inscription, which has since been discovered and has been published by me in the Abhandlungen der Berl. Akad. 1877 (78)
no. VII, clearly exhibits this sign,

which

is

even recognizable by the
ibid. p.

ordinary reader.

For further particulars see

Isir

1

pers. Impf. Kal, root "iDtf "shut in";

diktu,

16 (in the note). see root

Glossary;
21 col.
II,

mattu
64);

fern.

ofmadu=ma'du,

comp. Asurnasirh.

^VJ, (I Rawl.

plur.; 24. is

SAR

abullu, written KA. GAL. kiru "plantation", see

=

"great door", in the Norris Diet. pp. 388 foil.;
of

=

musukkan
1881 pp. 417
accus.

"the palm", see
foil.;

my

remarks in the Berlin. Monatsbericht
stat.

dih abbreviated

constr.

dihu

"contact"

=

Hebrew

HDl

(

like

the

Germ, "anstossend"

=

"pushing

* There
ciation

is

no reason for the assumption of an abbreviated pronun(G. Smith) as far as the Assyrian is concerned.

Kin-zi'r

15*

228

TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE

0. T.

and then "bordering on"); akis 1 pers. Impf. Kal of nakas The word bi'l is used in just the same way in phrases like bi'l liini; izib, root 3|#. The ideogram SAH I no more understand than I do the signs a (Relat. ?) pi r i k sat i. However, from the ideogram expressing wood which stands before it, it is evident
against",

"cut down".

that

wood.
tical

we have to do with a Hence duk must have
I do not understand; with the Hebr. 1KJ
1

species of tree or with objects made of the proper meaning "fell", "hew down";

uhin

agmud may
,

"ppE?!"!

5

perhaps be regarded as idenurn a 11 a is Impf. Pa. of fr^E,

and by kirbati (D "!!!), we should perhaps understand the inner D*lp) of the town 25. Respecting abubu, see above parts (or "trenches"?);
p.

uabbid

66 (Germ, text) and Lotz Die Insch. Tigl.-Pil.'s I pp. 129 Pa. of abad -J2N; karmi is plur. of karam
,

=

foil.;

Q-p

vineyard", then (Delitzsch) "field-land"; comp. Lotz p. 138. The phrase ana tili u karmi "into hills and fields" is frequent (I Rawl. 27. B. 3.

4 &c.);
cylinder

utir Imperf. Pa. of tur

-Jin

"to be";

26.

Balasu, more
on Asarhaddon's

accurately

Balasu,

is

Belesys; the
also
III

name

also occurs

col. II. 52.

under the form Ba-la-si-i
60 c, which
is

it in Assyrian documents Rawl. 46. 3 lines 28/9; 4 line 73; 54, to be observed on account of the Greek form Bekeavq.

We

meet with

Compare

also Keilinsch. u. Gesch. pp.

515 foil

The land Dakkuri

is

237 expressly mentioned on the Asarhaddon-cylinder II, 42 foil, under the form Dak-kur-ri as lying "in the midst of Chaldaea". The pronunciation

Tamtamakai

is

not certain.

out", root "|Q3 ("metal"? "precious stones"?); or are

Nisikti "something poured we to transcribe

the word nisikti, root nummuru, root pQ}, comp. nus(s)uku *1J "shine"? Respecting the Assyrian nas&ku see Lotz, Die Insch.
Tigl.-Pil. I p. 179.

=

Keilinsch. p. 259;
"feet"
dual,

here

On mam-man "whosoever" see Assyr.-Babylon. illikamma for illiku-ma, root "l^i"!; 27 sip& written ideographically. On this see below. As
-

to the root,

comp. Syriac V^SA.
Syriac
-

"creep";

pulhu

"reverence",

"fear",

root n*?D

=

^

V

"serve", "revere";

milammu

seems to be

a word borrowed from the Akkadian, see Haupt, Sum. Familienges. I. 55 foil., Delitzsch in Lotz, Die Insch. Tigl.-Pileser's I p. 84; ipru,

ipar

"dust", comp. ~jQy

;

ma'di'

genit. of

ma'du,

root

}{$; Sukut
>

"drinking vessel", Hebr. f)pjf, root HpCtf; bin (it "product", root J"|JD lubulti "garment" for lubusti, root according to a well-known

g^,

law in Assyrian; bir mi, see above p. 207 footnote ***; SIM(RIK) ideogram signifying "fragrant resin", "spice", see Berlin. Akad. Monatsberr. 1881 p. 414. On k a la ma see Assyr.-Babyl. Keilphonetic
iusch. p. 260.

SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV.

229

Undoubtedly we must regard this second campaign of the great monarch to Sapija as an energetic assertion of
Assyria's supremacy,

and when even the mighty king of

South-Babylonia, Merodach-Baladan, stooped to greet the Northern conqueror with a kiss of homage , it can scarcely

be gainsaid that Babel also in some

way

recognized his

placed beyond all doubt supremacy. by the circumstance that the Ptolemaic canon notes down
finally this
is

And

(1) for the year 731,
first

as well as (2) for the year

726

(the

complete year of Salmanassar's reign, the successor of

Tiglath-Pileser) a change of ruler in Babylon, and,
is

what

remarkable enough, mentions two kings as the contemporary possessors of this title, viz. Chinzer (Ukin-zir, see
Assyr.-Babyl. Keilinsch. p. 155 no. 61, and comp. above) and P6r. The practice otherwise followed by the compilers
of the canon forbids

the supposition

that there were

two

kings reigning in succession in

about the same year.

In such

a case one of the two would have been altogether passed 238 Hence this strange statement can only be properly over.

understood on the assumption that one of the two was the Keilinsch. u. superior, and the other the subordinate king
;

Gesch. pp.

453

foil.

If

we connect

this

with the circum-

stance that the length of reign assigned

by the canon

to

Por

that comes

Babylon exactly corresponds between Merodach-Baladan's act of homage in 731 and Tiglath-Pileser's death, and also bear in mind

as king of

to the interval

that there

was no Assyrian king who had the name Uklnit,

ztr or one like

we may
that

consider

it

extremely probable,

superior king referred have besides a satisfactory explanation of the name Por or Puru, which is unintelligible as an Assyrio,

nay even
to.

certain

Por was the

We

Babylonian word and has not hitherto been exhibited

in

p. . according to the cuneiform records. Centralbl. Smith. (5) P6r appears . 459. G. the inscriptions. Gesch. (which * in its type stands forth as exceptional from the 1870 list Comp. T. Chinziros was subordinate to) of dates the conjecture naturally arises that the conquered prince of Amukk^n. Comp. in the Canon the of Ptolemaeus as king of Babylon self Tiglath-Pileser calls him- "king of Babylon". u. we 1 take or it as the later Persian form of pronunciation for inscriptions to P6 what has been ascertained on the be Pulu = ViD.* Accordingly the following are the results at which we have arrived in our investigation (1) Menahem of Israel and : Azarjah of Juda are contemporaries according to the to the Bible and according cuneiform inscriptions. and about the same time in Babylonia in consequence of the retirement of Pdrus (8) a king having the name Pul . called Chal- daean by Berossus Tiglath-Pileser calls himself king of Chaldaea. in (6) According to canon. from the coincidence by Tiglath-Pileser with the subject kingdom of Babylon. p. 726 a change of ruler took place in (7) In the year 727 Assyria in consequence of the death of Tiglath-Pileser. 25. 1158. among them 239 Chinzer of Amukka"n .230 THE CUNEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE if 0. homage of the Babylonian king Merodach-Baladan while he conquered other Babylonian rulers in the same year. A. Keilinsch. . p. Notes on the Early History &c. (2) according to the Bible both these rulers are contemporaries of an Assyrian king Pul. con(3) Pul is temporaries of Tiglath-Pileser. Tiglath-Pileser in the year 731 received the . (4) Pul-Por was in 731 king of Babylon. having the same name . von Gutschmid in Literar. was entrusted 731 king of Babylon together with (or a king named Pdros. B&biru in the Persian cuneiform for B&bilu.

240 on the obscurity which involves the chronological problem. For this statement rests. This passage can only be cited as a proof of the ease with which in Biblical writers generally confusions of events or persons might occur. in which the transportation of transjordanic Israelites is equally attributed to Pul and to Tiglath-Pileser. same name by has been established from which virtue of a phonetic law Under these circumstances* it appears in other examples. V. and same person. exactly one on Gen. 14. . and how very possible therefore might appear even the differentiation by these writers of one and the same personality into two distinct ones. 6 of Salmanassar. 435 foil. in the days of Peka/i king of Israel. 16 and 2 Kings XVIII. 231 name . Pul and Tiglath-Pileser. 19. Rawlinson.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS of other rulers). 16. again. Lepsius quote as another argument for this identity. see Keilinsch. or having "a XV. on a confusion of what is reported in 2 Kings XV. XXIII. 1 Chron. on historical grounds can only be Tiglath-Pileser (9) Pul . to every 29. on the lists of Assyrian kings if like it. gave Pul 1000 talents of silver} see note on Gen. u. XXIII. R. 26. 431. and P6r are shown to be one and the my estimation impossible to avoid the supposition that Pul also and P6r. 440 &c. u. And Menahem 20. Gesch. and H. which other Assyrian king. See also Keilinsch. in the first place. pp. pp. on a transference to Pul of what according to the Books of Kings is only true of Tiglath-Pileser. does not appear he be not identical with another Assyrian king. and in the second place. and what is said in 2 Kings XVII. see note man i. Fifty shekels of silver mina to each man. there advanced * We have no right to with H. 29 of TiglathPileser. Gesch. and especially the relation of the considerably longer Israelite measurement of time to the proportionally shorter an obscurity which writers for some Assyrian measurement time past have only been able to dispel by violent hypotheses. are one and the If this however be so light is at once cast . e. Brandes.

comp. is The second name (son of 241 probably (see Assyr. Tu- comp. Accordingly. Nabu-tukul-ti "Nebo is conNabu-tuk-lat-u-a "Nebo is my confidence" Assyr. 34. Respecting the omission of the pronom. concerning this point. of this Assyrian ruler according kul-ti (Tuklat)-abal-i-Sar-ra." The Akkadian is equivalent to the (written HI. 36. Nirgal-ballit Nabu-ballit-anni ( Assyr. Keil. in Samsi-Ramman I." Compare same inscription and column line 30.Sal -lim with with Nabu-Sallim-anni." &c. p. also a bu- N rn u. hand. Keil. 151. Rawl.-Babylon. 141 no. Assyr. 15) to this Akkadian.-Babyl. II comp. 148 no. suffix "my". 151) an honorary epithet of the god Adar. comp. -Babyl. SatyaQobject of tysMadaQ. LXX: (i. there is no reason to suppose (with Delitzsch). 49. 15 (I Rawl. p. explanation of the third part of the name from the since the adoption of such Akkadian designations into the On the other Assyrian has meanwhile been sufficiently established. Thus the meaning of the name is ultimately "confidence is Adar. 16. Akkadian sarra *IE>N. p.) Comp. 31: za-nin I'-arra (Bit-Sar-ra) "Preserver of the Sarra-temple". the matter as I may rest in the main have put ** Under investigations. 17) &c. the similar names: fidence". ra) "1l^\* Assyrian bitu "house". Keilinsch. ed. Lesestiicke 2. confidence) i The name is signifies: "confidence e. p. p. Tiglath-Pileser ppNTljn). 29) Adar also in the the "first-born of the (old) Bel.232 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 67 king of Assyria. tabu DIE and also aaru part of the Hebr. = Assyr. 26 there stands binut "creation") can only be figurative. in my opinion. that there was a god I'sarra and that the god Adar was described as his son. (with Delitzsch. The "sonship" is expressly called therefore spoken of in connection with the Sarra-temple (in SamsiRamman I. The Assyrwas ian pronunciation of the to name line 1. Keil.** * I now entertain no objection p. A decisive testimony against this consists in the constant omission of the determinative of deity. Besides. 131 no. the son of the Sarra-temple. T. -Babylon. no necessity it in my . with line 40. these circumstances there is.

Morgenland. = 19 &c. (tukultu). possible in a semiphonetic orthography Haupt does .e. which Adar "Servant is called IS. (?) i. possess belongs This is the great summary or triumphal inscription which is printed in II Rawl. (?) ti (tukul-ti) ill sa-ri -i-gu Since the gods". and which in the words of line 5 we to pronounce as and transcribe the word tukulti in Zeitsch.. A r ad -1st a r "servant of Istar" III Rawl.-Babyl. Arad-Sin "servant of Sin" (see above). Keilinsch. Assyr. e. his "confidential agent. 46 no." In this way all difficulties The name would be analogous to that of the ancient Babylonian king I'ri-Aku "Arioch". that in the case of proper names there was a quite conceivable tendency to shortening in the pronunciation of the vowels a tendency which would be fulfilled in the present case by the choice of the status constructus form of pronunciation (tuklat) instead of the stat. instead of Nabu-uallim-anni &c. 246 note 2. 67. KU. Gesellsch. 8 (50) &c. so far as the servant is the "object of confidence" to his master.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. transcription. in e. Moreover. Sin-sallim- anni &c. I would also call attention to the passage in the inscription of Samsi-Rammaii I Rawl. "my confidence". see the conclusion of work last to (in Vol. KU. from 242 Tiglath-Pileser reigned altogether 18 years. 35 no. Tukultu of course designates the "servant". such a thing would be in fact Lastly the Hebr. 760 comp. meaning "servant" for tukultu has been proved from other examples. 233 i. 29. p. i (= ti) to lurk in the phonetic complement but this suffix would never be intimated of writing IS. the statements of which are also checked and attested by the this list of governors. ti (I Rawl. Perhaps it is not at all ideographic mode necessary to transcribe the name in the first part as tukultu(ti). 745 to 727 according to the canon of rulers. With this agrees the fact that the document his of Tiglath-Pileser that 18 th year. XXXIV. does not exhibit a trace of the long and still audible i. the question arises whether we ought not to pronounce simply tuklat in the construct state and translate by would be obviated. II). "Servant of the son of the Sarra-temple. i.) for a pronominal ti. since we know from such forms as Nabu-sallim -anni. absol. VI. Assyr. 3." . 16. in the oft-recurring purely very extraordinary. it is (IS)KU. der Deutsch. and moreover the plural "tuklati" meaning "soldiers" is quite a of the exalted common the word word. that is to say the Hebrew punctuation and pronunciation attested by the LXX.

23 . II p. where the events so on. however. the annalistic inscriptions. as but are not governed considerations that much by chronological to the g.* its Fortunately. and the summarizing or triumphal Of these the former. I p. Niniveh and Remains Vol. belonglittle ing to another dynasty. fall into two groups. with show of respect. caused the inscriptions with which they were covered to be partially chiselled away and employed the plates themselves in the building of his palace the South-West palace. narrate the events in chronological order reign. commend themselves e. proposed to give an account of the events which took place in the reign of Tiglath-Pileser ultu ri Sarru-ti-ja a-di XVII. give a that has happened. This owing a later king. and We perceive that the inscriptions of the latter class are inferior to the annalistic inscriptions in historical as well as chronological value. properly speaking. to us in several specimens. Vol. the beginning of his (my) rule to the his reign". removed from their position these plates or slabs. We up must therefore assume that the 1 was is set in this very 7 th year or in the following 1 that the last year of Tiglath-Pileser' s reign. T. the summarizing or triumphal inscripgeneral review of so all tions. according to the individual years of the king's the latter. 351. which. pali-ja "from 17 th year of 8 inscription itself th . which originally belonged to Tiglath-Pileser's palace. according to their importance. which have come down inscriptions. Asarhaddon. curred.234 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. monarch. * See Layard. But unfortunately which it is a annals" of just these very 243 Tiglath-Pileser. We also have a series of inscriptions belonging to this viz. thus they group the facts according to the oc- geographical position of the countries. by other mind of the narrator. exist in a we is shall afterwards see to to the fact that very ruinous condition (as be the fate of Sargon's also).

" pp. 620. e. 3 foil. From that in these inscriptions. in a IX. 617.. Besides there remain the seven-lined friezes III Rawl. Of these we may safely assign 244 1 a chronological position to Layard Plate 69 A.* I. for which in Layard's work stands as plate 50. refer to th th the events of the 8 and 9 years of the king's reign. moreover. is and.) 1879 (1880). refer essentially to the same These belong period and have in part similar contents. . ! plates. 2 (right. 67. see in "Zur Kritik der Insch. c above Layard's are Inscriptions in the cuneiform character" these in plates ranged succession with utter disregard of Layard arranged them merely according to the places where they were discovered (central palace and South-West palace). comp. 69 B. 68. &c. 1. above) which according to the contents and the express statement 69 A. and it so happens that the lines of one order. a parallel series of seven-lined friezes. 1.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. 2 (right) line 3. my essay Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tiglath-Pilesers II. 12 and 16 lines. Friezes of seven lines. (left. Berlin (Akad. 2. g. 512. VIII pp. der Wissensch. and comp. * Respecting the prior question whether these inscriptions are really those of Tiglath-Pileser II. foil. palija in "the ninth year of my reign". 5 foil. a and b to Niiiiveh and Babylon pp. 9 no. we are dealing with the records of Tiglath-Pileser what has been preserved (see 5 in : 240). chiefly friezes of 7. The friezes 69 B. it is 235 not all the plates that have fallen victims to this fate. But p. the destruction of the inscriptions superficial often so that not infrequently entire it sections are still may be gathered legible. are continued on a plate which is now numbered as plate 6 7 The following is the result of my examination of the plate. above) 69 A. in fact with his annals. .

which deals with Babylonian either to the first in Babylonia. 5 la. because Ashkelon (line 8). that Plate 19 245 refers likewise to year of the king's reign. containing at the end (68." p. plate 6 7 The plates contain the record of the 8 a. Friezes of twelve lines. or a conyears of his reign (comp. essay "Zur Kritik &c. rd by the 3 as having reference to the period covered years of the king's reign. Assyrian see my Discoveries pp. Urzik[ki] 19. On is it the other hand. Layard 5 2 a by 5 1 (together with the complementary plate). Layard 34. with the . Perhaps there 9. tinuation of the account given by the plate. Next comes 12) I PL 67 b. 272 . the fragment published by G. 271 foil. and therefore refers campaign of the (745) or second (731) king II. line 9 th years of the king's reign (see 6 7 the continuation 5). 1.. III. and also that on p. Friezes of sixteen lines. Smith. the lines of the latter being continued on a. 24. mentioned upon it (line 7) as well as Rezin may be conjectured to have belonged to the series of plates that report the events of the years 734 732 (see below). as regards Plate 29.236 as well THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE as the seriously disfigured inscription affairs. 3 the account of a campaign of the king to the East. there are preserved to us Of the inscriptions of these only PL 71 a and b. well as Lay. Sangi. we may be fairly confident in concluding the events of the first 6 (comp. From the mention of the countries 6) Kabsi. comp. 45 b. There follow the inscriptions th PL 50 a and b . They begin (Plate 52 a andb) with representations of the events in the first and second These. as come next 6 th in order the sections III Rawl. T. no. 6 line 7). am not certain as to the position I ought to give to the twelveline inscription PL 19 as well as 29. are furnished a and b. 0.

and in I in line 72. the unfortunately damaged fragment Layard 66. seriously tion On line the other hand. is Of the proper preserved. IV. of the Ishmaelite race Adbeel . also the third PI. C.) as well as some smaller passages which cannot be arranged with certainty. is The fragment 3 rd of a tribute-list to be assigned to the year of the king's reign. of a queen of . but also in the fragments. line of a tributary queen Hence it is quite his named Zabibi (PL 69 left clear that what we are here 6). 3 65 (sixth. As to the inscriptions. we have annalistic accounts preserved (sixth year) . 11 (2) of Syria (Gar-imiri-u) line 15.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS continuation of the latter on XV. 9 no. viz. 2 ibid. 73. . 10 C. 11 the ar- 16 a rat "queen". but rather refer to those of the years 734 32. (twelfth year 734 B. in III Rawl. seventh and eighth years). of the former. as ibid. 27). Khorsab. (see below). name only the doubtful final while the name of the country has been chiselled away. 2 to us. 9 no. e. I cannot even now venture on any conjecture because of their terribly mutilated condition. the land Aribi named Sa-am-si line 16 the same Arabian . Not only in the inscriptions above enumerated. 9 246 no. g. with the continuation on Of these the latter in- scription certainly refers to the Syrian war with Rezin. told about Rezin and kingdom can have no reference two other to the events of the year 738. (3) lastly. 237 72 b PL 72 p. which makes menin of Rezin 14 . afterwards repeatedly mentioned on Sargon's inscriptions (comp. On the other hand. This results from (1) the mention of Rezin 73. (Layard 45) 743 B. 1 a and b the latter of these is no doubt a continuation . Bu-rat character a would merely remark that Euphrates" is mentioned. = Layard no. is queen who the 8 th in year of Tiglath-Pileser's rule we have mention a. ibid.

