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Development of Muslims
Comparing Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh in the early 2000s
By the early 2000s Muslims in Gujarat were far behind those in Andhra Pradesh in terms of indicators of community well-being, such as educational attainment, industrial employment and public sector employment. Studying the well-being of the Muslim community in Gujarat is important in the context of the claims of Narendra Modi’s much hyped “Gujarat development model”. This article seeks to understand the status of the Muslim community in Gujarat in the period prior to the 2002 violence and compare the situation with that in AP, which has a somewhat similar proﬁle.
ujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi has moved into national politics with an ambition to become the prime minister of India. He has made the “Gujarat model of development” his slogan. In other words, India should become Gujarat and he would make it happen. If the Gujarat model of development has positives for all sections of people, there is nothing wrong if that model is adopted for the whole nation. Any model of development has to improve the lives of the poorest of the poor, while paving a way towards equality of all citizens, with the assurance that the future of the nation is safe in the given global economic, social and cultural environment. Inclusive Development? Any model of development, in the Indian context, has to assure that it transforms and empowers the tribals, dalits, Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and minorities, who by and large, do not stand on an equal footing with other communities that are historically advantaged. A model that has already been experimented in parts of the country and that ensures upward mobility of the socially disadvantaged people should be seen as positive. Narendra Modi, who belongs to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with his early training with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has been attacked by his critiques for his communal politics. His role as the chief minister of Gujarat for a period of about 12 years is also judged in the light of the 2002 communal carnage that Gujarat Muslims suffered. But there are hardly any studies to show how the Gujarat administrative model empowered, in real terms, the tribals, dalits, OBCs and minorities, without considering the 2002 carnage.
september 7, 2013
The Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad intends to examine the basic model of development of Gujarat with regard to the Muslim community. Our approach is that the development of the Muslim community must be seen independent of other factors like communal carnages. If the massive 2002 suffering of the Muslim community is treated as an accidental occurrence and Narendra Modi has overcome that incident to administer the state for development of all including Muslims, a different criteria should be adopted to judge the administration. In order to bring clarity to the issue we adopted a compare-and-contrast method to judge the development of Muslim communities in Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh (AP), as their population ratio is more or less the same. As per the Census of India 2001, Gujarat has a Muslim population of 9.1% of the total state population whereas AP has 9.2%. This article therefore compares the development of the community in key areas in 2001. This shows where Muslims of Gujarat stood by the time Narendra Modi took over the reins of Gujarat in comparison with where the community stood in AP. Education The literacy rate of Gujarat Muslims was 73.5% whereas in AP it was of 68%. Gujarat Muslim education was closely linked to the other communities as they too are Gujarati speaking. In AP, Muslim education is divided into two languages – Urdu and Telugu. Though the basic literacy level of Gujarat Muslims was slightly better, overall, in terms of each level of education AP Muslims were doing much better (Graph 1, p 75). Up to primary school, in terms of school attendance, communities in both states were at the same level – 74.9% in Gujarat and 74.7% in AP. Those who completed middle school in Gujarat constituted 45.3% whereas in AP it was 52.6%. As they move on to matriculation, just 26.1% of Gujarat Muslims could complete, whereas 40.6% of AP Muslims could complete high school education. This obviously shows that the
vol xlviII no 36
EPW Economic & Political Weekly
The author thanks Mohasina Anjum Ansari for committed and informed assistance. Kancha Ilaiah (email@example.com) is with the Centre for Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, Hyderabad.
