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‫‪۶‬‬

‫ﺳﻪﺷﻨﺒﻪ‬
‫‪ ۲۸‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ‪۱۳۸۶‬‬

‫ﻳﺎﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫ﮐﺎﺭﮔﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺩﺩﺍﺷﺖ‬

‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺩﮐﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪:‬‬

‫ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬

‫‪oŠ vKŽ‬‬

‫ﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ‬

‫ﻧﻘﺶﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖﺑﺎﺭﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬

‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻮﻩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺒﺶ ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﻀﺎﻳﯽ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻓﻘﻴﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻭﺳﺎﻳﻞ ﺍﺗﺎﻗﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺑﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﺩ ﻛﻬﻨﮕﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺶ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺘﻦ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺎ ﻭﯼ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺪﺗﯽ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﯽﻫﺮﺍﺳﻴﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﯽ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺘﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﻫﺮﺍﺱ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ‬

‫‪—uá UÐd œU d‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺮﺭﯼ ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﻦ ﻗﺴﻢ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻩﺍﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭﻩ ﻧﻴﺴــﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺮﻧﺴــﻴﭙﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺮﻓﺶ‪،‬‬
‫ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﯼ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﻛﯽ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﻴﺮﺟﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺳﺎﻃﺖ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺘﻘﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻦ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻃﺐ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺁﺭﺯﻭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﭘﺰﺷﻚ ﺷﻮﻡ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺠﻤﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻜﺪﻩ ﻃﺐ‬
‫ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻨﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻤﺎﺭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻧﺠﻤﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷﺘﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺟﻤﻼﺗﺶ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ »ﺧﺪﺍﻳﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺒﺮ«‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﺳــﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﻨﻴﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺯﺟﺮﺁﻭﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﯽ ﮔﻔﺖ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺴــﺮﺩﮔﯽ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﯽ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﺎﺩﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺍﻓﺴﺮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺘﯽ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺩﻭﺍﻡ ﺑﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺁﺧﺮ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺷـﻤﺎ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻔﺖ؟‬

‫ﻧﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻮﻻ ﻛﻢ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺣﺮﻑ‬
‫ﻧﻤﯽﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﺩﻥ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﺶ ﺳﺨﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﻮﺻﻠﻪ ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﯽﺗﺎﺑﯽ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻭ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺧﻮﻧﺒﻬﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻛﺸــﺘﮕﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳــﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻴﭗ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺷــﻌﺒﺎﻥ ﺟﻌﻔﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﻢ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺷــﻠﻴﻚ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺮﺱ ﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻣﺎ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ ﺳــﺎﻋﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻭ ﺳﺮﻫﻨﮓ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﯼ ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﯼ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﺮ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺎﻕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺳﺮﻳﻊ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻗﻀﺎﻳﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺳــﻴﺮ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺩﺭﺱ‬
‫ﻋﺠﻴﺒﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﮔﺮﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﻭﻳﺶﺧﺎﻥ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺗﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭ ﺯﺩﻥ‪.‬‬
‫ﺣﺴﺎﺳﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﻫﻮﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﺗﺎﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﻮﺵﺗﺎﻥ ﻧﺸــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺳــﻔﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺎﻥ ﭼﻪ ﻭﻇﻴﻔﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑــﻪ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨــﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺗﺒﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻡ‪.‬‬

‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮﻩ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﺿﻌﻒ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﯼ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺸﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﻭﯼ ﻣﯽﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻳﻚ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺧﺒﺮﯼ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ »ﺑﻮﺳﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﻠﻮﭖ« ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﮐﻪ ﻳﻚ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ‬
‫ﭼﺎﭖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺮﺍ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻨﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﻳﺪﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ؟‬

‫ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻋﺘــﺮﺍﻑ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛــﻪ ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴــﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﺩﻳــﺪﻩﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﻭﻳﮋﮔﯽﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺮﻑ ﺑﻴﺨﻮﺩ ﻧﻤﯽﮔﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﻧﻜﺘﻪﺳﻨﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺯﺩﯼ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﺱ ﻫﻴﭻ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﺍﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻻ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺤﻞ ﺗﺒﻌﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﯽﺗﻮﺟﻬــﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺭﻭﺳﺘﺎﻳﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺠﺎﻭﺯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺳﻒﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺴﯽ ﺿﺮﺭ ﻧﻤﯽﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ؟‬

‫ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻋﺼﺎﺏ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻳﻚ ﻣﻘﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﮊﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬
‫ﺭﻭﯼ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﻫﺴﺘﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﯽﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺭﺍﺩﯼ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻴﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻤﺎ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻳﺎ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ؟‬

‫‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﺮﻭ ﻣﺠﻠﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻴﻮﻳﻮﺭﻙ ﺗﺎﻳﻤﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺍﻭﻟﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪» :‬ﭘﺴــﺮ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﻩ ﺗﻜﻪ ﺗﻜﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ«‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﭘﺎﻳﻢ ﺳﺴﺖ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺷﻤﻦ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬
‫ﻋﻨﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﻭﺭﺯﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﻛﻴﻨﻪ ﻋﺠﻴﺐ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﯽ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﺭﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻢ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﺧﺒﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮﯼ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﺭﻭﺯﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ‪ ۲‬ﺯﺭﻫﯽ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺭﻓﺖ ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﻓﻌﻠﯽ ﺳﺮ ﺭﺍﻩ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺗﻮﻣﺒﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺻﻨﺪﻟﯽ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎ ﭼﻪ ﮔﻔﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﺩﺭﯼ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻳﺎﺩﻡ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﺮ ﻇﻬﺮ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺣــﺎﻝ ﻧﺎﻫﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺳــﺮ ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺷــﺪﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﮔﻮﺷﻪ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺝ‬
‫ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎﻻﯼ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺭﻓﺘﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺗﻮﺑﻮﺱ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺴﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﺒﻴﻪ ﭘﺪﺭ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﻳﮏ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ‪ ۱۴‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ؟ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﮔﺮﻳﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﮔﺮﻳﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ُﻣﺮﺩ ﺩﺳﺘﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷﺖ؟‬

‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ ۱۱‬ﺷــﺐ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺳــﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻤﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺗﻨﻔﺴﯽ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﻧﺮﻳﺰﯼ ﻣﻌﺪﻩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺎﺭﯼ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻴﻢ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺣﺎﻻ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻢ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻢ ﻋﻤﺮﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽﺍﺵ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻟﺬﺗﯽ‬
‫ﻧﺒﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞﻫﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻦ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﺐ ﺑﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺷﺪﻳﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺑﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺁﺩﻡ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻟﺒﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻟﺬﺗﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫‪‚bB bL× vK X Ëœ tMOÐU‬‬