Layard pi. We cannot 247 therefore doubt that they originated from him. 67. An ex- tremely valuable supplement to both classes of inscriptions is to be found in the list of governors. th 18 year of the king's reign. VI (1875) pp. Eneberg inin the Journ. scription 472. de Tiglat-Pile'ser compare especially Ch. and not later than 743 briefer than the other. (Idibi'ilu) in line 16. as I have already name at their head. The other longer inscription is unfor- It was not edited till the tunately broken in the middle. which certainly agrees is in essential points with the above longer inscription. and with the exception of their commence- ment. * The words of the transcribed cuneiform are: ina gir-ri-ti-ja c. p. that is.-Pil. Of the a summarizing inscriptions" we have one that is composed at a time previous to the 42** Judaeo-Ephraimite war.238 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE line 18. 17. ** See the proof in Zur Kritik der Insch. and stands in II Rawl. T. said. Tigl. *** On the latter inscription IJ. . 30. of Samaria in 17 of "former campaigns" of the king*. mah-r a-a-ti." (with a photograph appended). to refer to the expeditions and in line may be conjectured in the against Syria and Israel years 734 732. but on the whole briefer in form and exhibits several peculiarities and also varieties of detail. 0. in the opening lines. 90. This 1 have published in my essay a Zur Kritik der Inschriften Tiglath-Pilesers &c. All these inscriptions Tiglath-Pileser's still bear . 18. red.*** In addition to the latter there has meanwhile been discovered the first part of a parallel inscription designated no. so far as it has been preserved. 441 . Asiat. from which alone we gain accurate information as to the date of the king's cam- paign against Samaria and Damaskus (see below).

277). dannu kar-du sa ina*** tu-kul-ti [Aur bili-su kul-lat la ma-gi-ri-su kima tar-bi-ti(?) u-dak-ki-ku a-bu]-bi is-pu-nu-ma zi-ki-ki im-nu-u 3. Patkanoffs essay. PA. ma f-bu-u ar-ru-us-si-in matati i-pi-lu-248 Palace of Tiglath- * This definition of frontier strengthens the doubt whether TiglathPileser can have actually penetrated beyond the frontier of Media to the East (Keil. written in Russian. as is well known . p. Sarru Sa ina zi-kir Asur Sa-ma u Mar-duk ra-ti am-i ala-ku-ma] ul-tu n&r marad Bi-ik-ni sa napah a Blt-Ja-ki-ni a-di 4.SECONT1 BOOK OF KINGS we gain from XV. stands AN. are ** The words placed in brackets broken away from the tabletsupplied from the parallel inscription no. as we have it recorded in the opening of his 1. as the . is the king mentioned. 90 which is preserved is uninjured at this passage. 67 lines 1 foil. Gesch. He appears to us throughout in these records as a powerful warrior-prince. but here can only contrasted term indicates. T. I'great triumphal inscription II Rawl. these 239 inscriptions The impression that what respecting Tiglath-Pileser corresponds throughout to Nowhere the Bible. *** Such f In the text there the text of the original collated by me. we know about him from else. u tiam-tiv a sul-mi am-si a-di mat ili rabuti [itt Mu-us-ri ul-tu . u. which elsewhere the god Nebo. UR a-di irib(?)f a l. On this compare K. including a part of Cappadocia. who has subjugated beneath territory to the his sceptre the Western Asiatic in the from the Median frontier-mountains East* Mediterranean sea in the West. "On the supposed campaign of TiglathPileser to the banks of the Indus" Petersburg 1879. : kal Tukul-ti-abal-i-sar-[ra sarru rabu-u Sarru sar Bab-ilu dan-nu ar kiSSati ar m&t gar mat Su]**-mi-ri u Akkadi ar kib-rat arba- Aur ti 2. mean designates a quarter of the world.

the mighty king.240 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0.. 3. and exhibit vividness of conception while as to decoration In parallel passages usually occurs as booty". T. and inaugurated the government over them". 137. and (from the) sea which is towards the setting of the sun as far as the land Musri (Aegypt ***). See G. 10 (Del. host of nations. 265 f Discovered and published by W. u. Of the to form a judgment partly from the remains of the central palace which he restored. Rawlinsou. Akkad brave. pp. whole of the unsubmissive reliance upon Asur like tarblti. Sarnas and Merodach. ** Comp. These are throughout neatly formed. the king of Assyria. II. and partly from the discovery of the king's own plan of the palace newly erected by him on the South-East platform of Nimrudf. Loftus.. * sallatiS amnft "I counted *** On Musri foil.). And development of power directed outwards was accompanied by the display of an unmistakeable taste for art. Asarhad. king of the four regions in the mighty. K. 4. "I reckoned as prisoners". cast to the his lord. crushed the who. a discovery which we owe to a strange ac249 cident. = Aegypt in this passage see Keilinsch. Pilesefr the great king. with invocation [steps forth of Asur. . which is in the rising of the sun. . from the East to the West. . the king. Gesch. the great gods. Vol. IV. The peculiarity of his sculpture may be gathered his from the numerous basreliefs with which the slabs of palace are covered. who. the king of the of Babylon. "The five great monarchies" &c. and] conquered the lands from the sea of Beth-Jakin to the Bikni range of mountains **.)*. this especially that of architecture architecture we are in a position and sculpture. p. regarded zikiki (just as . . 2^ e d. the ground like a waterflood. king king of Su]mir and 2.

"the city Kinalia.*** The following year 744 is filled up. see Glossary. accord- ing by an expedition to the Eastern land Namri." The mat Mu-sir line 6 (in the first edition of this work) is owing to a mistake of the editors. The most remarkable occurrences during Tiglath-Pileser's reign. G. campaign to e. the title of king of Sumir and Akkad i. 92 foil. over it. ili-Su-nu afi-ku-un i. Assyr. the land U nkif (soG. in 241 one word. G. his royal city. the land Unki in its entire territory the viceroy I set . e. Comp. king of Bet-Siln. where he seized the capital River-country of Nabu-uabsi**. e. Smith 1869). 1869 foil. We should read u ak-ud = ir Ki-na-li-a ir I captured". "(the town) Kinalia I built anew. Discoveries pp. Chaldaea that he adopted. Smith in Aegypt. and attire or.. and caused him to be It was immediately after this crucified. 16 . 223 foil. else.. . root bau. in which the meantime refers the above passage to 743 B. 9. 1 refers to to the list of governors. ** The name signifies: "Nebo calls into being". 9. are the following: Having to the ascended the throne on the 13 th Ijjar (about April) of the year 745. . Assyr. or the years immediately following. Smith.. 9 foil. of Babylonia. * See also the passage in the inscription Layard 17 communicated above pp. It informs us of the defeat of Tutammu. 274 foil. 1 line 11: [ir] Ki-na-li-a a-na i-su-ti asbat mat Uii-ki a-na pad gim-ri-Sa [u-ut-sak]-ja pahata .. my [commander] . pp. this. . e. they are charac- terized on the whole by simplicity. perhaps the fragment III Rawl. 1875 pp. he also in arru-ti-u ak-ud i. the 18 years of to fix which we are enabled with great chronological precision* list by the aid of the annals and of the of governors. as we learn from the inscription Layard 17. or king of and this seems 250 * Comp. ornamentation. he advanced in the very i. f III Rawl.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. 266 my statements in "Zur Kritik der In- schriften Tiglath-Pileser's II" Berlin 1879. Zeitsch. VIII pp. same year Chaldaea. 13 foil. C.. . Discov.

since instead of below) Urijaikki (of Kui) these give Urikki and also uniformly between the Tyrian king and the king of Kui another. namely Sibittibi'l of Byblos.242 to TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE rather 0. Smith in Aegypt. I'niel of Hamath and Panammu latter of Sam'al. and the defeat of of governors .da on the fragment this occurs before the notice respecting (line 2). Smith) * tribute-list. Whether. and lastly. also Pisiris of Karkemish and Tarchular (of Gamguma). among the princes . to be found Layard's work since 1851. tributary to the Great King. third year of the king's reign as that to which this we can It suitably assign (with G.. am led to take this view by the mention of [A r] -pad.* was The p. to this third year of the king's reign. 45 foil. Moreover. [the name of the lost. T. Tutammu. which the troubles I Armenia are noted down in the list of governors. 67. stood. that the fragment of the tribute-list in Layard 45 may This list notes down. Urijaikki of . Zeitschrift is simply this fragment. between Pisiris of Karkemish and Tarchular of Gamgum. a king (name lost) is it country of Tyre. according in to the list the king was Arpad just in the year 743 B. note in their lists down two others viz. but according to other tribute-lists (see can only have been the land Kui]. Kustaspi of Kummuch. On the other hand. we ought in to place this in event in the year 743. C. The fragment cannot have been one from the later lists. tribute-list 1869 92 as newly discovered published in spoken of by G. and to his stay in Arpad. as be presumed specially to refer. these names never and never can have stood. Regarding the Armenian imbroglio itself we have full It is particulars in Layard 18 and II Rawl. in the corresponding passage of the There remains therefore only this 251 list above mentioned.. me more probable.

45) the other. The annals do not commence in again till the year 739 which occurs the expedition to Ulluba and Birtu. fied Meanwhile the above conjecture would also be justiby monumental evidence. and forming the to the transition to and therefore the conclusion account of the enterprise against Arpad (740). 2. 9.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. 16* . there occurs that important passage above quoted (pp. 33). a clear accuracy of the Biblical account of the firmly established power of Uzziah. Smith ibid. our Arpad 742 2 is only source of information the list of governors. there were also Menahem of Samaria and Rezin of Damaskus (see G. this expedition. line 1. he did not see proof of the 252 to molest the latter as well. and described on the plate of annals immediately after the narrative about Hamath and Azarjah. There follows the expedition to Ulluba and Birtu. 67 we obtain no formation on this subject. We Damaskus siege of Kings XVI. while Tiglath-Pileser chastised fit Hamath for its alliance with Juda. In Ulluba or its district were (III settled forthwith the deported inhabitants of Hamath Rawl. For the latter evidently speaks of the reception of a rich (ma-at-tu) tribute in [Ar]-pad-da. assigned by the list of governors to the year 739. Also from the Rawl. 274) has really on a basis of palaeographic facts connected with this plate (Lay. 211 foil. 10. The in- corresponding plates of annals are great triumphal inscription II lost.) respecting the alliance of Azarjah (Uzziah of Juda) with Hamath. that the monarch stayed must accordingly assume that Tiglath-Pileser caused the above-mentioned princes to wait upon him at Arpad in the same way as afterwards at the Syrian city Arpad. if G. 9 no. as 243 in we said above. however. There follows the three-years 740. From this we learn that. respecting which. in this year. cannot be determined with certainty. III Rawl. Smith (Discoveries p. Before the account of it. The expedition against the that rendered homage. 1. and see below).

But it is certain that in the following year 738 the Chittaean (Hittite) gifts princes presently to be mentioned sent their to the Great King. stone in this part therefore be said is 738 B. or in the following. e. Western Syria (ibid. Su-lu-ma-al mat Mi-lidda-ai. while in line 5 7 the account of the events that took place in the year 738 opens with the words i-na IX pali-ja that occasion "in the 9 th year of my reign". a Aramaeans" The tribute imposed on the conquered cities had a to be sent by these officers to the great king in the land Chatti" i. Hi-ru-ummu ir Sur-(ra)-ai. for the it broken in several places. The following were the princes who did (see the passage. but was placed under the command of his generals. (Arumu) of Birtu (presumably on the not directed by Tiglath-Pileser in perwas Euphrates) son. . U-ri-im-mi-i ir H u-s"im(r ik?)-na-ai.. 36 foil. Mi-ni-hi-(im)-mi ir Sa-mi-ri-na-ai. Tu-ha-am-mi ir iS-tuun-da-ai. where the enumeration commences. U-ri-ik-ki mat Ku-u-ai. lines homage to 50 the Great King on 54. beginning with the words : Ku-us'-ta-as'-p ir Kumat Gar-imiri-u-ai. Si-bi-it-ti-bi-'-li ir Gu-ubla-ai. US-hi-it-ti mat Tu-na-ai. Pi-si-ri-is ir madattu a u tribute of") i 253Gar-ga-mis-ai. Ra-sun-nu um-mu-ha-ai. Pa-na-am-mu-u ir Sa-am-'-l a-ai. U-as-sur-mi mat Ta-bal-ai. Ur-balla-a mat Tu-ha-na-ai. because the plate is altogether uninjured from line 50 onwards.244 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. and cannot where the account of the events of the year 739 closes. We cannot determine with certainty whether the despatch of this tribute took place in the same year 739. T. Da-di-i-lu irKas-ka-ai.). C. I'-ni-ilu ir Ha-am-ma-ta-ai. This is perfectly clear. Tar-hu-la-ra mat Gam-gu-ma-ai.

Gaza and Ashkelon. the king undertook an expedition. according to the list of governors. according to this list. Zabibieh . Urballa of Tuchan. Urikki of Kui. Sibittibihli of Byblos. queen of Aribi. Tiglath-Pileser's II" p. In this he was evidently reckoning on the support of the peoples and kings living around viz.Arabia as referred-to. Za-bi-bi-1 245 "Kustasp of gar-rat mat A-ri-bi . not possible to designate it by a definite name. In the following three years 737 in the in King exclusively occupied East and. We as that both Chittaean and Aramaean princes of Asia Minor. this agrees with what we can tion from the inscription itself about the posioccupied by Azarjah-Uzziah and have explained infer above. Panammu of Sam'al. Pisiris of Karkemish. 102. Hoab Ammon . cannot have been Babylonia. Urimmi here see well as Husimna (?). Ushit of of Tun.. XXV. omission of the king of as I shall show later on Jer.* 254 details 35 we see the Great About these campaigns we obtain further *) from the in 737 A. and compare in general my essay u Zur Kritik der Inschr. of Tyre. as well as of Edom. Smith's Assurbanipal pp. 97. of Tuchammi of Istunda.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. To connect it See simply with Media mat Madai (G.e. . Juda and which are likewise omitted in this list. offer tribute to the Great King. Iniel of chular of of Gamgum. &c. i. As Juda from the list. though it is The land mat A. and lastly of Phoenicia-Arabia. 26 note. Azarjah-Uzziah felt himself strong enough to resist an attack from Assyria if the necessity arose. Hamat. Vassurmi of Tabal (Tubal?)." princes. involved struggles with Armenia and certain Eastern countries. to the 24. those of the Philistine cities Ashdod. By the a queen of the Arabs" we must understand. some queen of North. Commagene Hiram Rezin of Damaskus . but must have been another Easterly but otherwise not distant region. Kask (Kolchis?). Smith) is inadmissible. to which. Menahem of Samaria. TarSulumal of Mflid (Melitene) Dadilu .

jTlJJ . proof of this. the Phoenician towns. 6. 68. 5 1 a. both accounts (ninth year) . Then follows in lines 16 a seriously mutilated passage. possess the also. Lebanon (on see above p. X. no. a certain extent. . .246 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE . chiefly in a fragment of the annals published in III Rawl. . 10. The list of governors down for this year a campaign this of the king to the chiefly land Pi list a. But campaign must have likewise affected Samaria. in S as i - m r - ra and Ar - tionably ~1O2 and foil." Immediately after we read line 17: . Moab and Juda. annals Layard 67 a line 5 foil. what the yet we can clearly on this inscription plate was about. Though it is seriously mutilated to And we a piece is broken away in the middle make It out. [A]-bi-il Sa zak mat Blt-Hu-um-ri-a 18 . of a commences with the enumeration number ka a - of towns reduced by Tiglath-Pileser. SAK-i[-ja Saknuti ili-jSu-nu a3-kun [the viceroys] this . T. 29 passage in the triumphal inscription 40. But distant of all the countries to which the expedition extended. Arka see Josephus Archaeol. also 14 is 87. my I placed over them. Here we meet with the familiar phrase: a SU-UTofficers. Philistia. . on "IDS see p. succession at line 13 Among i these are named . 2. 67b line 1 foil. 0. b (tenth year). Comp. I. 2 . 812 with II the parallel Rawl. 89). both of which are unquesmentioned 255in Gen. Not till the year 734 do we find in the him again engaged notes West. 17 Kanaanite towns and lay West of . By it term we must understand requires no explanation to show that the expedition was by no means restricted to this tract of terriThe land is mentioned as on the whole the most tory. ni(?)-ti ir Ga-al . as well as Edom this . Ammon. whence however it equally obvious that we have to do with subjugated cities. 67.

-li 247 rap-8u a-na si-[hir-ti-u] a-na mi-sir m&t ASSur u-tir-ra 19.. ki-na-ma kaspa kl is-su-ri 24 ? u-har-si(?) ut u? .. fled to the land 256 Aegypt. [I [I captured]. 29. Hanno of Gaza. . the viceroys over it. . like birds 24. . . [I Gaza . I set Ga-al-[-ad [Beth-Maacha?] which was above = Gilead?] my officers .. [Sa pa-an] tuklati-ja ip-par-i-[du- a-na mat] Mu-us-ri in-nab-tav. him .. I turned in its entire extent into the territory of Assyria. a-]na ili-Su-nu a8-kun. plunder] and my royal statue the gods erected] 22 the midst of Beth [as ... . i. .. 21.. [a-na sarrti-ti X..u-Su-nu a-na] mat ASSur u-ra-a. a-na irsiti-Su u-tir-8u-ma 25 [hurasa]. a mat u-ra]-asSa-am-si Sar-rat mat A-ri-bu &c. . . Ha-a-nu-u-nu ir Ha-az-zaat-ta-ai 20. ... mati-u-nu am-nu-ma . his possessions. . garments of Berom(?).. gods .. ... gld. Mat Bit-Hu-um-ri-a bu-hur niiil-duk(lut?) avll A-u-si-' [GAR... . . is- [am]-hur.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV. na u lu-bul-ti bir-mi KUM 26 rabuti u 28. the broad. who took to flight before my troops. the town Aur ]ti-8u-nu e.. [avil SU-UT-SAK-i]-j a Saknuti ili-Su-nu a]-kun. [? bilat huras M. . The received as land Beth-Omri great transferred to his land . his carried away]. 23. 20. bilat kasap a-di am-hur-u-n u-ma u-nu. in I my . and(?) 25 26. the silver. I tribute.. [a-na Pa-ka-ha sarra-u-nu [a]-du-[uk]-ma. . U 17 (on this side?) the [A]bel land Beth-Omri (Samaria) the distant . 19.. of their land counted . I'r Ha-az21 GAR-Su-Su ila-ni zu-tu ja na ki-rib bit u salam sarru-ti-ja22 raa ili . 30. wool (?) .

that he turned his arms against Rezin. among these two spoken whose mutilated into those as taken names may without difficulty be completed which are mentioned in 2 Kings XV. I received from them. 67). confirmed by a list and countries which at that time . above another Arabian queen had ascended the throne. Hosea I appointed 29. Ten talents of gold. itself are of Samaria. [I] slew. 245) Moreover tier. menof governors in the year tioned in the . Yet. This list occurs in the king's great triumphal inscription. [to in the South of Philistia. together with their the whole of I its inhabitants. and up to the Arabian fronp. as it was. deported to Assyria. a thousand of silrule] ver (?) together with their . Observe that in the interval (comp. he required isolated the and had thus two whole years more (733 and 732) to subjugate him What has been stated above." Tiglath-Pileser extended his campaign as far as to Gaza. [to of (I) who Samsi queen Assyria brought] I them. Pekah.. and list away Maacha]. (Samaria) the distant 28. is paid tribute to the king. . viz.248 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE . It was not until the Assyrian had overthrown 734 as a the latter (who was one of the two adversaries of Ahaz) still powerful Damaskus. the passage cited from the annals of all the princes . T. cities .Gal-[ad] = Gilead. campaign was simply the campaign of the Great King against Pekah. and especially thoroughly. 30. 29 two by Tiglath-Pileser. the towns Zemar and Arka . 0. It is quite certain from this passage that Aribu &c. 257 to Philistia [A]bel-[BethAll this seems to show that the expedition.. This passage also is mutilated. West of Lebanon and North by the Great King. property their king. belonging to the last year of his reign (II Rawl. are mentioned as conquered Indeed the towns of the land Beth-Omri of as cut off from it. over them.

what remains for sufficiently evidential our purpose. * On this name see p. Ka-us-ma-la-ka mat U-du-mu-ai. These are.da-ai] . however. [U. [Ha]-a-nu-u-nu Kustasp of Kommagene. Mu-i . la-a Tu-ha-na-ai. Juda and Gaza) just the names of such districts as the king must have come in contact with. . Tuchammi of [Mu]thumbaal of Arvad. is XV. Edom. directly or indirectly. of Melitene .. . ma-nu matMa-'-ba-ai [Mi]-ti-in-ti mat As-ka-lu-na-ai. "[Tribute] of Sibittibi'il * . 244 foil.as-]sur-mi mat Ta-bal-ai U-hi-it-ti ir Tu-na-ai. . Moab. Pa-na-am-mu-u Ir Sa-amTar-hu-la-ra mat Gam-gu-ma-ai. Tu-ha-am-[mi] ir IS(Mil?)tu-un-da-ai [Ma-] ta-an-bi-'-il ir Ar-vada-ai. . Urik . Vassurmi of Tabal. 249 However. Hanno of Gaza. S u a. of Gebal Hainath . Musi .. in several places. Sa-lair . Sanib of Ammon. Sa-ni-bu ir Bit. Salman Moab. lines 57 62: [Ma-da-at-tu] Ku- u-ta-as-pi mat Ku-muh-ai. throughout (Arvad.. on his march to Philistia. Ammon. . i. of Sam'al .. particularly Ashkelon and Gaza.. Sulumal . Si-bi-it-ti-bi-'-il [ir Gu-ub-la-ai] . . The passage a is as follows ibid.Am-m a-na-ai. [I'-ni)-ilu matHa-am-ma-ta-ai. i. this list from Muthumbaal of Arvad to Hanno of Gaza. e. of Isiund258 Ushit of Tuna. 174. we observe in the present one a series of entirely new names. Iniel of ir Ha-za-at-ai of Kui. e. Mitinti of Ashkelon JoacJioz (Ahaz) of Juda. Ja-u-ha-zi mat Ja-u-da-ai. Tarchular of Gamgum.." If K6smalak of Edom. Panammu .. . .a [lu-ma-al mat Mi-lid. U-ri-ik m&t Ku-uai.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS I regret to say. Ur-bal' 1 i . we compare all with the former pp.. Urballa of Tuchan.. .

after what was evidently a lengthened the capital of the Syrian siege. described in the campaign to Philistia of which the list of governors makes mention and places in the year 734.250 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. is just the XVI. The cuneiform records and supplement each other in a manner that leaves nothing to be desired. 8) rendered tribute to the Great King. where he compelled Merodach-Baladan the king of South-Chaldaea to render him homage in the city Sapija. undoubtedly at the recognizing same time the supremacy of Assyria. Gaza and Arabia. The campaign ended. but about 259 the length of the siege we are left in uncertainty. the deportation of the inhabitants and the execution of the king. . kingdom the deportation of the inhabitants and the execution of Rezin. 9). are informed the Bible here We in the Bible about the conquest of the city. It was in this year too that Ahaz of Juda (see note on 2 Kings annals. XVI. as well as against Damaskus. to the Bible (2 According of tribute by Kings XVI. and the way in which the Great King treated the conquered country. We obtain intelligence on the last point from the inscriptions. this despatch Ahaz was followed by the expedition of the Assyrian against Damaskus. which was the price he paid for Assyrian help against the sister-kingdom. With this harmonizes the list of governors which places the siege and capture of Damaskus in the years 733 and 732. The following year 731 transfers the Great King to Babylonia. that was pressing him hard. with the capture of . 9) . Therefore there cannot be any doubt that the expedition of the king to Phoenicia. and likewise inform us of the death of the king of lost (see note Damaskus in an inscription now unfortunately on chap. which also give details as to the number of those who were deported. T.

