GEIITIER ATNENTISEIIEIIT$

GETIDER ATIUERTISEIIEIIT
ErvingGollman

( HARPER TORCHBOOKS Harper& Row,Publishers, New York Cambridge, Philadelphia, SanFrancisco, Washington London,Mexico City,Sio Paulo, Singapore, Sydney

Coffman lntroducO 1976by €rvin8 CopyriSht ADVERTTsEMENTs. cENDER Inc All riShts O 1979 by Harperand Row Publishers, tion copyright Nopartofthisbookmay ofAmerica in the United States Printed reserved. withoutwrittenpermisbe usedor reproducedin any mannerwhatsoever and embodiedin criticalarticles sionexceptin the caseof briefquotations lnc., l0 East Harper& Row,Publishers, reviews.For informationaddress N.Y.10022. NewYork, 5lrd Street,

1987 editionpublished roRcHBooKs First HARPER (pbk.) rsBNr 0-06-132076-5

93 94 95

15 14

GOIITEIITS
Acknowledgements Introduction by VivianGornick CenderDisplay Picture Frames Cender Commercials Relative Size The Feminine Touch Function Ranking The Family The Ritual ization of Subordination Licensed Withdrawal Conclusion vii t 10 24 2A 29 32 37 40 84

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AGIIII0WIEIIGEiIEIITS
this monographfirst appearedas Apart from a few changes, vol. 3, no. 2 (F all 1976) of Studies in the Anthropology of Visuol Communicotion, a publication of the Society for the | am very grateful Anthropologyof Visual Communicalionfor support in working out editor, late Sol Worth, its then the to the originaledition and for permission to useits platesand glossies. editor I am also gratefulto ElsaVorwerk,managing for a great Association, of the American Anthropological from which deal of help with the originallayout. The slides donefrom the were madewerethemselves the reproductions by John Careyand LeeAnn Draud. originals

For Coffman, social situationsare settingsfor ceremonies whosefunction is "to affirm socialarrangements and announce ultimate doctrine."In the socialor public situation the most minute behaviorhas meaning.Cesture,expression, posturereveal not only how we feelaboutourselves but add up, aswell, to an entirearrangement-a scene-that embodies culturalvalues. Within these scenes, Goffmanposits, humanbehaviors_can be seenas "displays." Explaining that in animalsa displayis an "emotionally motivated behavior lthat] becomesformalized, provides a readily readable expression of [theanimal's] situation, specifically hisintent, for thenegotiation [and]this...allows of an efficientresponse from and to witnesses of the display,"Coffman "...anindividual's goes on to saythat,similarly, in human beings Thecontemporary feminist movement, with all itsclamorabout behavior andappearance informs those who witness him...about his social identity,mood, intent.... [T]hese themeaning in dailylife,hasacted asa kindof of the littledetails are displays that prodto the thought givingnew electric of manysocial scientists, establish the termsof the contact,..for the dealings that are to impetus ensue providingthedisplayandthe persons anddirection to theirwork,the verysubstance of which between the persons perceiving istheobservation of concrete detailin sociallife.Because of the it." feminists But,Coffmanadds-and this "but" is the heartofthe mafterthe most ordinary verbal exchangebetweenmen and "Thehuman useof displays women now reverberates with new meaning;the most simple is complicated by the human capac(in humans) gesture, ity for .eframing familiar ritual, taken-for-granted form of addresshas behavior.... area sympfD]isplays becomea sourceof new understanding with regardto relations tom, not a portrait....lt is not so muchthe character of an entity betweenthe sexesand the social forces at work behind those thatgets expressed..,. in the main is not instinctive [E]xpression relations. that originates with one's but sociallylearned Operating out of "a politics and sociallypatterned.... are flndividualsl own hurtfeelings," thefeminists havemadevividwhatthesocial learningto be objects that have a character, that expressthis scientists havealways known:lt is in thedetails of dailyexchange cha.acter, andfor whom thischaracterological expressing is only We aresocialized that the discrepancybetweenactual experienceand apparent natural. to confirmour own hvootheses about " exDerience is to be found. our natures.... Turningthen to the specificsubjectof the work in hand, Erving Coffman is a brilliant social scientist hislife C o f f m a no b s e r v e s":W h a t t h e h u m a nn a t u r eo f m a l e sa n d who hasspent observing social behaviorthe way a fine literarycritic reads femalesreally consists of then, is a capacityto learnto provide literature. He does not sacrificethe text to theory,he knowsone andto read depictions of masculinity andfeminity anda willingness pictures, readsoutofit ratherthaninto it, he neverforgets that boththe text to adhereto a schedule for presenting these andthis capacitythey have by virtue of being persons,not femalesor andsociety are alive. males." At the sametime, Coffman'sreading of the text is informedby It isaroundthislast,wholly persuasive perception a piece thought aboutsocial behavior thathasbeen of systematic thatCendef gathering He knowsthat Adveltriementi is organized.Advertisements shape andforceovera greatmanyyears. depict for us not necessarilv how we actuallv thedetails behavior aresvmptomatic revelations of how behave asmenandwomenbut how of social we think men and women behave. This depiction a sense of selfis established and reinforced, andthat thatsense of serves the purpose andcements the socialinstitutions upon social of convincinS usthatthisis how menandwomen self,in turn, both reflects are,or want to be,or shouldbe, not only in relationto themselves hierarchical structure. Likethe reallyfine whichrests a culture's but in relationto eachother.Theyorientmen and women to the teacherhe is, Coffman is alwaysworkinSto demonstrate that if idea of men and women actingin concertwith eachother in the lifewith a highly oneexamines thedetails of social conscious eye play or scene or arrangement that is our sociallife. That one learn s - d e e p l y - w h o a n d w h a t o n e i s i n t h e s o c i a l l y larger orientation accomplishes thetaska society has organized world. of majntaining an Coffman essential regardless In this wonderfullydenseand lively monograph order,an undisturbed on-goingness, of the actual experience turnshis aftention, specifically, to the ways in which men and of its participants. (those ln a crucial passage in advertisements Coffmanargues that in one sense the job women-mainly women-are pictured from highlymanipulated representations of recognizable scenes of theadvertiser and the job of a societyarethe same:"Both must "reallife"), richlyon whatthose adstell usabout transform otherwise opaque goings-on into easily readable and speculates fotm." Otherwiseopaquegoings-on!A wonderful phrasethat fashioned imageand soourselves; whatthe interplayis between volumes. Whatexactiy arethegoings-on thatareopaque? called naturalbehavior;the de8reeto which advertisements speaks yet anotherartifiTheyarethe murky,muddledeffortsof the half-conscious mind, embodyan artificialposereflecting on perhaps theconfused spirit,the unresolved will to comprehend the nature cialpose-that is,theprocess by whichwe cometo thinkof what ratherthandescribed felt emoof actualexperience experience, we call our natural selves. Thisouestion is interest- tion ratherthan cued emotion, perceivedtruth ratherthan reof menand women in advertisements ceived wisdom. And the "willingness to adhere to a schedule for ing and important,Coffman says,because"So deeply doesthe presenting pictures" lifethatonefinds these is the inclination both of individuals male-female difference informour ceremonial 'oppositenumber'arrangement," andofsocieties to fall backfrom the conscious struggle to underherea very systematic one that profitably ourselves; to learnaboutourselves at a remove;to acceptas allowsusto think aboutthe way in which self-defini- stand realan almost whollyassumed self. tion is guided and externally determined.

IIUTROTTUGTIOT byVivian Gornick

viil INTRODUCTIOI{

Speaking in a sense to thishighlysignificant inclination, Coffmanremarks-withhisgenius for brilliant analogy-thatit is not at all unlikely thata familyon vacation mighttake its cuesfor what "havinga goodtime" is from externalsources and might, in fact,contrive to lookand act likethe ideajized family-on-vacation in a Coca-Cola ad. By the sametoken, it hardly needs stressing, men and women take their cuesabout,,eender be_ havior"fromthe image of thdt behavior thal adverti:ine throws backat them,andtheycontrive to become the ,,people,, in those ads. Reflecting on the intimategive-and-take betweenhow pholographed adverlrsements aremade, andwhal theyaremadeout "ln seeing of,Coffman concludes: whatpicture makers canmake of situational materiais one can beginto seewhat we ourselves mightbe engaged in doing." The picturesthat Coffman has chosen and arransedfor our perusal in CenderAdveftliemenlj are, lhen,a comme-ntary on the complicated mafterof "what we ourselves might be engagedin doin8." Thatcommentary clearly demonstrates thatwhileadvertisements appear to be photographing maleand femalehuman beings what they are actuailyphotographing is a depiction of masculinity andfemin initythatis fitted or matched in sucha wav asto makeit function socially. Nowthisperception is notoriginal (asCoffman with Coffman hjmself would be the firstto admiti he is eminently fair about identifying hissources). One ofthe maiorpoints of concentration in thefeminist strategy hasbeenthe image ofwomenin advertising.Manyfeminists havepaidelaborate attention to thefrighteninguses to whichwomenhavebeenput in adseither ascreatures of embodied sexual usage or asthoroughly mindless domestics thrown into ecstasyby a waxed floor or depression by an unbleached shirt. Moreovetthefeminists havealsopointed outthe social purposes and political served by advertisements reinforcing the notion of men as naturally dominantand women as naturally subordinate. Whatis original with Coffmanis the qualityof the insight he brings to bear on male-female images in advertising. Mostobservation on thissubject hasbeen of a bluntandfundamental nature: originalspadework, so to speak;diggingup the issue. What Coffmandoes here jn CenderAdvertisement5,by virtue of his penetrating eyeandhiscomprehensive context isto contribute an observation so shrewdand subtieit takesusfarther thanwe havebeenbefore. Fora reader already familiar with the feminist angle of visiontrainedon the imageof women in adsthis,of course, is purepleasure, an unexpected gift:the giftof renewed stimulation, thought firedoncemore,mental territory increased. Instead of looking at clutcheddetergents and half-naked bodies,Coffmanconcentrates on hands,eyes,knees;facjal expressions, headpostures, relative positioning sizes; and placing, head-eye aversion, fingerbitingand sucking. He alsogroups the pictures sothatthe bulk of themillustrate in a single series what we thinkof asa natural poseor pieceof behavior for one of the sexes, and then he hasthe lasttwo or threepicturesin the series show the samepose of behaviorwith the sexesswitched. Betweenthefineness ofdetail that receives Coffman,s attentionand the shockvalueof the switched-sex pictureswe experience that innersurprise thatprecedes perception. deepened ,,Functjon Underheadings like"TheFeminine Touch," Rank,,Relative ing," "TheRitualization of Su bord ination,,, Size.,, and "Licensed Withdrawal," Goffman makes us seesuchobservable

phenomena in advertising asthefollowing: 1)overwhelmingly a woman is tallerthan a man only when the man is her social inferior; 2) a woman's justbarely hands areseen touching, hold_ In8 or caresstng-never grasping, manipulating, or shaping; 3) whena photograph of menand womenjljustrates an instruction ot somesortthe man is alwaysinstructing the woman_even if the men and womenare actually childrenlthatis, a male child will be instructing a femalechild!1; 4) when an advertisement requires someone to sit or lie on a bedor a floorthatsomeone is almost always a childor a woman, hardly evera man;5)whenthe heador eyeof a man is averted it is only in relation to a social. political, or intellectual superior, but when the eyeor headof a woman is avertedit is always in relation to whatevef man is picturedwith her; 6) women are repeatedly shown mentallv drifting fromthescene wh ile in closephysica I louchwith a male, ,,as theirfaceslostand dreamy, thoughhis aliveness to the sur_ roundingsand his readiness to cope were enough for both of them" 7) concomitantly, women, much more than men, are pictured atthekindof psychological loss or remove froma social situation that leaves one unoriented for action(e.g., something terrible hashappened anda womanisshown with herhands ovei her mouthand hereyeshelpless with horror). These details are absorbing and graphic, underlining asthey . do a sense of things thatpresses on thealerted mind,thereceptive r m a g i n d t i o nI . h e y m a k e y o u k n o w b e t t e rw h a l y o u h a v e "known" before; they inducethe vigorousnod of the head,the "oh yes,"the surprised ,,1 murmured hadn,t thousht of that!,, But Coffman's majorcontriburion in this bo;k of ,,depicted femininity" (what CenderAdvertisements is really about) is the continuous, ever-deepening connection he makes between our imageof women and the behaviorof children.In a shrewd discussion of the child-parent relationhe notesthat a child,s behavioroftenindicates that ,A lovingprotectoris standing by in thewings, allowing notsomuchfordependency asa copping out of or relieffrom,the 'realities,, that is, the necessities and constraints to which adults in social situations aresubject.,, He then "Youwill notethat addspointedly: pricethe therejs an obvjous child mustpayfor beingsaved from seriousness.,, Beingsavedfrom seriousnesj. Anotherwonderfulohrase that echoes endlessly. ln series afterseriesof the photographs shown hereCoffmanleadsusto the repeated usage in advertisements of womenposed aschildren, actinglikechildren, lookine likechildren:unerly devoidof the natural sobriety which one associates with the adultmien.Crown womenare seenstandinq with the headcocked way overto the sideparallel to theshoulder, face_ front, eyesand mouth:smiling; ot the head tucked into the shoulder,face-front,eyes looking up from under lowered lids, seductive-gamin style; or hands twisted behjndthe back;or the toesof one foot standing on the toesof the other in a child,s ,Aw gosh gee"posture; or arms and legs flyingoff in all directions like a clown;or hands dugdeepintothepockets, thefacial exoression "wicked" "merry"; or and on every lastface that damned,,dazzling" smile. Underscoring theseobseryations of women imasedas chil_ drenis an extraordinary discussion in wordsand pictures of the way in which we perceive men and womenwearins clothes in adverli5pmqnlr. In thisdis(ussion Coffman points oui thatwhat_ evera man is wearingin an advertisement he wearsseriously, wnereas whatevera woman is wearingsheappears to be trying on, as thoughthe clothes were a costume, not the appropriate covering of a person beingseriously presented. lf a man in an

