The Proceedings of the Seventh Anatolian Iron Ages Colloquium Held at Edirne, 19–24 April 2010
Edited by

Altan Ç˙ ILI ˙NGI ˙ROG ˘LU and Antonio SAGONA


Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Altan ÇILINGIROGLU and Antonio SAGONA The Eastern Sector at the Fortress of Ayanis: Architecture and Texture in the Pillared Hall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Mahmut Bilge BA≤TÜRK War and Identity in the Early History of Urartu Atilla BATMAZ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii ix



Thrace Between East and West: The Early Iron Age Cultures in Thrace . . Elena BOZHINOVA A Blacksmith’s Workshop at Klazomenai . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hüseyin CEVIZOGLU and Ünsal YALÇIN New Contributions to Urartian Archaeology from the Fortress at Ayanis . . Altan ÇILINGIROGLU (with an appendix by Mirjo SALVINI) Regional Variations in Iron Age Grooved Pottery in Eastern Anatolia . . . . Aylin Ü. ERDEM The Apadana of Altıntepe in the Light of the Second Season of Excavations Mehmet KARAOSMANOGLU and Halim KORUCU The Kingdom of Urartu and Native Cultures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kemalettin KÖROGLU Archaeometric Investigations of Basaltic ‘Grinding Stones’ from the Iron Age Settlements of Udabno, Georgia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rene KUNZE










Ritual Pit Complexes in Iron Age Thrace: The Case Study of Svilengrad . . Georgi NEKHRIZOV and Julia TZVETKOVA Urartian Helmets in Reza Abbasi Museum, Iran . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Reza Sabouri NOJEHDEHI Phrygian Semi-Iconic Idols from Gordion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lynn E. ROLLER Remarks on the East Anatolian Iron Age . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Antonio SAGONA Late Iron Age Pottery From Northwestern Iran: The Evidence from Yanik Tepe . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Geoffrey D. SUMMERS and Charles A. BURNEY Bronze Animal Figurines from Gordion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maya VASSILEVA







unfortunately our knowledge remains mostly limited to military structuring. nor to examine Urartian culture as seen through Assyrian eyes. These documents generally include details of military campaigns. Therefore. political and military activities in the region are included in the inscriptions of the Assyrian State.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU * Atilla BATMAZ Ege Üniversitesi Edebiyat Fakültesi Protohistorya ve Önasya Arkeolojisi Anabilim Dalı 35100 The aim of this paper is neither to review old discussions concerning the ethnic origins of Urartu. The annals of Shalmaneser III1 and the inscriptions on the Balawat Gates are considered to provide the most reliable and accurate information concerning the * I would like to express my gratitude to Altan Çilingiroglu. I hope to be excused for possible mistakes in cases where the study tends to be more speculative due to limited Before the Urartian Kingdom was established. and who would later constitute the Urartian society. I will try to show that the structure. Izmir TURKEY E-mail: atilla. The only source that provides information is the Assyrian written records. organisation. the paper aims to present the possible patterns and various stages in the formation of a definable Urartian identity in Eastern Anatolia through the interpretation of written and visual data and by scrutinising a number of problems related to the issue. the environs of Lake Van — the core area of Urartian culture — had attracted the attention of Assyrian kings from time to time (Figs 1–2). . I would also like to extend my sincere thanks to Andreas Schachner.batmaz@ege. Schachner and his team have carried out a project aiming to examine the reliefs and inscriptions of Shalmaneser III and Tiglath-pileser I found in Birklyn. Instead. for his efforts in enabling me to study Urartian archaeology over the last fifteen years. 1 In recent years A. The identity as well as the cultural and ethnic structure of the population that lived in the Lake Van basin. organiser of the VIIth Iron Ages Symposium and my PhD supervisor. there is no written data concerning the sociocultural structure of the region. In this article. has long engaged scholarly attention. which is one of the sources of the Tigris. Many thanks go to Özlem Çevik of Trakya University in Edirne and co-organiser of the VIIth Iron Ages Symposium for her hospitality and kindness. Therefore. and arrangement of the military around Lake Van between the thirteenth and ninth centuries BC consisted of four stages and I will present the evidence for these stages and their characteristics. Michael Roaf and Ömür Harman≥ah for their careful reading of various drafts of this article and sharing their kind opinions and suggestions. Its publication has provided remarkable information on the campaign of the kings against the Urartu lands: see Schachner (2009) for further information.