Abel. of Babylon . From his inscriptions we learn that the system of transplanting inhabitants was followed by this monarch in other instances. 246 foil. on this see above pp.. 229 The last three years of his reign and of his life Tiglath-Pileser seems to have spent without any warlike enterprises. and This notice is confirmed carried them away to Assyria. we may assume that it was in this year also that Tiglath-Pileser died. the son of Ela t on foot a conspiracy against 260 Pekah. took Ijjon.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS This is XV. . in the Ptolemaic canon as the first of P6r = Pul. With this passage agrees III Rawl. 247 foil... smote him.. of Tiglath-Pileser. This event falls in the year 734. the whole land Naphtali. the whole of property] I carried their inhabi- tants [their away to Assyria. Gilead and Galilee . Hoshea (A-u-si-') I appointed [to rule] over them. Janoah.. see the original text above p. set 30. . Hoshea.. 251 the year which is marked i. that in this year Salmanassar ascended the throne. While the list of governors for the year 730 simply remarks i. 10. see ibid. by the passage in the inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser which we communicated above pp. I received from them as tribute" &c.. as king foil. "the land Beth-Omri. From these words we clearly see (1) that Hoshea attained the throne of Israel solely as the reward Assyria. in Assyria-Niniveh. slew him and became king in his stead. its 26 foil. Kedesh.Beth. 10 talents of gold. list Since the newly discovered fragment of the of governors observes for the year 727. On acknowledging the supremacy of hand the other the Bible speaks of a payfor . e. Pekah (Pa-ka-ha) king [I] smote. notes down for the years 729 and 728 religious acts undertaken by the king. 1000 talents of silver .Maacha. and Chazor. 29b. the son of Remaljah. that the king it remained a in the land" e.

with this G.). Frequent reference is made to him on 50. see above in an attempt 261 Afterwards he evidently made alliance with Pekah to throw off the burdenp. as we know from the Bible. the murder of XVII. 3. 11) with the pronunciation Ra- In the first of the above-mentioned passages sun-nu(ni). . . Then from certainly obvious that the Syroagain Ephraimite war cannot be so remote from Pekah's death (729) as the traditional view assumes. needs however correction in several passages. 14. Assyr. according to which 740.. 244 some feudal supremacy of Assyria an attempt which . 69 right b. avil bfl narkabati (bill narkabti?) u -su-nu u-8ab-bir-ma. foil.252 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE tribute 0. 3. ment of and a condition of vassalage on the part of to Hoshea merely with respect Tiglath-Pileser's successor it is Salmanassar. . 66. see note on chap. 73. Pekah and the elevation of Hoshea to the throne are represented as standing to one another in a certain relation of causation.4.. but unfortunately the passages which deal with are still this episode among those which are badly mutilated. the war took place in 742 37. "pjn Rezin. at any rate in a close relation of time (just as. in the latter respect. pp.sa. this it is we find in the Bible).. 10. What may : be read with some degree of certainty is as follows * Layard 72. And also clear that (2) the deportation of the inhabitants of Samaria. 282 foil. ended disastrously. T.. . 3. the plates of Tiglath-Pileser (Layard 45 line Ic. he appears along with Menahem as a tributary of the th Assyrian Great King (in the 8 year of the reign of the latter.-nu * It Comp. The plates of Tiglath-Pileser furnished intelligence about this likewise. Smith's rendering. Discov. .

3... .. isti-in ul i-zib a-di bit abi-su m ar-si-ti-su-nu sa ..e. . .... by sis ft = Q1D> Wo lag das Paradies? so to p... . . 7 [di-Jnu-uS-su ip- (?) abulla iri-su iru-ub par-si-id-ma. sal-la-at ir Ku-ru-us(z)-s(z)a-a . . 11. ** I should now be disposed restore and read the injured passage. 14. sa mat Gar-imiri-su ki-ma Sa-mas ti-ti-ku-ma Ru-u-kib-tu abal the charioteers their 72. . II. su-nu sal-lat(?) . C. kiri-su XIII. RAK (?) .. 9. XXVI . KAL. * On the representation of the ideogram for "horse" see Delitzsch. I broke to pieces 4. . .SECOND BOOK OF KINGS sisi*- XV. . 15 sa til 262 XVI na-gi-i a-bu-bi i-[zib-ma]** Bit Ha-at-ti ra-ma-ni 16. it-ti C. Hi-ti-in-ti mat As(?)-[ka-lu-na- 13.. ina kata u . pi i-sir-su. . su-nu a-na (?). . . XX(X?) DU (?) -p a-a-ti sa ni-i-ba la i-su-u ak-kis. . M. .. L. . . . dir(?). V sabi us-ma-ni VI. . (Plur.. V. .. [i-na] za-ki-pa-a-ni mat-su XL A. nii a-di mar-i-ti-u-nu . . [? V. al-la-at ir Mi-tu(?)-na as-lu-la V. ai] alpi(?) -su-nu si-i-ni-u-nu alu-la VII.. Su-u su-zu-ub napsati-su . . C. C.. . L. iri ja pur ta(?) . ma .C. . .)-su bal-tu-us-su-nu . i-mur sa ma XI?) lu(?) i bj . . 6. avil SAK. . .ti-ma tahazi-bi. i- . . . . C. at iri-su ak-sur-ma kima issur ku-up- 10. . [mun]-t ah-si-su-na-si kasti 5 (?) . 110. C. .. . . ha-a-da-ra Ra-sun-ni 12 m^t Gar[ir] imiri-su-ai adi-i mar-su-ti Sa-am-'-al-la(?) al-vi ak-sud VIII. ri-i bar(?) ka-ba-bi as-masu-nu.Sa-am-si sar-rat mat A-ri-bi sa ma-mit i.LV. . AN. ir (?) Ir-ma-ai.(?) u-si-li-ma u-sad-gi-la 8. .. 253 .

bows ... which are not be numbered. . . 8.. Into the chief gate of alive his city I entered. 655 . the house of the father of Rezin of Gar-Imirisu... . I took. of He betook himself. their oxen (?). son of Observe the mention of the queen Samsi (more accurately passages Samsi) instead of the queen Zabibf of th 263 Aribi.. . I hewed down..). away .. . 16 Samsi. 12.. . their 0.. 6 to save his life... . .(?). . 14.. . 13. 226 (?)... Samalla(?) I 800 inhabitants together with their prop. chadara... who flood-mound Imirisu left away. . . alone to flight his superior . erty... his land I subju- myself).. besieged. . to 10 . 750 prisoners of the town with . prisoners (booty) . their combat . their steeds combatants . . pathless mountains .520 (530?) . 15 like a ) (I)... 732 overthrow of Syria (734 B.. Mitinti of (Ashkelon?) I 13. C... Rukiptu... 45 people of the baggage. 5.... The former was certainly the later sovereign (we again meet with her name in the inscriptions of Sargon). (while) the Chatti-palace myself .. mentioned on a former occasion (in the 8 year of in other the king's reign)...... the Irmaeans (?). shields. not even a (tree) did I leave remaining. .254 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE .. of his city I took (for myself) in. I caused to be gated (to crucified (impaled). T... their sheep carried Kuruzza(?) together prisoners of the town Mituna(?) I carried away. queen of Aribi who sup" ported the worship of the sun-god... . . 550 behind (?) sixteen districts of the land Gar(I) (Syria Damaskus). another proof that in this passage we must come down to the time of the it that brought with the Great King's campaign to the West. together with their property . spears with the hands .. .. 500 (and ? towns I saw . commandants . like a bird in a cage I shut him His plantations..

&nd gold and sent a This is in king of Assyria (Tigl. in line 61 . remains only Ahaz. there 264 another sarily person. Joahaz of (Ja-u-ha-zi) p. g. viz. as I have above. The difference in form. K6smalak Edom" (see above 249). that the king had received tribute from "Mitinti of Ashkelon. e. identified and it is with him Rawlinson (1) In the the Joahaz of the inscriptions. 29. complete agreement with the inscription II Rawl. see above note on XV. in the name Jahuhazi it stands first. . And Ahaz took the silver to posed in the last. e. or rather last year but one *. : * See . the XV. 67. of Juda. 10) in a report upon the princes in the 8 th who brought his reign. be so.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVI. There cannot be any doubt that the Biblical is meant by the Judaean Joahaz in this pas- Beside Ahaz. Joahaz in the inscrip- tions instead of Ahaz may then be explained in the by the assumption. Here. either that the later Jews changed ibid. pp. however. where Menahem of Samaria is mentioned (La-yard 50. (2) We should have expected to find Uzziah's name in the previous lists of kings offering tribute. however. who was likewise the only king of Juda pointed out of whom the Bible informs us that he brought tribute to Tig- lath-Pileser. Ahaz of Juda sage. 255 . palija i. of Tiglath- Pileser's reign. name Uzziah the designation of the deity stands second. 233 foil.-Pil. com8. Uzziah all (PW) is the only one who can But be at thought-of in this connexion. (3) Uzziah called in the inscriptions Azarjah. line 5 ultu ri' sarrutija adi XVII.) present. We there read. in the Bible. "from the beginning of my rule to the 17 th year of my reign. Uzziah is not mentioned. Consequently Jahuhazi must necesbe If this. tribute to the Great is King year of Lastly." The entire period of the Great King's reign amounted to 18 years. .

Joahaz. only a portion of 265 it we hand. According to the list of governors 13 th year of Tiglath-Pileser's reign this i. The list of governors represents the king in as advancing against Damaskus two successive years. Even from the foil. C.) plates it is which have been pre- served (see above pp. VIII. into Ahaz by the omission of the Divine name. made an expedition against and the other maritime countries. 35. Old Testament the name of the king. .256 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE real 0. and took it. IX. In the plates come down us containing Tiglath-Pileser's read nothing of this deportation of the inhabitants to Kir. 253 quite evident that they * This modification was all the more easily effected as a name was actually in use (1 Chron. took place in the in the year e. viz. and therefore against Pekah of Samaria. it is probable that Damaskus did not fall till the second year (732 B. comp. Pi list a Philistia saved at least his throne and the existence of his realm. 248. This king seems to have made his submission at the nick of time and thus e. T. (The king of Assyria) advanced against Damascus. and carried that have (the inhabitants) to away to Kir. 42). I regard the name former supposition as the more probable. above p. 733. namely Joahaz.) after a resistance that lasted two Hence years. But considering the mutilated and defective condition annals of these records. acan that on the no means originals impossible by count once existed of this transportation of the inhabitants is which have come to of Damaskus. previously i. however. in consideration of the king's idolatrous tendencies. He had. or that the Assyrians by a mistake transferred to Ahaz the of a previous king that resembled his in sound.* 9.

1. 10). son of of Ahaz Samaria over Israel. From simply with the permission. See Then King Ahaz advanced There. but of Sargon-Salmanassar's (these is inference precipitate. we may be sure. e. 257 too described the final overthrow of the Syrian kingdom and that Tiglath-Pileser made particular reference to a wholesale deportation of the inhabitants. also contained the name of Pekah of 15. that the whole of this mutilated inscription was not one of Tiglath Pileser's. and as the vassal. those given above in the list p. 10. Rawlinson found reported on a tablet of Tiglath-Pileser. as Among the list. 732 B. in the passage referred-to above (III Rawl. Ela. p. p. the same. In the 1^ year became king at observed above (p. queen of the Arabs..SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVII. C. 3 to a and Hoshea became subject 266 refers to him (the Assyrian Great King)" Salmanassar. the of which has been lithographed in III Bawl. it. Haigh in Lepsius' Zeitschrift 1871. in describing the succession to the throne. from the * Dan. the passage XVII. Samaria must remain uncertain. Smith in Lepsius' Zeitsch. Rezin he slew. As I have A-u-si-' has been discovered upon a fragment. But unfortunately this plate was left behind in Asia and has since been lost without leaving a trace behind G. Whether one of the injured places. 251) the name of Hoshea in the form Hoshea. XVII. the Great King. appointed a meet- ing of all tributary princes. * of gives no hint any cooperating influence exerted by the Assyrian. ibid. this text 10. see G. 249. Ahaz of Juda. 70 concludes mention of Hanno of Gaza and of Samsieh. may after the capture of the city in be presumed. This too. we also learn that Hoshea came to the throne But the Bible. as I have already remarked. two rulers he regards as one and the same). it to Damaskus to meet Tig- lath-Pileser. of the Assyrian. But this since we find the queen Samsieh of Arabia 17 . p. Smith ibid. 14. these in was Jahuhazi i.

in combination with to ana the napiti phrase a their a their "set free to live" e. Gesellsch. Norris Diet. who is also the acute discoverer of the peculiarity that here meets us of the roots beginning with this Mem. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 137. 7 (see below). The latter. Against him advanced Salmanassar (IDWplg'') king of Assyria. since the recently discovered Babylonian chronicle gives the name phonetically written J$ul-mau-a-a-rid. Keilinsch. 742. (Layard 73. that is "Sulman is prince". 15 (1880) pp. 26. They are likewise mentioned by the latter in Khorsab. pardon announced". der 761. p. The above combinations are not certain.n u) instead of u = Salmanu. VII. 16). Cyl. On the ideogram D I (m a . interprets the . 67 line 62. : : . an inscription expressly ascribed to TiglathPileser. 269. would need is only to much correction. Pael with the pronunciation uSSir u r *. pardon. S. deutsch. III. the pronunciation "lEWD^*. into the form "ICWD^IP which we find in the Old Testament. that the requisite Imperative be taken as the Imperat. Schr. Keilinsch. is probably to be explained The change Hebrew should from the tendency to make a difference in the pronunciation of the two sibilants which succeed one another in also mentioned on one of the friezes of 16 lines . 27. p. which in have become IDWD^D. must have reigned beyond the period of Tiglath-Pileser's rule into that of Sargon's. Guyard Journ. * 25. P. "let free". Accordingly both rulers. pardon!" Uir Imperf. Compare "I set ana napisti life umass'ir sunuti them free to live" with the parallel I announced". XXXIV p. 49 foil. p. Babyl. name "Salman has duly led (the fruit of the body)". Stanisl. Asiat. I as balat napiStiSunu akbi well as us's'urs'unu akbi Sanherib Tayl. Root "1|>{< ? P. which while Hanno of Gaza is mentioned certainly did not belong to Sargon in II Rawl. Haupt in Zeitsch. morgenl. in Comp. in 267 see Assyr. Pael of masar to a let".258 3. The Assyrian form of the name is held to be Salmanu-us'sir "Salman. i. Babyl. Assyr. Hanno of Gaza and Samsieh of Arabia. T.

e. 259 See Fr. nd foil. my remarks Theologie I. 400.. p. Sayce. 26.. that of Sargon. After the eponym is of the year dividing 723 (i. 683 foil. 1872. Lesestiicke 2 inscriptions. viz.. 323 p.. Kritiken 1869. which the king reported We only possess an . and the residence of the king in a for the (725 king country" (Assyria) year 726. Salmanassar is expressly noted for the year 727. especially Phoenicia and Israel. p. 1871.. 735 foil. Assyr.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS the XVII. e. 94. pp. Jahrbiicher . 318 foil. the king of that banipal's 1879 p. 679 foil. imperial weight inscribed with his Keilinschriften pp. but at least most natural to suppose that they refer to the "Western regions. Under these circumstances 268 17* . while for the three following years 23) are noted down warlike expeditions of the (foreign) countries. true. 81 fur Protest. See the discussions on this subject between Riehm. : Assyrian rulers so named) reigned according to the Register 722 as the successor of (or List) of Governors from 727 Tiglath - Pileser and predecessor of Sargon. 1870. it is mat a in the against The names it is of these countries are obliterated. Heft IV. Delitzsch. Jagdinschriften AsurSalmanassar (i. 700 foil. name see Assyr. These definite have reached a conclusion by the discovery of the clay fragment which forms a continuation of the second column of the Register of Governors (see chronological In this fragment the accession of addenda in Vol. in ed.-Babyl. have not come down to us. Oppert and the author pp. see in Academy 1873 No. Hommel. p. Monuments and his deeds. 527 foil. 1875 pp. in Theologische Studien u. name with which we have here to do there were several same word. of Salmanassar himself) there a line that clearly shows that the following year 722 is the year of his successor's accession. 176 foil. II).