INTRODUCTION lx

advenisement is wearing a business suitandcarrying a briefcase we believe thathe is seriously representing a businessman; if the sameman is seen wearing shortsand carrying a racquet we believe, equally, that he is representing the sameman playing tennis, thatwe are lookingat differentaspects ofthe samelife,the onemomentarily discarded for the other.However,when we see a womanwearing formalor informal, business or sports clothes weJeel we arewatching a modelplay-dctjng. Wecannot believe in the seriousness of the personmeantto be reoresented bv the clothes themodelis wearing. We feelwe arewdtching someone ata perpetual costume ball,playinB dt trying on lhisa; that,not someone whose jn the clothes indicate a person present seriously social situation beingpictured. Coffman's observation is powerful.One hasonly to look at an advertisement showinga woman carrying an attache case,or 'The Wall reading Strcet Journal',or wearing a white coat in a laboratory sefting-the words,,Forthe womanwith a mind of her own" scrawled across the ad-and then consult one,s own in_ stinctive incredulit,to know thetruthof whathe is pointing out. Therecomessuddenlyto mind the memoryof old-time vaudevillians in black-face-powerless people ,,playing,, even more powerless people-and itoccurs thatthese images in advertising ofwomenplaying at beingserious people are a truemock_uo oi life: an image reflecting an image reflecling an image;trick mirrors, illusory effects, tracings thatresemble an ideaof human beings, voidof realintent, perhaps substantive life....Or Coffman issaying thisi5 reallife.Thatis,lhisis the reality of thelifewe are living out. The most painful and perhapsthe most importantsentencein CenderAdvertisements isthis: ,Althoughthe pictures shownhere cannotbe taken asrepresentative of gender behavior in reallife... onecan probablymakea significant negative statement about them,namely,that aspicturesthey are not perceived as peculiar andunnatural." What ErvingCoffman shares with contemporarv feministsis the felt convictionthdt benedth the surfdce of ordinarysocial behavior innumerable smallmurders ofthe mind and spirittake place daily. lnside mostpeople, behind a socially useful image of theself,there is a sentientbeing suffocating slowly to death in a Kafkaesque atmosphere, takenas ,,natural,,,that denies not onlv thedeathbut the live beingas well. Cender Advertisemerts is an act of creativedocumentation. Itsaim-like thatof a fine novelor a sensitive analysis or a live piece of politics-is to nameand re-name and nameyet again "thething itself"; to make us seethe unnaturalin the natur;l in orderthatwe may rescue the warm Iife trappedinsidethe frozen imase.

exaggerated, and stereotyped-and loosened from any specificcontext of releasers, and all this so that, in effect, there will be more efficient signalling,both inter and intra-specifically.r Thesebehaviors are ,,displays,', a speciesutilitarian notion that is at the heart of the etholoeical conception of communication. Instead of havingto play out an act, the animal, in effect, providesa readily readable expression of his situation, specifically his intent, this taking the form of a "ritualization" of some portion of the act itself, and this indication (whether promise or threat) presumably allows for the negotiation of an efficient response from, and to, witnesses (lf Darwin of the disptay. leadshere,John Dewey,and G. H. Meadarenotfar behind.) The ethological concern, then,doesnot takeus backfrom Take performance it thdt the a ritual function of ceremony reaches in two to the social structureand ultimate f I directions,the affirmation ol basic socialarrangemenls beliefs in which the performerand witness are embedded, and the presentation but forward into the unfoldingcourseof sociallysituated of ultimate doctrinesabout man and the world. Typically thesecelebrations are performedeither events, Displays thus provide evidenceof the actor's olignby persons actingto one anotheror actingin concertbefore ment in a gathering, prepared the positionhe seems to take a congregation. So "socialsituations"are involved-definine up in what is about to happen in the social situation. these simply as physical arenasanywhere within whici Alignmentstentativelyor indicatively establish the termsof persons present are in perceptual range of one another, the contact, the mode or style or formula for the dealings subiectto mutual monitoring-the persons themselves being that are to ensueamongthe individuals in the situation. As definable solelyon this groundasa "gathering." suggested, ethologists tend to use the term communication It is in socialsituations, then, that materials for celebra- here,but that might be loosetalk. Displays don't communitive work must be found, materials which can be shaped into cate in the narrow sense of the term; they don't enunciate a palpable representation of mattersnot otherwise packaged something througha language of symbols openlyestablished for the eye and the ear and the moment.And found they are. and used solely for that purpose. They provideevidence of The divisions and hierarchies of socialstructure aredeDicted tie actor's alignment in the situation. And displavsare microecologically, that is, through the use of smallscale importantinsofar asalignments are. spatial metaphors. Mythic historiceventsarepiayedthrough A versionof displayfor humanswould go something like in a condensed and idealized version. Apparentiunctures or this: Assumeall of an individual's behavior and appearance turning points in life are solemnized, as in christenings, informs those who witness him, minimally telling them graduation exercises,marriageceremonies, and funerals. something about his socialidentity, about his mood, intent, Social relationshipsare addressed by greetingsand farewells. and expectations, and about the stateof his relationto them. Seasonal cyclesare given dramatizedboundaries, Reunions In everyculturea distinctive range of this indicative behavior are held. Annual vacations and, on a lesser scale, outingson and appearance becomes specialized so as to more routinely weekends and evenings are assayed, bringingimmersionin and perhaps more effectively perform this informing ideal settings. Dinners and parties are given, becoming function, the informingcomingto be the controllingrole of occasions for the expenditure of resourcesat a rate that is the performance,although often not avowedly so. One can above one'smundaneself. Momentsof festivityareattached call these indicative events displays.As suggested, they to the acquisition of new possessions. tentativelyestablish the terms of the contact,the mode or In all of theseways, a situatedsocialfuss is madeover style or formula for the dealings that are to ensuebetween what might ordinarily be hidden in extendedcoursesof providingthe displayand the persons the persons perceiving activity and the unformulated experienceof their parit. ticipants;in brief, the individualis givenan opportunityto Finally, our specialconcern: lf genderbe definedas the facedirectly a representation, a somewhat iconicexpression, culturally established correlatesof sex (whether in cona mock-up of what he is supposed to hold dear, a sequence of biology or learning), then genderdisplayrefers presentation of the supposed orderingof his existence. portrayals to conventionalized of these correlates. A single,fixed element of a ceremonycan be calleda "ritual"; the interpersonal kind can be definedas perfuncW h a t c a n b e s a i da b o u t t h e s t r u c t u r e of ritualiike lll tory, conven tionalized acts through which one individual I I I d i s o l a v s l portrayshis regardfor another to that other. (1) Displaysvery often have a dialogiccharacterof a statement-reply kind, with an expression on the part of one leads u s t o c o n s i d eo r n es e n s e of theterm individual callingforth an expression ff lf Durkheim on the part of another, I I ritualization, Darwin, in his Espressionof Emotion in the latter expression being understood to be a response to Man ond Animals,leads the first. us, coincidentally, quite to consider pairs can be classified another.To paraphrase These statement-response in an Julian Huxley (and the ethological position),the basicargumentis that under the pressure of 'Philosophicol natural selectioncertain emotionallVmotivated behaviors Trcnsoctionsof the Royot Society of London, becomeformali/ed-in the senseof becomingsimplified, Series B, No. 772, Vol. 251 lDec-29, 1966), p. 2SO.

EETIDEN DISPTAT

2

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

pairs: and asymmetrical obviousway, There are symmetrical pair,first-name/sir is an is a symmetrical mutual first-naming pairs,somearedyadicalasymmetrical one. Of asymmetrical gu€st between and host, ly reversible, somenot: the greetings betweenthese may be reversed asymmetrical in themselves, on the two personson another occasion;first-name/title, Of dyadically other hand, ordinarily is not reversible. pairs of rituals, some pair parts are exclusive, irreversible some not: the civilian title a male may extend a femaleis "Sir" man a neverextendedto him; on the other hand,the for first-name, he from a subordinate in exchange receives in exchange himself is likely to extend to h/5 superordinate for first-name, an illustrationof the greatchainof corporate berng. displaybetweentwo individObserve that a symmetrical ualscan involveasymmetries according to which of the two initially introducedthe usagebetweenthem, and which of the two beginshis part of the mutual displayfirst on any occasionof use. And symmetry (or asymmetry)itself can be misleading. ritually One must considernot only how two individuals treat,and are treat eachother, but also how they separately treated by, a common third. Thus the point about symgreetings andfarewells extended between a maleand metrical a close female friend is that he is verv likelv to extend a and different set,albeitequallysymmetrical, to her husband, set to his wife. she, similarly, a yet different symmetrical inform our difference Indeed, so deeplydoesthe male-female ceremonial life that one finds here a verv svstematic "opposite number" arrangement. For every courtesy, that a womanshowsto almost symmetrical or asymmetrical, yet one-seento be the same, anyone,there will be a parallel showsto the same different-which her brother or husband person. (2) Given that individualshave work to do in social as to how ritual can accomsituations, the questionarises modate to what is thus otherwise occurring.Two basic patternsseem to appear,First, display seemsto be conand endingsof purposefulundercentratedat beginnings takings,that is, at junctures,so that, in effect, the activity itself is not interfered with. (Thus the small courtesies performedin our societyby men to womenwhen sometimes the latter must undergo what can be defined as a slight changein physical state, as in getting up, sitting down, it, beginning to smokeor ceasing a room or leaving entering suffering increased temperato, movingindoorsor outdoors, "bracket of and so forth.) Hereone might speak ture or less, designed to be continued someritualsseem rituals."Second, a strip of otherwise intendedactivity as a singlenote across without displacing that activity itself. (Thus the basic military courtesyof standingat attention throughoutthe courseof an encounterwith a superior-in contrastto the here salute, this latterclearlya bracketritual.)One canspeak "overlay."Observe that by combinof a "ritual transfix" or has,for and overlays-one ing thesetwo locations-brackets of displays. Although these any strip of activity,a schedule as coloringthe wholeof the ritualswill tend to be perceived in it. they only occurselectively scene, in fact, of course, (3) lt is plain that if an individualis to giveand receive what is considered his ritual due in socialsituations, then he must-whether by intent or in effect style himself so that

others present can immediately know the social (and sometimes the personal) identity of he who is to be dealt with; and in turn he must be ableto acquirethis information about those he thus informs. Some disolavsseem to be specialized for this identificatory, early-warning function: in the caseof gender,hair style, clothing, and tone of voice. (Handwritingsimilarly servesin the situation-like contacts conducted throughthe mails;namealsoso serves, in addition to servingin the management of persons who are present lt can be arguedthat althoughritualized only in reference.) behavior in socialsltuations may markedlychange overtime, especiallyin connectionwith politicization,identificatory stylings will be leastsubjectto change. (4) There is no doubt that displays can be,and are likely to be, multivocalor polysemic, in the sense that more than one piece of socialinformationmay be encodedin them. (For example,our terms of address typically recordsex of recipient and also propertiesof the relationshipbetween speaker and spoken to. So, too, in occupationaltitles languages, typically ["agentives"].In the principalEuropean a masculineform is the unmarked case;the feminine is managed with a suffix which, in addition, often carriesa connotation of incompetence,facetiousness, and inexperience.2) goesanother.Not Along with this complication only doesone find that recognition of differentstatuses can be encodedin the samedisplay,but also that a hierarchy of considerations may be found which are addressed sequentially. For example, when awards are givenout, a male official may first give the medal,diploma, prize, or whatever, and then shakethe hand of the recipient, thus shiftingfrom that of an organization's representative bestowing an official sign on a soldier, fellow citizen,etc.,to a man of regard colleague, showing regard for another, the shift in action associated with a sharply alteredfacial expression. This seems nicely confirmed when the reciDientis a woman. For then the seconddisplaycan be a socialkiss.WhenAdmiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, then chief of U.S. naval operations, officiatedin the ceremonyin which Alene Duerk became the first female admiral in the U.S. Navy's history (asdirectorof the Navy NurseCorps),he addedto what was done by kissing her full on the tips.3So, too, a femaleharpistafter just completing Harp Concerto, Ginastera's and havingjust shakenthe hand of the conductor(aswould a male soloist), is free (asa male is not) to strikean additionalnote by leaning overand giving the conductora kisson the cheek.Similarly,the applause she will be her due as a musician, but the flowers that receives are broughtonstage a moment after speakto something that would not be sookento in a male soloist.And the reverse sequence is possible. I haveseena well-bred father raisehis hat on first meeting his daughter after a two-year absence, then bend and kissher. (The hat-raise denotedthe relation"any lady" would ship betweenthe sexes-presumably have inducedit-the kiss,the relationbetween kin.) (5) Displays vary quite considerably in the degree of their formalization. Some,like salutes, are specified asto form and occasion of occurrence, and failure to so behave can leadto specific sanctions; othersare so much takenfor grantedthat it awaitsa studentof somekind to exDlicate what evervone
2Seethe thoroughtreatment (1971). of "feminizers" in Conners 3lntenational Hercld Tribune, lune 3-4,1972,