‫ﺁﺏ ﺩﺭ ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺍﺷﻚ ﻭ ﻏﻢ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻋﺒﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﻮﺍﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﻪ ﺭﻭﺯ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﭙﻴﻤﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﯼ‬
‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ‪ ۲۶‬ﻭ ‪ ۲۷‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﺍﺳﻢﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪﺍﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺪﯼ‬
‫ﺳﻄﺤﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺘﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﻛﺴﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻋﺪﻩ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﯼ ﻟﻤﭙﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻧﯽ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻭﻧﺪﯼ ﻭ‪ ..‬ﻣﻌﻠﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺣــﺰﺍﺏ ﻃﺮﻓــﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑــﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﺳﻴﺪﺭﺿﺎ ﺯﻧﺠﺎﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺳﻮﻡ ﻣﻘﺪﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪۵۷‬‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺩﻛﺘــﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣــﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻳــﻚ ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻓــﺮﺍﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻃﺮﺍﻑ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻴﭽﻜــﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺷﺘﻬﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺭﻭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ ﺍﺻﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺮﻑ ﺯﻭﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻧﻤﯽﺭﻓﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣــﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠــﺐ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﯼ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝﺧﻮﺍﻩ ﻳﻘﻴﻨﺎ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺗﻤﯽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺘﺎﻭﺭﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺑﯽﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻳﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎﻳــﺪ ﺍﻧﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﻪ ﺧــﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﮔﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺟﺪﻳﺪﯼ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫‪v¹Uł— U{dOKŽ‬‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺭﻛﻮﺭﺩﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﯽ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺪﻑ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻣﺪﻧﯽ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷــﺪ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﮔﻨﺠﺎﻳﺶ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻞ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﮕﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ‬
‫ﻭ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﺍﻧﺤﻼﻝ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸــﻜﻼﺕ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺑــﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﯼ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺷﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﯽﺟﻨﮕﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺭﺍﺿﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻛﻠﻜﺴــﻴﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺧﻴــﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩﻣﯽ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﻭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺷﻴﺦﻓﻀﻞﺍﷲ ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢﻗﺮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭼﻪ‬

‫‪Ê«œUЬ ÁU~A¹ôUÄ “« fOK~ « Ë Ê«d¹« XH X d v OK~ « ÊUM —U ÃËdš‬‬

‫ﺧﺴﺮﻭ ﺳﻴﻒ‪ :‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﯼ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺯﻳﺎﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺟﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺤﺚ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼﻴﺰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺭﻳﺨﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻠﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳﻠﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ‬
‫»ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ« ﺍﺯ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺳﺪ »ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﻭﻗﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﯽ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ؟ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻳﺖﺍﷲ ﻛﺎﺷﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﺟﻮﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮﯼ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ «.‬ﻫﻨﺪﺭﺳﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺷﺤﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻼﺀ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺜﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ‬
‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﯼﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻌﺎﺭ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺭﺍﺳــﺘﺎ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۵‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺑﺨﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺮﺍﺱﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﺸﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺪﺕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﺳﻢ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﺸــﻨﺞ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻫﻢ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻧــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺫﻫﻨﯽ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﻊ‬
‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﺣﺮﻓﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﻴﻦ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺳﻠﻄﻨﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺗﺸﺮﻳﻔﺎﺗﯽ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺜﻼ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺪﺕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻠــﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺪﻣﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺳﻄﺢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﺶ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﭘﺎﻳﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺎﺁﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﯼﻫﺎﯼ‬

‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻗﻮﯼ ﻭ ﺩﻟﻨﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﻜﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕــﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺟﺬﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻘﺮﻳﺒﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ ﻣﻨﻈﻤﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﯽﺍﻧﺼﺎﻓﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺪﻧﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺟﺪﺍ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺿﺮﺑــﻪﺍﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﺯﻫــﺎ ﺧﻮﺭﺩﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﺲ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻛﺎﻓﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﯽﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﭼﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝﻣﺨﻔﻴﮕﺎﻩﻣﯽﺭﻓﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺁﺩﻡ ﺑﯽﻧﻈﻴﺮﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﻳﺨﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺎﺧﻪ‬
‫ﻧﻈﺎﻣﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﻭﻗﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﭼﭙﯽﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﺿـﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ »ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻔـﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ« ﭼﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ‬
‫ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺣﺎﺋﺰ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺪﻳﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺳــﯽ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷــﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻧﺘﺸــﺎﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺩﺧﺎﻟﺖﻫــﺎﯼ ﺑﯽﺭﻭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺭﻧﺠﺎﻧﺪ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺘﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻴﺰ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺗﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺯﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻴﻤﻪﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﺮﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﯽ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﻘﻴﻘﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩﺍﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﮔﻤﺮﻛﯽ ﻛﺎﻻﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻛﺎﺭﻣﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞﺗﻮﺟﻬﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻋﻮﺍﺭﺽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻌﺎﻑ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪﺗﺒﻊ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﺑﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪.‬‬
‫‪v U sO Š ∫ÕdÞ‬‬