70% Andhra Pradesh 20% Manufacturing Trading Sector Source: Sachar Committee Report.6%.60% 26. vehicle and tube repair services. where Muslim participation was 22. Graph 3: Percentage of Muslim Workers in 2004-05 53.60% 22.50% Gujarat 13. Employment Because of the difference in higher education levels between Gujarat and AP.80% 4. The availability of post and telegraph services for Muslims were more or less equal with 56.40% 4.8% in both the states. Since Gujarat Muslims were more integrated in terms of language. respectively (Graph 3).8% in Gujarat and 55.30% 19.30% 40.8%. Gujarat being a far more industrially advanced state than AP.60% Source: Sachar Committee Report. In fact.60% Agriculture Small-Scale Industry State Employment Education Department Health Department Home Department Transport Department Source: Sachar Committee Report. A targeted study needs to be taken up for this purpose. living in big villages where the population was 1.9% in AP. This had serious implications on their access to the job market for employment with better pay.00% 7. In Gujarat 13. This is an important indicator of development. Further.70% 9.000 and Population of Muslims Is More Than 40% in 2001 98. 2013 vol xlviII no 36 75 . Gujarat is far behind AP. Representation By and large.90% 74. Access to Public Utilities But the access to primary health facilities for Mulsims was much better in Gujarat (52.80% Facility of Facility of Primary Education Health Centre Available Available Source: Sachar Committee Report.50% 68.9%). they had good access to education facilities at the primary level. But in terms of selfemployment where Muslims sweat day Graph 2: Villages Where Population Is Less Than 1.80% 5. The self-employment of Muslims of both Gujarat and AP ranges from family businesses to occupations such as cycle repair services.60% 10.70% 54.30% 97.80% 5.000 and below.90% 69. Bus stop availability was 93% in Gujarat and 72. Self-employed and night. child labour is involved. For villages of this size with at least 40% Muslim population. police. transport and judiciary. small-scale industry.9% in AP.90% 52.30% 14.60% 74. Gujarat is also more advanced in terms of trade.50% 5. But after Police Action in 1948 even the Muslim landlords migrated to urban areas for safety and community support.3% of workers were Muslims.90% Gujarat Andhra Pradesh Post and Telegraph Service Available Bus Stop Available Pucca Approach Road Available 55. In terms of state employment in sectors like education. it was 4. Muslims preferred to live in urban and semi-urban areas both for protection and survival.90% 6.70% 56. in AP the urbanisation process was rather rapid in the Telangana region where the community was dropout rate in Gujarat was far higher in 2001 compared to AP in the same year. september 7.6% of Muslims could complete graduation in AP. In agriculture. Even by 16. 98.80% 8.9%) than in AP (22.10% 9.80% 93.7% (Graph 2).50% Graph 4: Percentage Share of Muslim Workers in 2002-05 Andhra Pradesh Gujarat 6. What was more surprising was that Gujarat Muslims were completing graduation only to the tune of 5% whereas 9. and state employment (Graph 4).40% 1.60% 67.7%. Once united Andhra Pradesh was formed.5%. Even in access to pucca roads Gujarat Muslims were better placed at 69. Muslim Economic & Political Weekly EPW employment levels in Gujarat should have been higher than AP. Gujarat and AP present a similar picture 53.10% 9. the urbanisation levels of Gujarat and AP of the Muslim community was the same.00% Andhra Pradesh Gujarat 45. we look at available data about their respective share of employment in agriculture.80% 4. where better wages are paid. The Muslim community in the Nizam state was terrorised at the time of Police Action in 1948.90% 22.6% in AP. This is where Muslim spread out with substantial ownership of agrarian property including the ownership of vast jagirs.7% and 54.20% 5% Population Literacy Rate Completed Primary School Completed Middle School Completed Matriculation Graduation 52. We have no data to compare child labour in Gujarat and AP. health.00% 72.NOTES Graph 1: Literacy Rates 73. slightly higher than AP where it was 20%. whereas in AP it was 67. the representation of Muslim workers in the manufacturing sector. the situation in Gujarat was worse. The transformation of the Razakar force into All India Majilis-eIttehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) served as a protection force as well as a political mobiliser for the community. as against 19.7% Muslims had access to educational facilities whereas in AP it was slightly lower at 97.