Sargon*. . IX. and to non-Assyrian sources. i. constitutes no objection.260 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 0. five years. lution (as several Assyriologists definitely settled. Samaria which was Whether prolonged beyond that death was natural. cannot be No reference to it exists on the clay fraghis successor ment. 41) were kings over is Assyria. apart from the Bible to Menander's statements con- tained in Josephus (Archaeol. There is therefore at all came to the throne as a in The fact that he repeatedly (e. or resulted from a revo- the king's death (see below). 2).. T. According to was Salmanassar who undertook an expedition against Tyre. expressly as Oppert at least formerly supposed on the ground of an inscription not rightly interpreted (Exped. my articles Salmanassar in Schenkel's Bibel-Lexikon and in Riehm's Handwort. en Mdsopot. the latter it 14. for this statement tainly not to be taken in a strictly literal sense. II pp.g. 328 foil. which city must be considered to have been in alliance with Samaria. 531 foil. in an expedition which occupied other words lasted over the death of Salman- assar into the reign of the next king. e. See note on Is. boasts of his 350 ancestors ("fathers") who Botta 37.). cannot be proved. Contemporary with this enterprise occurred the other operation directed against siege of Israel. we can only resort for information respecting the events of his reign to the newly discovered fragment of the List of Governors above described. It is a fact that Sargon never calls him- self son of Salmanassar** on the monuments with which we have hitherto become acquainted. The clay fragment Northern likewise is in harmony with and the this. events a possibility that Sargon 269 usurper. cer- and may * On this see my essay in Studien u. XX. des Bibl. and comp. Alterth. Kritiken 1870 pp. ** That he even calls himself the son of some one else. have assumed). 1.

him ("J3#). 37 a : 692 attained the throne of Aegypt. Sab'i and the Hebr. while. 20. The Maso- pronounce the name in question of the Aegyptian Pharaoh. the Aegyptian Pharao being ignored (2 Kings "If Tarhaka. It should also Hebr. 1505 lj decides in favour of the identification of Sab'i and Sabako. referred-to is II. subject to and Hoshea became on verse 1. who XIX. on the other hand. See * ne What is true of Tiglath-Pileser . 1). it was at all events quite possible that the same writer should . in 122.. Stern in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung 1882 No. preserved in the form Sab-'-f* X3# be observed that this king is not 270 a = called by Sargon king" or a Pharao" but Sil-tan-nu * Also G. Dn^P Tjbb NiD Sabako king of Aegypt. Sargon's inscriptions (Botta 71. 155 (June 4) p. these records i. 1. ** The identity of the Assyr. and L. could nevertheless as early as 701 be alone designated by the Hebrew historian as the chief personage. he believes himself right in assuming the identity. : Sabako-Sabaka reguli Aegypti inferioris (He is called however S6-Seveh he regards as one of the numerous who abounded in the time of Pianchi-Meramen. having received y Compare Tiglath gifts. above pp. 145. of the cuneiform Sab'i with the Aegypto-hieroglyphic B. king of all Lower-Aegypt!) remarks in Jen. 8). This is clear from the as has been already conjectured. Literatur-Zeitung 1874 p. Ebers in art.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVII.e. Stade Isaiae vaticin. 54 foil. the name of the Aegyptian king tOD **. my in QV]JJp 7]So i. must have been not about it less true of Salmanassar although we read nothing in the inscriptions. In e. He no * e may indeed have also been of princely descent. for it ought to be punctuated K)D. "So" in Riehm's Handworterbuch des bib- lischen Alterthums p. {OD is denied by (Leipzig 1873) pp. 261 just as well be understood as a reference to the circum- stance that he was successor of a long line of kings. also recognized by us. and paid him attestation of 4. 2267 holds to the identity of So and Sabako. presents. 247 Pileser's foil. On this comp. retes did not correctly cuneiform inscriptions as well as from other grounds.

a king of the 23i'd dynasty. when he attained the have assumed." * The Englishmen (Hincks. 6) represents Salmanassar instead of Sargon as the conqueror of Samaria! Nor do we regard it as evident that the Sethon of Herodotus is to be taken 4). e. see note on verse 6). note on Exod. indeed by that of an Assyrian general (!). even at that early date as king of Aegypt (2 Kings XVII. Babyl. 43). pp. 271 we king of Assyria arrested him and threw In the Assyrian inscriptions. the designation of the Aegyptian king by a rank specifically Assyrian. possesses the values both il (see Assyr. the "sultan". Rawlinson) read the above title Tartannu Tartan. 255). that of the same writer as great as verses further on (XVII. Sargon. Seveh was not yet recognized as king of Aegypt. 79. Botta pi. . of tar and = but we know from the List of Governors Rev. describe the subsequent de facto king Seveh. Now it is quite true that the first of the three signs. TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE -co 0. XLI. line 32 (see chronol.t Musuri "Pharao. Therefore there cannot be any doubt that at the time when Sargon came in collision with him (720). 1. with which the title is written. Keilinsch. Besides. Se&a>v is not identical with the ZTJT of Africanus. XX. Then him into prison. T. so II Rawl. 139 on T^N (Gen. See also the note on Is. above p. 54) [here follows a reference to the notorious corruption of Assyrian and Aegyptian names in the Greek writers]. Comp. II. that line 38. QlLJL* "ruler" "prince" *. ar m.262 O i. those of have no information of this (respecting the the Annals. Moreover Sargon expressly distinguishes Pir'u king of Aegypt" (Botta 145. The inaccuracy would not be by any means who two as the opponent of Sanherib and not the Sabtaka of the Aegyptian inscriptions (p. viz. would be the strangest thing that one could imagine. passage This very circumstance serves to confirm the supposition in the that Sargon scholars is not identical with Salmanassar as some Sargon. No 222. we ought therefore simply to reject the pronunciation of this title of the Aegyptian king as "Tartan". 1) from Seveh. II) "Tartan 1' was not pronounced in Assyrian but "turtanu" (with tur). 11. 75 foil. addenda Vol. though still only king of Aethiopia. 52 Obv. 1 and comp.

1 ad fin. According to the Biblical account. according to the unmistakeable statement in the Books of Kings. XX. nif a-ib lib-bi-Su aS-lu-la. his reign (Botta 70. VII. foil. . so that only This about two years belong to Salmanassar's share in the siege. 324 6. who. the Icing of Assyria to captured Samaria and carried Israel away Assyria. proceeded to lay siege to Samaria after having made the king of Israel prisoner. . And the king of Assyria it . longer found king Hoshea anywhere in Samaria hence he says nothing of the capture or execution of fall within the at any rate the former the king both : . assar's in its second portion in so far as successor. There is a discrepancy between latter this and the cuneiform inscriptions .. LXXX.. ad fin. captured Samaria in the first year of 1 foil. viz. In the ninth year of Hosltea.). L. reign of Sargon's predecessor Salmanassar. Salmanassar.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS sovereignty and XVII. phal inscription Botta 145. 1. Salman- records. 5. Samaria and pletely besieged three years. 2f3 brought the siege of Samaria to a conno clusion. al-vi ak-3ud. first This notice marched against is com- confirmed in its portion by the cuneiform Sargon. see Jahrbiicher fur Protestantische Theol. is at least indirectly corroborated by the fragment of of Governors which the List has in the meantime been discovered. XX. since the expressly *. 1875 pp.. : I'r Sa-mi-ri-na272 M. the king who captured the city can only have been the same as the king who laid siege to it. 145. narkabati ina libbi-Su-nu * Respecting the name of the king see note on Is. Sargon claim the capture of Samaria for king This he announces to us in the great triumI. CC.

<o^**t. from a series of passages. 193). "remainder" e. the comp. to take. UT. 188. SAK. SAK-ja ili-3u-nu a-kun-ma i. "the city Samaria I inhabitants I carried (for away. aggredi. as well as Keiliusch. ideogram the meaning of which is. aksur root Go 60 - Assurban. their remaining I caused (my subalterns) my placed over them. then "take away" (see above p. how The account was two plates. rest see Glossary. still This event had been described at greater length by Sargon in his "annals". 1871 pp. transit. e.264 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE si-it-tu-ti 0.280 of them of I its took myself). I captured. a matter of certainty. i. seriously mutilated. 114. East |-j. It formed the conclusion of the II. i-nu-u-nu u-Sa-hi-iz. Notes cmd Illustrations. Hall No. Hebr. the tribute of the former king viceroy I imposed on them". e. "collect". ak-sur-ma u SU. 113. ideogram ^\Jp properly "gather together". the form inu V<.. Yet what remains 273 continued over legible fully suffices to enlighten us the inscription deals with the event. like so many others. comp. u. sit tut abstract collateral form to sittu. = Alvi Kal Imperf. but whose phonetic equivalent has not yet been discovered. Kritik. 79 e. g. 192.. 722 B. Smith's "chariot" see pp. text in Botta pi. unut imidsunuti For the Imperf. 314 . foil. 50 chariots effects I 27. of jnX. C. "place". Gesch. of lav& (lama) respecting the Jl^ "advance for to something" oppugnare. UT. SU. From these we also learn that this royal deed of arms occurred in the year of his accession. 1 pers. properly c^**l "basis". and the beginning * With this compare 687 foil. T. pp. Hebrew is (Noldeke). &. (see above pp. pp. 1. Kal of n^ = IDj^N * n Assyr. 46 there also us ah is Shaf. my dissertation in Stud. i. Arab. In Layard 16. * Unfortunately this passage in the text of the annals is. u. 9). syr. &** "the hinder part of body". 201. bilat Sarri mah-ri-i i-mid-su-nu-ti besieged.

. especially as plate 70 line 10 begins the account of the ani-i pali-ja). but that Sargon himself had simply carried on the siege and brought it to an end.. 27. 688. r]i-na-ai into [Sa-ml-r]i-na-ai is indisMlnhimmi putable. who is may presume that it was stated about him is A u si'. above Botta 145. 36. 1 ad fin. interpret the words. e. which in part exhibits a verbal agreement with the corresponding passage in the cylinder-inscription I Rawl. [ir a ln the beginning Sa-ml-]ri-na-ai of the Sama- ritans".. 12 . Khorsab. i. 2. a]-lu-la. [ir Sa-mi-ri-na al-vi. rlfS We read ibid. by Sargon's predecessor. 1 No. ak-sur*-ma] pa-na u-Si-Sib nii m&tati ki-id-[ti ar-ru-ti-j a . 2 There can scarcely be any doubt. in No.. : that he had been taken prisoner is 1 to be found on plate 70.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS of plate 70 i. that we have : 2 nd year (in a to complete the words thus I-na ri[ Sarrutija] a in the beginning [of my rule]". 1 contains in lines 9 the continuation of a general review of the king's exploits. the alteration of the formerly proposed by me the in Studien u.. XVII. L. ak-3ud. : Samirinai "Menahem evident that spoken-of. 11 e. The completion of. lines 1 (?).280 nif a-Sib libbiu 2. Then it is We Hoshea of Samaria. Hall II. 265 e. when we compare Layard 50. . it of the Samaritans".. (?) ili a kati-ja * If text. ir-uS(mt)-ti-ja . No. Then com: mences the annalistic account line 10 with the words I-na rf5 i. 36 lines 6 16. we thus read and unnecessary.. narkab^ti ki-sir i-na [libbi-u-nu 3. The inscription Hall II.. The continuation of the narrative foil. becomes On phrase kisir garrutija comp. comp. Kritiken 1871 p.

. chariots I in took as my royal . p. that the capture of Samaria falls in the year* of Sargon's reign. That we are here dealing with an account of the fall of Samaria. or more precisely beginning of his reign" (see above) and therefore 10. Kutha &c. 50 them away] . "campaign" as 687. C. 27. i. into the districts long occupied by the Israelites. receives confirmation from Botta 70. as I formerly * Not imagined before I was better informed. that commences respecting the second und Kritiken 1871 687 8. 1871 on p. first Again. is evident from the mention of exactly 50 chariots taken away by the king. place of (them the deported) I assigned abodes to the inhabitants of countries taken [by me].266 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ]. not Salmanassar..-Babyl. where the facts are correctly given. and who is generally held to be Asarhaddon. critical examination of the text of the Books My supposition in this was that the king who. Sargon himself. Moreover we learn from the above passage after deporting the Israelites. 4 i. 0. e. line year of the king's reign. transferred people from Babel. 110. where the narrative a in the in the year 722 B. accor- ding to verse 24 chapter. I imposed tribute on them like Assyria". other subjugated races in the abodes which they had This notice serves to confirm a conjecture I once threw out quite independently of the cuneiform records and based simply on a of Kings. see Studien pp. . is wrongly stated in Studien u. 274{-mid-su-nu-ti I e..280 of habitants] carried share [among away. is the same as he who transported the Israelites. a mada-at-tu ki-i Sa A-u-ri of me [I besieged their in- and captured the town of Samaria. settled left. Keilinsch. . T. Kritiken See Assyr. which is the number furnished by the other inscription with reference to Samaria (see above).

the towns of the Medes. as XVII. 221 note f 355. The land Gozan: list Gu-za-na. 957. With this agrees the fact that the place referred-to in 2 Kings XIX. see also note on verse 24. 1 6 and 2433 stood in immediate succession in the original text of the imperial annals. but not to Gozan of Adherbeidshan. In another.bur. It may thus be assumed that we have to look for this spot in Mesopotamia is **. Chalah and on the Chabor. and of the Biblical this identification GSzan with the country ij>3j its in the region the where Chabur takes rise (Jakut II. Ha. presupposes that this country was known. is indeed inclined to regard Gozan-Guzana as very closely connected with Nasibina-Nisibis (?). pp. p. before the long interpolation of the Deuteronomic writer 7 23 was inserted ins . (1) The Chabor 77. u. occurs several times in the of governors. III. ibid. 12 along with two *) 2 Kings XVII. . I. of Asurnasir- habal col. De Wette . e. 31. Parad. Krit. 496 foil. Guzana is mentioned along with Na-si-bi-na i. See Studien und Kritiken 275 1867.*. To the identification of the itself Chab6r of the Bible with the Chabur jj^^ emptying to the North of Niniveh into the Tigris from the North-East. districts Sargon assigned find in gives us no information respecting the to by him the Israelites. (2) Inscr. ** Delitzsch. a geographical list (II Rawl. in the and gave them abodes river of Gozan and in . (3) The designation A Hebrew living in Palestine could properly understand by the above terms only the Mesopotamia!} Chabor and the Mesopotamian Gozan. Sargon.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS but. 3. see Stud. . of a river by a country. 8 th ed. the same Moshtarik 150) accompanying a supposition which might appear strengthened by mention of the cities of Media it may be ob- jected (1) that the identification of (2) Q^3j with 'Wfa is questionable. . 185. Nisibis. 267 we now know. 53).Schrader p. This may apply to the Gozan of Mesopotamia. Einleitung Alte Test. III. On : the other hand we the inscriptions mention of the localities referred-to in this passage. as a mark of distinction from another river.

seven * inhabitants together with their property (root #~1N I transported (root nDJ) . Keilinsch..ti-su-nu Ha-at-ti [ina mt] (Merodach-Baladan). . . Geschichtsf.Rezeph is mentioned whose name Halahhu (as we should most prob276 ably read PPrj j it) reminds us at once of the name of the town Keilinsch. 91 102). Botta 70.) only the last numeral. overcame war and smote] . Assyr.) a place (ir) between Arbacha . ibid. = tfT) It and settled them foil. (3) The land Media. inscriptions. hundred &c. Gesch. Biblical The rav^amrig maeus V. p.. By the king here referred-to we must From Babel. u. is preserved. 18 (17). e. the in rule over Babel [had seized for himself. Syria-Palestine pp. 167). texts. And the king of Assyria caused people to come from Babel } Kutha. Hamdth and SepJiarvaim and trans- ferred them into the towns of Samaria in place of the children of Israel. may * Of the number (so many thousand. 53. 26. . [in the land] Chatti" (i. note on 1 Chron. V. Harran and Rezeph. seven. We We lines 8 10 : 8 a ki-i la lib-bi ill ar-ru-ut asu-Si-s'ib Bb-ilu . see note on Gen.268 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 4 (comp. (mat) Madai. mar. of the I whom since he. Gozan is identical with the of Ptole- On Chalah nSri no further it light is to be gained from the certainly. 36 foil. and here again in the report he gives of his first year. Avva. not according to the will gods. see page 266. 2 and comp. understand Sargon. . in a deserves to be remarked. have at least an indirect confirmation of this in the cuneiform read in the annals of Sargon. X. list that geographical (II Rawl. .Arrhapachitis and Rasappa. other towns in Mesopotamia viz. su-ha-am-ma a VII.. niSl a-di . 24. T.Si. u.

Nif. av. 4. Ta-mu-di ma-[ni]. of HD1) land Bit. 36. C. XXV.v6iT(xi of Ptolemy Geogr. At the same time it appears that the inhabitants capital. * Delitzsch reads p. see Keilinsch.e. Avva and Sepharvaim. II. Sa-pi-ru la i-du-ma. place *** So is- we should it ma-ma which impossible to dently the lower stroke of of the meaningless determine grammatically. We : Rawl. which are exFor this also pressly mentioned in the Biblical passage. av.. 263. * An Arabian tribe. 3 5 : Av. I Rawl. Gesch. On Marsiman and Chaiap see note on Gen.. Ha-ja-pa-a a si-it-ta-Su-nu in-ni-it-ka-am-ma u-Sar-mu-u kirib m & t Bit-Hu-um-ri-a i. see note XX. Comp. read in f Delitzsch. 5. 4 (see p. though the further illustrative notices do not bear reference to Sargon's first by I the Biblical text. av. mat Ba-ri**. a-i-bu-ut I-ba-]a-di-di. *l2"lp. Mar-si-ma-ni. g. Chajap. sage in the Annals (7 year definite. Delitzsch Parad. 1) is still more We read in Botta 75. 37. p. whom The on he transported (Shaf. from Kutha. the 0afj. . 269 be assumed that Samaria was one of the spots to which the transportation took place. we have indirect evidences in the inscriptions of the monarch. Ibadid. 3 a a-na 8ar-ri [abuti]-ja im-ma bi-lat-su-un la i-u-ma*** i-na tuklatf . were conveyed away not only from the Babylon but also from other Babylonian cities. 3. VI. a (Sargon). Eviu was obliterated on the plate. av. of I-ba-di-di Tamud*. e. Mar-siHa-ja-pa-a mat Ar-ba-ai ru-u-ku-ti. . the remainder of whom was carried away th (Impf. 304. Marsiman. 4. . . line 20 year indeed this is not required read in the cylinder-inscription 277 ka-sid avil Tam-mu-di. sa avil ak-kil avil [av.Omri" . pasIs. transcribes kakki "weapon". 7. 715 B. probably comparing such passages as 42 &c. living in Arabia Petraea. u.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV11. mad-ba-ri meaning certainly is "wilderness" Hebr. e. of pHJ?) and to the i. who the people av. 132 and footnote**).

also in other instances all events find We Sargon carrying out repeated deof to one and the same place. of Dfc'K) the in Samaria". parallels and on account of the word imma.270 THE CUNEIFOEM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE bil-ja 0. we have the seen already. = j!oa*j 5. Ibadid. T. Now. 5. see below). 3. i-na ir Sa-mi-ri-na i. who to the (Haupt)) had offered (Nt0) 278 lord. Marsiman. see portations population Botta 146. is is that which in the reported in Sargon's Annals as having occurred (i. No. represents included Northern Israel while Bible Babylonians as being quartered in Samaria. settled (Shaf. as . my subjugated them. As for the cities that are mentioned besides Babel . "They of Tamud. to which Botta al- ludes. . see above I transplanted (riDJ) city p. A&ur 8u-nu u-Sam-ki t-su-nu-ti-ma si-it-ta-tias-su-ha-am-ma 6. Thus the inscriptions settled first place fact in the clearest light that tribes in Sargon subjugated cited Samaria. was subsequently followed by in detachments. first year of his reign e. we * In spite of the comparatively small lacuna. 4. 8.). C. C. Bari** "1DIP. I supply without hesitation the plural in accordance with other Not so Delitzsch (ibid. however. which. to which the Bible refers. Babylonians are represented as being deported to the land of the Chatti. their remnants (Plur. in confidence on Asur . 721 B. u-3I-Sib e. in the passage from the Annals. There cannot therefore be any doubt that the settlement of the Babylonian population. the Arbaeans. 1. 264) the and 6. This later deportation. Chajap. = ITT). . the distant. (JJifi?) who inhabit the land whom no scholar and messenger-sender (root see glossary) has known (jnN kings my I fathers* their never tribute (imma . perhaps on several occasions. at th the 7 year of Sargon's reign 715 B.

Sepharvaim no than Kutha affords. the Semitic Kuti' (Norn.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVII. Kutha. indicate where the temple of Nergal and of the divinity Laz stood. Ku-ti-i ibu-us "rich offerings I presented in Babylon. this is usually . It is likewise a Babylonian town. Babel (B&b-ilu) and Sepharvaim (Si-par). Aug. Delitzsch in Parad or p. 217 shows is that the Kutu ?) of the inscriptions. rich material historical for dissertations etymological. See The Mail. it is well known. 24 26) devoted to the explanation of the ideograms of three Babylonian towns. The bricks 279 recently . . We read in Salmanassar's obelisk line 82 (Layard 91) : lu niki ina Bab-ilu. Akkadian Gu-du-a-KI. also note on verse 30. We see from this passage that the Borsippa town with which we are now concerned was situated in Middle-Babylonia. namely Niffer (Ni-puru). and moreover occurs in the inscriptions form Sipar. 13. as and geographical.Sippar. Kutha appears in the inscriptions in the form Kuti*. rooms and halls (passages) have been brought to light by Hormuzd Rassam at TellIbrahim North-East of Babylon. the name of . As we generally find with the names of Babylonian cities. which Nebucadnezar afterwards restored. in the Southern portion of the larger of the two mounds of ruins. 271 must certainly regard Kutha and Sepharvaim as two other towns of Babylonia. (Babylonian exploracomp. London 1881. Considerable re- mains of buildings. 29 tions) less . written with an ideogram which is however expressly interpreted in a syllabary II Rawl. . 25** by Si -par * Fr. form of the * This is (vv. Bar-sap. and clay the spot tablets. that have been discovered there. and this conjecture has in the meantime been corroborated from the monuments. might have been in the conjectured a priori. and Kutha".

Chronic.). as well as the Sipparenum (so read instead of 30 (123). bare the walls of a building of considerable size. An unit. 4). that there in I. howfoil. I they mention Sippar aSip-(p)ar 3aA-nu-nituv It is Samas" "Sippar of the sun-god" (see II Rawl.272 i. The phonetic mode of Sepharvaim. ev. which turned out to be the celebrated temple of the Sun at . 21. Double.Sipar" of the Hebrew becomes city lay The on the is left or Eastern bank of the . T. Archaeol. 26. Sip -par SamaS i. Euphrates.Semitic Babylonian language Rawl.. way dual DITIDO ligible. (II Rawl. compare the in HUov jzohq of Eusebius (praepar. Willbg. that the intel- of Bibl. discovered by Hormuzd Rassam in the ruin-mounds of Abu to Habba. 7. 377). col. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE Sippara or 0. II p. 18/17. was a second divinity. called ir ( In the passage Layard a Hipparenum) of Pliny VI. W. in this u of the Soc. S. 4 the town is e. S. 9. .) Chronic. Sayce in Trans. Layard 52 a line 5). 2 Siparenorum mentioned by Berossus 1 It is to be observed. Accordingly Assyrians. ever. as well as the urbs solis Euseb. With both the latter we might compare the 2ui<paQa of Ptole- maeus (V. 65. 12). II 18 With the first are connected the Hebrew D^rj&p and the "(urbs) Siparenorum" of Berossus quoted in Eusebius (Alex. 131). 18 foil. 17. the specially worshipped 280 else Sipar. Polyh. simply "the Euphrates-city". ed. 13. Schoene I. II. It has been (II 13). e. writing the name is sometimes Si -par (II Rawl. sometimes Sip-par (Layard 17. is Hence it designated ideographically that say in the old non. "Sippar of the Sun". of Bagdad somewhat to the East of the This explorer laid present bed of the Euphrates-stream. Besides Sipar 65. . and sometimes Si-ip-par foil. or the or Babylonians a made a distinction. 1 Obv. obv.