GENDER DISPLAY

3

knows(but not consciously), and failureto performleads to for speakable and a search nothingmore than diffuseunease with the offender. reasons to be ill-tempered (6) The kind of displays I will be concerned with gender a related featur€:many appear displays-have to beoptional.a In the case, for example, of male courtesies,often a particular display need not be initiated;if initiated,it need Finally,when but can be politely declined. not be accepted, failure to perform occurs, irony, nudging, and joking complaint, elc., can result-sometimes more as an opportunityfor a sally than as a meansof socialcontrol. is another:for each Correlated with this basisof looseness displaythere is likely to be a set of functionalequivalents effect can be accomwherewithsornething of the display's plished by alternativeniceties.At work, too, is the very process of ritualization. A recipient who declines an gesture haswaited until the intending of deference incipient giverhasshownhis desireto perform it; the more the latter cancome to count on this foreclosure of his move,the more the unfolded his show of intent can itself come to displace form. (7) Ordinarily displaysdo not in fact provide a reprebut in the round of a specificsocialrelationship sentation a socialkiss of them. For example, ratherof broad groupings persons or cross-sex friends, may be employedby kin-related and the detailsof the behavioritself may not inform as to is beingcelebrated. Similarly,precedence whichrelatlonship rank, but to mark organizational througha door is available guests of an establishment, the sameindulgence is accorded young,the agedand infirm, indeed, thoseof the dependently strongsocialpositionand those(by inversion unquestionably weak position.A picture,then, of unquestionably courtesy) can hardly be of the relationship betweenany two persons of the displays they extend obtained throughan examination one would haveto eachother on any one type of occasion; assemble these nicetiesacrossall the mutually identifying types of contacts that the pair has. then, betweensocialstructures There is a loosegearing, occasions of ritual expression. and what goeson in particular ordinal This can further be seen by examiningthe abstract formatwhich is commonlygenerated within socialsituations. for example,are often displayedin rankable Participants, order with respectto some visibleproperty looks, height, closeness to the center,elaborateness of costume, elevation, precedence, are and 50 forth and the comparisons temporal somehow taken as a reminderof differentialsocialposition. in socialdistancebetweenvariouspositions the differences of the positionsbeing lost from and the specificcharacter providea peculiarly view.Thus, the basicforms of deference limited version of the social universe,telling us more, perhaps,about the special depictive resources of social presumably expressed than about the structures situations therebY. (8) People,unlike other animals, can be quite conscious of the displays they employand are ableto performmany of Thus them by designin contexts of their own choosing. "displacing"an act (in lhe sense described instead of merely
" A s Z i m m e r m a na n d W e s t ( 1 9 7 7 ) r e m i n d m e , t h e j n d j v i d u a h l as (and seeks) v e r y l i t t l e o p t i o n r e g a r d i n gi d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f o w n s e x c l a s s . Oft€n, however, there will be choice as to which complement of d i s p l a y si s e m p l o y e d t o e n s u r eg e n d € r p l a c e m e n t .

by etiologists), the humanactor may wait until he is out of the direct line of sight of a putative recipient,and then engage in a portrayal of attitude to him that is only then safe to perform, the performancedone for the benefit of the performerhimselfor third parties.In turn, th€ recipientof such a display (or rather the target of it) may actively that the act hasescaped collaborate,fostering the impression evidentallyso. him even though it hasn't-and sometimes (Thereis the paradox, then,that what is donefor revealment More important,once a display can be partiallyconcealed.) well established in a particular sequence of actions, becomes can be lifted out of its original a section of the sequence and used in a quotative way, a context, parenthesized, posturalresource for mimicry,mockery,irony, teasing, and very commonly,the depicother sportiveintents,including, scenes in advertisements. Herestylization of make-believe tion itself becomes an obiect of attention, the actor providinga commenton thi5 process in the very act through it. Whatwasa ritual becomes realizes which he unseriously itself ritualized, a transformationof what is already a "hyper-ritualization." Thus,the humanuse transformation, a of displays is complicated by the human capacity for behavior. reframing In sum, then, how a relationshipis portrayedthrough evendistorted, view of the ritual can providean imbalanced, relationshipitself. When this fact is seen in the light of accomtend to be scheduled another,namely,that displays modativelyduring an activity so as not to interferewith its ritual even more clearthat the version execution,it becomes gives us of socialrealityis only that not a pictureof the way exhortative things are but a passing Suideto perception. "erpressive l\ / Displaysare part of what we think of as behavior," and as such tend to be conveyedand I Y receivedas if they were somehow natural, deriving,like from the way peopleareand needful, and pulse, temperature But, of course, of no socialor historicalanalysis. therefore, understandexpressions are asneedfulof historical ritualized practices we ing as is the Ford car. Given the expressive come from? employ, one may ask: Wheredo thesedisplays styles-codingsthat there are behavioral lf, in particular, the way men and women participatein social distinguish the situations, lhen lhe questionshould be put concerning origins and sources of these styles. The materialsand in available ingredients can come directly from the resources particular social settings, but that still leavesopen the question their ingredients, of wherethe formulatingof these styling, comes frcm. The most prominentaccountof the originsof our Sender to be Genderis assumed the biological. displays is, of course, an extensionof our animal natures,and just as animals are said to express their sex, so does man: innateelements account for the behavior in both cases.And indeed, the in one of an individual means bv which we initially establish and confirm this locationin its lateryears the two sexclasses of placement can be and are usedas a means in the management of domesticanimals.However,althoughthe signs for placement are expressive of mattersbiological, establishing and central matters asessential why we shouldthink of these gender is a culturalmatter.More important,wherebehavioral

4

GENDEBADVERTISEMENTS

to do so not, or displaydoesdraw on animal life, it seems sense but as a source of not merely,in a direct evolutionary The animalkingdom-or at least culturalresource, imagery-a us (l argue)with mimetic certainselectpartsof it provides phylogenetic display,not necessarily ones. for gender models Western the dog has served us asan ultimate Thus,in society, of modelof fawning,of bristling,and (with baringof fangs) the horse a model, to be sure, of physical threatening; and interactional.5 but of little that is interpersonal strength, that Once one seesthat animal life, and lore concerning for gender of imagery display, life, provides a culturalsource the way is opento examine other sources of displayimagery, but now modelsfor mimicry that are closerto home. Of significance, for example,is the complex asconsiderable with European court life and the doctrines of the sociated (and gentleman, especially as thesecame to be incorporated modified)in military etiquette.Although the force of this style is perhapsdeclining,it was, I think, of very real in British until the secondWorld War,especially importance of course,in dealings influencedcountriesand especially, posbetweenmales.For example,the standing-at-attention being on call, the "Sir" ture as a means of expressing response, and even the salute, becamepart of the deference from military life. stylefar beyondscenes For our purposes, there is a sourceofdisplay much more closer relevant than animallore or military tradition,a source to home, a source,indeed,right in the home; the parentc h i l dr e l a t i o n s h i D .

much n€glectedby studentsof society. The established is economic and Hobbesian, turningon the notion of imagery and the newervoiceshavebeenconcerned socialexchange, to show how parentalauthority can be mis8uided, oppressive, and ineffective. Now I want to argue that parent-childdealings carry specialvalue as a meansof orienting the student to the significance of socialsituationsas a unit of socialorganizato do and a tion. For a greatdealof what a child is privileged great deal of what he must suffer his parentsdoing on his behalfpertainsto how adultsin our societycometo manage themselves in social situations.Surprisinglythe key issue becomes this: llhot mode of handling ourselves do we employ in social situqtions os our meons of demonstrating respectful orientotion to them qnd of mqintlining gulrdednesswithin them? It might be useful,then,to outlineschematically the ideal parent-child middle-class relationship, limiting this to what can occur when a child and parentare presentin the same social situation. It seemsto be assumed that the child comesto a social "basic" situationwith all its needs satisfied and/or provided for, and that th€re is no good reason why he himselfshould be planningand thinking very far into the future. lt is as thoughthe child wereon holiday. The There is what might be called orientation license. child is tolerated in his drifting from the situation into fugues, and the like. Thereis license to aways, brown studies, into tears,capsizing into laughter, flood out, as in dissolving bursting into glee, and the like. Related to this licenseis another, namely, the use of The parent-childcomplex-taken in jts ideal middlepatently ineffectiv€ means to effect an end, the means class version has some verv sDecialfeatureswhen expressing a desire to escape, cope, etc., but not possibly imagery.First, most considered as a source of behavioral persons end up having been chlldrencaredfor by parents achievingits end. One example is the child's hiding in or form) behindhis and/oreldersibs,and as parents(or eldersibs)in the reverse behind parents, or (in its more attenuated position. So both sexesexperience both roles a sex-free own hand,therebycutting his eyesoff from any threat but (The personplayingthe role opposite the child is a not the part of him that is threatened. Another is "pumresource. joke, a use motheror older sister asmuch or moreithan a fatheror elder meling,"the kind of attackwhich is a half-serious brother.Half of those in the child rold will be male,and the of considerable force but againstan adversarythat one housewife role, the one we usedto thihk wasideallysuitable knows to be imperviousto such an effort, so that what starts Second, with an instrumental for females,contains lols of parentalelements.) effort endsup an admittedlydefeated giveninheritance patterhs, parents gesture. are the only ln all of this one hasniceexamples of ritualization in and residence the classical ethological sense. And an analysis of what it is to authority in our societythat can rightly be said to be both a c tc h i l d i s h l y . temporary and exerted "in the best interests"of those thereby.To speakhere at leastin our Western Next, protective intercession by parents.High things, subordinated in society-of the child giving somethingof equivalence intricate things, heavy things, are obtained for the child. Thereis no exchange for the rearing that he getsis ludicrous. Dangerous things chemical, electrical, mechanical*are kept quid pro quo. Balancelies elsewhere. What is for him. Contacts appreciable from him. Breakable thingsare managed received in one generation is givenin the next. lt shouldbe with the adult world are mediated, providing a buffer possibility persons. has been betweenthe child and surrounding Adults who are addedthat this importantunselfseeking presentgenerallymodulatetalk that must deal with harsh thingsof this world: discussion of business, money,and sex sAn importantwork here,of course, is Darwin's Expression of is censored; cursing is inhibited;gossip diluted. Emotions in Mon ond Animols. In this treatisea direct parallel is prioriti€s: precedence Thereare indulgence throughdoors drawn, in words and pictures, between a few gesturesof a few given and onto life the child; if there to rafts is are sweets appeasement, animals-gestures exptessing, for example, dominance, he getsthemfirst. distribute, fear-and the sameexpressions as portrayed by actors. This study, (for indeed, in ethology it and rightlyresurrected asa classic recently There is the notion of the erasability of offense.Having but arefi6t studied in detailin everything is in thisbook th.t displays done something wrong, the child merelycriesand otherwise natures and of our animal name), is generally takenasan elucidation shows contrition, after which he can begin afresh as though the expressions we consequently sharewith them. Now the book is the slate had been washedclean. His immediateemotional also functioningas a sourcein its own right of cultural beliefs expressions. response to beingcalledto task needonly be full enoughand concerning the character andorigins of alignment