8 The Prism inscription of Tiglath-pileser I certainly refers to 60 kings (rulers) (“king”=LUGAL in Grayson 1996. Roaf gives a general date around 1000 BC for the transition date. There are scholars who accept that the first king of the Neo-Assyrian Empire is Assur-dan (911–890 BC) or Tiglath-pileser III (745–727 BC).2. M. There is no agreement among the researchers over the date of the transition period from the “Middle Assyrian” to the “Neo-Assyrian” period.6 and 607 appear in relation to kings (rulers) in the records of Tiglath-pileser I. 5 Grayson 1991. 3) believes that they may have been ashirets or clans.0.1. king of Assyria. however. 3).4 and the numbers 23. 357). especially in the environs of Lake Van.23/13b–19a.87. A.5/23–47. Radner 2009. Tukulti Ninurta I (1244–1208 BC) and Tiglath-pileser I (1115–1077 BC). In fact. T. Forty-three kings (rulers) are mentioned by Tukulti Ninurta.24 A. “chiefdoms” or “principalities”.1. C. A. for detailed information. These periods are labelled as Middle and Neo-Assyrian in Assyrian chronology. it can be accepted that this was the time during which the Urartian Kingdom was established.180. thinks that 60 refers to small chiefdoms which may govern some villages. 4 Grayson 1987. Based on the definitions in Assyrian written sources.87. pp. are Shalmaneser I (1274–1244 BC).0.0.0. 8 A. p. conqueror from the sea of the land Nairi to the great sea of west…the city Arzaskun (which is) a royal city of Aramu. pp. 7 Grayson 1991. V. though they had never 3 2 . A.87. some suggest that it is Asurnasirpal I (1049–1031 BC).3 during which time the region was under Assyrian dominance.3. BATMAZ establishment of the Urartian Kingdom. Tarhan (1978) thinks that they were a confederation formed by ashirets or principalities. the data provided by the Assyrian sources concerning this issue has long been puzzling researchers and can only be understood if it is read in combination with sociological and historical information. Although the communities in the region are labelled using sociological terms such as “tribes”.0. p. see Roaf (2001. king of Assyria. Burney (1966.102. 193.78. Çilingiroglu (1994.87. the Urartian…2 How should we evaluate the political structure in Eastern Anatolia before Shalmaneser III? There is very little data available concerning the people of the Lake Van basin in the periods of Shalmaneser I (1274–1244 BC) to Ashurnasirpal II (884– 859 BC). Since the records of 858 BC and ensuing years of the period of Shalmaneser III include details about Aramu of Urartu and his royal city. A. There are various views concerning the types of political and sociological units these numbers represent. or a confederation of such units. it is widely believed that there existed small political units often referred to as “tribes” and “chiefdoms”. A. Sevin (1979.5 30. the exact dynamics of these groups remain a mystery. Each repeats several times that the region was ruled by leaders whom they acknowledged as kings (Fig. 6 Grayson 1991. p. While some scholars argue that the first “Early Neo-Assyrian” king is Tiglathpileser I (1114–1076 BC). The kings who first mention Eastern Anatolia.0. son of Tukulti-Ninurta. 60–61). …son of Ashurnasirpal. 8) suggests that the number 23 refers to the important principalities that formed the Nairi coalition and the number 60 refers to small settlements belonging to these principalities. A.

Emiroglu and Aydın (2003. If they are settled. 10 Tarhan 1978. the cognation (affinity) between subunits of ashiret is often ensured by marriages (kinship). it has found a place in the literature as a common social organisation form/type of all “traditional’’ and “primitive” societies outside of the west. see also Sevin 1979. this organisational model developed in Eurasia. Classical anthropological studies arrive at a definition of “tribe” based on cognation following ancestral/ paternal descent. for nomadic and semi-nomadic ways of life which survive mostly by animal husbandry. In general. 12 See Özer (2003. A. It is not clear whether the leaders were actually kings. religious. it is seen that the principle of cognation. 222–223) emphasises that Eastern Anatolia is quite suitable. becomes ambiguous and unimportant in the organization of ashirets. in which the oldest or the most respected man is often the “president” (chief). p. In this latter. Therefore. 31–32) on the formation of the ashirets. the terms which are used by western social sciences in order to generalise these organisations and that are based on the assumption that the communities in all regions have a similar organisation type.12 Ashirets can also be semi-nomadic or settled. America and Oceania.79) summarised their thoughts as follows: “Upon a deeper analysis. which is dominant in tribal organization. are far from meeting the sense of Eurasian. p.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 25 Assyrian inscriptions) in the region. and in the end. A. economical. p. This definition has gradually been brought into general use by western writers and researchers. There are also some views which suggest that the sociological formation “ashiret”.9 In the same inscription. which existed in Southeastern and Eastern Anatolia during the Seljuk and Ottoman periods. 11 Cribb (1991. 381.1.”13 The necessities of administering large groups of people and animals — managing them to meet the needs of the community and organising the community’s economic activities — forced the ashiret communities in Eurasia.87. 78. connected through ethnic. 161) adopts Sevin’s idea by saying that they could not have formed a united confederation. the tribal organization is based on the conical clan model. stamm in German and tribu in French. in terms of its geography. Erdem (2009. Middle East and North Africa into a more complex pattern of life than that of hunters and gatherers. and it is a temporary situation. 13 Emiroglu and Aydın 2003. Similarly.0. pp. they live in a common area throughout the year and survive mainly by means of husbandry and agriculture. or the groups in Africa. whereas the prevalent affinity relation in ashiret model is the segmental . chiefs or chieftains. Yakar 2007. rather than a permanent characteristic. 56 n. such as tribe in English. pp. the Middle East and North Africa and it incorporates political content which refers to common origin and “common interest unity. 14 Emiroglu and Aydın 2003.10 “Ashiret” (Arabic A≥ira) describes a mostly nomadic community11 with great linguistic and cultural homogeneity. coming to symbolise an evolutionary phase. blood or marriage relations. p. there were other troops who joined the armies of the 60 kings as support. Middle Eastern and North African ashiret communities. 9 Grayson 1991. it is noted that during the campaigns. pp.14 reached the level of a confederation in Eastern Anatolia. 78–79. might also have existed during the Iron Age. Hence. constituted of many families.