‫×‪t¼ô tÐ dHÝ —œ gÖ—eЗbÄ —UM —œ ‚bB œuL‬‬

‫ﭘﺪﺭﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺷﻤﺎ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺩﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻋﺘﻘﺎﺩ ﺷﺪﻳﺪﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﯽﺑﻴﻨﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﻻﺍﻗﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺩﻡﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻛــﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺩﻳﺎﻧﺖ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻨﺪﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺻﻼ‬
‫ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺧﺪﺍ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﻠﻤﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺛﺮﻭﺗﺶ ﺍﻫﻞ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﻑ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺬﺍﻳﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﺁﺩﻣﯽ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﺳﺮﺍﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻧﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻏﺬﺍﯼ ﺍﻭ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﻗﺮﻳﺐ ﺑﻪ ‪ ۵۷‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺭﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺿﺪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺟﺪﺍﻝ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻋﻄﻔﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ‬
‫ﮔﺮﺍﻣﻴﺪﺍﺷــﺖ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺍﺳــﻔﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﯼ ﺳﺨﻦ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻮﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽﮔﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻨﺸﻴﻨﻴﻢ؛ ﻛﺴﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ‪۷۹‬ﺳﺎﻟﮕﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﺎﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺑﯽﺍﻣﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻴﻬﻦ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﻤﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻃﺎﻗﺖﻓﺮﺳﺎ ﻧﺸﻮﻳﻴﺪﻩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻋﻠﯽﺍﮐﺒﺮ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﻓﺮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻼﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺭﺷــﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮑﺪﻩ ﻓﻨﯽ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۰‬ﻭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺳﯽ ﺯﻟﺰﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ‬
‫»ﻭﺍﺳﺪﺍ«ﯼ ﺗﻮﮐﻴﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۶۰‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻴﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭﯼ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﯼ ‪ ۱۳۳۲‬ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۳۳۴‬ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﮐﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺗﺎ ‪ ۱۳۴۱‬ﺑﻪ ﻓﻌﺎﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻤﺎﻧﯽ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﺗﺎ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۵۷‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻓﺘﺮ ﻓﻨﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ‪۵۷‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻌﻴﻦﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻤﺖﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻭ‬
‫ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﯼ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻬﻨﺪﺱ ﻣﻬﺪﯼ ﺑﺎﺯﺭﮔﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻭﻛﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﯼ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﯽ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻋﻬﺪﻩﺩﺍﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﻴﻦﻓﺮ ﺩﺭ ﮔﻔﺖﻭﮔﻮﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻧﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺳﺨﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺕ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻭﻝ ﻭﺭﻭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﺁﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﺥ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺩ؟‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻪ ﻛﺴﯽ ﺣﺮﻑ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ؟‬

‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺧﻮﺩﺵ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻛﺴﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﺟــﺎﺯﻩ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻠﻌﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺪ ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‬
‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﯽ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﺖ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩﺍﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻩﺍﯼ ﻣﻮﺍﺭﺩ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺑﻄﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻏﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﻴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺗﻴﻚ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺧﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭﯼ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﮕﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺿﺮﺑﻪﺍﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺿﺮﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﺍﺭﺗﺠﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﺘﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺁﻥ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺜﻞ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻜﻼﺕ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺷﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻃﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﻮ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺤﻮﯼ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺎﻧﺶ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺳﻮﺍﻝ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﻴﻢ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻴﻢ‬
‫ﻗﺮﻥ ﭼﺎﻟﺶﺑﺮﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﺍﺳﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻔﺎﻫﻢ ﻧﺮﺳــﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﺯﻧﺪ ﺭﻭﺣﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﺟﺴــﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﻏﺮﺑﯽﻫﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﻫﻢ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺍﺯ ‪۵۰‬‬
‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻠﯽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺗﺎﺑﻮ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻃﻮﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﻧﻤﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﭼﺎﭖ‬
‫ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺻﺪﺍ ﻭ ﺳﻴﻤﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺷﺪﻥ ﻗﻀﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺷــﻴﻮ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﭘﺨــﺶ ﻧﻤﯽﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻥ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺧﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﺎ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺷﺄﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ‪-‬‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﺎ ﺫﻳﻞ ﭘﺮﻭﮊﻩ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺧﻠﻊ‬
‫ﻳﺪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻋﻤﺪﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﯼ ﺳﺎﺯﺵ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺮﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﺍﺕ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﺷﻤﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻟﺠﺒﺎﺯﯼ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸــﻪ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻫﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﻠﻊ ﻳﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ‪،‬‬
‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﺐ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺯﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻥ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺣﺴﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻭ ﻛﺘﺎﺑﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺭﺳﻴﺪﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺤﻮﻳﻞ ﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺎ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺻــﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻭ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﯼ ﻣﺼﻤﻢ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﻃﺮﻑ ﺳﺎﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺗﺴﺎﻫﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻁ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﯼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴــﺌﻠﻪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻪ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﺸﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﺵ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ« ﺻﻮﺭﯼ ﻭ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻛﺎﻏﺬ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﯼ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺣﺰﺏ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻢ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺮﺩﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﭙﺲ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻣﺸﻜﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺒﻨﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺍﻣﺎﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺖ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻤﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺁﻥ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﮔﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ )ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ( ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻡ ﺩﻫﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻳﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۲۸‬ﻣﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺗﻌﺒﻴﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ؟‬

‫ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳــﻴﻮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺒﺎﻟــﻎ ﻛﻼﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤــﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋﺪﻡﺍﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﺳﻬﺎﻣﯽ ‪ ۴۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﻴﺶ ﭘﺘﺮﻭﻟﻴﻮﻡ )‪ (BP‬ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺎﺑﻘﯽ ﺳﻬﺎﻡ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽ ﻭ ﻫﻠﻨﺪﯼ ﺗﻘﺴﻴﻢ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﯼ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﻳﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﻧﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﻫﻢ‬