GENDEROISPLAY 5

it will be taken as final paymentfor the delict. He can also assume that lovewill not be discontinued because of what he hasdone,providingonly that he showshow brokenup he is because of doingit. There is an obviousgeneralization behindall theseforms of license and privilege. A lovingprotectoris standing by in the wings, allowingnot so much for dependency asa copping out of, or relief from, the "realities,"that is, the necessities and constraintsto which adults in social situationsare subject. In the deepest sense, then, middle-class childrenare not engaged in adiusting to and adapting to socialsituations, but in practicing,trying out, or playing at these efforts. Reality for them is deeplyforgiving. Note, if a child is to be able to call upon thesevarious reliefsfrom realities, then, of course,he must stay within rangeof a distress cry, or within view scamper-back distance.And, of course,in all of this, parentsare provided scenes in which they can act out their par€nthood. You will note that there is an obvious orice that the child mustpay for beingsaved from seriousness. He is subjected to control by physical fiat and to commandsserving as a lively reminder thereof: forced from oncoming traffic and from potential falls; rescues forcedcare,as when his coat is buttonedand mittenspulled on againsthis protest. In general,the child's doingsare unceremoniously interruptedunder warrantof ensuring that they are executedsafely. He is subjected to variousforms of nonperson treatmenL He is talkedpastand talkedaboutas thoughabsent. Gestures "directly," without of affectionand attentionare performed him in verbal interactionthrough the sameacts. engaging Teasingand taunting occur, dealingswhich start out involving the child as a coparticipantin talk and end up treating him merelyasa targetof attention. His inward thoughts,feelings, and recollections are not treated as though he had informational rights in their He can be queriedon contact about his desires disclosure. and intent, his aches and pains, his resentments and gratitude, in short, his subjective situation,but he cannotgo v€ry far in reciprocating this sympathetic curiositywithout beingthoughtintrusive. Finally, the child's time and territory may be seen as expendable. He may be senton errands or to fetch something in spite of what he is doingat the time; he may be caused to give up territorial prerogatives because of the needsof adults. Now note that an imDortant feature of the child's situationin life is that the way his parents interactwith him tendsto be employedto him by other adultsalso,extending to nonparentalkinsmen,acquaintednonkin, and even to (lt is as thoughthe adults with whom he is unacquainted. world were in the military uniform of one army, and all adultswere its officers.) Thus a child in patentneedprovides an unacquainted adult a right and evenan obligationto offer help, providingonly that no other closeadult seems to be in charge. Given this parent-child complex as a common fund of experience, it seems we draw on it in a fundamental way in adult social gatherings. The invocationthrough ritualistic expression of this hierarchical complexseems to casta spate of face-to-face interaction in what is taken as no-contest terms, warmed by a touch of relatedness; in short, benign

control. The superordinate gives something gratis out of supportive identification, and the subordinate respondswith an outright display of gratitude, and if not that, then at least an implied submission to the relationship and the definition of the situation it sustains. One afternoonan officer wasgivena call for illegalparking in a commercial area well off his sector. He was fairly new in the district,and it took him awhile to find the address. When he affived he saw a car parked in an obviouslydangerous and illegal manner at the corner of a small street. He took out histicket book and wrote it up. As he wasplacing the ticket on the car, a man came out of the store on the corner. He approachedand asked whether the officer had come in ansver to his call. When the patrolman saidthat he had,the manreplied that the carwhichhad beenbothering him had already left and he hopedthe patrolman "Hey, was not going to tag his car. l'm sorry, pol but it,s already "l expectedOfficer Reno, he's usuallyon 6515 car. I'd appreciate it, Officer,if next time you wouldstop in beforeyou write themup." The patrolman wasslightly confused.... He said polite,yand frankly, "Mister,how would ir look if I went into every storebefore I wrote up a ticket and askedif it was all right? What would people think I was doing?" The man "You're right,son,O.K.,forget shrugged his shoulders andsmiled. it, Listenstop in sometime if I canhelpyou with something." He pattedthe patrolman on the shoulder and returned to hisbusiness 3t161-162]. 197 I Rubinstein Or the subordinate initiates a sign of helplessness and need, and the superordinate respondswith a volunteered service.A Time magazine story on female police might be cited as an

illustration:
provided Those who arc there already have a Ipolicewomen] devastating newweapon to the police crime-fighting arsenal, one that hashelped women to gettheirmenfor centuries. lt worked wellfor diminutive Patrolwoman lnaSheDerd aftershe collared a muscular shoplifter in MiamilastDecember anddiscovered that there were no othercops-or even a telephone-around, Unable to "lf I don'tbring you in, l'll summon help,sheburstinto tears. lose my iob," she sobbed to her prisoner, who chivalrously heruntila squad accompanied carcould befound.d It turns out, then, that in our societywhenever a male has dealings with a femaleor a subordinate male (especially a younger one), some mitigation of potential distance, coercion,and hostility is quite likely to be induced by application of the parent-child complex.Which impliesthat, ritually speaking, females areequivalent to subordinate males and both are equivalent to children.Observethat however distastefuland humiliating lessers may find these gentle prerogatives to be, they must give second thought to openly expressing displeasure, for whosoever extendsbenign concern is free to quickly change his tack and showthe other sideof his oower.

v I fJli#.'"'J"",:":',jf J:"'"T ;ff l#;':iJil:,ffi';
for the studentto take socialsituations very seriously asone point from which to view all of sociallife. naturalvantage After all, it is in social situations that individualscan communicate in the fullestsense of the term,and it is only in them that individualscan physicallycoerce one another, assault one another,interactsexually, importune on€ another
6Time,May 1,1972,p.60; I l e a v eu n c o n s i d e r etd he roteofsuch fashioning of stories.

tales in t/re's

l-

6

GENOERADVERTISEMENIS

gesturally, givephysical it is comfort,and so forth. lvloreover, that most of the world's work g€tsdone. in socialsituations Understandably, in all societiesmodes of adaptationare found, including systems of normative constraint, for managingthe risks and opportunities specific to social situations. was that it is Our immediateinterestin socialsituations can usetheir faces mainly in such contexts that individuals in at hand to engage and bodies,as well as small materials that socialportraiture,lt is here in thesesmall,local places to depictwhat themselves m icroecologically they can arrange is taken as their place in the wider socialframe, allowing lt is here, what hasbeendepicted. them, in turn, to celebrate that the individualcan signify what he in socialsituations, takesto be his socialidentity and here indicatehis feelings and intent-all of which information the others in the of gathering their own courses will needin order to manage he in turn must count on in action-which knowledgeability carryingout his own d€signs. which Now it seems to me that any form of socialization as such,that is, itself to socialsituations in effect addresses in any socialsituation to the resources ordinarily available whatsoever, will havea very powerfuleffect upon sociallife. at any particularmoment, In any particularsoclalgathering may be slight-no more the effect of this socialization consequence, say, than to modify the stylein which matters at hand proceed.(After all, whether you light your own or have it lit for you, you can still get lungcancer. cigarette And whether your job terminationinterviewis conducted you've still lost your iob.) with delicacy or abruptness, However,routinely the questionis that of whoseopinion is voiced most frequently and most forcibly, who makesthe minor ongoing decisionsapparentlyrequired for the coconcerns ordinationof any ioint activity,and whosepassing trivialsomeof these are giventhe most weighLAnd however them all may appear to be, by summing little gainsand losses up across all the socialsituationsin which they occur,one of The expression can seethai their total effect is enormous. and dominationthrough this swarmof situasubordination tional means is more than a mere tracing or symbol or Theseexpresritualisticaffirmationof the socialhierarchy. constitute the hierarchy;they are the sions considerably ond the substance.T shadow behavioral styles And heregender stylesqualify. For these can be employedin any socialsituation,and there receive decide on what their smalldue. Whenmommiesand daddies to teach their little Johnnysand Marys,they make exactly the right choice; they act in effect with much more sociologicalsophistication than they ought to have assuming, of course,that the world as we have known it is what thev want to r€Droduce. of And behavioral style itself?Not very stylish.A means making assumptions about life palpable in sociaisituations. At the sametime, a choreography throughwhich participants

present their alignments to situatedactivitiesin progress. of And the stylingsthemselves consist of thosearrang€ments the humanform and thoseelaborations of humanactionthat can be displayedacrossmany socialsettings, in each case to tell stories of v€ry wide appeal, drawingon local resources

,ive inthe sea Vl I fi::; l';;ii: il:J*T, *"r rishes

because they cannot breatheon land, and that we live on land because we cannot breathein the sea.This proximate, everyday account can be spelled out in ever increasing physiological cases and circumstances detail,and exceptional uncovered,but the generalanswerwill ordinarily suffice, to the givens namely,an appealto the natureof the beast, and a guileless use of the and conditionsof his existence, term "because."Note, in this happy bit of folk wisdom-as surelyas it needs to be-the landand sea soundand scientific can be taken as there prior to fishes and men, and not contrary to genesis-putthere so that fishesand men, plac€awaitingthem. would find a suitable whenthey arrived, contains, I think, This lesson about the men and the fishes the essence of our most common and most basicway of of what occursby an thinkingaboutourselves: an accounting "natures,"an appealto the very conditlons of appealto our our being.Note, we can use this formula both for categories of persons and for particularindividuals. Just as we account for the fact that a man walks upright by an appealto his nature, so we can account for why a particularamputee to his particular conditions of being, doesn'tby an appeal It is, of course, hardlypossible to imagine a societywhose do not routinelyreadfrom what is available to the members senses to somet[]inglarger, distal, or hidden, Survival is thereis a very deep unthinkablewithout it. Correspondingly, belief in our society, aspresumably thereis in others,that an object produces signs that are informingabout it. Obiects are thought to structure the environmentimmediatelyaround heat up the surround, themselves; they cast a shadow, strew indications, leavean imprint; they impress a part picture of and not dependent themselves, a portrait that is unintended to on b€ingattended,yet, of course,informingnonetheless whomsoever is properly placed, trained, and inclined. Presumably this indicatingis donein a malleable surround of some kind-a field for indications the actualperturbations one deals herewith "natural in which is the sign.Presumably "iconic" ln any indexical signs,"sometimes having features. case,this sort of indicating is to be seenneitheras physical nor a5communicainstrumental action in the fullesl sense, a kind of by-production, an tion as such,but something else, wherever overflowing, a tell-talesoiling of the environment the object has been.Although thesesignsare likely to be distinctfrom, or only a part of, the objectabout which they provide information,it is their configuration which counts, of this, it is felt, is the obiectitselfin and the ultimatesource some independence of the particular field in which the happens to occur.Thus we take sign production expression ?A recent alongthis ljne can be found in the effort to suggestion phrased to be situationally but not situationally determined. collegemen and womenin specifyin detail the difference betwe€n The natural indexicalsignsgiven off by objects we call conversation. SeeZimmerman and regard to sequencing in cross-sexed (including,and principally, man) are often called 1 9 7 5 ) . T h e animal (1975)F , i s h m a( d est n a n dz i m m e r m a( West n1 9 7 5 ) , a n w "expressions," but in the sense of that t€rm h€reimplied,our parent-child between and adult last discusses some similarities practices. is involved, not imagerystill allows that a materialprocess male-female conversational

GENDERDISPLAY 7

We tend to believe conventional symbolic communication. objectsnot only give off naturalsigns, but that thesespecial in do so more than do other objects.lndeed,the emotions, associationwith various bodily organs through which veritable emotions most markedly appear,are considered As a corollary,we assume that among engines of expression. humansa very wide range of attributes are expressible: informationstate,health,social intent, feeling,relationship, class, etc. Lore and adviceconcerning thesesigns, including how to fake them and how to seebehind fakeries,constitute man, All of these beliefsregarding a kind of folk science. taken together, can be referred to as the doctrine of natural expression. It is generally believed that although signs can be readfor true of the obiect what is merelymomentarily or incidentally producing them-as, say, when an elevatedtemperature a fever-we routinelyseekanotherkind of informaindicates tion also, namely, information about those of an object's properties that are felt ta be perduring, overoll, and structurolly bosic,in short, information about its characteror "essential nature," (The samesort of informationis sought and in of obiecs.) We do so for many reasons, aboutclasses of objects)have so doing presumethat obiecs (and classes naturesindependentof the particular interestthat might arouseour concern.Signsviewed in this light, I will call "essential," and the belief that they exist and can be read give th€m off is part of the doctrineof and that individuals Note again,that althoughsomeof these naturalexpression. attributes, such as passingmood, particular intent, etc., are not themselves taken as characteristic, the tendency to possesssuch states and concerns is seen as an essential attribute, and conveyingevidenceof internal statesin a particular manner can be seenascharacteristic, In fact, there that can't be contingent expression seems to be no incidental taken as evidenceof an essentialattribute: we needonly see that to respondin a particularway to particularcircumstancesis what might be expected in generalof personsas such or a certain kind of personor a particular person.Note, any property seenas unique to a particularpersonis likely also to serveas a meansof characterizinghim, A corollary is that the absencein him of a particular property seen as commonto the classof which he is a membertendsto serve similarly. Herelet me restate the notion that one of the mostdeeply seatedtraits of man, it is felt, is gender;femininity and masculinity are in a sense the prototypes of essential fleetinglyin any that can be conveyed expression-something socialsituationand yet somethingthat strikesat the most basic characterization of the individual. But. of course, when one tries to use the notion that signs and that some humanobjectsgiveoff naturalindexical nature of theseexpressions can inform us about the essential of lheir producer, matters get complicated.The human "expression,"and employ the term obiects themselves to fit their own conceptionsof exconduct themselves pressivity; abounds,doing so because it iconicity especially has been made to. lnstead of our merely obtainingexpressions of the object, the object obliginglygivesthem to and communicaus, conveyingthem through ritualizations ting them throughsymbols.(But then it can be saidthat this givingitself has unintendedexpressive for it does features:

not seempossible for a message to be transmitted without process the transmitterand the transmission blindly leaving tracesof themselves on whatevergetstransmitted,) There is, straightoff, the obviousfact that an individual for what can be gainedthereby;an can fake an expression is unlikely to cut off his legso as to havea nature individual unsuitable for military service, but he might indeed sacrifice a toe or affect a limp. In which case"because of" becomes "in order to," But that is really a minor matter; thereare moreserious difficulties. I mentionthree. First, it is not so much the character or overallstructure (if suchtherebe), but rather of an entity that getsexpressed particular, situalionally-boundfeatures relevant to the viewer. (Sometimes, for example,no more than that the object is sucha one and not another.) The notion of essence, character, structure,is, one might argue,social,sincethere are likely to be an infinitenumberof properties of the obiect that could be selected out as the central ones. and. furthermore, often an infinite numberof ways of bounding the obiectfrom other ones.Thus, as suggested, an attribute which allowsus to distinguish from thosehe is its possessor seenamonSst is likely to enter stronglyin our characterizat i o no f h i m . Second. exoression in the main is not instinctivebut patterned;itis a sociallydefined sociallylearned and socially category which employs a particular expression, and a when these socially established schedulewhich determines expressions will occur. And this is so eventhoughindividuals in what is sensedto be a come to employ expressions way, that is, uncalculated, spontaneous and unselfconscious unfaked, natural. Furthermore,individualsdo not merelv themselves, for in learning learn how and when to express this they are learning to be the kind of obiect to which the applies, if fallibly; they are doctrine of natural expression learningto be objects that havea character,that expressthis expressingis character,and for whom this characterological to confirm our own hypoonly natural.We are socialized theses about our natures. Third, social situations turn out to be more than a convenient field of what we take to be natural expression; not merelyincidentally, these configurations are intrinsically, in socialsituations. a consequence of what can be generated ought not to be in uncovering So our concernas students whatever they might be. One should real,naturalexpressions, not appeal to the doctrine of natural expressionin an for that (as is attempt to account for nalural expression, beforeit had begun. These the analysis said)would conclude are likely to be anything but natural acts and appearances of indexical signs, exceptinsofaras they provideindications the actor'sinterestin conductinghimself effectivelyunder with the doctrine conditionsof beingtreatedin accordance of of natural expression.And insofar as natural expressions genderare-in the sense here employed naturaland expressive, what they naturally express is the capacity and to portray a versionof themselves inclinationof individuals at strategic moments a working and their relationships agreementto present each other with, and facilitate the of, gesturalpictures of the claimed other's presentation and the claimed character of their realitvof their relationshio human nature.The competencyto producetheseportraits, and interpretthoseproducedby others,might be said to be

8

GENDERADVEBTISEMENTS

may providea to our nature,but this competency essential very poor picture of the overall relationship between the And indeed, I think it does. What the relationship s€xes. objectivelyis, taken as a whole, is quite betweenthe sexes matter,not yet well analyzed. another What the human nature of males and femalesreally consistsof, then, is a capacity to learn to provide and to read andfemininity and a willingness to depictions of masculinity for presenting thesepictures, and this adhereto a schedule not femalesor capacity they have by virtue of being persons, identity. males. One might iust as well saythereis no gender for the portrayal of gender.There is There is only a schedule no relationship between the sexes that can so far be characterized in any satisfactory fashion. There is only of choreographing evidenceof the practice betweenthe sexes behaviorallya portrait of relationship.And what these portraits most directly tell us about is not gender,or the betweenthe sexes, but about the special overallrelationship character and functioningof portraiture. "expresses" One can say that female behavioralstyle gratuitous femininity in the sense of providing an incidental, portrait.But Durkheimrecommends is a that suchexpression political ceremony, in this case affirming the place that personsof the female sex-class havein the socialstructure, in other words,holdingthem to it. And ethologists recommend that feminineexpression is an indicationof the alignment a person of the female sex classproposesto take (or accept) in the activity immediately to follow an alignment which does not merely express subordination but in part constitutes it. influence of worshipping The first points out the stabilizing one's place in the social schemeof things, the second,the substantial consequences of minor allocations. Both these from us by the doctrine modesof functioningare concealed of natural expression: for that doctrine teaches us that expressions occur simply because it is only naturalfor them to do so-no other reasonbeing required. l\4oreover, we are led to accept as a portrait of the whole somethingthat actually occursat scheduled momentsonly, something that provides (in the caseunder question)a reflectionnot ofthe differentialnature of oersonsin the two sex classes but of their common readiness to subscribe to the conventions of display. Genderdisplays, like other rituals,can lconicallyreflect fundamentalfeaturesof the social structure:but iust as easily, these expressions can counterbalance substantive arrangements and compensate for them. lf anything,then, displays are a symptom,not a portrait. For, in fact, whatever the fundamental circumstances of thosewho haDDen to be in the samesocialsituation,their behavioral styles canaffirm a conararyprcrure. Of course, it is apparent that the nicetiesof gender prob" etiquetteprovidea solutionfor variousorganizational lemsfound in socialsituations-such aswho is to makeminor decisions which seembetter lost than unresolved, who is to give way, who to step forward, who is to follow, who to lead, so that turns, stops,and movingabout can be coordinated, (ln the same and beginnings and endings synchronized. way, at the substantive level, the traditionaldivision of labor between the sexes providesa workable solution to the organization of certain personal services,the ones we call practices, similarly, domestic; sex-biased linguistic suchas the

use of "he" as the unmarkedrelativepronounfor "individual"-amply illustrated in this paper-provide a basisfor unthinkinglyconcertedusage upon which the efficiencyof language depends.)But just why gender insteadof some other attribute is invoked to deal with theseorganizational problems, genderis fordoing so, is an and how well adapted openquestion. In sum, gender,in closeconnectionwith age-grade, lays down more, perhaps, than classand other socialdivisions an understanding of what our ultimate natureought to be and how and where this nature ought to be exhibited.And we acquire a vast corpus of accountsto be used as a source of good, self-sufficient reasonsfor many of our acts (particularly as thesedetermine the allocationof minor indulgences just asothersacquire and deprivations), a sovereign means of accounting for our own behavior. Observe, there is nothing superficial about this accounting. Given our stereotypes of femininity, a particularwoman will find that the way has been cleared to fall back on the situation of her entire sex to account to herselffor why she should refrain from vying with men in mattersmechanical, financial,political,and so forth. Just as a particularman will find that his failure to exert priority over women in these matters reflects on him personally,giving him warrant for insistingon success in (Correspondingly, these connections. he can decline domestic groundof his sex,while identifyingany taskson the general of his wife's disinclinationhere as an expression of her particular character.) Becausethese stereotypesbegin to be years,the appliedby and to the individual from the earliest accounting it affordsis ratherwell implanted. I have here taken a functionalistview of genderdisplay and havearguedthat what, if anything, persons characterizes as sex-class members is their competence and willingness to sustain an appropriate schedule of displays; only the content of the displays distinguishes the classes. Although this view can be seenasslighting the biological realityof sex,it should not be taken as belittlingthe role of thesedisplays in social life, For the facilitationof theseenactments runs so deeplv into the organization of societyas to deny any slighting view of them. Cender expressions are by way of being a mere show;but a considerable amount of the substance of society is enrolledin th€ staging of it. Nor should too easya political lessonbe drawn by those sympathetic to social change. The analysis of sexism can start with obviouslyunjust discriminations persons against of the female sex-class, but analysisas such cannot stop there. Gender stereotypes run in every direction, and almost as much inform what supporters of women'srightsapproveas what they disapprove. A principalmeans men in our society havefor initiatingor terminating an everyday encounter on a sympathelicnote is to employ endearing terms of address and verbal expressions of concernthat are (upon examination) parental in characterand profoundly asymmetrical. Similarly, an important ritual available for displayingafjuncturesin discourse, fectionateconcern,emphasizing and markingdifferential conversational exclusiveness is the laying gestureof on of the hand, ordinarily an unreciprocatable maleto femaleor subordinate male. In all of this, intimacy certainlybringsno corrective. In our societyin all classes the tenderest expression of affection involves displaysthat are politicallyquestionable, the place

GENDERDISPLAY 9

taken up in them by the female being differentiated from them, is perhaps to accept a lay theory of signs. That a and reciprocal to the place taken up by tie male. Cross-sex multitude of "genderisms" point convergently in the same affectional gestures choreograph protector and protected, directionmight only tell us how these signs function socially, embracer and embraced, comforterand comforted, supporter namely,to supportbeliefthat there is an underlying reality and supported, extender of affection and recipient thereof; to gender.Nothing dictatesthat should we dig and poke and it is definedasonly naturalthat the maleencompass and behind these images we can expect to find anything the femalebe encompassed. And this can only remindus that there-except,of course,the inducement to entertainthis maledominationis a very special kind, a domination that can exDectauon. be carried right into the gentlest, most loving moment without apparentlycausingstrain-indeed,these moments REFERENCE CS ITED can hardly be conceived of apart from these asymmetries. Whereas groupscan turn from the world other disadvantaged Conners,Kathleen to a domesticscenewhereself-determination 197i Studies in Feminine Agentivesin SelectedEuropean and relieffrom Languages. Romance Philology 24(4):573-598. inequality are possible, the disadvantage that persons who are Fishman, Pamela female suffer precludesthis; the placesidentified in our i975 Interaction: The Work WomenDo. paperDresented at the society as ones that can be arranged to suit oneself are American Sociological Association Meetings, San Francisco, nonetheless for women thoroughly organizedalong disadAugust25-30. HLrxley, vantageous lines. lulian 1966 A Discussion on Ritualization of Behaviour in Animals and And indeed, relianceon the child-parentcomplex as a Man. Philosophical Transactions of the Roval Societv of sourceof display imageryis a means of extendingintimate London,Series B, No. 772, Vol. 251t24'7-526. comfortable practices outward from their source to the Rubinstein, lonathan world, and in the wake of this domestication, 1973 City Police. New York: Farrar, this only Straus and Giroux. Candace, gentling and Don H. Zimmerman of the world we seemto have, femalesubordination West, .|975 Women's Place in Conversation: Reflections on Adult-Child follows. Any scene,it appears,can be defined as an occasion Interaction. Paper presented at the American Sociological for the depiction of gender difference, and in any scenea Association Meetings, San Francisco, August 25-30. resource can be found for effecting this display. Zimmerman, Don H., and Candace West As for the doctrine of expression,it raisesthe issueof 1975 Sex Role, Interruptions ahd Silences in Conversation. /, Language and Sexi Differences and Dominance. Barrie professional, Thorne as well as folk, analysis. To accept various "expressions" and Nancy Henley,eds.Pp. 105-129. Rowley,MA: Newbury of femininity (or masculinity)as indicating House. something biologicalor social-structural that lies behindor I977 Doingcender.Paper presented at the American Sociolosical underneaththese signs,somethingto be glimpsedthrough Association Meetings, Chicago.