Moreover. 16 Orhonlu 1987. it is hard for an imperious authority to exist. where they would contribute to economic production.21 descent system. 30. p. a confederation.20 There is a family relationship (blood relationship) among the members of the ashiret. 21 Özer 2003. 3. but rather coordinative and regulatory. 19 Be≥ikçi 1969. 17 We should bear in mind that the Assyrian Empire might not consider the polities in Eastern Anatolia ashirets or confederations. pp. 14–18. In this context. 18 Akpınar and Rogan 2001. 2. 25. dates back to the Ottoman Period. According to Cribb (1991. Akpınar and Rogan 2001. 17. both economically and in terms of safety. since within the nature of ashiret organization. and an assimilation policy was applied. See Akpınar and Rogan (2001) for further information about “Ashiret Schools”. For the inhabitation policy applied to the ashirets. semi-nomadic or settled. 20 Özer 2003. and a supra-unit of ashirets. 83). the nomadic ashirets were considered a great danger to the state and a burden on it. . there is no hierarchical relation between the organized units. The most effective policy of the Ottoman Empire was that some of the young members of the ashirets were sent abroad and established “Ashiret Schools” so that they would be beneficial for the state. Sometimes. namely. The state aimed to get rid of the burden the ashirets placed on the economy by forcing them into a settled lifestyle.000 tents in the reign of Abdulhamit II.15 The ashirets in the Ottoman Period were hard to control and created economic difficulties for the central authority even when it was at its most powerful. or as tribes or clans which were subdivisions of ashirets. or as “confederative” formations that were constituted by a combination of groups. Ashirets can be nomadic. His authority is generally not imperious. 222) and Erdem (2009. p. 16. 32. the necessity of common action can exceed the extent of an ashiret. The primary reason for this attitude was the difficulty in finding common ground between the nomadic lifestyle and the concerns of the centralist state. p. it is illuminating briefly to reconsider the characteristics of ashirets: 1. see Orhonlu (1987). Rogan says that Ruvala Ashiret was one of the largest ashirets belonging to the Anaza Confederation.16 The ashiret system in Eastern Anatolia during the period of the Ottoman Empire was undoubtedly different from that of the thirteenth century BC. is founded.” 15 Akpınar and Rogan 2001.17 Yet it is not unreasonable to consider the political formations in the region at that time as ashirets whose leader was called the “king”. At that time.19 Their members live in tents or primitive dwellings. see also Halaçoglu 1998. which continues in Eastern Anatolia to this day. p. They were forced to choose between isolation and a transition from a nomadic to a settled lifestyle. the reason for the unification of its subunits is their need for common action. On the horizontal plane. the weakness of the archaeological data for Eastern Anatolia is the consequence of the nature of the nomadic lifestyle.26 A. 4.18 as in the Ottoman Period. which migrated every year between South Syria and Iraq. BATMAZ Written data concerning the nomadic ashiret life. The Anaza Confederation had approximately 10. p. all units are equal and the chiefdom exerts less authority within this ashiret. They rely on extensive animal husbandry. p. In this system. p.

p. This model continued through the period of Adad-nirari II (911–891 BC). irregular. where he mentions a campaign to the region which is here called Nairi lands. 8). the Assyrian army fights the enemy in mountainous terrain. 26 Right wing.26 Combat….. In subsequent records. The campaign to Urina Mountain is recorded in the inscription on the same band. as follows: ti-du-ku[……] KUR ú-[r]i?-na. 77) thinks that the Kingdom of Urartu might have been established in the reign of Ashurnasirpal II. Similarly. The inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II about his military activities in the environs of Lake Van make up the fundamental data from which many geographic locations have been determined. and prevails into the reign of Ashurnasirpal II. POLITICAL ORGANISATION IN URARTU The characteristics of political formations in the region and how they developed can easily be inferred from Assyrian written sources.0. In the Kurkh Monolith. inscriptions that narrate the battle between the Assyrian kings and the local forces are not few in number.19/98–102a). p. Russell (1984) implies that the Urartian Kingdom was established when Ashurnasirpal II was the king. corveé and labourers. The earliest written evidence concerning the process comes from Shalmaneser I’s records of 1274 BC.101. 25 Curtis and Tallis 2008. Finally he says that he dominated the land Nairi by force (Grayson 1991. yet this seems to depend on appointing local governors to collect tribute and taxes. 55.23 In fact. As shown on one of the bronze plates on the gates of Ashurnasirpal II in Balawat Mound25 (Band MM ASH II L2) (Fig. A. and lacking coordination.24 The same pertains to the records of Tukulti Ninurta II (890–884 BC). Few differences can be observed in relation to the area around Lake Van until the period of Ashurnasirpal II.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 27 5. Such a defence pattern can be considered unsuccessful because it was not centralised but disorganised. second line. The ashiret is not only a social but also a political union. it is not possible to say whether the words “Uratru” or “Uruatru” describe a monarchic system like a kingdom.22 6. In the records of Adad-nirari II. p.Mount Urina Be≥ikçi 1969. He also mentions that he imposed feudal duties. 23 22 . Ashirets have primitive military defence units. it is said that the region is under Assyrian control. 24 Diakonoff (1984. or a little earlier. Assyrian sources record different numbers of kings in Eastern Anatolia in order to clarify that these men were acting independently and did not confront the Assyrian army all together in one place. The first stage (see Fig. Ashurnasirpal II mentions that he appointed governors over the land Nairi. 36. 2008. Davies at al. 4) probably starts in the period of Shalmaneser I.