See the original text in Transactions of the Soc. one of which (that of Nabupaliddina? a * below) began with the words image of the sun-god. several clay see documents. to this which at The Babylonian for whom special credit was due the maintenance of temple. 34.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS Sipar-Heliopolis. London 1881. separated from the spoil 200 chariots and 600 horsemen as his royal portion. XVII. Aug. "Image of the sun-god.e. u. 273 see the report in "The Mail". after defeating in the second year of his reign king Ilubid of Hamath. It is conjectured by of 281 Rassam the that in the neighbouring Dair there may be found other Sipar. Delitzsch in F. In a spacious chamber or in which stood a large altar. VIII. and comp.habal . Rassain discovered in a box. (plate). 2 p. its is locality (see also On the other hand there once more perfect in the agreement between the inscriptions and the Bible from Hamaih and their settlement the line in notice of the latter respecting the deportation of inhabitants Samaria. deposited beneath the floor and made of burnt clay. were Nabu . no. which was devoted to the cultus Anunit. Archaeol. Assyriens 1882 pp.. For in II. 12) that the Great King. 29 (Babylonian explorations). : the great lord light") who is dwells in Sipar. With respect to Avva (HW) no information is to be gained from the inscriptions defining below). too F. the king of Babylon. of Bibl. Miirdter. inscriptions of Sargon we read (Botta 145. See also note on 2 Kings XVIII. 273 hall. 18 . 164 sq. From this we may infer that. the great lord". as in the capture of Samaria.iddina (contemporary of the Assyrian kings Asurnasirhabal and Salmanassar II) and last Nabu-nahid." I'(Bit)-PaiTa ("temple of kings. he * must have carried away or deported the main text has : The Assyrian Sa-lam SamSi bHi rabi i. Geschichte Babyloniens foil.

Keil- inschriften pp. 63. Bellino-Cylinder This name 17. name might. Rawlinson.-Babylon. T. Zir-banit Zar-pa-ni-tuv. 15 &c. that we have here the of the divinity. ** On the formation of the proper name see Assyr. 10. which as we should expect. . 155 no. also with correct discrimination furnish proper names) 2) we 282 must also assume the Hebraization of a Babylonian name. rootbanu) position is closely approximates. and the portion of the Biblical . 67. worshipped in Babylonia. II Rawl.). frequently mentioned in the incriptions (Nebucad. * On Amattu = Hamath see 90 footnote **. 215 interprets the name as Sakkut-binutu ^supreme above p. p. a in evidently depopulated by the transportation. be understood as a corruption Delitzsch Parad. ban 6th LXX . But body of the rest of the population into captivity. fern.. In the following line Eastern inhabitants are likewise spoken-of as transported to Damaskus. (rrfo? 1 kirib mat Amatti u&fsib the midst of Hamath I settled them"). She was the consort of Merodach. Accordingly. 12.* And people of Babel made Succoth-Benoth niDp). when we take account of the benith of the LXX name or to which a Babylonian word that of Sir bnit (Partic act. the most probable sup- H. 128 no. (posterity)" = rPJZTjnt. Botta 146. g. at least to a certain extent of the corresponding Babylonian word.** 27. Layard signifies "She who bestows seed I. The second portion of the first name would exactly coincide in the two cases. ad Comp. also the punctuation ben 6th in place of and Vulg. 8 we learn that the king transferred into the region of Hamath. from other passages e. other Eastern inhabitants the (ina 30. 119.274 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. In the obscure Succ6th-Ben6th there must ) certainly be an allusion to a Babylonian idol (see Thenius loc. v.

Haigh). with we may safely conclude that the second column of this syllabary in the lithograph has first become about a line too high as compared with (G. however." Kutha see Layard * This ideogram occasionally designates the "lion" as "the great dog". we have not to do with real lions. plate 7 no. An unexof Kuth made Nergal (^J"9). Dan. 8. th comp. Smith. "great" (siru. Assyrian. Nergal called the god a TIG. and does And was the name actually an epithet of Merodach ? On Sakkut as epithet Adar see note on the people Amos V. cuneithe thrown on this has been passage by pected light The facts are these. 762). On various basform inscriptions. The syllabary II Rawl. with 16 115 nirIn form pronounced Nir-gal-i tf (in the phrase 11 i gal-i u-kin l placed [the objects] on the lions"). M AH this standing for this animal in the accompanying e. IX in ideogram changes (in the plur. 32). in1. both these passages. the for "high" "dog" (kal-bu. and reliefs representing lion-hunts * we find the ideogram LIK. he holds that the name is to be But does sakkut in treated as an epithet of Merodach. BA. B. see Smith's Assurbanipal for 222. two 2. identical pas- sages in into the Botta 152 no. It ATO represented e. that Nergal pressly was the god of Kutha. 18* . scriptions g. GAB. i. 60. I Rawl. 275 judge of the Universe". as well as from 30 a comp. Now 283 . 26. LIK that is the ideogram or MAH 29 b. see Syllab. 14. binutu mean of simply "universe"? mean "judge". A. lib** distinctly confirms the statement of the Bible is i. god *of Kutha. 1 2 a. ** From line 8 a compared with 7 b. is accordingly evident that Nfrgal in Assyrian the lion-god.) 7. KI Respecting the ideogram for there exe.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVll. taken as an appellative. but with the lion-colossi that adorn the palaceentrances and which therefore represent the lion-deity.

-Babylon.. in Anammelech is pronounced Assyrian Anu-malik "Ami (see Assyr. inhabitants of see notes. 12) p. shows by its an formation Assyrian origin (Assyr. Smith's Assurbanipal p. (selected Keilinsch. 66. 37 as Assyrian Adarnames (Tj^$JlQ. likewise name of the Sak-kut (see note on Amos plague-god") I-tar(?) and also The usual ideograms V. in means "Adar prince". 47. III Rawl. 217. Anuv (Cannes?) are very frequently deities of Assyria. (Assyr. 27. 18. and the people of Hamath made Ashimd (NOUS'S). 129 . 91. . 0. 82 and also 15. 141) signifies prince". chap. Both Adar mentioned and Anu. Keilinsch. 8. The place has Respecting the divinities here mentioned see above note on verse 30. is a origin and means "father of decision". originally pronounced A-tar. p. to be struck out. word of Akkadian It resembles Adar. Adrammelech. Assyr. 3). 284 The Avvites are apparently the XVIII. And the Avvites made Nibchaz and Tartak. Keilinsch.-Babyl. inscriptions say nothing about this deity of nor about Nibchaz and Tartak of the Avvites Yet the first name. Of the these names of is divinities the first It . to And the people of Sepharvaim burnt their sons in fire Adrammelech and Anammelech the gods of Sepharvaim. p. malik no. (verse 31). of names like and in its second.276 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE Comp. 12) on which not hitherto been pointed out. name 33 a of a man and was pronounced The second XIX. HJJ^. 212 no. a Nam-tar (literally tf decision.-Babylon. destina- tion". k). of names such as Tur-tanu (see above). 73 c. destiny. appears in chap. and the second name Tartak ^018 reminds p.-Babylon. citation proper names no. where the is from the syllabary II Rawl. in the first syllable. Keilinsch. 26). selected proper 140). 31. us. 54. I-tak (II Rawl. d. Nibhaz TCPJ. . The cuneiform Hamath. T. 34 (XIX.

according to the practice of the Assyrians. (= Adar- See also my a essay On the Assyrio -Babylonian Chronology 23 note. 71. in all first Akkadian AN a cases the place after the supreme deities Il(?)* on the his one side and Asur on the other. NIN. occupies. In the opening words of the 285 Layard 87 lines 2 foil. The form 1. btl matati" a prince of the Iglgi and prince of the Anunobelisk-inscription of Salmanassar. certainly a wrong pronunciarendered suspicious by the unanimous testimony does not regard Ilu as an individual deity. 1 in the form Ha-za-ki-ja-u also Ha-za-ki-a-u 0. in the Assyrio-Babylonian gradation of rank among deities. Ana-tu i. 19 in the a Berichte der Konigl. are the latter exhibits in and AN. 43.e. 3 &c. Anu. foil. 271 Anat Respecting Sepharvaim see XVIII. 277 name was written. I Rawl. 148 foil.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS with which the XVIII. of the spirits of the upper and lower world). III. F. His feminine counterpart was 2). col. confirming the reading Adar ra). ni?S'3 It is tion. no. 29. and they took it. Assyr. IB. Hommel . II. 49. "God". whose name of the is probably simply the Semitic form Heaven". 15.- Babylon. 69 line note on verse 24 p. 1 . Keilinsch. ar AN.. e. and bears as the chief or full numeral number 60. A-nun-naki AN. of which a syllabary in one place the phonetic AN. Delitzsch in Miirdter's Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens p. (III Rawl. is he called a naki (i. 11. lord of lands". contained schen Gesellschaft of Alexander Polyhistor and Abydenus" pp.). Sachsi- der Wissenschaften" 1880. HJpjn T^B Hizkia (Hezekiah) became king. cuneiform inscriptions furnish the injp]0 familiar to us in name in the fuller the Book of Isaiah (XXXVII. I-gi-gi u AN. properly speaking. 276. pp. BAR complement -ra. Sanherib Taylor Cyl. * F. or.

it is context which requires the singular. At all events one ought to avoid founding upon this defective reading of the Masoretes any attempts to harmonize the accounts contained in towards Bible and in the inscriptions with a view removing the contradiction between them with the respect to the conqueror of Samaria.-Babyl. ** His accession to the throne took place on the 12 tl Ab of that See note on Is. all suggest the singular clearly "^"pb?}- condemned by the Lastly. North of Niniveh. 13. 488 foil." According rulers. from 705** to 681. from the Semitic attempted in 123 must be given up. 37 42 by Raw- and Norris is is . 1 completely disposed of 6. p. Sin* gives many brothers. Keilinsch. Sanherib (3^050). by the "ID ? of the parallel passage XVII. e. which is at Bavian. he was son and successor 1) ruling ofSargon XX. others smaller. also the parallel extending to the third of the * Sin the the name moon-god in Assyrian. advanced against all the fortified towns of The Assyrian king (Sennacherib) is the same who here referred to by meets us on the inscriptions under the name Sin-ahl-irib or Juda and captured them. containing Sanherib's annals of his first eight campaigns. year. In the 14 i]l 1 year of king Hizkia. The Assyr. these are of larger size. XX. on verses 6. T. and published in "The linson inscriptions of Western Asia" I pp. king of Assyria. The origin of word ohscure. 1 and also the list II C. a canon or register of (see Is. LXX. Of these by far the most important in its bearing on Biblical history are the great inscription on the hexagonal clay cylinder. who had his palatial residence at Kujundshik-Niniveh opposite Mosul. 12 the notes on chap. which It is 0. 9 Also comp. and also one cut in rock. Some on clay cylinders. (pp. derivation . the Biblical historian Sin-ahl-ir-ba 286 to the i. We of possess various inscriptions of this king.278 of THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE Syiac and Vulgate.). bricks and alabaster plates. XVII.

a-ni287 Ha-za-ki-a-u Ja-u-di. and lastly the small inscription over a figure re- presenting* king Sanherib sitting on a throne and receiving Jewish prisoners. Hezekiah Notes "take". C. Kal of QDN kussft "throne". Keilinsch. uSigib 1 pers. Hebrew tfQ3 which is itself a term bor. 249.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS campaign inclusive . pi. ti-ja si-ru-us'-s'u u-sal-bit. of labatu** (= the figure in the Bibel-Lexic. Shaf. 26 comp. 28) and prepos. inschr. likewise the other on the Kujundshik Bulls III Rawl. rap-su I Ethobal bute of raised to his throne rule . Imperf. 7 no. Imperf. Keilinsch. siruSSu the p. well as The latter inscription is lithographed in scription Moreover the subjugation of Juda as king Hezekiah is briefly mentioned in the inof Constantinople I Rawl. I'kim 1 pers. 99 no. 279 (still inscribed on the cylinder of un- published) dated at the eponym Mitunu (700 B. Handworterbuch des bibl. king of Sidon. its king. . sing. Inscription of Constantinople lines 13 : Lu-li-i a r ir Si-du-un-ni i-kim arrut-su.-Babyl. just as the Assyrian kussu again is derived from the Akkadian. rowed from the Assyrian. na-gu-u mat ar-u i-mid ab-a. 1 Rawl. 43. |-JJ mj. sir "upon" with suffix p. Sanherib. respecting the reduplication of 8 see Assyr. e. of 3^{< 3^. mandattu "tribute". 108 no. and Illustrations. J. u 8 al bit 1 pers. ideogram explained in Assyr. A figure of the cylindrical seal of the king may be found by the reader in Riebm. in which (IS)GU. bi'lut "rule". I compelled to obedience". XVIII. Shaf. art. 1367 a. employed here and henceforth indicate the root. "From Elulaeus.). We print 15 these passages here. 13. here written with the frequently recurring ideogram for the 3 rd person.-Babyl. phonetic complement -ti. * See ** This is the correct to form of the Assyrian infinitive. 12. Keilp. ZA denotes "throne". root = = Hebr. Imperf. and imposed on him the tri- my the extensive territory of the land Juda. (Assyr. I took his kingdom. 15. Tu-ba-'-lu i-na kussi-su u-i-sib-ma man-da-at-tu bilu- i. 1.-Babyl. Alterthums p.

Smith. on this interpretation. 89. I-na sal-i gir-ri-ja a-na mat Ha-at-ti lu** al-lik. R. substantive "exaltation"?) from (or passive adj. 1. the subject. the Hebr. itik Imperf. ma bar "before". Kal of 3^{< allat-su Substant.280 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE so also line 0. 40 Talbot in Journal of Royal Asiatic Soc. comp. instead of -ki (Talbot). Sayce. nia'adu 288 Dt^ 1 . signification "presents" Inscription on a basrelief I Rawl. J: 1. from salalu ^g? with the suffix and "exalted". ina kussl La-ki-su 4. nagft "district". comp. Kal of 1Q^. Vers. 1862. i-ti-ik i. 1862. . meaning "impose". Keilinsch. = = accompanied by the regular change of sibilant. Hebrew ItfO. pp. 7.-Bab. transit. 6- 13.j*j! "subjugate"?). ma-ha-ar-su host of nations . seated himself on an exalted throne and received the spoil of the city Lakish". 37 42) col. Norris p. pp. the hexagonal prism of Sanherib. G.e. Notes and Illustrations. = KiSsatu. Subst. ar mat ASsur ir ni-ml-di ti-sib-ma sal-la-at 2. \j. always "impose". les inscriptions des Sargonides. London 1878. Lu-li-i sar fr Si-du- Comp. but not only is the derivation doubtful but the meaning "I put a check on the rebellion" is not a suitable one in the passages where the term occurs. occurs in innumerable instances in the above sense in the title of Assyrian kings . a Sennacherib. no. p^Hj/H Taylor's hexagonal clay cylinder (1 Rawl. bsanu (root . Arab. pp. 34 foil. 8 foil. c. in Assyr. Leipzig 1878. Imperf. 33 foil. nimidu "made great". Sin- ahi-irib ar kiSSati 3. T. much". fern. An inspection of the original can leave no doubt on . root inD ( of wnat etymology ?'). from the root J03 on its ideogram "to be SU see Assyr. the king of the king of the land Assur . 35. "host". of Sennacherib. edited by A. "in presence of. Kal of "advance" here meaning "receive". 135 foil. 35 maintains for the word the II. * foil.. II. imid a 1 pers. ** So we should read. Pognon (?). Nor. XIX. pny> III. Oppert. Hoerning. according to the bull-inscription. 133 takes the refers to the word in the sense of "rebellion" and Hebrew #$. pp. uib Imperf. 33 "to gather together" properly "crowd". History . can we account for the constant omission of a suffix in the word. H. p. and again in Records of the Past pp.*: 34. 53 foil.

kabal tiam-tiv in- na-bit-ma m&ta-su i-mid. Tu-ba-'-lu i-na kussi sarrti-ti 45. SU 57. 38. a-na mah-ri-ja is-su-num-ma289 i-i-ku ipa-ja 58. Mi-ti-in-ti irAs-du-da-ai. 62. Tu-ba-'-lu ir Si-du-un-na-ai. ir Ak-ku-u. U-ru-mil-ki ir Gu-ub-la-ai 51. 40. * This is clearly the reading of the original. . XV111. Pu-du-ilu ir Sa-ri-ip-tav. . mt Kam-mu-su.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS un-ni pul-hi rai-lani-mi pu-su-ma a-na ru-uk-ki 36. 54. 39. ta-mar-ta-su-nu ka-bid-tu a-di GAR.mu-ru-na-ai. . ir Blt-Zi-it-ti.lu-dd. 53. sa la ik-nu-u a-na ni-ri-ja: ili bit di-i 56. 48. I'r Si-du-un-nu rabu-u.-ri abal Ru-kib-ti arru-u-nu mah-ru-u 63. 50. Ma-hal-li-ba. ir Si-du-un-nu sihru. S ar. ir . 65. 49. kitri-i bi-lu-ti-ja i-mid-su-ma i-sa-at ab-sa-a-ni.n a-ad-bi mat [Ma]-'-ba-ai. asat-su abli-su banati-u ahi-u zir bit abi-u 61 as-su-ha-am-ma a-na . ir Ak-zi-bi bit dura-ni a-sar ri-i-ti 42. Ab-di-1 i-'-ti ir A-ru-da-ai. sat-ti la naparka-at lu u-kin si-ru-uS-su. 41. u mas-ki-ti bit tuk-la-ti-su* ra-ru-bat kakki 43. ili nii ir Is-ka-al-lu-na as-kun-ma na-dan bilat 64. irani-su dan-nu-ti. Sa Mi-in-hi-im-mu ir Sam-si . mat Asur u-ra-a-su. I-na mi-ti-ik gir-ri-ja ir Bit-Da-gan-na. Asur bil-ja is-hu-pu-su-nu-ti-ma ik-nu-su 44. u Si-id-ka-a sar ir Is-kaal-lu-na 59. 52. 281 bi-lu-ti-ja is-hu37. sarra-ni mat Aharri ka-li-su-un iBit- Am-ma-na-ai . Malik-ram-mu mat U-du-umma-ai 55. mat-lu-ti abi-u sa-a-su 60. 47. Si-pu-u-a. ili-su-un usi-sib-ma bilat man-da-at-tu bi-lu-ti-ja 46. ir U-su-u.

li-ku 76. Sarr^-ni mat Mu-su-ri ip-lah lib-ba-su-un. der Dentscheu Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXVIII p. a-ti si-hir-ti ir pag-ri-Su-un 4. av. Al-ta-ku-u 83. la ib-u-u u-ur-Su-un ir * a-ra -an-u-nu (sic!) stands in the fragment of another copy. 677. 1-na tukul-ti Aur 79. ira-ni a Si-id-ka-a. . i-na kabal tam-ha-ri ik-u-da kata-ai. Ill. mat Ja-u-da-ai sun. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. a Pa-di-i sarra-su-nu bl adi-i u ma-mit 71. A-na 3. tuklati-su-un. al-vi aksu-ud a- lu-la Sal-la-sun.282 66. T. Pa-di-i [an-u-nu]* 8. sabl kasti narkabati sist 75. 6. 1. ir Ta-am-na-a Col. rubuti u nisi ir Am-kar-run-na. Avil bil narkabati u abli sar mat Mu-su-ra-ai 81. frJa-ap-pu-u irBa-na-ai-bar-ka s ir A-zu-ru 67. si-it-tu-ti-su-nu a-raak-bi. 70. ? 74. his la a a-na niri-ja 68. . Sakkanakki. sa mat Assur bi-ri-tu parzilli id-du-ma a-naHa-za-ki-ja-u 72. I-na ta-mir-ti ir Alil-la-mu-u-a si-id-ru sit-ku-nu ua-'-lu 78. Comp. Am-karrubuti abli ir ru-na ak-rib-ma a hi-it-tu gakkanakki av. av. ik-nu-u. aral-vi ak-gu-ud as-lu-la s"al-la- id-di-nu-su nak-ris a-na (ilu) sil-li i-sir-su 73. ta-ku-u 77. ir 2. la ba-ni hi-ti-ti u kul-lul-ti 7. i-biS an-ni u hab-la-ti a-na sal-la-ti am-nu. 69. u-ab-u-u a-duk-ma a-lib 5. i-na di-ma. r a sar mat Miil- luh-hi i-mu-ki i-su - la ni-bi ik-ti-ru- num-ma us-su-un. Zeitsch. a-di avil bil narkabati sa sar mat Mi-luh-hi bal-tu-su-un I'r 82. Av. it-ti-u-un am-da-hi-is-ma as-tabtli-ja kan apik-ta-u-un. sarra-su-nu ul-tu ki-rib . 80.