In that sense Muslims of Gujarat were much more integrated than that of AP Muslims. where 16. culture and history. is that a similar comparative study of the same two states should be under taken for the period when Narendra Modi was in power. Gujarat Muslims do not have their own newspapers to represent their problems. Politics. Ganpatrao Kadam Marg. 2013 (Un)Settling the City: Analysing Displacement in Delhi from 1990 to 2007 Revitalising Economies of Disassembly: Informal Recyclers. the general exclusion of the Muslim community in the education sector of Gujarat could only mean lack of preferential treatment in Gujarat’s policy framework.4% in AP. Rajinder et al (2006): A Report on Social. 2013 vol xlviII no 36 EPW Economic & Political Weekly .The Violence in Gujarat (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press). Economic and Political Weekly. was worst represented. and the Middle Class in Varanasi Revisiting the 74th Constitutional Amendment for Better Metropolitan Governance Governing India’s Megacities: Governing India’s Megacities – Gautam Bhan. Muslims in this sector in Gujarat constituted just 1. What kind of inclusive development mechanisms were adopted to de-communalise caste relations in Gujarat? Ornit Shani (2007) in her book Communalism. It must be noted that even in AP.4% were Muslims in Gujarat as against 8. Economic and Educational Status of the Muslim Community of India. Caste and Hindu Nationalism . Identity formation of Muslims in Gujarat was weak.8% in AP. Public-Sector Employment If we examine Graph 4 we notice that the employment level of Gujarat Muslims was far lower than AP during this period. Even if we consider the special Urdu medium schools and colleges that gave better employment opportunities to AP Muslims. as this was the only state where the upper castes conducted a riot against the Other Backward Classes. The Gujarat Muslim community did not produce a political force of their own as the AP Muslims had done. Lower Parel. Muslim representation is higher than their population ratio in transport.5% as against 6. Gujarat Muslims faced one major riot in 1969. email: circulation@epw. not for underdevelopment. Prime Minister’s High Level Committee. Note 1 After 2002 the Gujarat Muslim community got national attention but before that it appears they were by and large taken for granted. but what happened to that caste-communal consciousness later. 320-321. 5. What we propose based on the analysis of data available till the beginning of the 2000s. the low level of Muslim employment in the state sector speaks for itself. TV channels.1 This will give us a clearer picture about the nature of development and how inclusive or exclusive development was during his tenure. social and educational conditions do not reﬂect the same. recurring communal riots in the Telangana region) a gradual upward mobility could be seen in all walks of life. as against 14. This may be due to discriminatory recruitment in Gujarat and the lack of leadership to lobby on behalf of the community. Assimilation should be meant for upward mobility. data for Gujarat is not 76 available and in AP Muslims constituted 5% of those employed. Sachar. particularly during the tenure of Narendra Modi has not been studied.6%) represented.8% of employees in the small-scale industry in Gujarat were Muslims as against 6. Swathi Shivanand –Rajyashree N Reddy –Ursula Rao –Jolie M F Wood –K C Sivaramakrishnan –Ashima Sood For copies write to: Circulation Manager. Gujarat was known for its caste communalism. for example. a political party (AIMIM) and other channels of mobilisation. Mumbai 400 013. Caste and Hindu Nationalism examined the 1985 riots. But in Gujarat such upward mobility was slow and skewed. Even if we assume that the assimilation of Gujarat Muslims into the Gujarati population was better than that of AP Muslims because of their linguistic homogeneity.9% Muslims in AP. In the education sector (teachers.5% of those employed compared to 7. Unlike other states till 2002. before the 2002 massacre. The communitarian identity of AP Muslims was stronger with visible communication channels such as their own newspapers. Lower education level from middle school onwards and lower employment in educational institutions had its impact on other sectors as well. The health sector. university professors and other tertiary jobs) Gujarat Muslims constituted 4.3% of those employed were Muslims as against 10% in AP. Government of India. their economic. What Does This Mean? One major conclusion that can be drawn from this comparative analysis is that in spite of several setbacks to Muslims in AP (like the suppression in 1948. REVIEW OF URBAN AFFAIRS March 30. But in critical sectors like the judiciary. A to Z Industrial Estate. References Shani. Development Experts and E-Waste Reforms in Bangalore Biometric Marginality: UID and the Shaping of Homeless Identities in the City Protest. There are no studies to give us clarity on how Narendra Modi tackled caste communalism in Gujarat.6% in AP. Only 5. Given that Gujarat was known as a highly industrialised state by then.in september 7.NOTES 2001 there was no independent political platform to articulate the Muslim interests in Gujarat. Muslims in Gujarat were very poorly (5. lecturers. Similarly in home (police) department. Ornit (2007): Communalism. The only sector where Gujarat Muslims were better represented than AP was in transport. In state employment on average. cleaners and so on) and also Muslim youth were better trained to acquire those skills. This also may be because the jobs in transport sector were low-paying (like drivers.8% in AP. The 1985 riot was mainly a caste riot that was started by anti-reservationists.