A. ÎabÌu.28 The geographical location of Tumme is quite problematic. A fragment of inscription reads as follows: “…With the help of the gods Samas and Adad. and most likely infantry (Grayson 1996.29 Most probably. A. Apparently. he describes Urinu Mountain and the region. ii 5b–36. 8–9) for other views on the historical geography of Tumme. in 882 BC.0. Furthermore. Aruni (and) Etini mountains are mentioned as huge and magnificent.101.101. (and) wine. Urina Mountain is located around Lake Van as well. against the troops of the lands Nairi. I thundered like the god Adad. In the records of Ashurnasirpal II. In the inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal II’s reign on the stone blocks that constitute the entrance to Ninurta Temple in Nimrud (Kalah).” 28 Grayson 1991. 30 Some of the annals of Ashurnasirpal II (Grayson 1991. the cities Surra. however.34 27 There is a long inscription on plaques as well. pp.101. p.500 warriors.32 “…from the kings of the lands Nairi chariots. In this inscription (Grayson 1991. however. mighty mountains.28/34b–42a). It seems it can be assumed that Urinu and Urina are the same mountain. A. the king repeats a certain pattern of writing. A. Saggs (1969. ii 2b–12a. i 1–9.101.0. Assyria took back dominion over the region by fighting against the Arameans. 1/col. A. the Urartian Army had 13. and the land Nibru. silver. See Çilingiroglu (1984.1/col. ii 2b–12a. Therefore. the records of Shalmaneser III tell that in the time of Aramu. A. the devastator. . 32 Grayson 1991. gold. A. it is recorded that the king conquered the mountains east of the Tigris.0. including cavalry. I passed through difficult paths (and) rugged mountains which were unsuitable for chariotry (and) troops and marched to the land Tummu.101. the Subaru. 95) suggests that a light cavalry force was for the first time introduced into the Assyrian Army by Urartians. I erected (it) in the city Tusan. Urinu.0. Tushan has been identified with modern Ziyaret Tepe in Diyarbakır. (and) Etinu. it is recorded that three significant campaigns to Nairi lands were organised during his reign.0.17/col. it is widely believed that it is located not far from Lake Van in Eastern Anatolia.19/85b–97) say that Arameans dominated the Nairi lands. oxen. was to the Nibru lands. sheep. I imposed corvée upon the lands Nairi. A.1/col.0. in which he narrates the campaigns to the north and west (Nimrud inscription).27 …I mustered my chariotry (and) troops. chariotry.0.51/11b– 26b).101. Arura.28 A. BATMAZ A relationship between Urina Mountain and Urartu country can be established in other written records of Ashurnasirpal II. ii 5b–36.102.0. Arunu. It is known that nomads are the masters of horse riding. p. their fortified city. (and) Arubê which lie between Mounts Urinu. I conquered Libê. ii 12b–15a.17/col. 34 Grayson 1991. 31 Grayson 1991. Within the narration of the campaigns to Tumme lands.101. 29 Salvini (1967. locates Tumme in the Revanduz region south of Lake Urmiye.101. A. horses. bronze casseroles. Abuqu.30 The first campaign mentioned in the records. 25).33 mules. 33 The Assyrian written sources indicate that horse breeding was practised to a remarkable extent in the Nairi land from the time of Tukulti Ninurta II up to Shalmaneser III. The king notes that he had attacked Nairi lands on a previous date:31 …Moving on from the land Nibru I approached the city Tusan…I made an image of myself in white limestone (and) wrote thereon praise of the extraordinary power and heroic deeds which I had been accomplishing in the Lands Nairi.1/col. the gods my supporters. and in the records of the first year.

A.19/63b–67a.3/29b–46.0. Grayson 1991.0. iii 92b–113a. A.0.1/col.0. and the king’s success in these campaigns must be considered due to the military and technological superiority of the Assyrian army. A.0.101. A.23/5b–12a.101. against the troops of the lands Nairi. A.0.1/col.0. So. the political system around Lake Van must have started to change in terms of military organisation.101.101.125b–131a. The king notes that he came to Nairi lands after crossing the Kasiiari Mountains (Mazı Mountains.iii 8b–iv13. A. Grayson 1991. 41 Grayson 1991.101. which started with Shalmaneser I and prevailed into the last 10 years of the period of Ashurnasirpal II. A.41 Eastern Anatolian geography is tremendously well suited to defence. I thundered like the god Adad. A. (and) turned into ruin hills 250 well fortified cities of the lands Nairi. A.101. A.101. iv 38b–50. the gods my supporters. 69–114) for arguments concerning the equivalence of Labturu and Lutupri. probably between 865 and 859 BC. the Subaru.0. It is not easy to determine the exact end of stage one. A. It seems that independent troops raised by regional/local leaders performed the territorial defence. destroyed. destroyed 250 cities and dominated the entire Nairi lands: …I have gained dominion over the entire extensive lands Nairi.0. A. the primary feature of stage one is weakness in the defensive military structure. A.35 …After crossing Mount Kasiiari I went down for a second time to the lands Nairi.40 …He (the king) conquered from the source of the River Subnat to the land of Urar†u.31/1–11.2/7b–17a. iii 118b–126a.17.1/col.101. 38 See Tarhan (1982.101. the devastator. ii 112b–118a.0.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 29 The second campaign to Nairi was in 879 BC. Since there was no co-ordination between the small political units.101. I reaped the harvest of their land (and) stored the barley and straw in the city Tusan.101. The lack of centralised and professional military troops was a prime consequence of this weakness.2/7b–17a.17/col.101. pp.0.26/14b–32a.101.0. 40 Grayson 1991. he slaughtered many (1400) warriors of Labturu.0. A. A. 36 35 .101. It cannot be denied that another significant reason is the negative conditions created by weak government in the region. ÎabÌu. A.0. I pitched camp (and) spent the night in the city Sigisu…36 …I razed. Mardin). Throughout the end of Ashurnasirpal II’s reign.28/col. ii 97b–100a.41/1–3a. The king says that after crossing the Kasiiari Mountains. 39 Grayson 1991. and the land Nibru.101. ii. A.1/col.39 …With the help of the gods Samas and Adad.0. The lack of a central commanding power (commander/ruler) led to independent military enterprises that lacked an overall plan. 37 Grayson 1991.19/79b–85a. and captured many (3000) more as prisoners. the defence of the chiefdoms in Lake Van basin was inadequate and weak and stood no chance against the Assyrian army.37 The third campaign took place in 866 BC.38 the son of Tupusu.