M. 27. ir arr^-ti-u l-sir-u . DCCC. C. 283 bi- U r-s a-1 i-i m-m 11. man-da-at-tu kit-ri-i bi-lu-ti-ja u-rad-ti-ma 29. is KAL. 36. sisl part imiri gam-mal-i alpi 19. 39. la ul-tu ki-rib mati-u 24. .SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XV1I1. SI. C. u-i-sa-am-ma i-na kussi s i - lu-ti ili-su-un 10. ik -ki-bu-u. 37. is irsi KA kussi ni-mi-di KA. avil LUB. XXXX. mit-hu-su zu-uk ip& ni-i(?) nik-si kur lib(?)-ban-na-ti 17. aku-ud II. u 291 is KU. a-na dun-nu-un 33. avil U'r-bi u avil sabi-u damkuti sa-li-im-mu ir Uru-i-ri-bu-ma iru-u bi-la-a-ti 34. Pa-di-i ar ir A mkar-ru-na u Sil-bil 26. ar ir Ha-zi-ti ad-din. nin ba-nati-su gikriti ikal-su. um-su ni-sir-tav ka-bid-tav 38. a li-vl-ti-Su-nu 15. u -kin ru u - ma t J a-u-da-ai a la man-da-at-tu biu Ha-za-ki-a-u ik-nu-8u a-na ni-ri-ja - u VI iri-u dan-nu-ti bit duri u fr! a ni-ba la i-u-u sihruti 14. maak AM.u-kin si-ru-u-su-un. i-na Suk-bu-us a-ram-mi u kit-ru-ub u-pi-i 13. nii sihru rabti zikaru u sinni 18. GAS. L. Su-u Ha-za-ki-a-u 30. arru-ti-u . . bilat hurasi. pul-hi mi-lam-mi bi-luti-ja is-hu-pu-Su -m 32. Sa-a-u kima issur ku-up-pi ki-rib Ur-sa-li-im-mu 21. AM. I'-li bilti mah-ri-ti na-dan at-ti-u-un 28. al-vi. SI. . it-ti XXX. gu-uh-li DAG. u-rak-kis-ma a-si-i abulli l'ri-su a a-luir-su u-tir-ra 23. bilat kaspi ni-sik-ti 35. la ni-bi Sal-la- ir am-nu. ir a a 31. ma u-sa-ah-hir mat-su. hal-su (Plur. (PL). u 9.) ili-su 22. GUG-Mt rabuti. u si-i-ni ul-tu kir-bi-u-un u-si-sa-am-ma ti a 20. aban AN. 16. KA. SI. u-8i-&ib-m a lu-ti-ja 12. ab-tuk-ma a-na Miti-in-ti ar ir As-du-di 25.

175 pointed out on a Phoenician footnote *. Machallib. Sarepta. his strong towns. brothers the family of his father's house 61. I imposed on him as annual. his land jection. and watering. of subjection to * The name has meanwhile been also monument as l^otlJN* see ahove p. king of Sidon. . 35. Abdili'ti of Arvad. over them and the offering of tribute to my rule 46. Menahem of Samsimuruna. 58. a-na ki-rib Ninua ir bi-lu-ti-ja a-na na-dan man- i-pu-ra rak-bu-u I 34: a ln my third campaign marched to the land Chatti. of Kamosnadab of Moab. away and conveyed them to Assyria. 47. 50. Elulaeus. Ekdippa. unalter- able payment. Ethobal I placed on the royal throne 45. the son ofRukibti.284 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. 53. himself under house. 62. But Zidka. . presents 56. 43. to me. king of Ashkelon. 40. 54. Great-Sidon (and) Little-Sidon. his wife. 39. himself. 51. reduced to sub- 38. his daughters.) i. had over- powered them) submitted themselves 44. Beth-Zitti. los*. 40. . him there overpowered the terror of the majesty 36. Malikram collective Edom : 55. Etho- bal of Sidon. I placed over the people of Ashkelon. 49. arki-ja u-Si-bil-am-ma da-at-ti 41. T. the stations where his troops were quartered. the kings of the Western country. the coast- regions together offered their rich and utensils (stores?) to me and kissed my feet. Akko . who had not bowed his my yoke : I brought the gods of his father's his sons. Sarludari. 41. into the midst of the sea. Urumilki of Byb52. Ushu. and imposed on him the tribute-offering 64. 48. (the exaltation of the arms of Asur. 292 their former king . II. the spots for pasture 42. 59. my lord. 60. aat LUB (PI. the fortresses. Mitinti of Ashdod. u 1-bis ardu-u-ti e. Puduil of Ammon. of my dominion and he I fled afar 37.

Jerusalem 9. impaled The sons (inhabitants) of the town who had practised wickedness and mischief. I slew. Altaku the battle array was set against me. should leave. was afraid. . 80. They summoned Asur. Joppa. 3. who 69. 78. I caused that Pad!. the cities of Zidka. who had not made themselves guilty of the transgression of the former. 66. the chief officers. car- away their spoil. In presence of 77. who had made rebellion. Azuru. 70. them and on them a defeat. countless troops they sum- moned up. I fought with Confiding in inflicted my lord. 7. and he tendered obedience. the remaining inhabitants. the great ones. to Assyria. and to Hezekiah 72. Bene-berak. their amnesty I announced. had cast into iron bonds. prisoner alive in the midst of the battle. at the proper time had not submitted. the chariots the horses of the kings of Miluhhi. their king. In the course of my warlike enterprise I advanced against Beth-Dagon. The kings of Aegypt. 75. of the chariots and the sons of the Aegyptian king 8 together with the commander hand took of the chariots of the king of Miluhhi 82. 5. I counted as prisoners. captured. Col. on stakes of the town's encircling wall I their corpses. the archers. The commander 1 . Timnath I attacked. forth to their aid. 79. ami imposed on him the tribute of my rule. their troops (to battle). which to me 68. Ill. 2. of Juda had delivered [who shut him up in the dark (prison)] : 73. who Padi. and they marched 76. I captured. the people of Ekron. 1. ried had kept faith and oath 71. 8. carried forth their booty. their king. 6. Against the town Ekron I advanced. 1 installed him on his throne of sovereignty over them 1.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVIII. their heart . my The towns Altaku (and) 83. 4. 285 my rule. the great ones. The chief officers [Smith "priests" (?)]. 65. who had not practised sin or 293 aught execrable.

ivory couches. 0. root |"pj mat Hatti Chatti-land. and the performance of homage he despatched Notes and Illustrations. Pad!. city. his city 23. feet. had taken in he granted payment for hire. by battle. 30. elephant-hides. 34. ButHezekiah 13. The Arabians and his faithful ones. and sheep without number I carried off from them and 20. I separated from his territory king of Gaza. 200. KAL-wood. To the former offering. 1 captured. a mighty treasure. gird 'campaign'. and besides his daughters. 29437. king of Ekron. which 24. whom he for the defence of Jerusalem." 34 Col.150 men. a cage in Jerusalem. oxen 19. his male (and) 39. 800 talents of silver. 25. he caused to be brought to me to Niniveh. (timber?) of all kinds. ivory. 25). (gi-ri Layard 15. His towns. his II. 27. mules. and gave them to Mitinti. his royal . 32. Hezekiah. their yearly payment . 40. zuk of the and casting down(?). his royal city. 1 barred. and Zilbel. hewing to pieces 16. see further on = . female servants of the harem(?). king of Ashdod. I added the tribute of sub- mission to my rule. splendid seats of ivory. terror at the majesty of my rule overpowered: 31. horses. 1 besieged. camels. asses. 33. erected against him 22 and the exits of the chief gate of I plundered. envoy. of Juda.286 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 12. For the payment of the tribute 41. imposed such on them. Him. 29. of male and female sex. KU-wood large precious stones (?). 17. not submitted to me: 46 of his fortified towns innumerable fortresses and small places 14. his palacewives. molten (?). by casting down the ramparts and by open attack. I reckoned as war-booty. great (and) small. in their district 15. to and 35 whom guhli daggassi. so I diminished his land. nii. Himself 1 shut like a bird in Fortifications I 21. together with 30 talents of gold. 36. 38. my sovereign abode. 18. 26. T. who had .

of ^. from 3333. rarubu 5.-Babylon. see on Gen. Pa. "majesty". ukiu Imperf. XV. I. tiamtuv 109. note Assyr. 3*131. the expression is abbreviated from the other nir bi'lut ija imid "I brought under my subjection" Botta 145. root HEj.. 170. The situation as well as the phonetic characteristics of the word (we should expect this Usu dur with 1) supposition. Keil. p. "majesty". root r^riD> the ground" (Hebr. abatu flee. X. 45. 4 lines 108 foil. root '. 4: ina kabal tiam- tiv rukis midst of the sea afar they heard of it". siruSu him" from sir . 23. GU. Keilinsch. no. M\q milammu I Tiglath-Pilesers "cast to p. 31 (above p. which is apparently to be sought in Galilee.. 40. 1 foil. another signification of IS. on in sip u. fM^JQ comp. from puluh v . on the root p. 199). "ter- bit tuklati (so read G. identified by Delitzsch. 87. s ihru. Haupt Sumer. explained makiti richten = Assyr.) 46. pp. imid "I brought (under subjection)". 285. see note on Gen. = 295 at-ti-u-un banipal p. the Aramaic Die Inschriften see Lotz .SECOND BOOK OF KINGS Gen. particular ground = HO&' = HDB^ 1) rub. "fear". fern. X. Ideogr. here written with k instead of k as in I Rawl. 31. properly "men at arms". 4 (25. ideogr. 293 15. 61. (properly infinit. April) p. properly "foot". 10. 62. 26.-Babylon. 19. 99 foil. 2) the Respecting "weapon". "place". p. XD3 ( the Akkadian (is) 99. comp. explained Syllab. 26. 11. transit.-Babyl. ideogr. Keil. 36. bi'lut 84. kakkab "star" from subst. riti in 42. "glory". Q^H. Botta 153. Smith's Asur"bring".). Tubal = "under". u Hpt^DI der DMH "11PN- On see Haupt Nach1883 von Gottinger Gesellschaft der Wisseuschaften no.-Aram. 103. compare Smith's Asurban. explained in Assyr. uiib of ^)2{< = SK^. Smith) "quarter for troops". Nif. pi. "splendour". "respect". 27. 287 pulhu 35. Familiengesetze 10 note 1 . tuklati "soldiers". I. J2o59oj "majesty" from ^n** line 78. J = ishup. 44. ZA). p. likewise Comp. 43 = V "on Rawl. 56. explained II Rawl. 281. . 37. of very frequent occurrence in Assyrian. p. 2) "reverence". ror". "in the ismu = in nab it. fr <>m adverb Kings XVI. 111). g. 38. fl^tf. Parad. the Aramaic like ^505. p. ana rukki (root pni) "into the distance" interchangeable with the adverb rukis "afar" e. 11 . ideogram . frequently occurring. with tfh{< of the Midrash (Neubauer. their yearly offering" la naparkat (Hoerning) "unalterable". kabal. of 3!>fr< *?2> "bear". bilat subst. root rarabu 332D> = rarrAbu from 3"QT. of . 1) Lull = Elulaeus. ir Uu TJJ& ideogr. 51 col. kakku 19.-Babyl. comp. see Ethobal see on Gen. 15. Keil. Ill. 26. comp. X. ibis aar P. XVIII. also sahru = explained Assyr. 24.: man-da-at-tu na-dan "the tribute. KU see . in 41. Geographic du Talmud p. 23.. 1 "creep then Assyr. Q in Assyrian) certainly do not favour circumvallation 2) fortress. Sattu year. kussft "throne" Shaf.

T. XIX. see Assyr. kitri' the pronunciation with long a. 0. aatu 2. comp. XI." to say an ideogram. 38. on Gen. GA means the latter) according to V Rawl. "woman". Keilinsch.- Babyl.. see on verse 44 and comp. 10. 136 in Haupt's Akkad. 3 p. see ibid.-Babyl. urassu Imperf. 81) explains the corresponding ideogram by ni-i-ruv "yoke" 60. "daughter". root -)N both frequently occurring in the inscriptions. see Ma'bai.- Aram.- ahu Sumir. 73. 65 GAR. 10. pjlN properly "throw". X. "military expedition" substaut. Hebr. 49. 9. iiku.-Babyl. 55. below III Rawl. one"submit subst. properly "the note XXXVI.-Babyl. 1) Imperf.-Babyl. XIII. note on Gen. p. GAR. note on 22. sing. abal banati plur. 1 pers. 61. 293 foil. 21. 98. = jnj "brother". 97 no. "tear away". isatu together with ] iutu (Botta 135. plur. name for Kanaan (including Phoenicia and Philistia). Josh. kabadu = -553. Pa. 12. Hebr. 53. . to Syllab. p.-J. 193. 66. verse 37 Malikrammu Udumai. comp. 57. of the verb "bend". SU is a word boror "property". tarn art u properly "medal". of bintu "son". see 54. properly "thing Hence it may mean "implements" . 2) in place. Imperf. Hebr. comp. p. Kal 65. A syllabary (III Rawl. or it rowed from the Akkadian. 62. as well as the comment on Ps. root fr^Q . g. this 4345. assuh 1 pers. 154. 32. . pp. Bit 1 Ammanai. Asdudai. 192. 292. Assyr. matlutu. root p>j ip Imperf. isunumma . 98 no. p. loan-word? Keil. Gubal see = ^33 "Byblos". ni'ru "yoke". 12. 10. THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE (comp. note on Josh.. 3 pers. 4. Kings V. specting the names.. frnfc (Lotz). 1) "heavy". no. from fifty Hif. Targ. X. II. "under". 15. jj an Assyr. 151. that of the hand. "advance". since other of gives interpretation the ideogram e. 2) "follow". . SU are identical in meaning. see see 1 "exalted") note and the 3 on Gen. 6. 17 (accord.).. mat Aharri Western country". root piKO* with copul. j. may denote in particular "stores".-^ inDD = of self" . with suffix fr. particularly Sarludari see Josh. 4. Keilinsch. J1T> then "carry (off with violence)".288 "upon" su. "the two feet". see Assyr. see note on Gen. siru note on 52. ana feet" Also the reading syllabaries ipa-ja "my further ni'rija "under my yoke" would be possible. pers. XV. adjectival formation "see". 70. Arudai. "provisions" (according to Oppert. is kabidtu Adject. see Assyr. p. see Assyr. 51. 2) "rich". . siddu "frontier-district". On 64. Re"father" ibid. Assyr. p. zi'r ibid. "gift". Is this ^o = Aram. of flDJ p. then as a prepos. Keilsch. from the Ift. masc. GAR. 13 abu (zi-i-ru) is correctly to be transcribed zi'ru). mahar "before" 1) in time. mitik about" (Hebr. GA and GAR. from root Ifteal. suffix 18. 13. fern. H$N> ideogram determined by II Rawl. ) VW Urove comp. 59. 1 56. Keil. "obey". Keil.

"face". 44. XIX. 72. root ^"J{< y~p. "Copper" was called in Asayr. Ekron see note on Josh. Keil. nakiru "enemy". root n*15<j on the phonetic foil. comp. 2) to number".-Babylon. 2 nd ed. to fear. sisu Hebr. u. 112. d comp. See the syllabaries II Rawl. The word is also to be found in IV. UT see Fried. 7. ar-hi value his of the sign 31 no. Aegypt. 12. Keil. of the sign iplah imperf. allat-sun. = = . root 1) nabu from "to name". 19 . BAR. 207. with active meaning. X. see Syllabary 549 (Assyr. Lesestiicke. Miluhhi "Kush p. Hebr. 76. 69 c. "bow".-Babyl. see note on Gen. Keil. Musur 8. "call". D1D> Upper75. "Samsi. as in Botta 151. 24. 17. mam it. from nadu "to cast". iktiruni Imperf. 70. 10. tamirtu subst. II Rawl. Smith's Assurb. 19. of bu see pal&hu Assyr. then "power". Ift. on line on p. * Not copper (Norris). Respecting the phonetic value lah (as well as luh) of the correspond- = ing sign. XVIII. value sir 73. BAR of the text is is the ideogr. risut "help". adi'. 1. 40. see the phonetic 73 no. Assyr. Gesch. nibu substantive "number". Keil. 16 in the phrase: Sa-ara-si sar-rat mat A-ri-bi sa ma-mit (ilu) Sa-mas ti-ti-ku i. 35. 2.). from ^{< "to see". comp. p. pp. see further on this change of meaning the full discussion in Assyr. KA. 48. of Tiglath-Pileser II. "look". "arrow" called = H&Jfp. isir. ^. Sp. e. yjl see above 177: in Aram. 11 the phonetic equivalent parzilluv This follows Hebrew ^p3. comp. from Botta 67. with 101.). 254. Layard 72. root HDX> "shut i n " (Hoerning).SECOND BOOK OF KINGS II . imuku properly Aegypt". Aram. of which 154. XIII. 6 (p.-Babyl. siparru and was expressed by the ideogram UD. queen of the Arabs. 41. phoiiet. see Assyr. H!JD> foil. 202. 174. compares the Hebrew -]j#p biritu "chain" (Oppert reads karitu and "bind". "shadow". 68 foil. however above line 59. see my remarks in Keilinsch. The = N^D "depth" (o^. LXJ . Delitzsch. for "iron"*. "submission". pp. means properly "recognition". 68. together". 289 Rawl. 12). illiku Imperf. is Q^I^D 74. sun-god".-Babyl. who was devoted (pn#) to the service of the for gallasun Amkarrtin . then "obedience". of n^p| "go". 69. So the word should be pronounced according to the orthography ip-la-hu (passim). 145. AN. |-]\J-] "to be karu "summon kindly disposed". iddu. 292 "in due time" (Hoerning). 69). si Ilu.10. 48. Padi see ibid.. p. line 11. (Botta 152. pp. root ntDX> more precisely "'EN* see This interesting word occurs also in an inscription Glossary sub voce. see note on Josh. 39 &c. Altaku. fcQ}. 246 katu ussu . illamu preposition "before". nakris adverb from nakaru "be hostile". "chain"). 3.

plur. sakanu 76. Hebr. 78. p. Gesch. is military comparison of such passages as Tigl. "troops". 4. "besiege". THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE T. . Hence from the nature of things we should with Hoerning suppose that "commander of the chariots" was meant (this was not the view adopted in the first edition of this work). Now the plural sign stands by the second. plur. 36 c. ibisu Partic. parallel sitkunu sidirta (with feminine ending) col. 29 (p. explained by I. plur. I (I Rawl. root lavu allatsun. rule . -Piles. 83. root ^2ft "destroy". bi'l narkabati "carriage-driver. 302 no. see note on The word occurs also phonetically written 1 Kings XVI. "revolt". (comp. alvi. as it occurs phonetically 79. 148. throw". usa'lu KU tukl&ti. Perf. The ideogram IS. the Rawl. III. in the sense of "violent deed". corap. "touch". "to be before". 98 no. Keilinschr. ^r>. 2. reflexive "fight". gram Syllab. from Sakanu comp.290 Hebr. see on line 80. probably = V)y "plague" hablatu (Hoerniug). apiktu.-Babyl. annu. sense The ideogram PAN. aduk. J^3 > katu "hand" JT)^. 3 pers. On this see . latter meaning b : "faithful .Babyl. "circuit" bere probably "encircling wall". of 21p. 1. which often happens with appositional phrases. inscription. 81. astakan Pers. not by the first or governing noun. 80. 1 Kal . akrib Imperf. "he 260. means kakku 36 3 pers. Tigl. the signification being "them . 1 (instead of amtahis. amdahis Ift. Ift. act. p. whenever they are appended more or less independently. pp. 188). kablu "battle" from kabalu ^np. Shaf. Keil. dimati the see Assyr. Keiliusch. QIK .-Babyl.. uSabsu p. 20." Thus have we represented both ideograms which undoubtedly have the meaning "lord" (bi'l) and "chariot" (narkabtuv). 140 to pieces". 48. here stands for the Assyrian tukultu. On the disagreement in number. Imperf. properly "the meeting" from maharu explained in tamhar frequent word ^p for "battle". Col. in III (Tiglath-Pileser II) line where servants". in 9 16) col. (supplied from the parallel 19) "stakes". 297 root ^N>. 23 &c. written. V. 102). (root pers. compare Hollenfahrt der Istar pp. Lotz. "place". Keil. note on line 43). but 16. root -jOn> properly "over"defeat". II. hence . sihirtu alib Imperf. alive". kabal "middle". also Asurnasirhabal IflD) > col. see Assyr. 146 foil. basu 3. 9. of mahasu foil. u. pagru "corpse. root 3^. *ng . t being rejected and the sibilant changed in accordance with p.. "impale" (?). ideo- Die Inschr.-Pileser's I p. root "p"}. comp. also silt a v from ^\JN. also plur. PAN. "wickedness". also "confidence". (see Assyr. "rebellion". comp. Pa. 87. properly of a see on this Keilinsch. in II Rawl. which "weapon". sal la sun for III. baltusun is baltut with the suffix Sun.-Babylon. "shatter note) Ift. the Sitkunu 3 pers. sidru "battle array" "to place". "kill". of $3y "do" instead of abisu. hittu of = NE)n is". Assyr.