FNAilESI PTGTUNE

anywhere' that can be attended something bilitv, becoming own one's of moments for any length of time, and at choostng. Thus"it is in moderntimes-and as the moderncontributhereis a wedding'an life-that whenever tion to ceremonial an exerclse'. graduation investitur€,a birthday party, a. picnic' a shop a terminated, or extended voyage begun mdy well be ;;;;i;*, " uu""iion, o, even a visit, snapshots easy to hano prints kept the and developed, taken, The can thus be accomplished like seif-worship i"r"it'i"t when-for moment at a himself iJi"iJuui i, able to catch with socially in association flirlf'," it in idealsurroundings, (which'for wav ietf-enhancing garbed in a ot'.t, oliiruuL wear of manly and whit€-collarmen may mean rne rough poised for a machinists), or be divided nirl"it"", hunters,wranglers, photographs-can nor( of still tlllp sense enso el s in the the5 Pictures-in ictures I P engagement' imporlant an terminatinB Dromisinqlake'off, privateand public' I into two classes, momenl and with a sociallyeuphoriclook on his fdce A the within display for desiSned those piclurei are Privote about matters to social abouthim attests whenwhat is visible themintimate social circle of the personsfeatured insocial is in he when short, in proud' A moment, to a prot€sslonal which he is picturestaken (with or without recourse as a his appearance to accept therefore, relatlon- bloom, ready, occasions' photographer) in order to commemorate 3 ihit tom"nt he can dry-freeze "u.i-ti"u"t.ntt, and i""iii.",ir" oi trimselt and Iife-turningpoints, whether of a ,t'iot. locker' his shop, his his office, on ttr" wutttof his house, tl'u'ne kind. familialor organizational point to which he can return time reference a wallet, part.or our andiis pictures as private of The specialproperties and asain(and long after he can no longerlive the scene)as and this can life are worth considering, ceremonial domestic of what his bestsocial as depicl.ion, anc i"riir?"i"f tt evid;nce, be done best, perhaps, by starting with ceremony still be' A modest must self has been and, by implication, workingto pictures. ot the ravages shift can individual the involvemaking pact with the devil: involveportraiture, Rit;l and ceremonial ones' to his current remainburied iime from his triumphant appearances what might otherwise ".1;;;i; ; the senses involvemenl spoiled slightlv have to being ""ti ;h;;;; .in traditional I"i ""i, in the struclure of social life' The on tne points, consequent high these scenes, former basic these reaffirm to function arsumentis that theseenactments induced by either the oottutui 'irr""""t t"fr.ting distractively and ultimate beliefs regardingman and i"?i"i liran*"t"no of or the mechanics prorp""i of being snapped nature. Lne or viewrng a (wi1h Poldroid) doing the snappingor throughdoingsare accomplished niiuat una ceremonial viewing, microecolo8ical up taking through making appearance5, in.the gestures-and ""tlii3"t i"r"i"i to others,performinB '""irr" or quickly, completed not if soon, are doings "f a wider ll Pubtic oiclures are lhose designedto catch microthe from Dlavedout. (Durationcan vary anywhere individuals.unconof aggregate a rmile to the six weeksrequired | | uuai"n.. an anonymous administer I""l,"a ii""'," and soclal nected to one anolher by social relationship actscan A5 such,these festivities') of for the most obdurate or the market same the i",.i""ri"", althoughfalling within whlch also from another clas\ of devices be distinguished appeal' of outreaches same the r"r" p"il,i*f iuriidiction, us in f-elt help (alb-eitin a very small way) to maintain form' only print is u5uallynol -the.findl gifts' iere a photographic mementoes' souvenirs, tupooit of our socialstructure: pholo-mecnanlcal ol type some in step preliminary a ofttim€s colimemorativ"s,and other relics' Theseobiects, books' leaflets'or magazines, just as often reproductionin newspapers, celebrate, they it is part what of air"ltfu u posters. Bul " ooorlu' porit"y lhese celebraledsocial arrangements' are diversein function and Public pictures themselves enactnot things' actions, pictures since obiects are involved,not sense character. For example, there are commercial m€nts, they can last a long time-in the relevant forever. Conrid"|.now the pictorial arts' A feature of drawings' 2During of all ranks militarypersonnel wars, European is that these pholographs, the recent and especially sculpture, Daintinr,s, uniform-a dress portraiture in photographic to Jr"l*n ,""r"d '.#..""riiu for a combinationof ritual and relic The and lrtiiilG'.ir"* nations across cut that oiienLation .r''ti,iral ano thal miShtwell turn out image renditionof structurallyimportant socialarrangements a memorial wf'vl To provide irfir"""t, providesthe asocial To bolster i. u" irt" r"si oneu(gut then why not in ciwies?) ultimate beliefs which ceremony fleetlngly of occasion the To mark shaky? omitting therefore and condense' further can ,i^ii* """ru-.i"tlo photoBraphy i"nr.s, tritt to hap-pened thal' whdlever ranl, military current visual "i"u"iion a one's i". oJt"i t"qu. n.. ind everylhingelse excepl static ones o f a u n i f o r m t h a t n e a t l y' d e n t l l l e s w e a r i n g i 5 t h e O r b e ? accesslpermanent finds arravs.And what is caught is fixed into (at a time when one suddenly

ll have benefited from harshcriticismand a greatnumberof general way' from ur"fuf *gg".tion. from Sol Worth; also, in a (1968). Goodman

sliuationin life to all viewers a kind of alreadv -wnot" that can b; neatlvidentified) o""i"ii i" " tilr"ii." reestablishes momentarily then r"p.oau"tion ".rir"i,"i", protraiture in its normal role? may 3A aimil",argum"nt the contentof homemovles "oncerning (1975195'97)' in Chalfen befor.rnd

PICTURE FRAMES 11

designed to sella productfor an advertiser. There are news photos, involvingmattersheld to be of social, and politicalconcern. currentscientific, pictures, as found, say,in medical Thereare instructional text books, the figuresin them intendedto be anonymous, servingonly (apparently)as illustrationsof what can be including the line visitedon man. (ln fact, many illustrations, drawingsin dictionaries,are also typifications,a variable to preconceptions concernmixtureunadmittedlyresponsive the essential, and the ideal.) ingthe average, There are human interest pictures, also anonymous, ofttimescandid, in which otherwiseunnoteworthyindivid(and ny e l o q u e n t l y u a l sc o n f i r mo u r d o c l r i n e o f e r p r e s s i ob presumably unintendedly)choreographing some response, or some such as fear, puzzlement,surprise,love, shyness, innocence, or how we innerstate,such as joy, hopelessness, look and what we do when we think no one is presentto that a well-placed observe us.To which must be addedscenes "aesthetic" design or can composeinto somesort of camera evocativeDortrait of nature. All of into a conventionallv can hopefully be viewed as ends in thesepictured scenes the and arty. (ln this domain,observe, themselves, timeless, line between orivate dnd public can waver.a Counllcss by a masshobby apparatus to enthusiasts are encouraged photographic acquireprofessionin serious equipment, invest al techniques,and take non-family pictures styled for of hanging in a gallery.Although only friendsand relatives in principle they are likely to view the results, the household asanonymous members of do so "critically" in their capacity the wider public. And should a largerstagebe offered the amateur, the occasionis likely to be seizedas recognition, asan invasion of privacy.) not avoided Finally, there are personal publicity pictures, ones to bring before the public a flattering portrait of designed military, sportsometuminary,whetherpolitical,sreligious, elite still functions ing,theatrical, titerary,6or-where a class ial. andis publicized-soc Involved here are actual or putative leadershipand symbolizationof some structure or hierarchy or value presentable ascentralto soci€ty,Note, the publicityfunction extendsfar beyond personalpublicity shots, seepinginto pictures often link almostevery kind of picture.Commercial a product to a celebrity, sellinBthem both. The pictorial gives necessarily recordmadeof importantpublicceremonies

aFor this and other suggestions, I am gratefulto Dorothea Hurvich. 5A deft discussion of oolitical oortraits is Roland Barthes' "Photography Appeal"(1972:91"93). and Electoral 6For male novelists picturedon the back of their dust covers, (currently) openshirts, tousled hair,youthful,virile this means rough, and often a brooding look, this iast bespeaking the deep appearance, poetsmay lvlale of the species. thoughts that areproperto the innards feel obliged to appeareven more feeling.Nonfictionwritersalso present pictures of their of themselves as part of the merchandising product, more the steady march of thought but their posing suggests the humancondition. cost of so directlyaddressing thanthe psychic analyses eventhosewho publishslashing of advertising Interestingly, to allowtheir pictures to appear on the jacketin a posture find reason calculated of the book are to be seenin to confirm that qualities qualities of the appearance of the writer, thus promotinga folk of expression alongwith their booksand themselves. theory

personalpublicity to thosewho officiate. News eventsare very often presented through the words and presence of political leaders, a write-upof the first accompanied by a Dicture of the second.Human interest shots have more Eventhe celebrity's interestif they involvefamoussubjects. personalliferitualscan be publicized asa means of affirming in everyone's life what is beingaffirmedin his own, so that whateverhis oarticulardomain. he will tend to becomea public performer ceremonies extrareason of private andhave on suchoccasions for takingpictures and ensuring that they ofpublic and private are good ones a mutualcontamination which comesto a headin fan magazines. In the limitingcase of a social elite, mere attendance at a particularsocial placecan qualifyas function or merevisitingof a particular newsworthy, these performers being empowered to transform social DarticiDation from routine into ritual. A has a sacred remind€r that every undertaking elementand which realizeits hierarchical can be done in circumstances potential.Here, may I add, the British Royal Familyis the modern creativeforce, leadlngthe civilizedworld in knowproductionof personal publicity. how for the mass Celebrities not only link their own privatelivesto the public domain,but alsocan link the livesof privatepersons something of to it. For persons in the publiceye representing possessing or value and concernto many persons regional the nationalrenown-seem to acquireas one of their powers sports capacity to be a contagioushigh point. Politicians, qualify. In contrast to stars, entertainers, and other notables picturesof Jesus, Lenin, and the BritishRoyal Family,those of ordinarycelebrities are not alwayslikely to carryenough ritual impact to warranta placeon the mantel;nonetheless, celebrities need but posefor a picture in the companyof a for him, a memento memberof their public to manufacture a sort of elevation by to his idealattributes, one that speaks photographically Note that a personal attest€dassociation. inscription can function as a weak substitutefor ioint (ln exchangefor their endorsem€nt, then, appearance.T celebrities acquirea smallbillboard,rent free.)Thusin bars, and offices,these restaurants, drycleaningestablishm€nts, trophies, the latterbeing trophiesjostle with family pictures, property (anddomestic too, for they attest to the domestic proprietor,which property, piety) of the establishment's in ideal circumincidentally,has also been photographed Stances. portraiture represents a In all of this, note, photographic rather significantsocial invention,for, even apart from its a low andvery role in domestic ritual, it hascometo provide little guardedpoint in the barrier that both protectsand persons overinto public of privatelife from passing restrains recognition.

and public-il. is To consider photographs-private f I f I I I necessary, apparentiy,to consider[he question of perception and reality, and it is necessary to control

'Americanpresidents (oneof their few) of havethe distinction pictures having circulated inscribed in their pre-election capacity, and after electioncircLrlating ones that qualify as hangable without an inscription.

12

GENDERADVENTISEMENTS

our that characterize ambiguities somehowthe systematic pictures. talk about everdav images (1) Pictures of two-dimensional the class comprise into fixed form, the chiefexamples that hav€beenprocessed being drawings,paintings,photographs,and, of course, saw of them all. (What Narcissus reproductions letterpress "actual" A "real" or was a reflection,not a photograph.) photographconsistsof a piece of stiff, emulsifiedpaper on one side,a text providing marksand shadings containing photographically, processed has been an image that us with not some other way. (Obviously,a photographdoes not a embody objects that it pictures-asSol Worth remarks, pictureof fire is not hot-although somemight want to say transsurfacedoes embody a perspectival that the exposed upon within the scene formationof someof the relationships focused.)By this definitionitfollows that which the camera "touched up," miscaptioned, or that has been a photograph photograph of a The realness real one. is still a evendoctored would only figure when, say, there wasa concernto prevent it from gettingcrumpled,soiledor torn, or to control the effect of the texture of a paper stock upon depth perception, was to be a photograph that what appeared or to discover realisticpainling. (What is only indeeda cleverlydisSuised a slightly involves elseand not reallya photograph something issuethan that of what is not and certainlylesser, different, For there are else but only a photograph. really something can replicatelots of flat, paperythingsthat a photograph whether or not with intent to deceive dollar bills, water colors, and cardiograms being examples; indeed, with experimental controls a photographpastedinto -a window for a threedimensional realscene.o canbe mistaken ) "real" picture leads to a Consideration of what is a "same" picture, and thus of what is the consideration to a version of the type-token issue. We speak of the "same" or "identical" picture when referring to two quite different possibilities:two like prints from the self-same negative, and two meetings-up with the print. I don't think this particular ambiguity self-same causestrouble; in any case, unlike the situation with coins, here terminology is ready to hand any time we , needto soecifv, I believe that the significant question,and one that everydayuse and terminologydoes obscure,is not what a photograph is, or what would count as the same photograph, but what a particular photograph is of-a concern, incid€ntally, that allows one to treat a

photograph and its printing press reproduction as the 5ame. for large, small, flat tracings Somehowwe learnto decode three dimensionalscenes in a manner somewhat corto interpretour visual to the way we havelearned responding a photographhas nearly imagesof real objects. (Because perspectiv€-saving p€rfectgeometric one taken,for example, lens-it is very like the image with a distorting wide-angle proiected on the retina of one eye, were the retina to be blocked from its usual scanning; but retinal images scaling modified by constancy themselves are systematically basedon additionaldepth cues drawn in part from stereG scopic and parallax-motioneffects which photography must do without.)e Here the point is not that our useof our eyes or that this learning and our pictureshashad to be learned, with the world drawsdeeplyand fallibly on pastexperience (allowing useof us to makeeffective modalities in all sensory small cues and good hypotheses as to which of a set of possiblestatesis to be iudged the actual one), but that it (in our society), the eyeingof live rendering doesget learned and more or less of scenes, efficacious and of pictures scenes, competency that we And note, this deciphering equivalent. acquire with respect to live scenes,and pictures of scenes, does not make us acute about just any set of perceptual details, but rather those which allow us to make for it is about conventionallyimportant discriminations; that we will these matters that are of generalsocial relevance then, have botheredto accumutate experience.l0Perhaps, of a live the primary differencebetweenan interpretation view and an interpretationof a picture of it is that live viewingordinarily assures that what is seen is as it appears that it wasonce now, whereas a picture,at best,guarantees 50. In sum, one can say that, as a result of acquired things(or ratheraspects of things) competence, interpretiv€ in €ffect are as they seem to be seen,and as they seemto be pictured,notwithstanding the fact that the actualimageon the retina and on tle photographicpaper is a somewhat different matter. And one should be able to say that a photograph in effect can provide us with an objective, "actual picture of" sociallyimportant veridicalversion-an of what is in fact out there. aspects drawnfrom the psychology of However, conclusions these perception fail to tell us why thereshouldbe so much doubt as to what in fact photographs and concernamongstudents issue of the various do represent.The frame-theoretical