46 See n. The most solid proofs that stage three is a continuation In this paper. 151.43 The discipline of Assur-nasir-pal has slipped. the military started to be directed from the centre at this time. that is. The third stage (Fig. 5). BATMAZ The “Sultantepe Tablets”42 of Ashurnasirpal II’s successor. during the time of Shalmaneser III’s father. to determine whether the term is used for a cultural or ethnic group. 44 Lambert 1961. When Shalmaneser III reported that his father had lost control of the Lake Van basin. Livingstone 1989. 2 in this article. 6) continues on from this period of military reorganisation. and this might be the reason for Ashurnasirpal II’s failure against the people of the Lake Van basin. line 14. signal this development. he indirectly mentioned that Urartu had increased its military power and wondered about the effectiveness of Urartian soldiers during the war. Unfortunately we don’t have data to further detail this stage. in the way we use it now (ú-ra-ar-Áu). Shalmaneser III. it is thought that the political formation “Urartu” did not reach the level of constituting a kingdom in Eastern Anatolia in the period of Ashurnasirpal II. 44. It is problematic. nevertheless. The first appearance of the term “Urartu”. Nairi is on the march. with one leader planning joint movements. the translation of this line is as follows “Ashurnasirpal harnessed and mobilized the land Nairi…” 45 Benedict 1960. which had started in the last period of Ashurnasirpal II. line 13. the Urartians. p. The “King of Urartu Land and royal city”46 expressions in Shalmaneser III’s first year campaign (858 BC) signal that the grouping together of small formations had begun. an organisational model apparently first established in the military sphere. 151. These developments in the military domain marked a transformation taking place in the Lake Van basin and they were central to the transition period which should be considered stage two (Fig. 42 . More evidence for the new system derives from depictions of Shalmaneser III in different bands on the Balawat Gates. 102. whom Shalmaneser III mentions as king along with the royal city. with these lines: Now I am going to see how the Urarteans fight. however. it was possible to identify by name a more active opponent which was attempting to build unity. p. 43 Lambert 1961.30 A. p. It is understood from the edition of Livingstone 1989 that line 14 has been given by combining line 13. p. Since there is no mention of a king or royal city in the region in Shalmaneser III’s “Sultantepe Tablets”.44 As can be seen from this inscription. line 16.45 occurs during the time of Ashurnasirpal II. In the edition of Livingstone 1989. Lambert (1961) and Livingstone (1989) have been used for the translations of the “Sultantepe Tablets”. These formulations are considered the first written evidence for the establishment of a monarchic system that started with Aramu of Urartu. the next stage can be considered an extension of it. Ashurnasirpal II. In my opinion.

can these helmets be intended to indicate a uniform warrior profile in an army that has started to be commanded by one administrative centre? When written sources are taken into consideration.ta-a-a KUR-ud I captured Suguni[a]. A. A.47 In the short inscription on the lower register of band I. which was defeated by the Assyrians and is shown on bands I.102. A.65.102. One can accept the date of that relief as marking the 47 48 49 50 See Schachner (2007) for an overall examination of the Balawat Gates plaques of Shalmaneser III. or do the helmets of these warriors constitute a concrete cultural element? And second. Here. Grayson 1996. the city of Aramu of Urar†u. Grayson 1996. We have already mentioned that Urina Mountain. but the men have crested helmets and are shown on mountains (Fig.64.0. could be a mountain in the Lake Van basin.0.71. 10. and sometimes climb down mountains (Fig. 12).0. 11). The helmets that they wear and the helmets of the army of Aramu against which Shalmaneser III fought are different variations on the same crested helmets. the common characteristics of Urartian warriors are that they have crested helmets. carry small. Assyrian king Shalmaneser III notes that he conquered Aramu of Urartu’s city Sugunia: URU su-gu-ni-[a] sá-a-ra-me KUR ú-ra-ar.ta-a-a KUR-ud “The city of Aramu. I captured. is the crested helmet only a way for the artist who made this relief to differentiate the warriors of Nairi lands. The shields of the enemy warriors shown in the war of Ashurnasirpal II on Urina Mountain are not visible. . In the bands where the above lines appear.”50 While Assyrian inscriptions speak of a Urartian king named Aramu.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 31 of processes that began in stage two are in the annals of Shalmaneser III’s campaigns against Aramu of Urartu and his city on the famous reliefs on the gates. the second proposition does not conflict with the characteristics of the second stage as shown on the abovementioned relief of Ashurnasirpal II. Grayson 1996. the depictions show Aramu’s warriors.48 In the upper line of band II it says: ti-du-ku [(x x)] sá KUR ú-ra-ar-Áí [(…)] War against Land Urar†u [(…)49 In the upper line of band VII it says: URU sám-a-ra-me KUR ú-ra-ar. round shields which are embossed at the centre. 13). two questions must be raised: First. The war scenes depicted in the same bronze gate band correspond exactly with depictions of Aramu’s army. II and VII of the Balawat reliefs of Shalmaneser III (Figs 9.102. the Urartian. visible in one of the reliefs of Ashurnasirpal II at Balawat Mound.

He must have been the leader of the Îubuskia region.16/26b–27. king of the land Nairi and the remainder of his troops.56 Another inscription that narrates the same campaign mentions a Îubuskia king named Kaki: I moved my chariots (and) troops over (those paths and) approached the city Îubuskia. Grayson 1996. for example.0.2/col.102. Grayson 1996. II/2 A.16/181b–194.0. Grayson 1996. …At that time. Grayson 1996. B. (and) carried off booty from them.ii 16–18. A. A.0. Merhav 1991. In spite of the fact that no crested helmets were found in any Urartian fortresses. they can be seen with some Urartian artefacts. BATMAZ beginnings of the second stage. fig.102. A. and that means in the period when Aramu of Urartu and his city are mentioned.102. Grayson 1996.0.1/29b–33a. I waged mighty war in the mountains (and) defeated them…57 Kakia and Kaki should be understood to be the same person. the warrior statue from Toprakkale51 and the warriors described on some metal artefacts (Figs 14. Since no fortress belonging to the period of Aramu has so far been excavated. Grayson 1996.102.1/33b–40a. pl. massacred many of its (people). 12.102. became frightened in the face of the flash of my weapons and took to the rugged mountains (for refuge) …54 Moving on from the city Îubuskia I approached the city Sugunia. The third stage must be the continuation of the second: Aramu’s warriors wear crested helmets as well.6/col.2/col. A. which is located south of Lake Van. in my first regnal year53…I moved (my) chariots (and) troops over (these paths) (and) approached the city Îubuskia. 15)52 bear them. captured (it). p. local rulers had significant military power as well.55 Moving on from the city Sugunia.i 14b.0. I burned the city Îubuskia (and) all the cities in its environs. 137.0. A.32 A. I burned fourteen cities in its environs. the Urartian. A. Grayson 1996. When Shalmaneser III describes Aramu of Urartu and his own campaign to capture the fortified city Sugunia in the record of his first year. I climbed up the mountains after them.59 and Asia of 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 Barnett 1954.102. I besieged the city. Kakia (Kaki) the king of the city Îubuskia (and) the remainder of his troops became frightened in the face of my weapons and they ascended mountains (where) they fortified themselves. i 18b–23a. I went down to the sea Nairi. I burned the city Îubuskia together with 100 cities in its environs.102. A. he also mentions a leader named Kakia as the king of Nairi lands. Kakia.0. it is known through the king’s inscriptions that there were leaders such as Lalla of Melid. C. In addition. it is also within the bounds of possibility that helmets of this type have simply not yet been found. What is important here is that in all three stages the effectiveness of the local leaders is known and they play a notable role within the structure of Urartu lands.1/19b–29a.0.102. fortified city of Aramu.58 AnÌitti of Subria. I erected two towers of heads in front of his city. A. . in my accession year.