‫‪fOK~ « Ë Ê«d¹« XH X d ÈuKÐUð ÊbOA sO¹UÄ‬‬

‫ﺍﺧﻴﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸــﻐﻮﻝ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺭﻭﯼ ﭘــﺮﻭﮊﻩﺍﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ‬
‫ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۱۹۵۳‬ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻢ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﺑﺎﺭ ﮐﻪ ﺟﺰﺋﻴﺎﺕ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﮕﯽ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﻳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﻮﯼ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻢ ﺍﺷﮏ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﻳﻢ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﻧﺴــﻞ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻦ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﻫﻨﻮﺭ ﺯﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻡ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺟﺎﻳﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻡ‪،‬‬
‫ﮐﺴﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ »ﺑﺘﯽ« ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮ ﺷﺪﻡ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫‪vMO « U³¹d‬‬
‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﻳﯽ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﻭ ﻣﯽﺷﺪﻡ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﮐﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﯽﺭﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺻﻮﻝ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺗﻴﮏ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺗﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺍ ﺑﺮﻣﯽﺍﻧﮕﻴﺨﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻮﺭﻕ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﻗﻴﻖ »ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺼﺎﻥ ﮐﺎﺭﮐﺸــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺯﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩ« ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺑﺰﺭﮒ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎ‪ -‬ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳــﺮﻧﮕﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﻣﻬﻤﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺎﻣﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺫﻫﻦ ﺧﻄﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ :‬ﺯﺍﻫﻨﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻠﺒﺮ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ‪ .‬ﺭﺍﺑﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﻫﻨﺮ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻠﮑﺮﺩﻩ ﺁﮐﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻓﺎﺭﺳﯽ ﻣﺴﻠﻂ ﺑﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﮐﻪ ﻓﺮﺩﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺬﻫﺒﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻮﺍﺩﻣﺨﺪﺭ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮑﻞ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺨﻔﯽ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢ ﺍﻃﻼﻋﺎﺗﯽ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﻧﺎﻟﺪ ﻭﻳﻠﺒﺮ– ﮐﻪ ﻣﺪﺭﮎ ﺩﮐﺘﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺷﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻌﻤﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ– ﻣﺪﺗﯽ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻃﯽ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﻡ‬
‫ﮐﺎﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﮑﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ‪ –OSS‬ﺧﻠﻒ ﺳــﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳــﻴﺎ ‪ –CIA‬ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺭﻭﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ« ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ؛ ﻭﯼ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊﺗﺮﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻠﮕﺮ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺕ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻄﻮﺡ ﺑﺎﻻ ﮐﺎﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻫﻤﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻳﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﯽ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻫﻴﭻ‬
‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﯽ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺳﺘﻔﻦ ﮐﻴﻨﺰﺭ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺘﺎﺏ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» :‬ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺴﻦ ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ‬
‫ﺁﺗﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ ﺩﺳﺘﻮﺭ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﮐﺎﻡ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﯽﺁﻏﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﺭﻓﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺻﺮﻑ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻮﺍﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻮﺿﻊ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭﻝ‪» ،‬ﺁﻥ‪ .‬ﮐﯽ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺗﯽ ﺳﻔﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻃﯽ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﯼ ﺳﭙﺲ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﻳﺴﻮﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ »ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗﯽ« ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﯽﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ‪ -‬ﮐﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺏ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﻗﺼﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻳﺮ ﮐﺸﻴﺪﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ -‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﺬﺍﮐﺮﻩ ﺟﺪﯼ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﻧﻮﺍﻣﺒﺮ ‪۱۹۵۱‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻦ ﺭﺍﻩﺣﻞ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻖ ﺯﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﮐﻪ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺍﻥﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺭﮎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﮐﻠﻴﺪﯼ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺍﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻣﺴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎﯼ ‪ ۱۹۵۳‬ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﯽﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﮑﺎﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺷــﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﻳﮏ ﺧﻄﺮ ﻣﯽﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺖ! ﺑﻠﻪ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺮﺹﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﻭ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﻮﻃﺌﻪﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﺎﻳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋــﺎﺕ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﯽﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﮑﻪﺩﺍﺭ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﺣﻴﺜﻴﺖ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﮐﺮﺩﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ‬
‫ﺳﻮﺀﺍﺳــﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﺷﻮﻩ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺪﺕ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩﯼ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﮐﻮﺷﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؟ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺳﺎﻳﺮﻳﻦ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺰﺩ‬
‫ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻭﯼ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻫﻮﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ؟ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﮐﻪ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﯼ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻣﺜﻞ ﺍﻭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﮊﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺯﺍﻫﺪﯼ ﻓﺮﺩﯼ ﺑﯽﺳﻮﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺮﻣﯽ ﺣﺮﻳﺺ‪،‬‬
‫ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻧﺎﺯﯼﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻳﮏ ﺯﻧﺎﮐﺎﺭ ﺣﺮﻓﻪﺍﯼ ﻭ ﻳﮏ ﻗﺎﺗﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ‪) .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺘﻞ ﺍﻓﺸــﺎﺭ ﻃﻮﺱ– ﺭﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﺷﻬﺮﺑﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ(‪ .‬ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﻩﺍﺵ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﺑﻘﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﮐﺎﻓﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﺩﺍﺵ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻼﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﮐﻮﺩﺗﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﯼ ﺷﺮﺍﻓﺘﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺖ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﮑﻤﻪ ﺳﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﯽ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺷﻐﺎﻝ ﮐﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۵۳‬ﺭﺋﻴﺲ ﮐﺮﺳﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺪﺭﮐﯽ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﮔﺎﻫﯽ ﺍﻭﻗﺎﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺠﺒﻢ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻬﺎﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﮐﺎﺩﻣﻴﮏ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﮎ ﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬
‫ﮐﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﺘﺎﺳﻔﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺎﺗﻴﺪ ﺍﻭ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺧﻼﺹ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﮏ ﻣﺮﺩ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺭﺍﺣﺘﯽ ﻣﯽﮐﺸﻴﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﺪ‬