olt is worth noting various forms who compare that art historians woodcuts, drawings, paintings, photoof representation-etchings, graphs-and use illuslrationsin their books to explicate the tend to treal !he Sround ot their own operation, differences, as somethingto be taken for granted,samething letterpresigraphics, characteristics of its own, in this followingthe without constraining the mediumin which one is oneself of treating lay framingpractice workingaslimitlessand featureless. 'A closeissue a of permanehcy, here.Apart from the question picture that containsvastly more cameracan take an instantaneous detail, shading,and breadth than the eye can capture in the same length of time, the eye being restrictedapparentlyto flitting about taking spot checks which the brain then edits and composes pictures(oncedeveloped accordingly.Holvever,before the camera's and printed) can be of any final use,an eye mustview it, and that

to the camera viewingrvill suffer all the limits of the eye compared Dlusan extra set, namely,the limitationof havingto start with a photograph, not the realthin8. loThe frameworkof experience requiredin order to interpret (suchas thosetaken of missile site!, elementary somephotographs particle pathwaysJminor meteors) may be so restricted that a lay when it is personmight not even be able to see what he is seeing pointedout. However, is not a question of votesbut valid perception And that is not to say W. l. Thomas notwithstanding. of comp€tence, images that readbeyondthe "simple"physical somehow that viewers "literal" description "obiective," are"given"them;for a physicalistic, having to be learned, too-a fact quite interpretive, is itself,of course, is. Thereare no naked of how common this learning independent facts, merely varioustypes of inferentialelaboration,but lrat is not arbitrary, are necessalily common or otherwiser to sav that inferences,

PICTURE FRAMES 13

senses in which pictures are said to be true, real, valid, candid, realistic,expressive, or, contrariwise, false, faked, posed, unfaithful, doctored,guyed, still remainsopen, and social,not psychological, answers must be sought. The easy sense of the man in the streetthat the meaning of piclures is clear enough comes from an easy willingnessto avoid thinkingdbout the meanings of meaning. (2) lt is clear that an artist can executea drawinqor painting from memoryand imagination, processsing an image of, say, a person who is no more or even never was. One might say that the result was a picture of a subject (or "figure"), not meaning to imply by this "oF" thar the subiecr is now, or ever was, real. Subjectsbelongto very human realms of being but not alwaysto the curren! realworld. A subjecl,note, may be a buildingor a landscape or a stagat bay or the crossing of the Delaware; it can alsobe a oerson, the chief concernhere. (Frenchin this regardis clearer than English: a special reference for the word personnoge designates a member of the fictional realm, the term personhe being reservedfor designatinga member of ours.) Now it happens that when something that is not present to him is to be the subiect of a painter's work, he may steady his task of rendition by employinga stand-in, mock-up,or substitute-things of this world that are materiallyto hand and can serve as guides during phasesof the canvas processing. Thus, for an historical figure,he may usea living person there in the flesh;for a mythicalbeast with unnatural appendages, a real beastwith naturalones.A materialguide is often calleda model,especially whena person or animalis involved, and will be called that here, althoughother (and confusingly relevant) meanings can alsobe givento that term (Goffman 1974, esp. 41). Note, incidentally,a parallel distinctionin the theater,where it is fully understood that a characteror protagonist belongsto a make-believe realm of beingthat is dramatized, and the actor who takesa part and stagesits character belongs to another, namely, everyday reality. Indeed,from the theatercomesthe term "prop" to remindus that someartifacts have, as it were,no life of their own, taking their identifyingtitle from the fact that their crude similarity to certain objectsin the real world (along with their cheapness and maneuverability) allowsthem to be used in plays as if they were these obiects, this role in dramaturgy beingtheir only one. lf one allowsthat a paintermay usea material objectasa
.' lvlatters can get a little complicated here. A movjeactormay be givena stand-in so that in staging a character he himself will not have to engage in tediousor dangerous ,(andsimply):a activity.Clearly model for a model. Novelists, with no intent to engage in cover! patterna fi(tionalcharacter biography, sometimes upona reil person quitedistinct, in theirsocial circle, subiect and modelherebeing there beingan obligation to blur the copy ahd makea secret of the identity of the model.Biography, on the other hand,allows and requires that play5, then, the the subjectand model be one. In biographical character onstage becomesa refraction both of the actor who is taking the part and of the personwho wasthe inspirationfor the part. (or a sad experience), It is a tart experience but not necessarily a confusing one, that is produced when the inspiration for a character also as the actor of the part, aswhen the famousgunfighters serves of the West ended their years by "8oingon the road" with enactments of themsefves. The tricky caseis the romon d clef, " here a connection between subject and model is formally denied (as prefatory admonitions regarding the coincidence of resemblance attest) but

guide(whethermodel,prop, or whatever) to help him in his rendering, and if this guidingfunction is taken as centralto one'sconception of suchobjects, then one might extendthe categoryto include objectswhich the artist usesnot only as a guidebut alsoas a subject. After all, to sit for a portrait is to serve asa subiectdfd as its model, and so one is forced to say that a stand-in can be the realthing.rt Unlike what is requiredin drawing,painting,or fiction, but like the theater, a photograph requires material guides-"models"in the cases that interestus. The play of light and shadowupon something out therein the realworld is necessary, and furthermore, is necessary at the moment the Dicture is taken. Observethat just as a photograph can be said to be of its subject, this beingour first sense of "of," so it can be saidto be of its model, this being our secondsense of "of." The convenience of using one word here insteadof two, is, I believe, a disaster for analysis, for althoughbiblicalpaintings provideno problemin the distinction and the theatrical stage betw€en subiectand model (or character and actor),photography deeply confoundsthe matter in severalways-now merging subject and model,now concealing a difference, now taking a difference for granted, and in general causing us to think we areconcerned with one problemwhen we reallyare concerned aboutanother. (1) A "caught" or "candid" photographmay be l\/ I Y defined as featuring models thal have not been arrayed to serve as such, that is, to serve as something to photograph on this occasion. Suchpictures showobiectsand events as they are in regard to some matters other than photography. For human modelsthis means ordinarily that they are unawarethat a camerais where it is, or that they are so deeply caughtup in other vital mattersthat they either give no weight to the fact that they are being photographed or modify whatever they are doing only to the extent for a disjunctive required monitoringshift in response to the 2 (All models suddenappearance of a camera.r can be angled, if not manipulated, for photographiceffect; only human ones can do this on their own behalf.)Caughtpicturescan providevalid documents or records,allowingthe viewerto make relativelyreliableinferences as to what had led up to the activity representedand what was likely to have

guessing at the identity of the model is encouraged (or at least thoughtto be),alongwith the beliefthat the copying is close. l2ln f"ct, r"tt".. are a little more complicated. Of the infinite photographers numberof scenes miSht catch,they manage to (and bother to) catch only a small number,and thesetend to be ones whosecontent makeevidentthat the pictures could only havebeen caught. So a caughtpictureturns out to be a patentlycaughtone. Also note that whereas the term "caught" seemsto be preferentially applied to a scene uponwhicha camera wouldhavebeenunlikely.th€ term "candid" seems to be preferentiallyused in reference to scenes whereinthe participants would ordinarily have been unwilling to continue on with what they had beendoinghad they but knownthat a camera wasin action.Undersiandably, pictures present somecandid frame,not only turningprecipitously models breaking to monitorthe camera's intrusion, but alsosimultaneously attempting to obscure the appearance they had beengiving.Whatis candidabout suchpicturei turnsout to be covering behavior, not what the behavior covers,

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extent, as can an followed,in the sameway, if to a lesser actualviewerof a live sceneinfer what is going on at the can momentof viewing.lt is in this way that caughtpictures concerning the €xistence of a state be usedasstrongevidence of an event.Thus. a pictured of affairsor of the occurrence "personally identified," that is, a individualwho can be sub,ect that provides us with effective evidenceof the identification of its model,can serve to demonbiographical strate that its model had been in a certain place doing a certain thing and in association with certain others,which demonstration courts of law may be inducedto accept.For insurance claimsfor injurieshavebeendefeated by example, photographs secretly taken of the claimant while he was such as bowling, engagedin demanding performances, "knowing" climbingladders, and the like. Denialof someone has similarly been defeated by pictures of the claimant chatting with the person he claims not to know. Bank robbershavefaced similar problemsdue to securityphotography. In fact, on occasionin courts, claimsas to what may find better supportthroughphotographs occurred than howeverrealistic, through direct testimony. Drawings, are not used in this particular way, although they can be i n i d e n l i f i c a l o rp yo l i c e work.rl employed (2) Caughtphotographs are to be contrasted to another class, whosemembers share the propertythat inferences asto what was going on in the scene connot be correctly made from what is Dictured. (often caughtones) which First, there are photographs havebeencovertly"doctored" or "faked," aswhena picture of someone's face is superimposed on a pictureof someone else'sbody, and the whole passed that the off as evidence
'"ln his Art and tttuslor, E. H. Gombrich presents the interesting atgumentthat a picturc cannot be true or false in itself, these possibilities beingreserved for the caption or label: Logicianstell us and they are not people to be easily gainsaid-that the terms"true" and "false"canonly be applied to propositions, statements, And whatevermay be the usage of criticalpallance, a pictureis never a statement in that sense of the term. lt can no more be true or false than a statement canbe blue or green. Much confusion has been causedin aesthetics by disregardjng this simple fact. lt is an understandable confusjon because in our culturepictures are usuallylabeled, and labels, or captions. can be understood as abbreviated statements, Whenit is "the said camera cannot lie," this confusion is apparent. Propaganda in wartime often made use of photographs falsely labeled parties. to accuse or exculpate one of the warring Evenin illustrations scientific i1 is the captionwhichdetermines the truth of the picture.ln a cause cAlibreof the last centuryr the embryo of a pig, labeledas a human embryo to prove a theory of evolution, brought about the downfall of a great reputation. Wjtholt much reflection, we can all expandinto statements the laconiccaptions we find in museums and books. Whenwe readthe painting, name"Ludwig Richter"undera landscape we know we arethusinformed that he painted it and canbeginarguing whether this information is true or false.Whenwe read"Tivoli," we infer the pictureis to be takenas a viewof that spot,and we canagain agree or disagree with the label.How and whenwe agree, in sucha case,will largelydependon what we want to know about the obiect represented. The Bayeux tapestry, for instance, tells us there was a battle of Hastings. lt doesnot tell us what Hastings "looked l i k e . "[ ] 9 6 1: 6 7 - 6 8.1 In sum,a caption frames a picture, tellingus what aspect of it is to be attended and in what light this aspect of mattersis to be seen-e.g,, the way thingsoncewere,the way they might be in the future,the