102.16/ 291–320. Grayson 1996. it is said that Assyrian king Shalmaneser III received a tribute from “king” Datana of Îubuskia in the campaigns dated 829 and 828 BC. Here. is the Lapturi who is mentioned in Assyrian sources. Although the cause of the shift in the monarchy and the associated cultural changes are not entirely explained. Foster 2005. took them from my own land… a military leader.62 It is possible to learn from Assyrian written sources that the significance of ashirets prevailed until the late periods of the kingdom.102. we must return again to the written sources. “Seduru. mountainous land…I assembled warriors. . A king on the Urartian throne. leaves an inscription of his own at Sardur Burç (Madır Burç) on the outskirts of Tushpa. it can be seen that the failure of Aramu’s power has brought with it cultural destruction as well.0. in times of danger they came together as allied forces. and did homage to me…. Therefore.61 Furthermore.102. speaks about Yanzu. In fact. the king of Urartu.0.63 With the emergence of a new king’s name.29/27–34a. in the Assyrian written sources. 159. A. vol. from Dada tribe of mine…I have despatched into the field military leaders. the replacement of crested helmets with cone-shaped ones comes first. Sargon II. the lands of Kulahini. col II.0.14/141b–146a. Îubuskia. in his eighth campaign records. p. 7). Yanzu.1. A. the Urartian”.0. Lutipri. Tarhan 1982. it is noted in the records of Shalmaneser III’s campaign of 856 BC that the 60 61 62 63 64 65 Grayson 1996. Where he declares his monarchy in the inscription in the Assyrian language.64 the fourth and last stage starts (Fig. A. pp. Meliki≥vili 1960. iii 34–45. 806.65) Although there is no written evidence directly about the cultural element. I arrived at the territory of Yanzu.6/col. 127. in the period of Sarduri I. he calls himself king of Nairi lands. it can be stated that there were regional polities in Eastern Anatolia besides Urartu lands and that these polities shared both friendly and hostile relations.1). 1. 69. For instance. came to my presence a distance of four double leagues from his royal capital.102. king of the Nairilands. 164. It is clear from inscriptions that these lands and Urartu lands were different and independent of each other. king of the Nairi-lands. A. (It has been suggested that this king’s father. it can also be said that ashirets continued after the Urartian kingdom was established and were effective in regional defence and government. (8. the annals of Urartian king Argisti I indicate that he had gathered warriors from some ashirets: …I assembled warriors…Through the greatness of god Îaldi before Dadi (tribe). whose father’s name is not Aramu. p. Grayson 1996. a local leader: …I set forth from the city U’ayis. however. Payne 2006.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 33 Daienu60 operating in the period of Shalmaneser III. p. This stage is marked by a change of monarchy and consequent changes in certain aspects of the culture.

79–96. 70 Dezsö 2001. 69 Belli 1998. or 2) he lost power as a result of a struggle with the Sarduri dynasty which would succeed him.70 Another cultural indicator is shields. BATMAZ Urartian king abandoned the royal city Arzaskun. in some of them it can be observed that Assyrian warriors are portrayed as taller than the fortification walls. the ashiret system was not Grayson 1996. Finally in the fourth stage. On Assyrian reliefs. Çilingiroglu (1994. Tarhan and Barnett support the idea that the power of Aramu was seized. it consisted of political groups combined under one ideological administration (king) but not a direct imperium. 67 66 . temples.66 It is quite possible that military activities such as these brought about the end of Aramu’s power. In the same inscription.69 In addition. 68 Tarhan 1978. this occurred around the middle of the ninth century and is impossible to ignore when we consider fortresses. 16). however. It should also be taken into consideration. there are cone-shaped helmets belonging to the period of Ispuini.71 Nonetheless. and Shalmaneser III announced himself as the conqueror of Nairi lands. Bernbeck (2003–2004.102. however. which was found at the Yukarı Anzaf fortress and dated to the Ispuini-Menua period.67 Such a setting must have resulted in administrative deficiencies and a monarchy gap in the region. it is evident that the existing culture would be damaged.20/3b–7a.34 A. The Assyrian king also destroyed many cities that were located in Urartu lands. On the basis of the body to shield ratio that was calculated from the depictions. 40) reminds us that the change of dynasty might have been occasioned by an agreement. fig. 61.0. p. the monarchy began to be associated with the policy of constructing fortresses. wear cone-shaped helmets (Fig. that ratios given in the depictions were not always realistic. p. The length of the shields recovered up until now varies between 60 and 120 cm (Fig. p. A. p. Two possibilities can be considered for stage four: 1) Aramu left the Urartian throne voluntarily.68 In either case. 314. pp. who was Sarduri’s successor. They point to evidence for this in the fact that the capital moved from Arzaskun to Tushpa and the father of Sarduri was not Aramu. as a matter of fact. The gods depicted on the Anzaf Shield. In the seventh and fifteenth years of Shalmaneser III. it is said that Aramu fled to Adduri (perhaps Eiduru) Mountain. 18). 71 There are some ideas contrary to this view. in some museums abroad there are cone-shaped helmets on which it is written that they are dedicated to Ispuini. Barnett 1982. Aramu warriors carry round shields which are embossed at the centre. no shields of less than 60 cm in diameter have been found at archaeological excavations. there were campaigns against Aramu. irrigation systems. and plans of integrated cities. 267) thinks that the kingdom before the seventh century BC was a segmented state without a solid monarch. No cone-shaped helmet from the time of Sarduri I has been found. however. records of achievements. According to Bernbeck. 17. but very small. the shields could not measure more than half a metre.