The ^n . zikaru u sinniS "male and female".p. that can be meant by the term pari'. contracted from doubt ibusu as in the inscription of the Achaemenidae L. pardon".c "rampart" (Hoerning) . though its connection with X~)) "wild ass" is the opinion which has most to be said in its . akSud. 17. 15.. kullultu "execrable".c?). ultu kirib ex medio. Infin.-Babyl. of NJT with ending -ma. 308 foil. supu Infin. 2. 16. plur. hititi "sins". of 3tf$ = 3|h. pari' (ideogram phonetically determined from II Rawl. I. "ox". livi'tu {#1. isi (? scarcely isatu "fire". bani from -it plural hitati also occurs in Botta 146. 27. 3. p. d) can only mean something different from oxen and camels. SallatiS adv. 35 c. gammal "camel". 264. which are not expressed by the other terms. Shaf. see above p. Hoerning). libbanati perhaps from labanu "tread down". 96. Oppert. 96. however. root VfJO (of frequent zuk (zuk?) obscure. root magaru Pa. "attack". see above. 269 banu "make". 18. 1026.-Babyl. a reading. (Hoerning) root in D23. Delitzsch. 32. XXX pp. u = = the usual ideograms. Parad. ibSfl Imperf. see pp. from p. root 2*p. Keil. 14. p. of a ram- kitrub. akbi 1 pers. "treading down". root hittu line 2. of sittut "remainder". der Deutschen Morgenland. arammi plur. arnu "sin" Assyr. "cattle" and si'nu "flocks" (sheep and goats) are well known. p. Gesellsch. "destructive".. thinks we ought to pronounce ziniStu. Instead of sinni. frequent in the syllable ki). see Hollenfahrt der Istar p. And since the "horses" have already been disposed of. 677. see Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft XXVIII. 291 . so occurrence). (root . Tigl. Die Insch. **&*& (notwithstanding Lotz. see note on Gen. "set free". Shaf. which the author copied in London. Shaf. "doing" Partic.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVII1. uiib Sukbus Shaf. of kabu flap "speak". (nib) "frontier". comp. 5. Assyr.- 19* . 7. while "asses" and "flocks" are elsewhere represented it is only the "mules". which should rather be read see Delitzsch. kirib 3^5 "middle". "amnesty". see note on 2 Kings XVII. Keil. in spite of my objections in Zeitsch.. uSsur298 "emancipation". 223. Imperf. Keil. lavu "touch". see above. 10. supposed form parri. plural in 6. 20 note. referring to II Rawl. Hebr. As to the udri (= uduri). iu "to be". 305. has been placed beyond by a newly discovered fragment p. however it be classified etymologically. In the text there stand ^. 15. is- suru "bird" = < "1 )0^. root JJ01? mithusu "battle".-Babyl. alvi. from sallat instead of ana sallati line 5. on the appear- = ance of k in place of k (especially Assyr. 8. 9. 106 and footnote*. Kal of $2#. "putting down". favour. alpu 20. which still awaits confirmation. si si. Imperf. see usisamma 1 N5JN = pers. 2. 20 c.

sattu. . 272. II. p. dunnun Infin. Parad. "tear away". II. J"13(!3> p. "to enter". pn2- We meet with the Pael ubattik in I Rawl. Dp^. abtuk ears) 1 pers. Imperf. = FjD3 "silver". " ^N^ID In tne shadow of God" &c. Lesestiicke 2^ ed. D3"l. Gaza. Pa. . comp. . SI.-Sumer. 30. Arab. 2 line 13. see note on Josh. ^S^N (Del. comp. kitri' = JpnD see on col> JI > 64 5 uraddi 1 pers. 27. 38. see on 35. from raklisu Arab. Khorsab. Mitinti. SAB (with plural sign). on account of the We cannot however be understood as secondary ideogram prefixed representing "stone". 46. see above. Akkad. see 199 footnote *.-Babyl. 28. 23. p. usiribu 3 pers. 684. 5 lines 10 &c. should perhaps jects of cast-metal line 35. in Assyr. 9). an-gug-mi rabuti is without doubt to scure. 3.y*3 "exit". nisikti may . Imperf. root {<JJ{< . Lfc. I p. I. 63. 11 line 6 in exactly the same connection. T. 33. p. on rabft "great" Syll. 19. Imperf. see note on Gen. Assyr. isir-su. Shaf. Piles. XI. Impf. so also Botta 145 no. kaspu above p. no. on the ideograms as for huras = VHP! u gld". Keilinsch. Pa. II. "cage". iru from rasft "grant". of II. explained in Assyr. comp. abullu "city gate". 123. comp. pulhu &c. XIII. "bulwark". rada 31. 118). col. for damku. col. damkuti.. meaning large precious stones. "earlier". comp. 183.-Babyl. "effect" from tur "to be". I no. *^- We have already met with Pa. Padi. Keil. X. Hebr. comp. fltf. of mahru = IHJ. ideogr. e. 22. be compared with the Hebr. U'rbi another pronunciation of Aribi 3~1J^> sabiu "his people" i. Sil-Bi'l "shadow (shelter) is Bel". addin 1 pers. also II. of bataku 299 in the "cut sense off". "his subjects". ikkibu-u. 365. 25. robins}. GAL = babu rabu "great gateway". "l^JJ meaning "to diminish". D^n^l "glowing coals" and be understood to mean stones (Oppert. itti "with". 146 col. of dananu. off" (noses 24. nad&nu infin.. mahrit femin. (selected proper names no. comp. 69). well as abnu "stone" p^< probably be connected with the Hebrew *IQ} "pour" and be understood to mean ob35. 46. 21.. of 3"iy in Assyr. X V. of nadanu = |J"^ usahhir Pa. . glittering or gleaming like red-hot coals (not so Delitzsch. Ideogr. is 0. of "cutting and 117. 7. of l-j^ such names as . "erect". see Assyr. see on col. comp. 19. Keilsch. 253 (Layard 72. guhli. the word above p. the Hebr. "to add". sing. the proper names Sab-sar "man of the king" II Rawl. 4. kuppu 72. su (on the meaning see Hoerning). in Haupt. frequently in the inscriptions. urakkis "IDX> see on 1 pers. 26 no. sing. dag-gas-si is altogether obAs to what follows. comp.) written KA. Botta 151 no. p. Norris 44. utirra (= utir) 1 pers.-Babyl. Assyr. root with suffix Pa. see the Syllab.292 THE CVNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 126). On babu "gate-way" see Syll. Keil. III. root halsu a si' "fortress". Talm. see above col. of saharu = Hebr.. see note on Josh.

also Kings X. of which is. on nimidu p. of the form bintu "daughter" (Oppert) certified by the text (Assyr. Comp. p. KAL would mean a "hard wood".L*Io . Oppert renders by "ebony". 300 = I pp. Rev. Keilinschr. 20. that is a "bed-stead" or "couch" . II Rawl. likewise described as a couch "of ivory" i. Hoerning we express the ideogram NU on the ground of II Rawl.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVIIL give 293 36.) have shown that this was the term used by the Assyrians for the elephant. 16. rabbi lub accordingly means "governor of the harem" in the List of Governors II Rawl. - 165. Keil.-Babyl. AM. 34. root "^J "protect". die Insch. hence probably "stores". "treasures".-Piles. see Assyr.-Piles. 57: ma-ga-ak Syr.-Babyl. lub or lib might signify "heart". = ^pj J on tne ideogram see Assyr. 132. 287. 280. This is phoneticdetermined by the Syllab. 123. perhaps Gesch.. AM.-Babyl. of course "inlaid with ivory": masak ally on kussu see p. meaning first I p. Since is KU. Keil. 1 above note on Ofcourse Oppert's "sandal wood" comes next. 37. e. a species of wood which is likewise a subject of complete uncertainty. were accordingly SI. The "hide" of) (repeatedly derives its i. Keil. 22 (p. "interior" first of the palace or harem. see Studien u. b. then the part ideographically (Assyr. Tigl. whose tusks. adj. 38 banati "daughters" assumed as the plur. Tigl. it is in particular "ivory" (Lotz. i. In the text we have the ordinary ideogram for "daughter" TUR. 11. V31. and which is determined phonetically by Smith's Assurban. designated KA. 52 Obv. u. There follow two species of wood. iru "bed". "couch". 90 my is Hollenfahrt der Istar written in 148. by rab&su = is explained in Syllab. every sort" (see below). ibid. is That which only a conjecture. c. e. so with any further particulars. 279. written ideographically with the sign SU. 23. 160 foil. without informing us more particularly as to the kind of tree from which it came. mentioned in the inscriptions when flaying is spoken name from the fact that it may be "drawn off" "horned AM" rimu Q5O- would mean in the first place a buffalo. 108 no. root ^23 (ODD ? ). Kritiken 1871 p. the ivory. 177 and footnote *). p. 649. with the sign UN. 691 note f. ikalu "palace" and comp.. kabidtu(ttu?) fern. RAK with the sign of the plural. the usual sign for "man" 97 no. 27 foil. is KU we ought understand some sort of "timber" as meant. since AM But the investigations of Lotz (Die Inschr. e. 52 This ideogr. and next by the prefixed KA. and with this "of would accord the phrase nin "whatever its name" to um-u = = nisirtu means properly "preserved". is = SI |. p. nii lub (?) "servants of the harem" the p. meaning "female people". see Keilinsch. 12). pp. quoted in Haupt Hebr. (-Jt^o). p. in other places means "service". 31.-Babyl. "bone" and then 161). or more briefly KA (XCXT' fo/^J>). p.And it is also defined in the first place by the prefixed IS to be a resting place. With this perhaps we should . fashioned out of wood. 193).

RAK. scriptions. Botta 151 no. 193. de Lagarde. see Klostermann in Stud. Aharri ka-li-Su-un bilta ka-bid-tav 20. u. 3. of "j^ properly tJQ^N) "make".294 TEE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE ND 0. excepting that the whole somewhat abridged. Krit. ideogr. however. All this. On aat = likewise ideographically written with the femin. phoneticI. 18 32. with -ma added. Hebr. 3 pers. several interesting as well as material variations. e. usibilamma Shaf. Ul-tu ki-rib mat A-har-ri a-na mat Ja-at-na-na 19. arki "after". however. n D ! Kings VI. 74. Smith's Assurbau. 10 line 3 &c. comp. The parallel inscription on the Kujundshik Bulls almost every point it appears on III Rawl. "travel in a conveyance". 1 &c. i-na ta-mir-ti ir U-8u-u a-di mah-ri-ja u-bi-lu-ni u Si-id-ka-a ar ir Is-ka-al-lu-na a la ik-nuu a-na ni-ri-ja ill bit abi-u a-a-u a-di ki21. = ibisu Infin. kabal tiam-tiv in-na-bit-ma mati-Su i-mid. 746). of aparu "send". 12. p. pp. 40. man-da-atSarri mat tu bi-lu-ti-ja u-kin si-r u-u s"-u. Leipzig 1872. ally determined by Smith's Assurban. Arabic . 1873 39. nNYU P. comp. 27 (Propb. It contains. ispur very Imperf. p. Niuiveh . 123. I-na Sal-Si gir-ri-ja a-na mat Ha-at-ti lu Lu-li-i Sar ir Si-du-un-ni pu-luh-ti mial-lik. rakbu "envoy" from rakabu DD"1 "ride". Chald. 101 by Ni-nu-a i. a very common word in the in76. 96. comp. Ninua "Niniveh" is here written with the usual ideogram which is explained in Asurn&sirh. Tu-ba-' lu i-na kussi arru-ti-u u-s"f-ib. a-na mat as-su-ha-am-ma im-ti-[Su] Aur . Botta 148. 77.-Babyl. ideogr. also [lam-mi btlu-ti-ja is-hu p]-su-ma. 19. is extremely uncertain. 301 = IV. comp. On with supplementary details that are worthy of account of the importance of the subject-matter we append this inscription entire. HltfK see Assyr. Impf. col. 1 41.{>$ "descend". Smith's Assurb. frequent in the inscriptions. It reads as follows: 18.Ju* "depart". and now and then we meet notice. ^N p. ardutu "submission" from. p. This agrees in with the cylinder-inscription. plur. ed. with 284. 23. of (b^ ) "carry". aat of asat. -p. Keil. 1 pers. . T. compare the Chald. 30. "stoop".

25. comp. A-na ir Am -kar-r u-na [ak-rib-ma] sakkanakki a hi-it-tu 26. sisi Sa ar mat Mi-luh-ha i-mu-ki ta-mir-ti la ni-bi ik-ti-r u-ni. Sar-lu-dd-a-ri abal Ru-kib. abli ir i-bi an-ni a-na al-la-ti am-nu. i-na Al-ta-ku-u it-ti-Su-un am-da-hi-is*Btl narkabati302 ma as-ta-kan apikta-su-un. in the text. a-na ni-ri-ja * In the lithographed text there stands in place of the signs hi -is the straggling sign k u. ir 24. ul-tu ki-rib ir Ur-sa-li-im-ma u-i-sa-am-ma. ** There stands editor. si-it-tu-ti-gu-nu [Sa kul-lu]l-ta. comp. [u-ur-u-un ak-bij. u-ab-su**-u i-na kakki a-duk.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVIII. narkabati. without doubt is owing to a misreading or to an error on the part of the scribe. su-ri ummanat kati. This. bil a-di-i bi-ri-tu parzilli id-du-ma mat Aur a-na Ha-za-ki-a-u mat Ja-u-da-ai id-di-nu-[u] a-na (ilu) sil-[li] Sarri mat Mui-sir-Su ip-lah [libbu-]u-nu. 295 u-ra-su. the parallel inscription.ti Sarrusu-nu mah-ru-u ili n 8 i i r Is-ka-al-lu-na a 8 kun-ma man-da-at-tu bilu-ti-ja u-kin si-ruu-8u. the Taylor-inscription which contains the correct version. arra-u-nu 27.n a mi-ti-ik gir-ri-ja iri-u a a-na niri-ja la ik-nu-u ak-su-da ag-lu-la 3al-la-sui un. Sakkanakki u nisi irAm-kar-ru-na a a Pa-di-i sarra-su-nu 23. u abli sarri Mu-su-ra-ai a-di btl narkabati a ar mat Mi-luh-ha bal-tu-su-un i-na ka-ti as-bat. Pa-di-i ina kussi ili-su-un u-i-ib-ma man-da-at-tav bi-lu-ti-ja u-kin si-ru-u-u sa Ha-za-ki-a-u mat Ja-u-da-ai la ik-nu-u 28. I. probably only through an error of the u-Sab-lu-u.u-un la ib-u-u . however. 22. Av. .

(PL) sa a-lu-la ul-tu ki-rib mati-Su ap-tuk-ma a-na Sar[ri ir As-du-]di. before the city Zidka. royal throne and the tribute of I placed Ethobal on his rule 1 my imposed on him. in the midst of the sea. bilat hurasi DCCC bilat kaspi ni-sir-ti nin-8um-Su ikal-u u banati-su Sikrfti ikal-Su lub(?) asSati lub(?) a-na ki-rib Ninua u -Si-bi-lam-ma a-na na-dan manavil da-at-ti [i-pu-ra 303 campaign I marched rak-]bu-u i.296 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. XXXX. bi-lu-ti-ja is-hu-pu-u-m a. the of the terror the of Sidon. The kings of the Western country together presented me with rich gifts 20.e. ir U r-sa-li-im-ma ir u-rak-kis. avil U'r-bi u avil sabi-u damktiti a a-na ki-rib ir Ur-sa-li-imir a-ti] ma 32. himself and * The most important variants as compared with no. Sa-s'u [kima issur kual-la-ti lu-la arru-tiup-pi] ki-rib 29. it-ti arrti-ti-u u-si-ri-bu-ma [ir-Su-u bi-laXXX. a In my third to the land Chatti. ili-u Irl-Su hal-su u i-sir-Su. ir Is-ka-al-lu-na. however. who had not bowed himself beneath my : of Ushu. . From the midst of the Western country he flew to the island of Cyprus 19. yoke I carried the gods of his father's house . ir Am-karru-na ir Ha-zi-ti ad-din-u u-sa-ah-[hir] matat-ti-8u-un bilti mab-ri-ti na-dan I'-li su. Elulaeus. Su-u] Ha-za-ki-a-u pul-hi mi-lam-mi 31. his land I brought to subjection. king of Ashkelon. in- .* 18. Ill (not cluding abbreviations and omissions) are indicated by italics. VI iri-Su bit duri dan-nu-ti u iri a livi-ti-Su-nu a ni-ba la i-u-u al-vi aku-ud aam-nu. 30. man-da-at-tav u-rad-di-ma u-kin [si-ru-u s-uun. T. king [of majesty my rule] overwhelmed him.

their king. The Ekron. . nothing [execrajble [their I caused that Padi. The kings of Aegypt. insurrection. in- numerable troops. of away their spoil. fortified places. I placed over the people of Ashkelon and imposed on him the tribute of my rule. chief rulers and the people their king. of the city. they summoned to their aid. however. [It hapHezekiah of Juda 28. which lay in their territory without number. the chariots. and the sons of the Aegypalive. 22. 23.] that himself to me so I besieged 46 of his towns. : 24. did not submit my rule captured them (and) carried their inhabitants away. gave them the kings of [Ashdo]d. declarHimself I shut [like a bird ing them to be spoil of war. .SECOND BOOK OF KINGS hi[s] XVIII. whose inhabitants away. Sarludari. I slew with weapons'. brought them to the land Assyria. Ekron sons (inhabitants) I who had the perpetrated wickedness. I erected forts against him. the son of Kukibti. away. who had cast Padi. faithful to Assyria. . imposed the tribute of pened. the horses of the king of Miluhha. Before Altaku I fought with them and inflicted on them a defeat. and the towns. 27. 297 family 21. placed him on the throne over done might leave Jerusalem them. king together with the commander of the chariots of the king of Miluhha I took prisoner [1 with my hand Against the town who had made the advanced). I in the cage] 29. who had been into iron bonds and had delivered over to Hezekiah of Juda (who in dark (prison) confined him) their heart feared. remaining 304 [who] had amnesty I proclaimed]. the archers. The commander tian of chariots 25. the highest officers. inhabitants destined for transportation. upon him. in Jerusalem. carried to His towns. In the course of my warlike enterprise I took his towns which had not come under carried my subjection. their former king. 26. I separated from his territory.

) "payment of tribute" corresponds to ^^ the isSunumma. see Keilinsch. his palace- wives.298 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND TEE 30. e. Ekron (and) 0. and comp. u. "obof every kind (Delitzsch). 800 talents of silver. articles of every kind. as well as his daughters. their defeat at Altakuj. of which the first deals with the general subjugation of the Phoenician and Philistine towns . 32. for a moment fall at the last in two of these four first ac- we clearly perceive. root NtJfJ. so diminished his I To tribute. the terror of the dominion. Ill) four sections. 25. the male and female servants of the ried harem (?) I car- away to Niniveh. 242 foil. the Ekronites the help rendered by the kings of Aegypt and Aethiopia. For the payment of the tribute [he sent] his [envoy]. territory. Gaza and upon them. in the parallel inscription. T. ubiluni Impf. majesty of followers to there overpowered 31. pp. the resulting overthrow of the rebellious Ekronites and the restoration of king Pad! whom they had banished lastly the fourth gives an account of Sanherib's expedition against Hezekiah and . objects properly NIN. Jerusalem. III. their yearly gift. together 30 talents of gold. its" i. = p. Pausing 305 counts . Respecting ka-ti (pronounced kati) "my hand". 1. sum-su i. see Assyrisch-Babylonische Keilinsch." Notes and Illustrations. note on 2 Kings XXI. the Arabs into and royal his city faithful he had taken he [had his Jerusalem and with my whom whom granted payment]. 32. 20. Observe the change of construction in the two texts. that they (comp. Geschichtsforsch. We clearly see that the whole narrative . Hezekiah. nin-sum-u. For the remarks on no. added a imposed it Him. no. Assyrian name of the island of Cyprus. 18. Kal of (^31) "to bring" of which bilat (infin. Ashkelon. ject (Akkadian) rest see name e. into the place. the second recounts the conquest of Zidka of Ashkelon the third describes to us the insurrection of . . Jatnan. 247 note 2. the former payment. the treasures of his palace.

to a forms certain extent only an episode in Hezekiah against that campaign. and as nearly as possible difficulty to Juda also. in order to await the enemy there almost on the parallel of latitude running through Ekron and Jerusalem. of the facts. 1). It was this very consideration that evidently impelled him. Moab and Edom and also and rather placed themselves along with Arvad. desire The At the in following is probably the right view the beginning of Sanherib's reign the breasts of the kings of was excited Kanaan. Philistia as well as Juda. on the retire at approach of the united forces of Aegypt and Aethiopia. Probably he was withheld from advancing further by the fear of moving too far from his base of operations. To this end the kings of Sidon.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS reaches its XVIII. to free themselves from oppressive yoke. and Ashkelon fell successively. where he made a halt (see no. and of leaving in his rear such important points as Ekron and Jerusalem. Sanherib had evidently at an early date got wind of the scheme that was being planned against him. Ashkelon and Juda concluded among themselves and with Aegypt and Aethiopia an alliance. which was joined by the inhabitants of Ekron . somewhere between Ekron and Timnath (see note on Josh. 44). and surprised his foes before Thus Sidon they were in a position to unite their forces. Ashdod Gaza upon the side of the Assyrians. According to Sanherib's account it appears as though this battle ended to . 299 climax in the description of Sanherib's operation The enterprise conducted against Ekron and Aegypt. Ammon. who had remained since the time of its Sargon under Assyrian supremacy. to once as far as Altaku. Sanherib was able without reach Lakish in in South-Philistia. Byblos. XIX. while in consequence of an old antagonism as well as others stood aloof.306 order to await the Aegyptians there.

perhaps an altogether defenceless town. T. But if it was actually was at all events a very serious one a Pyrrhus-victory. the advantage of the Assyrians. Thus the mention of the capture of the Aegyptian princes seems to imply that sort of victory some was won by Sanherib. Sanherib's inscription was only speaking of the first and not of the last and decisive phase of the campaign. as would be clear from the locality. His resolution a definite retreat to commence may have been finally adop- ted in consequence of an event such as Herodotus describes or such as the Bible hints at (chap. According to Wellhausen. especially as we clearly see from the Bible that the Assyrians in were by no means quite humiliated military Besides all . at all events. it XIX. Probably say a pestilence that broke out in the army as the result of war. of chariots captured as trophies &c.* By the retreat of the latter. that they a advanced sense. pp. was the that is to * Wellhausen takes a different view of the matter (see Bleek's Einleitung in das Alte Testament 4th e d. if the second battle. 256 foil. I observe. Hence it is that we have no statement of a victory . far into the South. details which as a rule are not omitted in accounts of their victories given by the Assyrians. as it relates to the statement in the text. he was on the other hand not in a posi- tion to little assume the offensive against Aegypt and quite as able to compel Jerusalem to surrender. it the number of prisoners that were taken. Moreover. had been a defeat of the Assyrians. that a combat. in ad- dition to other objections.). 35). He regards the battle at Eltekeh as "not an important event" and simply "an interlude in the siege of Ekron". Hence able to we find also that while the Great to King was still subdue Ekron and sack Timnath. they would scarcely have omitted simply to mention. which is also expressly characterized as a regular battle. .300 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. that tian an event in which not only the Aegypand Aethiopian "commanders of the chariots" but also "the sons of the Aegyptian king" were taken prisoners. to which the inscriptions make no reference whatever. certainly does not bear the appearance of an insignificant interlude. On the first point.