‫ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻣﺮﮒ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺎﻧﻪﺍﺵ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﻳﮑﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﺭﻡ‪ ،‬ﮐﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻌﺪﻭﺩ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﻳﯽ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﺎﮔﻮﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻳﺰﻧﻬﺎﻭﺭ ﺩﺭﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﮐﻤﮏ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ -‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﺶ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ ﻭﺣﺸﺘﻨﺎﮐﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻀﻴﻘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ -‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺗﺎ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺟﺒﻬﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﯼ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺸﮑﻴﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪» .‬ﻧﺎﻧﺴﯽ‬
‫ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﺎﺕ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺘﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﺪﺍﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺪﺍﺭﺝ ﻋﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﻳﮑﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﺘﻮﻧﯽ ﺍﻳﺪﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﺪ«‪» .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﻘﻴﺪﻩ ﺍﻭ‪ ،‬ﺣﻤﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﻗﻀﺎﻭﺕ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺣﺎﮐﻢ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻓﻠﺞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺪ«‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻴﻨﺎﻣﻪﺍﯼ ﮐﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪ ‪ Durham Middle east‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۱‬ﻣﻨﺘﺸﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩﺍﯼ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﻭ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﺸﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻭ ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﻩ ﮐﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﺗﺮﺳﻴﺪ؟ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬
‫ﮐﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﮑﻴﭙﺪﻳﺎ ﺫﻳﻞ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻭ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪» :‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻧﻘﺶ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺮﻳﺘﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻀﻌﻴﻒ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﻭﻓﺴﻮﺭ ﺁﺭ‪.‬ﺳﯽ‪ .‬ﺯﺍﻫﻨﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﺁﮐﺴﻔﻮﺭﺩ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻋﻤﻠﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎﯼ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﮐﻤﮏ ‪ ،CIA‬ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﺷﺪ ﺷﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ«‪.‬‬
‫ﭼﻪ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻓﺮﺩﯼ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﮔﻔﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻧﺼﺎﻳﺢ ﺑﯽﺧﺮﺩﺍﻧﻪﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺎﻻﻳﯽ‬
‫ﭼﻮﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﯼ ﻭ‪ ...‬ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ؟ ﻣﻦ ﻣﻌﺘﻘﺪﻡ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻴﻘﺎ ﭘﻴﭽﻴﺪﻩﺍﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؛‬
‫ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺷﺨﺼﯽﺍﯼ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺣﺴﺎﺱ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺸﯽ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺗﺎ ﻓﺮﺩﯼ ﮐﻪ ﻻﻳﻖ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﻣﻠﺘﺶ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﭼﻴﺰﻫﺎﻳﯽ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﻳﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﻳﯽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮐﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ‪ ۵۵‬ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣﺎﺩﺛﻪ ﺷﺮﻡﺁﻭﺭ]ﺳﻘﻮﻁ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ[ ﻭ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﯼ ﺭﮊﻳﻢ ﺷﺎﻩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺣﮑﻮﻣﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﭘﺎﮎ ﮐﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺻﻔﺤﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻳﮏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﺣﺘﺮﺍﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺗﻈﺎﻫﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﺠﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺗﺼﺎﻭﻳﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻤﺒﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﮐﻨﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﭘﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﭼﺮﺍ؟ ﻳﺎ ﺣﺲ ﺑﺮﺗﺮﯼﺟﻮﻳﯽ ﻭ‬
‫ﺣﺮﺹ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷــﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﻢ ﻧﺸﻮﻧﺪ؟ »ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽﮔﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎﮎ ﻭ ﺿﺪﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻟﺤﻈﺎﺕ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﯽﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻣﻌﻤﻮﻻ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﺍﺻﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﮐﺮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﺣﺪﺍﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﻳﮑﻮﺕ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ‬
‫ﻻﺯﻡ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻣﻠﻪ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ«‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﻴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺸﻮﺭﺗﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺯﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﺎﺑﻮﺩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺷﮏ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﮎ ﻣﯽﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮐﺘﺎﺏﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﻮﺯﻩ ﺗﺨﺼﺼﯽ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ‬
‫ﭼﻴﺰﯼ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭼﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺯﺑﻮﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﮑﺎﻥ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺯﻳﺴﺘﻦ ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺑﻠﮑﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﻣﯽﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﯼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳﯽ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻳﮏ ﺩﻳﮑﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﯼ ﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﮐﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﺟﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩﯼ‬
‫ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﮐﻨﺎﺭ ﻣﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﮐﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺟﻮﺭﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺸــﺎﻭﺭﻩ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻳﮏ ﭼﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﻌﺮﻭﻑ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‬
‫ﭘﺮﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﯼ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻀﻮ ‪ MI۶‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬
‫ﻣﺸﺎﻭﺭ ﻳﮏ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻋﺎﻟﯽ ﺭﺗﺒﻪ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﻭ ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﭘﻞ ﻭﻟﻔﻮﻭﻳﺘﺰ ﺑﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﮏ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻣﻨﺪﮔﯽ ﺭﻫﺎ ﮐﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﺩ ﻣﺪﻋﻮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻨﻴﺎﺩ »ﺁﻣﺮﻳﮑﻦ ﺍﻳﻨﺘﺮﭘﺮﺍﻳﺰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﺵ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﮐﺎﺥ ﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺯﻣﺰﻣﻪ ﮐﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻨﮑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻣﻮﮐﺮﺍﺳــﯽ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻟﮕﻮﯼ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﻣﻴﻨﻮ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺨﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﻃﻌﻨﻪﺁﻣﻴﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﺭﺩ ﻟﻮﺋﻴﺲ ﻭ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻳﮑﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﭼﻨﺪﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﺮ ﮐﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻤﮑﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺯﻳﺮﮎ ﻧﻤﯽﺩﺍﻧﻢ‪ .‬ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﻓﮑﺮﯼ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﮐﺎﻣﻼ‬
‫ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﺳﻮﺀﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺧﺮ ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﮐﺸﻮﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﮐﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‪ ،‬ﺁﻥ ﻟﻤﺒﺘﻮﻥ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻤﺒﻞ ﺍﺭﺯﺵﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﺧﻼﻗﯽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺩﻋﺎ ﮐﻨﺪ ﮐﻪ ﻳﮏ‬
‫ﻣﺴﻴﺤﯽ ﻣﺨﻠﺺ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺗﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﺁﺷﮑﺎﺭﯼ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ »ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻝ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﻭ »ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻗﻄﻌﺎ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻋﻬﺪﻩ ﮐﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﮐﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻨﺤﺮﻑ ﻭ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﻨﻄﻘﯽ‬
‫ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﮐﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﻓﺎﺟﻌﻪﺁﻓﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﺿﻌﻴﺖ ﻓﻌﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﯼ ﺑﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎﺕ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺁﻧﻬﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﻧﮕﺎﻩ‬

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‫‪dOÄœdš vKŽ‬‬
‫ﻧﺎﺯﻝﺗﺮ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮﺣﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﮕﺸﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﺮﺩﻩﮔﻴﺮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﯽ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻴﺰﺍﻥ ﺳﻬﻤﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ‪ ۵۰-۵۰‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪﻩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍﻳﺞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻧﺸﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻎ ﻏﺮﺍﻣﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭘﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺳﻴﻞ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﯼ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻣﯽﺑﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﺴﺮﺳﻴﻮﻡ ﻫﻢ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻌــﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﺗﺎ ﺁﺳــﻤﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﻕ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ‬
‫ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﺪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﻧﻴﻔﺘﺎﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﻋﺪﻡﺍﻟﻨﻔﻊ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﻨﺒﻪ ﺗﺰﺋﻴﻨﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺣﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻘﺪﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﻦﻃﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﯽﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ ‪Anglo Iranin Oil Company‬‬
‫ﻭ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻴﻠﯽ ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺣﻠﺐﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻨﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ ﻣﯽﺷﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ‪ BP‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﻔﻒ ‪ British Petroleum‬ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﻴﻮﻩﺍﯼ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻎ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺑﻨﺰﻳﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﺱ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ!‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺮﺗﻴﺐ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﻭ ﻣﺘﻤﺮﻛﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻣﯽﺟﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻳﺐ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺁﻗـﺎﯼ ﻣﻬﻨـﺪﺱ! ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑـﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﻟـﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻞ ﻃﺮﺍﺣﯽ ﺷـﺪﻩ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﺳـﺎﺱ ﻳﻚ ﺿﺮﻭﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﺗﺎ ﭼﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻃــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮﺽ ﻛﺮﺩﻡ ﻫﺪﻑ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑــﻪ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺟﻨﺒﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﺤﻮﺭ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ‬
‫ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻧﺶ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯ ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﻛﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﻮﻳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﺪﻑ‪،‬‬
‫ﺍﺑﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺭﺷﻴﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻠﻚ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺎﺭ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺗﺎ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﯼ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﯽ ﺳﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﯼ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺧﺎﺋﻨﺎﻥ ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﺎﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ‬
‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺛﺮ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣــﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﯽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﺮﺳﺶ ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺩﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻳﻌﻨﯽ ﭼﻪ؟ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺘﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺘﯽ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﯽﻣﻌﻨﯽﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﯼ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺯﻳﺮﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺎﻛﻴﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻫﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻜﯽ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺼﺎﺭﻑ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻣﺤﺾ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺤﺚ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻠﯽ ﻏﻴﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺎﻡ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻌﻨﯽ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩﻳﺘﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﺼﺮﻑ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺗﯽ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻢ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻫﻨﮕﻔﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﯽ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺵ ﻣﺘﺎﺛﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ؛ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺜﺒﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺨﺮﺏ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺴﻞ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻭ‬
‫ﺁﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺻﺮﻑ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺳﻔﺮﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﯼ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻬﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﻃﺮﺡ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﭘﯽﺭﻳﺰﯼ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﻢ‬
‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﻣﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺿﻌﻴﻒ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﯼ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺝ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺒﻠﻎ ﻧﺎﭼﻴﺰﯼ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﻣﯽﻛﺮﺩﻳﻢ ﺧﻮﺷــﺤﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻛﺎﺭﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺰﺍﻧﻪ ﺧﺎﻟﯽ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﻭﺑﻪﺭﻭ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﻧﺨﺴﺖﻭﺯﻳﺮﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻛﺸﻤﻜﺶﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﻻﻫﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﭼﻨﺎﻥ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﯽ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﺭﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻃﺮﺡ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺛﻤﺮ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺣﺘﯽ‬
‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺻﺎﺩﺭﺍﺕ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺣﻞ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺏ ﺗﺤﻤﻞ‬
‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺎﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﺮﺽ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻭﺩﯼﻫﺎ ﺣﻞ ﻧﻤﯽﺷﺪ ﺑﻪﻃﻮﺭ ﻗﻄﻊ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻢ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺗﺤﺮﻳﻢ ﺧﺮﻳﺪ‬
‫ﻧﻔـﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺰﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﻣـﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﻣﺪﺕ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺘﯽ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬
‫ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻗﻮﺍﻡﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻗﺖﻧﻈﺮ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺯﻳﺮﺑﻨﺎﻳﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ‬
‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻟﺤﺎﻅ ﻧﺸﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮﭼﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺟﺎﻝ ﺩﭼﺎﺭ ﻓﺴﺎﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﮔﻪﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻭﻃﻦﭘﺮﺳــﺘﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﻗﻴﻘﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻔﻜﻴﻚ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺟﺎﺭﯼ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻧﻪ‬
‫ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻨﺤﻞ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﺟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻮﻝ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﻴﺴﻪﺍﯼ ﮔﺸﺎﺩ ﺑﺪﻝ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻌـﺪﻭﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻓـﺮﺍﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪﺷـﻤﺎﺭ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﻭﺍﺭﻭﻧﻪ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﺳﻨﺎﺩ‬
‫ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺖ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺷـﻤﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺷـﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ‬
‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﭼﺸﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﯽﮔﺮﺩﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻘﺪ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺟﻨﺎﺑﻌﺎﻟﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﭼﻴﺴﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻭﻻ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎ‬
‫‪۸۰‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﯽ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺛﺎﻧﻴﺎ ﻛﺴﺎﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﻈﺮﺍﺗﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ‬
‫ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﻝ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻨﺎﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﺎﻩ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎﻳﯽ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﯼ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﭙﺎﻧﯽ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﯼﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ‬
‫ﻭ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻦﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻳﺎ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺠﻮﺯ ﺣﻔﺎﺭﯼ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺣﻔﺮ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺨﺶ‬
‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﯽﭘﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻟﺘﯽ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻌﻨﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻳﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺯﻳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻨﯽﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺨﺮﺩ ﻭ ﭘﺲ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪﻭﺳﻴﻠﻪ ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺲ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺳﺘﺤﺼﺎﻝ‬
‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻦ ﺍﺻﻼ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻤﯽﺷﻮﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩ ﭼﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬
‫ﮐﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺘﯽ ﺩﺭﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‬
‫ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻖ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪﻋﻨــﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﯽ ﺩﻭﺭ‬
‫ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻚ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺯﻭﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﺎﺣﺐ ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪،‬‬
‫ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﻈﺎﺭ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﺪ ﺑﻪﺟﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻏﺮﺑﯽ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﯽﺳﭙﺎﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ -‬ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺎﻟﻚ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻉ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺣﻖﺍﻻﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﯼ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻛﺎﻓﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺻﺤﺒﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽﺳﺎﺯﯼ‬
‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﮔﺬﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﯽﺧﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻗﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺤﺚ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬
‫‪ ۵۰‬ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﯼ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﺩﯼ ﺧﺎﺹ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺯﻣﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭﯼ ﺷــﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻣﻮﺿﻮﻋﯽ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﯽ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻃﯽ‬
‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﭘﺲ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﭘﺲﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﻳﻤﻠﻚ‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﻳﻚ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ‬
‫ﻳﺎ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﯼ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺼﻮﺹ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺑﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﻄﻠﻖ ﺍﻧﺪﻳﺸﯽ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻣﺎﻧﻊ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﺳﻄﻮﺭﻩﻫﺎ‬
‫ﻣﺤﻔﻮﻅ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺧﺸﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻗﯽ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻓــﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻭﻳــﮋﻩﺍﺵ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻭ ﺭﺧﺪﺍﺩﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻭﺍﻳﻞ ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻭﺯﻥ ﺍﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻟﻴﺒﺮﺍﻟﯽ ﺧﺸﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻢ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻦ ﺳﺎﻻﺭﯼﻫﺎ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ‬
‫ﻃﻮﻻﻧﯽ ﺷﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﯼ ﭼﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﯽ ﺍﻧﺘﺰﺍﻋﯽ ﺳﺨﺖ‬
‫ﺟﻠﻮﻩ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺳــﻌﯽ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﮕﺎﺭﯼ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺳﺮﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻗﻠﻤﺪﺍﺩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻓﻘﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺗﺎ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺎﺳﺎ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮﻫﺎﯼ ﻏﻴﺮ‬
‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻧﻜﺎﺭﯼ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺎﻳﺮ ﺯﻳﺮ ﺳﻴﺴﺘﻢﻫﺎﯼ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﯼ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ‬
‫ﭼﺸﻢ ﭘﻮﺷﯽ ﺗﻠﻘﯽ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﺎﺩﻩ ﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﺴﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺛﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌــﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼــﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺧﺎﻣﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺿﺎﻉ‬
‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﻘﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﻋﻠﺖ ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻞ ﻣﺼﺎﺋﺐ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻨﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺎﻭﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺭﻧﮓ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ‬
‫ﻣﯽﭘﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻋﯽ ﺳﻠﺐ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻤﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬
‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﻣﯽﺳــﺎﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻠﻮ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻧﻔﯽ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺭﻳﺸﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﯽ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺻﻴﺖ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﺍﯼ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﻧﮕﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻳﺪﺍﺩﯼ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻣﺜﻞ ﻣﻠﯽ‬
‫ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﺎ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﺮﺩ ﺁﺭﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺎﻩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﯽ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻠﻪ ﺟﻮﻳﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺳﻌﯽ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻴﻨﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻨﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻭ ﻧﺨﺒﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻔﯽ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺎﻳﻴﺪ ﻳﺎ‬
‫ﺭﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺿﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﺴﻮﻭﻟﻴﺖ ﭘﺬﻳﺮﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻗﺸﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﺗﻔﺎﻗﺎﺗﯽ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﺴﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺁﻳﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺛﺮ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩﮔﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻦ ﺛﺮﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺍﯼ ﺳﺮﺷﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﺭ ﺑﺎﻃﻞ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﻓﺘﮕﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺒﺎﺷﺖ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪،‬‬
‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻴﻨﺪﻳﺸﻴﺪﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻓﺎﺭﻍ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻣﻮﺯﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﻋﻠﻤﯽ ﻭ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻪﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ‪ ،‬ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺁﻓﺖ ﺑﺪﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ ﻳﺎ ﺭﻓﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ‪،‬‬
‫ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﻟﻴﻠﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻧﻔﯽ ﻣﺮﺣﻮﻡ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻭ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰﺭﮒ ﺍﻭ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬

‫ﭼﺮﺍ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ؟‬

‫ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻣﯽﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻀﺤﻚ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺁﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﭼﻪ ﺭﺍﻫﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ‬
‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﺤﺜﯽ ﺟﺪﺍﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﻡ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﻨﻢ ﻭ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﯽ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ‬
‫ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﻫﻴﭻ ﺭﺍﻫﯽ ﺟﺰ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﻴﺶ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺣــﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻤــﺎﻡ ﺍﺧﺘﻼﻓﺎﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻧﻬﻀﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﯼ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻫﻤﻮﺍﺭ ﺳﺎﺯﺩ‪ ،‬ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﯽﺯﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻠﻐﯽ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺮﻓﻨﺪ ﺍﻳﺴﺘﺎﺩﮔﯽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﺪﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪﺭﻳﺰﯼ‬
‫ﻭ ﺑﯽﺣﺴــﺎﺏ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺣﺮﻛﺘﯽ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻞ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪﻣﻮﻗﻊ ﺩﺭ ﭘﯽ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻘﻖ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺁﻣﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗـﻊ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗـﻮﺩﻩ ﺻﺮﻓﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺷـﺪ‪ .‬ﺑـﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻝ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺳـﻌﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻟﻘﺎﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴـﺌﻠﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴـﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸـﻨﻬﺎﺩﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺎﻳﻞﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﻘﺶ‬
‫ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﻓﺎﻃﻤﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺩﻫﻨﺪﻩ ﻛﻤﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﺑﺘﺪﺍﻳﯽﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻠﻢ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺩﻭ ﻃﺮﻓﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺑﻪﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻳﻜﺠﺎﻧﺒﻪ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻠﻐﯽ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﯽﮔﻮﻳﻴﺪ‬
‫ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﻓﻘﻂ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺗﺼﻤﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ‬
‫ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺰﺭﮒﺗﺮﻳﻦ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺗﻮﺩﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﺎﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻜﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺪﻳﻬﯽ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻫﻢ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻟﻐﻮ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺿﺮﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺭﺿﺎﺷــﺎﻩ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻴﺎﻧﺘﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﯼ ﺣﺴــﻦ ﺗﻘﯽﺯﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﺍﻳﯽ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﭘﯽﺭﻳﺰﯼ‬
‫ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺷﻨﺎﺧﺖ ﺣﻖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺩﺭ‬
‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺘﯽ ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﯽ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ‬
‫ﺗﺎﺳﻴﺴــﺎﺕ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﺍﺭﺯﻳﺎﺑﯽ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺖ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺩﺍﺭﻡ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺟﻠﺴﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﯽ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺩﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪۱۳۲۳‬‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺷــﻐﺎﻝ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺟﻠﻮﯼ ﻫﺮﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺭ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﯽﻫﺎ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬
‫ﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻏﻼﻣﺤﺴﻴﻦ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪﻩ ﺗﻔﺮﺵ‪ ،‬ﺿﻤﻦ ﺗﺸﻜﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺗﻮﺍﺯﻥ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺟﻨﻮﺏ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻐﯽ‬
‫ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺷﻤﺎ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﯽﺭﺳﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﺸﺖ ﺗﺮﻳﺒﻮﻥ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻟﻢ ﻣﯽﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺑﺎ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺘﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺎﺭ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺗﻜﻤﻴﻞ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻣﻀﺎ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺘﻨﺎﻉ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺤﺎﺷﯽ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﻋﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺷﺨﺺ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﯼ ﺍﺗﻬﺎﻡ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪﻫﺎ ﺷﻨﻴﺪﻡ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﺑﺎ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺰﻝ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﯼ ﮔﻮﺷﺰﺩ ﻛﺮﺩ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﺟﻪ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﯽ ﺍﻳﻦ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻧﻪﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﺭﺩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﺑﺨﺸﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﮔﻔﺘﻴﺪ ﺑﺮﺧﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻣﻨﺴﻮﺏ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺘﯽ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺣﻴﻤﻴﺎﻥ‬
‫ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ ﻟﻐﻮ ﻗﺮﺍﺭﺩﺍﺩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦﺑﺎﺭ ﺷﺎﺩﺭﻭﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻓﺎﻃﻤﯽ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﻦ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﯼ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺭﻫﺒﺮﯼ ﺩﻛﺘﺮ‬
‫ﻣﺼﺪﻕ ﻧﻤﯽﻛﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪﺍﻭﻧﺪ ﺭﺣﻤﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺁﻳﺎ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺣﺎﺻﻞ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ؟‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﯽ‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﻫﻮﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﯼ ﻛﻪ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻭ ﺳﺮﺑﻠﻨﺪﯼ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭﯼ ﻧﻤﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﻳﻢ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻫﻢ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﻧﻌﻤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻧﻐﻤﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺣﺪﻳﺚ ﻣﻔﺼﻞ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻥ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻞ‪.‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﺻﻮﻟﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺷﺮﺡ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻩ‬
‫ﺑﺨﺶ ﻛﻮﭼﻜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺭﻭﺷــﻦ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺭﺯﺷﻤﻨﺪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺳﺎﻟﻴﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﯽﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭﻟﯽ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‬
‫ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﯼ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪﻳﺎﻓﺘﮕﯽ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯﯼ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ‬
‫ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻩ ﻗﺮﻥ ﺑﻴﺴﺖ ﻭ ﻳﻜﻢ ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺸﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺪﺭﻥ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﻭ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﻧﻴﺎﯼ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﯽ ﺻﻨﻌﺖﻣﺤﻮﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺮﮊﯼ ﺯﻳﺎﯼ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻳﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬
‫ﻛﻤﻚ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻥ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﺷﻜﻮﻓﺎ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻭ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻑ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺑﯽﺳﺎﺑﻘﻪ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻛﻼﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪﺩﺳﺖ ﻣﯽﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺖﺧﻴﺰ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﺳﺎﺯﯼ‬
‫ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﯽﺳﺎﺯﯼ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻡ ﻋﻮﺍﻳﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﻧﺎﺷﯽ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻌﺎﻣﻼﺕ ﺗﺠﺎﺭﯼ ﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﯽ‬
‫ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴــﺘﺮ ﺁﻥ ﺳــﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻣﺤﺴﻮﺏ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ ﻭ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻓﺮﺩ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﺧﺎﺻﯽ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺪﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﻳﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﺮﻩ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﺷﺨﺼﯽ ﺑﺸﻤﺎﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﯼ ﻛﻨﻮﻧﯽ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻤﺖ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﭘﻴﺶ ﻣﯽﺭﻭﺩ ﺍﺳﺘﻔﺎﺩﻩ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺨﺶﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻣﯽﻳﺎﺑﺪ ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺁﻥ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﻃﻼﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﻣﯽﻧﺎﻣﻨﺪ ﺍﻓﺰﻭﺩﻩ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﺎﻳﻊ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﯽ‬
‫ﻫﻢ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﯼ ﺗﻮﻟﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺯﻳﻊ‬
‫ﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺩﻟﻪ ﻓﺮﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺁﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺧﺎﺹ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﺎﻧــﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺗﺨﻠﻔﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﻳﺖ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﯽ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬
‫ﺳــﻮﺩﺁﻭﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﯼ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻧﻤﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺍﻧﮕﻴﺰﻩﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻼﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﯽ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺳﻮﺩ ﻛﺎﻓﯽ ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺍﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪﺍﻥ‬
‫ﻋﻠﻮﻡ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﯽ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻭﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎﻟﻜﻴﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﯽ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﻣﺮﺳــﻮﻡﺗﺮ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬
‫ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺵﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﻛﺎﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬
‫ﺻﻨﻌﺘﯽ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﯽ ﺁﻧﻬﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬
‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺷﻜﻞ ﻣﯽﺩﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﺎﺩﯼ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚ‬
‫ﺩﻣﻮﻛﺮﺍﺳﯽ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﻭ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۳‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻮﺭ ﻣﺘﻮﺳــﻂ ﻗﻴﻤﺖ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺖ ‪ ۳۷‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺍﻓﺰﺍﻳﺶ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺑﺸﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ‬
‫ﺍﺯ ‪ ۱۱۰‬ﺩﻻﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﯼ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﯽ ﻣﺎﻩ ﻣﺎﺭﺱ ﺳــﺎﻝ ‪ ۲۰۰۸‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﺍﺭﺗﻘﺎ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬
‫ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﻋﻼﻭﻩ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭﯼ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﯼ ﺳﻮﺩﺟﻮ ﻳﺎ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﯼ ﺍﺯ‬
‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﺒﻊ ﻋﻈﻴﻢ ﺗﺮﻏﻴﺐ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﯽﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺳﻮﺩﻫﺎﯼ ﻛﻼﻧﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺼﻴﺐ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﯼ ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺍﺭﺍﯼ ﺫﺧﺎﻳﺮ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺘﺮﺱ‬
‫ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬
‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻜﯽ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎﯼ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﻤﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻮﻓﻖ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ‬
‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ ۲۹‬ﺍﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۳۳۰‬ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ‬
‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺫﺧﻴﺮﻩ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﻭ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺮﺯﻣﻴﻦ‬
‫ﺍﺧﺘﺼﺎﺹ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬
‫ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﯽ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺎﻝ ‪ ۱۹۴۹‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻝ‬
‫‪ ۱۹۴۹‬ﻣﻴﻼﺩﯼ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ ﻭﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ )‪ (۱۹۵۵-۱۹۴۸‬ﺭﺍ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ‬
‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺳﻌﻪ ﺻﻨﻌﺘﯽ ﻭ ﻛﺸﺎﻭﺭﺯﯼ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ‬
‫ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﯽﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽ – ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﯽ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ‬
‫ﻣﯽﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﺎﻳﻖ ﭘﺸﺖ ﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﯽﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﯽﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ‬
‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺳﻬﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺭﺁﻣﺪﻫﺎﯼ ﻧﻔﺘﯽ ﺭﺍ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺲ ﻣﯽﻛﻨﺪ ﻭ‬
‫ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﯼ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺎﻟﻴﺎﺕﻫﺎ ﺗﺎﻣﻴﻦ ﻣﯽﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬
‫ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺑﻴﮕﺎﻧﮕﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻬﻤﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷــﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻠﺴــﺎﺕ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻔﯽ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‬
‫ﺁﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﯼ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻮﺍﻳﺢ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻠﯽ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﻨﻌﺖ‬
‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻞ ﺷﺪ‪.‬‬