” in The Prehistory of the Balkans. pp. local ashirets and their warriors or troops could be found across the kingdom.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 80/2: 100–104. Rome. L. Vol. 2003–2004 “Politische Struktur und Ideologie in Urartu. 2. . who were subordinate to the central power. played an important role in constituting such a system. C. E. CRIBB. D.” Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran und Turan 35/36: 267–312.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 35 totally dissolved. 1991 Nomads in Archaeology. Mektep. which prevailed through the subsequent history of the region. and ROGAN. and the Middle East and the Aegean world. tenth to eighth centuries B. 1954 “The Excavations of the British Museum at Toprakkale.72 The central Urartian authority’s success in directing the ashirets must have been accomplished by acknowledging their political existence and giving them specific sovereignties. BERNBECK. 1982 “Urartian Art and Archaeology. (Cambridge Ancient History. pp. R. This tolerance. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2004 “The Urartian Fortress of Kevenli and the Cuneiform Inscriptions by King Menua Found There.” in Studi Micenei Ed Egeo-Anatolici. A. BE≤IKÇI. and commissioned by the army. 72 73 See Konakçı and Ba≥türk (2009. New York: Cambridge University Press. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat. I think that building a political framework which depended on ashiret principles and traditions. 1966 “A First Season of Excavations at the Urartian Citadel of Kayalıdere. O. Devlet: Osmanlı Devleti’nde A≥iret Mektebi. Near VanAddenda. BENEDICT.C. laid the ground for the ashirets in Eastern Anatolia today. I. pt. R. p. C. Vol. 2001 A≥iret. and included religious tolerance. 155–174. 1960 “Urartians and Hurrians.” Iraq 16/1: 3–22. BELLI. 3. BURNEY. 1998 Anzaf Kaleleri ve Urartu Tanrıları. BIBLIOGRAPHY AKPINAR. Commanders must have been borrowed from among the ashiret leaders. BARNETT. BELLI. Istanbul: E Yayınları.169–201) for the military structure of the Urartian Kingdom. pp. W. 382. O.73 The administration was guaranteed by dividing the ashiret lands into provinces and appointing their leaders as governors. Yakar 2007. As is confirmed in the inscriptions of both the Assyrian and Urartian kingdoms. 314–371. 1969 Dogu Anadolu’nun Düzeni: Sosyo-Ekonomik ve Etnik Temeller. Part I). M. H. Istanbul: Aram. R. 46. and SALVINI.” Anatolian Studies 16: 55–111. Cambridge.

1989 Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (State Archives of Assyira. Assyrian Periods. II (858-745 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. 1984 Urartu ve Kuzey Suriye: Siyasal ve Kültürel Ili≥kiler. 1961 “The Sultantepe Tablets: VIII. 1991 “Shields. ed. I. 3). Shalmaneser in Ararat (continued). Bethesda. J. Assyrian Periods. N. Maryland: CDL Press. J. Oxford.” Anatolian Studies 11: 143–158. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. N.. K. Y. A. 2003 Antropoloji Sözlügü. 2008 “Description of the Mamu Temple Gates. LIVINGSTONE. eds 2008 The Balawat Gates of Ashurnasirpal II. DEZSÖ. Vol. 1). B. 1991 Gürtelbleche aus Urartu (Prähistorische Bronzefunde. pp. C. and TALLIS.” Ancient West and East 8: 169–201. and TALLIS. 2009 Dogu Anadolu’da Demir Çag Yivli Keramik Gelenegi. WALKER.. Ü. Delmar: Caravan. KONAKÇI. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. L. edited by J. E.” in The Balawat Gates of Ashurnasirpal II. Ankara: Bilim ve Sanat. Jennings. BATMAZ CURTIS. EMIROGLU. S.” in Urartu: A Metalworking Center in the First Millennum BCE. 134–139. London. 1988 XVIII. MELIKI≥VILI. 2009 “Military and Militia in the Urartian State. G. MERHAV. 2). KELLNER. Curtis and N.36 A. 1984 Pre-history of the Armenian People (Anatolian and Caucasian Studies). LAMBERT. London. J. Izmir: Ege Üniversitesi Yayınları. pp. A. . 1987 Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia BC (to 1115 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. CURTIS. I (1114-859 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. 54–69. A. 2001 Near Eastern Helmets of the Iron Age (BAR International Series 992). T. FOSTER. B.. Band 3). Moscow. New York. G. Unpublished PhD diss. M. and AYDIN. Jerusalem: The Israel Museum. E. F. 3).. DAVIES. Ege University. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları. München. vol. A. HALAÇOGLU. Abteilung XII. Izmir: Ege Üniversitesi Yayınları. ERDEM. K. E. Vol. 2005 Before the Muses: An Anthology of Akkadian Literature. Merhav. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Tallis. Vol. H. GRAYSON. A. B. R. Assyrian Periods. 1960 Urartskie Klinoobraznye Nadpisi I. 1994 Urartu Tarihi. W. and BA≤TÜRK. Yüzyılda Osmanlı Imparatorlugu’nun Iskân Siyaseti ve A≥iretlerin Yerle≥tirilmesi. Translated by L. ÇILINGIROGLU. G.A. R. edited by R. 1991 Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC. E. 1996 Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC. DIAKONOFF.