30 1 Assyrian Hezekiah was relieved from the close straits to which 307 notice particularly in this episode he was reduced. or that a second campaign took place ten years later. as and ends with a reference set the seal to the though this whole narrative. to give as respectable an appearance as possible to the miscarriage of his enterprise against Jerusalem. specially remarked that he had compelled Hezekiah to deliver up Padi. Contemptuous reference is made to Hezekiah's being shut up in Jerusalem by Sanherib It is also like a bird in its cage. He ject. that neither in Herodotus nor in the Bible do we read of any noticeable advance on the part of the Aegyptians to the North-West after the battle was won. Now from the Assyrian account Altaku it is quite clear that the chastisement of the rebellious Ekronites was subsequent of Padi. an absolute victory for the Aegyptians is scarcely probable. i. which is conspicuously evident in the narrative of the Assyrian. before the battle at Altaku was fought Kings XVIII. We of the campaign the endeavour. and lastly had received from him through an envoy a vow of submission. Rawliuson and others)? - . Is it then actually needful to suppose that there was either a second battle (Wellhausen). had forced the Jewish king to pay a large sum of tribute. with which the first campaign was blended in the Biblical account (G. On the other hand we know from the Bible that this tribute residing at (2 was paid while the Great King was still Lakish. e. this. does not intimate by the faintest syllable that he had 308 to retire been obliged And it is from Jerusalem without effecting his obfor this very reason that he purposely shifts the chronological order of events to the rich tribute. to the battle of . after the defeat sustained by them (as Wellhausen also admits) at Altaku had compelled them wheu we And this supposition is still less probable to retreat. observe. which we should certainly have expected. also the restoration who had been detained prisoner in Jerusalem.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVIII. 14).

as far as relates to Juda. III. 14). as we may conjecture. comp. and sends to the Great King. and had been imprisoned by the Jewish king. So the Great King despatched from Lakish a more powerhis treason (for ful army ( aa great army". passage and further on in the inscription (see also below At the same time. see also note on Is.302 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. Sanherib marched further South against Ashkelon. Hezekiah begins to doubt the successful issue against Assyria. 309 whose object must have been to have his rear covered as he advanced. col. when once the Great Perhaps he also entertained the fear that. verse 17) straight against . 12 Kings XVIIT. however. X. T. who had meanwhile the tribute specified in this arrived at Lakish (verse 14) . After the subjugation of Sidon and of the towns subject to Sidon extending as far as Akko. To the Assyrian. it was of far more consequence than tribute that Hezekiah should form an alliance and place at his disposal the important fortress of Jerusalem. In consequence of his insurrection of the delay in the arrival of the Aegyptians.). King was in possession of Jerusalem. at the same time detaching a corps to operate against Juda probably on the road leading from Joppa to Jeru. 13. such was the revolt of Hezekiah in the eyes of the Assyrian) would not be allowed to pass unpunished. he sets king Padi at liberty. Inscript. in the following order. 28 foil. of This detachment swept over and pillaged the whole (2 Juda -17. can only have occurred after the battle had been fought Thus in all probability we must with the Aegyptians. perhaps only a very short time previously). the remarks on 2 Kings XVIII. to who had been delivered up previous to Hezekiah by the Ekronites (ofcourse though the arrival of Sanherib before Ekron. conceive the train of events to have occurred. salem. But Hezekiah would not hear of this.

however. dictated by the anxiety he tected rear. this very circumstance evidently emboldened Hezekiah to hold out bravely. Sanherib withdrew join his corps from the final Juda retreat.. 13 XIX. I. that the passage chap. XXII. P. or else certainly soon after that event. also So this last remained unsuccessful. XVIII. 37. relating to Sauherib. Nowack in Studien uud Kritiken 1881 pp. 13 16 and chap. Kritiken. 14 16 has no reference to the campaign of Sanherib. but refers to that of Sargon. But quite apart from the fact that as is shown in the remarks on Is. that it hypothesis as very probable. 1877. which immediately follows.* * The above description rests on the presumption of the essential unity of the account 2 Kings XVIII. is scarcely We especially p. Recently. 167 foil. Kleinert especially. stood The name of the king (Sanherib) he supposes to have been the arbi- Thus the extract alludes to the time trary addition of the redactor. in order that it him in Thus Jerusalem might was delivered. Lakish. 14. agree so remarkably with the cuneiform record . and on the connection of that narrative with the parallel cuneiform account on the cylinder of Sanherib. 302. 303 This was evidently a to on the part of the king attempt bring the rebellious vassal to felt last energetic obedience.. XVIII. objections and doubts have been repeatedly raised against the integrity of the Biblical record. 3?. 300 foil.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS Jerusalem. about his unpro- on receipt of the intelligence that the great But on the other hand Aegyptian army was approaching. 17 XIX. Respecting the kindred view of Wellhausen that . during the military enterprise of Sargon. on this subject comp. These deal with the question whether the sections chap. . XVIII. Studien u. it is to be observed that the distinct statements respecting the sending of tribute respecting its amount as well as the spot where the embassy was received. no mention is made of a campaign against Juda as occurring reign. in Theolog. has put forward and endeavoured to sustain the view. XVIII. pp. attempt of the Great King Perhaps even before the battle of Altaku. 16. possible to regard the above put on one side the chronological difficulties which it does not diminish but only aggravates. originally thus connected together. XVIII. of the Assyrian invasion of Palestine in the ninth year of Sargon's on which occasion the important event was the taking of Ashdod.

that. 13. XXXII. 19 (= Is. is wanting in Isaiah From this Nowack concludes as well as in 2 Chron. who adduces further arguments for this opinion. 1416 the accounts of two different stages and the section XVIII. 17 XX. when afterwards we are told that in consequence of this fact. 17 foil. can only have been the redaction of older material carried 1881 pp. which was common of the to the 19 was adopted from a third author of the Books of Kings and to the redactor Book 16. We see that the Assyrian record agrees admirably with the Biblical narrative and serves to supplement as well in the section XVIII. composed independently of one another. I have Victor Floigl in 'Die Chronologic der already spoken above on p.304 310 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. when after17 is wards we are at once informed that the^same Assyrians had virtually But begged to obtain possession of the important city of Jerusalem. Bibel' Leipzig 1880 pp. of envoys to Lakish and the payment of tribute. the section XVIII. In verse 17 Lakish is spoken of as the temporary halting verse 13. second. that the passage verses 14 16. 1416 in Isaiah XXXVI XXXIX. describing the despatch XXXVI that source. first.. this emphatic word "all" is quite in place. as the only regards the narrative. Again. 13. from its allusion to the deportation to Babylon (XX. It is impossible 2 that 2 Kings XVIII. which he in the also holds. which. Observing the omission of the passage XVIII. as is actually the case in the section 14 16. 2 viz. 17 legendary. 8b that the phrase i J \3S~lp no gloss from the pen of the redactor.XXXVI-IX) original form in the Book of Isaiah. but not in verse 13. just as though this had been previously referred to. it the section. can have followed immediately after ibid. the capture of all the fortified towns of Juda. 17 foil. 19. 300. XVIII. as the other account. we have of the same campaign. I would not dispute. as Kuenen has already shown. and out during the Exile. T. place of the king. 17 XX we have section only the other form 1{"ppin ( tlie latter occurs also in Is. authentic one. 28 foil. The first point. 17). 17 XX. 13. namely that stands separate. the emphatic expression "all the towns of Juda" is not easily intelligible. 14 16 we only find whereas in the other XVIII. he considers the two narratives to be two accounts of the same transaction. 169 foil. verses 14 XX. Nowack ibid. the form H^pin* Kings XVIII. but I has been inserted as an addendum into the complete narrative as it stands in its Kings XVIII. verses 14 absolutely deny that of Isaiah. 13. XXXVI XXXIX).. Comp. and in 'Cyrus und Herodot' Leipzig 16. llezekiah in alarm seeks to obtain his favour and condescends . i n verse Moreover it is clear from XIX.

16 is missing in the Book of Isaiah (as well as in the Chronicles) was therefore a later interpolation. 305 31 1 in the most satisfactory manner. The circumstances had in the meantime altered the Aegyptians had come in sight. respecting the origin of the passage (2 Kings XVIII. because in the "first" invasion he speaks of a victory and not of a defeat sustained in battle with the Aegyptians. XXXII. source (Nowack. 1)! Just as. 13. 221 note. so similarly the redactor of the Book of Isaiah withholds from his readers the fact of the Jewish king's humiliation and his payment by the Assyrian The answer to the further question. XXXVI XXXIX. Floigl). is to be explained in the same way as the ornate silence of the Chronicler respecting the actual capture of Judaean towns by the Assyrian (2 Kings XVIII. in this case. as well as the relation of the Chronicler to the canonical Book of Kings. th ed. I can therefore only regard the theory of the two Rawlinsons as erroneous. Einleitung ins Alte Testament 8 260. 1) and the transformation of this fact into the deliberate though unrealized intention of the Assyrians to do this: "and he (Sanherib) encamped against the fortified towns and purposed to open them to his entry" V^N DiTO^ "1P^ ( 2 Chron. 19 to Is.* There is absolutely to the payment of tribute. The omission of the passage verses which had previously occupied a place in this entire section (2 Kings XVIII-XX. or that both passages. of tribute. 14 16) under consideration. in successful which they endeavour to distinguish between a "first" campaign of Sanherib and a second later cam. the fact that the is Judaean towns were conquered passed over in silence in majorem Judaeorum gloriam. 312 paign which turned out unfavourably. is altogether independent of the above result. Is. 13 XX. Sanherib must therefore have been very anxious for the possession of Jerusalem and hence the attempt to induce the king by means of the military payment of tribute : demonstration to have by no means any right to 14 it surrender the fortress (comp. that in Isaiah and that in the Book of Kings. * See Sir Rawlinson in G. XXXVI. Is. XXXVI XXXIX). consult de Wette-Schrader. On the relation of 2 Kings XVIII. Rawlinson's Henry History of Herodotus 20 . the text). 231. The is the Assyrian despatches an of that important stronghold army that nevertheless subsequently Jerusalem to urge the surrender not at all inconsistent with the previous fact to by the Jew.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS confirm it XVIII. Again we infer that because the passage XVIII. were borrowed from a third common 14 16.

And lastly. . maintains the view that is held by Dr. and G. place. no space paign. 393. note. that the success of his enterprise against Aegypt was no very II ed. for example to the . above 306 foil.306 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE in It 0. 14). striking one. but that he makes no mention of the victory over Hezekiah and inscription payment of tribute a vassal (comp. to and also that Hezekiah despatched envoys him both times at in just at the moment when King was staying Besides. 22 foil. second campaign actually occurred. Oppert in his Me'moire sur les rapports de 1'Egypte et de I'Assyrie dans Tantiquite' p. that is. II p. as we have already shown. the Biblical record for this subsequent camis at Lakish (where Sanherib his court is supposed by Rawlinson to have held during his second expedi- Aegypt) that we already find the Great King at the very time when he was receiving the tribute from Hezekiah (2 Kings XVIII.] I connection would draw attention inscriptions refers to the fact that San- in his triumphal the 1 to that king's position as of Constantinople I Rawl. Schrader. 1 p. T. '41). because something If the says not a syllable about this second might undoubtedly have been reported by the Great King of an invasion that could extend by way of glorification close up to the Aegyptian frontier. as opposed to Rawlinson's theory of two campaigns. Rawlinson. [J. monarchies 2nd 165 that the events described in the Old Testament and the cuneiform in- scriptions refer to a single campaign. The Five Great comp. e d. according to Rawtion against linson. this silence 313 would be altogether incomprehensible. 43 line 15. during the supposed that the Yet it is hardly to be first campaign. Sanherib on both occasions made exactly his same spot the Great later! head-quarters. Sanherib this. no earlier military records and no his campaign against Syria.* Why should we then London 1862 Vol. those who can read between the lines can perceive from the narrative of the Great King with tolerable clearness. Vol. * In this horib l>y Translator. see above on Kings XIV.

Biblical sources of information say not a single word ? In conclusion. HOIK Gen - X. in Lepsius' Zeitschrift 1870 p. But the inscription does not in- Aegypt. because Asarhaddon in the above passage does not "Edom" (Udumu) but rather to a town in Adumu the land Aribi. this points to a second and later campaign of the Assyrian monarch. G. According to the Canon of Rulers.) speaks of Hazailu as an Edomite king conquered by Sanherib. are reported in this way. which is always perfectly distinct from Edom in the are familiar with other instances of cities possessing inscriptions. for instance. which' he would scarcely have omitted to do if that victory at Altaku had really been a glorious one. 19. 36 (while we have iplK in verse 33). girrija a in my second. king of Edom (Taylor-Cylinder col. 40. HOIK Josh. But I cannot regard this as formas refer at all to ing any evidence. as tion is done. Sanherib began his reign in the year 705. a few words on the date of the king's Palestinian campaign. There are altogether eight campaigns which campaign". . 55 foil. Sanherib's cylinder. We this name.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS XVIII. king in These "campaigns". girru or girti (see above). however. Accordingly the campaign must have fallen subsequent to this year. that Sanherib in his "first" expedition mentions a certain Malik ram col. In a accounts commence in each case with the words: relates the deeds of the sani or sal8i &c. and by the annals of TiglathInstead of this it . II. Pileser II and of Sargon. third &c. According to Smith. Smith. 307 assume a second and special Syro-Aegyptian expedition about which both Assyrian and conducted by Sanherib . We Thus 314 have no means. II). while Asarhaddon (Cylind. of directly fixing its date. like Asur- banipal's great inscription. which narrates this campaign. comp. XIX. Assyr. brings forward as an argument in favour of the hypothesis of a double Syro-Palestinian campaign the circumstance. by the obelisk-inscrip- of Salmanassar II. does not detail his military expeditions according to the years of the king's reign.

308 THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE in 0. viceroy of Karkemish". AN. "in the month (Var. where we likewise find . Yet this conjecture is from certain. TA. we have phonetic form i-mur. since we may conjecture that not is more every probability before the third year of the king's reign than one expedition was made that the Syro-Aegyptian in every year. . 12 append the entire subscription which runs as follows: Ina arah Adar urn XX. Salat (= gj^) is written ideographically with the signs I'N. see at The name is written in its middle portion with SI. It seems probable that we should connect it with the Assyrian word li-i-mu = limu which occurs in it II Rawl. on the 20* 1' . limu Bi'1-imur-a-ni alat ir Gar-ga-mis i. e. line the inscription named after that cylinder. We there read: I usu III. mu-kal mu-sar-i. The phonetic value of these signs is determined by a comparison of Smith's Assurb. 1. Adar. according to the Bellino-cylinder 1 . 29. not earlier than 703 B. Nabft-lih a-lat ir Ir- Arah * si-bu-ti. lih. year of the king's reign. e. A. V. 112 (Salat) with ibid. the LAL for which according to III Rawl. We are also in possession of evidence that this war did not take place before the fourth year of the king's i. e. The word limu is obscure as to its origin. there war did not occur i. C. . Grotef. form us the least. so that signified that a particular year "belonged" to this or that archon. Archonship of Bi' limurani. e. reign these particular campaigns from the fact that in the subscription I Rawl. col. 316. 42 line 74 the date is the archonship of given as that of the 15 th a-ni* i. Now in this fourth year. T. first 14 or 15 years of Sanherib's reign and.) to substitute the I . in what year or years of the king's It is merely occurred. Lim-mu We signs the end of this work. 74 as synonym far of kimtu "family". NAM. have also a Bn-imur-ani as eponym of the 20 th year. there was inscribed. in the archonship of Nabureign. line 6 (here avil NAM) and also with the subscription to the Bellino-cylinder communicated above the phonetic form fia-lat . Btl-imurthat we are 315 enabled to conclude that the campaigns must have certainly taken place in the at the earliest .

" according to the Canon of Rulers p. 309 e. is Accordingly certain that at the time when this cylinder was inscribed. just as the super- scription states. also called on the Taylor-cylinder the and second campaign of first and of the third or Syro-Aegyptian campaign we read not it a word. attained the throne of Babylon in the year 702. 12).) the cylinder archon in the fourth year of Sanherib's reign. . XVIII.Judaean campaign. Sanherib second . on 2 Kings his first Sanherib's third. We thus come to the year 701 as the earliest date for against an Eastern people. i. first Now we here find an account of the . pag. nor indeed of any later expedition. we cannot fix on a later date than the In the subsequent year year 700 for the following reasons: 699 we find Aparanadius Asordanius Aur- = = * ** Probably "a Soss (= 60) and three (alas-tu)" i. the extensive military expedition of which we are speaking. campaign him of Babel. II 477 Germ. On the other hand. U 63* the total of the lines. the comment. e. We may add that the cylinder contains 63 lines. according to his we 316 own inscription (see the passage in below in XX. not till after 702 B. The was therefore constructed in Sanherib's fourth year. there still intervened a second directed But the Aegyptian campaign would scarcely have taken place in the same year as the above. gather from the Ptolemaic canon that Belibus Lastly.SECOND BOOK OF KINGS ba-an i. Vol. Now the elevation between appointed king of Belibus to the throne and the Aegypto. The seventh The month. Sanherib. military enterprise was not untertaken of Sanherib's reign. archonship Nabulih here mentioned (see at the of Nabulih is viceroy of Irban.** . 63. the third this campaign had not yet taken place. It follows that till the fourth year e. C. end of this work.

e. this Therefore for is campaign the only date which remains possible cities the year 701. In the As- we have the corresponding phrase Irani dannuti and rian (Taylor-cyl. the Assy- alvi akud ibid. which Rassam brought with him from Niniveh. III. e. as a last event the third campaign Great King. col. 38) that Sanherib's campaign and his second ex- pedition against Babylonia took place during the archonship of Mitunu. Now we learn from a fragment that has meanwhile been discovered of the Canon of Rulers (Smith in Lepsius'' Zeitschrift 1870 fourth p. 17. T. . against all fortified syrian inscription (nVNS?) of Juda. it In the superscription appears dated with the eponym of "Mitunu of the town Isana" (li-mu Mi-tu-nu ir I-sai. against Aegypt. e. in the year 700. established by the still unedited clay cylinder of Sanherib tinian no. 12) marked (see the remarks on chap. 701. Ptolemaic canon as the king of Babylon. took possession of them (DtP^O'V). Thus the Pales- campaign can only have taken place in the preceding This line of reasoning has lately been year i. Cv year of the Great King's reign after the conclusion of which expedition he in the sixth installed Aur-nadin as viceroy of Babel. 79 (7/8). 13). But camalso according to the Taylor-cylinder (see below) this king was raised to the Babylonian throne in Sanherib's fourth paign following upon his third. Ill. col.310 n ad in THE iTNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS AND THE 0. his expedition against Phoenicia-Palestine. Comp. or i. 317 n a) e. 700 B. At the same time of the it mentions i. -Sum down in the XX.

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