und zentralasiatischer Kulturen im Umbruch vom 2. 1984 “Shalmaneser’s Campaign to Urartu in 856 BC and the Historical Geography of Eastern Anatolia According to the Assyrian Sources. Yüzyılda Uruadri ve Nairi Konfederasyonları. Istanbul University. vorchristlischen Jhartausend. 1996 Mezopotamya ve Eski Yakındogu (Atlaslı Büyük Uygarlıklar Ansiklopedisi 9). edited by A. 1967 Nairi e Ur (u) atri. H. Bis 26. 2006 Urartu Çiviyazılı Belgeler Katalogu. 23. ÖZER. zum 1. F. M. W. TARHAN. Akten des internationalen Kolloquiums Berlin. Roma. 1979 Urartu Krallıgı’nın Tarihsel ve Kültürel Geli≥imi. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat.” in Assyriens Könige an Einer der Quellen des Tigris: Archäologische Forschungen im Höhlensystem von Bırkleyn und am sogenannten Tigris-Tunnel (Istanbuler Forschungen Band 51). Schachner. 1982 “Urartu Devleti’nin ‘Kurulu≥’ Evresi ve Kurucu Krallardan ‘Lutipri-Lapturi’ Hakkında Yeni Görü≥ler. M. Parzinger. 1987 Osmanlı Imparatorlugu’nda A≥iretlerin Iskânı. pp. SAGGS. SALVINI. 13. RUSSELL. SEVIN. Eichmann and H. . König von Assyrien (Subartu 20). Unpublished PhD diss. 2007 Anadolu’nun Etnoarkeolojisi. 2009 “Die Assyrischen Königsinschriften An Der Tigrisgrotte. A. SCHACHNER. M. RADNER. Turnhout. November 1999.” in Migration und Kulturtransfer: Der Wandel vorder. 2009 Assyriens Könige an Einer der Quellen des Tigris: Archäologische Forschungen im Höhlensystem von Bırkleyn und am sogenannten Tigris-Tunnel (Istanbuler Forschungen. Tübingen: Ernst Wasmuth Verlag. Tübingen: Ernst Wasmuth Verlag. ROAF. pp. Riegel. H. YAKAR. H. Istanbul: Ileti≥im. A. edited by R. F. Istanbul: Eren. 1969 The Greatness that was Babylon: A Survey of the Ancient Civilization of the Tigris-Euphrates Valley. 357–369. London: Sidgwick and Jackson. K. Istanbul. 1978 M. 2001 “Continuity and Change from the Middle to the Late Assyrian Period. J. Bonn.Ö. Belgium: Brepols.172–202. Band 51). C.und kulturgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu den Verzierungen eines Tores aus Balawat (Imgur-Enlil) aus der Zeit von Salmanassar III. Istanbul: Homer.” Anadolu Ara≥tırmaları 8: 69–114.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 37 ORHONLU. M.” Anatolian Studies 34: 171–201. T. PAYNE. Unpublished Associate Professorship Thesis. translated by S. Ankara: Elips. 2007 Bilder eines Weltreichs Kunst. 2003 Dogu’da A≥iret Düzeni ve Burukanlar. V.

1 Territory of the Assyrian Empire in 13th and 12th century BC (Redrawn from Roaf 1996.) . 140. BATMAZ Fig.38 A.

) .WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 39 Fig. (Redrawn from Roaf 1996. 164. 2 The widest expansion of Shalmaneser III’s campaigns.

40 A. 3 The land of Urartu and neighbouring regions. BATMAZ Fig. .

WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU Fig. 4 Stage I (Specific features of the stage. 5 Stage II (Specific features of the stage.) 41 Fig.) .

) .42 A. BATMAZ Fig. 6 Stage III (Specific features of the stage. 7 Stage IV (Specific features of the stage.) Fig.

WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU Fig.60. (Curtis and Tallis 2008: 161.) 43 . fig. 8 A band fragment of Balawat Gate of Ashurnasirpal II-Door B/Band MM ASH II L2.

BATMAZ Fig. 9 Band I of Balawat Gate of Shalmaneser III-Door C. (after Schachner 2007: Taf.44 A.1) .

2) 45 . 10 Band II of Balawat Gate of Shalmaneser III-Door C.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU Fig. (after Schachner 2007: Taf.

7) . (after Schachner 2007: Taf. BATMAZ Fig.46 A. 11 Band VII of Balawat Gate of Shalmaneser III-Door C.

12 Detail from Balawat Gate’s band of Ashurnassirpal II-Door B/Band MM ASH II L2.) 47 . (Curtis and Tallis 2008: 161.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU Fig. fig.60.

) .48 A. 13 Some details Balawat Gate of Shalmaneser III-Door C. (adapted from Schachner 2007. BATMAZ Fig.

16 A bronze shield from Anzaf Fortress showing Urartian deties with conical helmet. 12) Fig.) Fig. 14 Depiction of an Urartian cavalier with crested helmet on a bronze belt fragment. (Merhav 1991. 136.WAR AND IDENTITY IN THE EARLY HISTORY OF URARTU 49 Fig. (Kellner 1991.) . 17. fig. (Belli 1998. 15 God with crested helmet. Fig. Tafel 88/447. Detail of bronze belt.

Çilingiroglu) . (Ayanis excavation achive.50 A. by permission of A. BATMAZ a b Fig. 17 Shields from Ayanis.

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