owner of the face was presentin the scenedepicted.Or a a false seriously misleading captionis employedencouraging attributionof modelto subject. Secondare the kind of picturesthat can be said to be rigged, or set up, implying that modelsand scenic arranged, materials,real enough in their own right, were brought together and choreographed to induce radically wrong as to "who" had been presentand/or what had inferences beengoingon. The resultis a pictureof a covertlycontrived scenej the picture is an actual one, but it is not actually of the sceneit portrays. The classic casehere is the collusively arranged infidelity picture,onceso popularin Britishdivorce proceedings, providing perfectly valid evidence that a Darticular man had been in a oarticular room with a particularwoman not his wife, the misleading restricted to their doings and her professionalidentity. The wrong (or rathergives impression the court is induced to receive the appearance of receiving) is much like the one that the hotel clerk could haveobtainedof the actualdoings,althoughhe might g€t to seethe picture takingas well as the scenethe picture taker took. Observe that a doctoredpicture,whether intendedto mislead or not, requires no cooperation from the models,the fabricationbeingdone after, not before,picture taking;riggedpictures, on the other hand,ordinarilyrequire posingbeforethe picture is snapped, collaborative although admittedly if modelsare caught at the right momentfrom the right angle,they can find that they haveunintentionally produceda picture that is riggedin effect,ra as they can if they know they are about to b€ photographed but the photographer doesnot know they know. Observe, too, that although eyes and camerascan be similarly fooled, it is
dream of the artist,a tributeto the styleof someperiod, andsoforth. But, of course, this approach entirely begsthe question. In a great photograph number of contextsan uncaptioned /5 understood to present a claim regarding the properties and character of the model, (Theveryfact that effort courtsof law only beingthe most obvious. presupposes pictures is madeto doctor pictures that ordinarily imply an avowalabout reality and that this avowalis ordinarilyvalid;the sameassumption is not madeof other modes of representation, and understandably so.) Any oblect,not merelya picture,is subject to covertsimulation and various forms of overt reconstitutings. These transformations nonetheless remainiust that, transformations of an original. But granted that the interpretation a pictureis given, thatis, the sense in which it is taken,derives from the contextof use, one must seethat the caption,when thereis one, is but one part of thh context. A caption,then, can be true or falseonly if /ti context carries anothercaption, albeita tacit one: "The statement5 made here are meant to be taken as avowals of what is." And the reading a captioncan cause us to makeof a picture, otherelements of context "fantasy"cantell can cause us to makeof the caption.(The caption us how to reada picture in an art book,but whatdoesit tell usabout a picturein the NationalLampoon?) A statement of fact, laconic or expanded, can be presented as a quotation,an exampleof literary slyle, a displayof print format, etc., being no lessvulnerable to special readings than are pictures. In any case, a photograph thatir falsely captioned to deceive or for openlyplayfulpurposes) {whether can still present a perfectly validrepresentation of its model, theonly problembeingthat the modelcan't be correctlyidentified from the caption.lvlayI add that although obviously the angle, light,timinSj cameradistance, printing,and the photol lens,film development, grapher'sintent can very significantlyinfluencewhat a picturc reproduces, in every casethe model must introducea pattern of constraints aswell. l4For this, and for other suggestions incorporated without acknowledgment, lam grateful to Richard Chalfen.

PICTURE FRAMES 15

usuallyfar easierto hoodwink the viewerof a picture than quite apart from, say, for reasons the viewerof a live scene, the consequence of insufficientdepth cues. For the still photographer's practiceof holdinghis camera to a smallfield and (necessarily) to a singleanglecan,in the shootingof a protecthis illusionfrom anythingdisconfirming scene, rigged that might lie just beyond the posing;and what has been posed needonly be held longenoughto snapit. A liveviewer could hardly be restricted this way, and unlesshe wore blinders and kept his head in a vice, would haveto be faced with fakery that is considerably more extensive if it is to be effective-although admitt€dly he is not often in a position for flaws,whereas to pore over what he sees the viewerof a usuallvis. oicture (3) Pictures that are covertlydoctoredor covertlyrigged display scenesthat can't be read in the same way that for ones routinelv can. as a swarmof warrants uncontrived and drawingsound conclusions as to who had beenpresent what had beengoingon there.Suchcovertlyfakedpictures "fabrications" are to be distingulshed from ones that are also concocted, but this time admittedly, whether by what is photographed or doctoringa photograph arranging providea "keying" scenes alreadytaken.ls Openlycontrived as to who was presentand what of photographic evidence hereis what might hadbeengoingon.16The centralexample transformation be called"commercialrealism,"the standard €mployed in contemporary ads, in which the scene is in all detail as one that could in theory have conceivable sliceof occurredas pictured,providingus with a simulated does not seem intent on life; but although the advertiser passing the picture off as a caught one, the understanding seemsto be that we will not presshim too far to accountfor just what sort of reality the scene has.(The term "realistic," "sincerity" when appliedto a stageactor, is like the term that is praiseworthy self-contradictory, meaningsomething by virtue of being like somethingelse,althoughnot that realismis to be sharplydistinsomething else.)Commercial guishedfrom scenes posedwith unlikely professionals and apparently intendedto be wrongly seenas caught and from scenesthat ore caught ones but now embeddedin an 7 Observe that commercialrealismprovides advertisement,I

especially nice examples of the subject-model issue. Asked what is in a particularad, we might say, "A family fishing." What makesus think the four subiects in the pictureare in a family relationship to one another is exactly what might make us infer sucha relationship with respect to strangers in real life. 5o, too, on seeingimagesof fishing lines in the water. Asked whether we think the four personswho modeled for the picture are reolly a family or if there are hookson the lines,the answer could well be, "Probablynot, but what doesit matter?"The point about an ad is what its composermeant us to infer as to what is going on in the pictured scene,not what had actually been make-beli€ve going on in the real doingsthat were pictured.The issueis subiect. not model. It is thus that the constraints on Dicture scene Droduction can be properly sorted. An ad featuring a nude woman subject raisesquestionsabout the modesty of the model, especially if she is a well-knownone; an ad featuringnuns clusteredin front of a station wagon in honor of Gl\4's tilt-wheel steeringcan (and did) raisequestions about the desecration of subjects the modelsin this casebeing well covered by unaccustomed habit (seeLivingston 1976). Advertisements that emplov commercial realismor some other variety of overtly concocted scene can be aptly compared to what the stage presents. In both casesthe viewer is to engageknowingly in a kind of make-believe, treating the depictedworld as if it were reallike but of coursenot actuallyreai.The differences are interesting. One is that althoughwe undoubtedly can involveourselves more deeply in staged make-believe than in advertisements, it is probablythe casethat viewers morefrequentlyreify, that is, "downkey," ads than plays; for we can always fall into thinking that an ad is like a newsshot or a privateportrait, its model rightly to be identified with its subject.(ln any case,the imputationof realness to what a picture is of is unlikely to require our immediate intercession, the presented eventshavingalreadytranspired; on the other hand, when Othello attacksDesdemona, something will haveto be done immediately by the audience if they havemisframed him as endangering a real life.) Another difference:lt is routine in play production that we know the personal identity of the models,at least the lead ones,and that our pleasure in the show derivesin part from watchingfavoriteactorsat work, lSCurrentlynewspapers exercise and magazines very wide liberty whatever the part they are currently at work in. In the case pictures featuring bitsof anatomy of cein presenting op€nlydoctored political especially ones, the portraits completed by linedraw- of ads, with very rare exception, the personalidentity of the lebrities, cartoons, other photographs, and the like.Precisely in whatframe models is unknown to us, and we do not seek out this ings, interpret suchpictures is not clear, since whatcanbelegally dereaders Producttestimonyby celebrities, knowledge. or by specially fendedas an evident fantasymay not be so treated by someviewers. selected citizens whose actual names and addressesare '"A fuller treatment of "keying" and"fabrication"is presented in provided, quite is another matter and is by way of beinga Goffman(1974,esp.ch. 3, 4). ' 'There are deviations fraud a fabrication,not a keying.An interesting marginal ftom commercial realism that are more caseis the photoroman, popular on the continent, in which subtle,Thus, one finds that a picturein an annual companyreport personally restaurant with the aid of two displaying the company's equipment identified models indeed"stars" of the cinematic posingas personsdininS out and another asa waitress secretaries can perform world for a series of stillsin the mannerof a comic conveynot so much that there is a difference between subject and book, projectingthemselves in fictional partsmuch as they particular model,but that these models arenot making everyeffort to might on the screen, and as on the screenrelyingon their conceal that they are unprofessional ones,therebyposing as models "own" identitiesas a sourceof drawing power (see Van posing as participants in a rcstaurant scene. A comparableframe homemovies as part of complexityis found in the useof simulated Dormael1974).
of the scenario of a commercial one,or the usein radiocommercials "interviews"with carefullyselected "citizens," ordinaryconsumers, Startingwith caughtscenes, the descriplion has been who have beenrehearsed into displaying the restarts, filled pauses, \/ Y complicated by adding ones lhaI were fabricated and and little floodingsthat presumably distinguish the efforts of real performedby studio actors. keyed. Now it is essential interviewees from the responses to go on to see that all these

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picturesshareone importantfeature,namely,they are all whether candid, faked, or scenes,that is, representations, "events" happening.Narrative-like frankly simulated,of action is to be read from what is seen,a before and after are to be inferred,and this location in tht! ongoingstreamof the context as muqh as do the modelsand activity provides propsper se. All suchpicturesare to be distinguished from another class, namely, portraits, these being pictures keyed,or actually of where action is absentor fabricated, and it cannot quite be said that a sceneis in incidental, progress. A subiect is featured more than a streamof events. ('l) Considerfirst the matter of the personalportrait format itself. This format was there before the cameracame in, has dominatedprivate pictures,and is only now giving way: the model sits or standsin his finery, holds an absent, half-smiling expressionon his face in the direction he is instructedto-a constraintonly familiar from the military paradeground-and rendershimself up to the iudgmentof eternity,the assumption rightly beingthat in many waysthe are one,a case of posing No modeland the subiect asoneself. needs doubt this posturalformula reflectedthe exposure of eady film and the style (and requirements) established in , painted portraiture providingus a central caseof pictures other pictures; in any case, representing no prototypeis to be found in the responses individuals, at leastsighted ones, have to any other circumstancein the workaday world.r8 (Certainly responses of every kind can be affectedand held by brute force for lengthy periods, but these responses are presented as though in reaction to somethingother than picture taking.) When this portrait format is extendedto commercialshots featuring a subject and a product, the unseeing expression often givesway to one that is not alien to natural life, merely crudely simulated:a frozen, summoninglook, asthoughthe subjectweremakingeyecontact, sometimescollusivelv.with someone there in the flesh behind the shutter, or with a widergroupout therein camera land. Also found is an expressionof defenseagainst a subtlemeans the viewerto feel he intrusion, of encouraging is an actual participant in the depicted scene. So, too, especially femaleones,may be shownreturning our subjects, intrusive look with one that passively submitsto apparently our Eaze. More subtle still, the subject can give the appearance of turning away from a second figure in the picturesometimes to steala look at a third figure,in any case angle so from a disclosive catch the maneuver allowingus to more privy to this disloyalty of that we find ourselves attentionthan is the subiectwho has lost it. The simulation

of viewer-responsive facialexpression by subiects somewhat changes a portrait into a scene and is, of course, a standard feature of Westernpainting.re And note the parallelto a phenomenon peculiarto the legitimatestagecalled "direct address." (2) Early privatephotographic portraitsemployed canvas (deemed proper backdrops featuring sylvanor hellenic scenes in their three dimensionai form to the gentry),thus taking open advantage of the principlethat the camera, somewhat like the theatricalstage,drops from the world everything between the figuresor objectsin centralfocus and what lies in front, and at the sametime tendsto reduce what remains of the embedding context to a bqchground, a depthless plane. A recent commercialversion is the high fashion frieze againsomething that does not mimic nature-which pristinelycostumed splays femalefigures flush against exotic slabs of naturewhereperhaps only goatsand mendicants are actually to be found, naturehereserving as a substitute for canvas. (3) In portraiture, this transformationof contextual space into a point of focusand a flat background is matched by the transformation of microecological space. Selfcommemoration by a kin group,team,school, or association packsfamiliars into compact rank-and-file graded clusters, for height;decorative kneelingand pyramidingcan also be employed.This assures that a likeness of all the faceswill show in the picture,alongwith at leastan inferential view of the corresponding bodies, and all this as largeas the camera can manage. In this bunching-up of modelsin order to takea picture, microecologyand body contact are given a systematically differentreading than obtainsin any other frame, althoughthe staging Observe, of choralsingers comesclose. I have been talking about real spacebetweenreal peoplemodels. not subiects.The current commercialversion of group picturespresents an evenmore strikingreconstitution for it brings of space, into jolly togetherness a deep-sea diver, a Chinese cook, a ballet dancer, a black nurse,a middle-age housewife, and a grey-haired banker,causing subjects whom all of sociallife conspires to keep separate to be arm in arm, nullifying the basic metaphor indexing social distance physical throughinterpersonal But, ofcourse,thereis space. a profound difference between commemorativesand commercials. Teammates who entwinethemselves for a portrait produce a picture of themselves displayingthis territorial promiscuity;professional modelswho similarly pose themselvesdo not produce a picture of themselves but of subiectschosen by advertiser, and it is the intermingling not models of subiects in the pictured spaceJ in the studio's, that is striking. After all, professional models, like pro18ln recent fessional actors,havegivenup almostall naturalclaimsand years havebrokenwith stylishportraitphotographers can be caused to appearin almostany guiseand almostany the traditional format. Insteadof inducingfrozen facial dignity in a liveliness, and model, they trackdownexpressions of warmth,charm, posture, a sensethat the individualhas been unselfso forth, producing (4) An individualwho serves as a model for a personal consciously caught in action. To obtain these expressaons, a portrait-or does else-is anything someonewith a unique considerable varm-up period may be employedand a secondcamera, individuality, allowingfor a matchingbetween so that the modelwill not quite know whenand from what precise biographical
can be angl€his imagewill be taken.In this way, everycustomer photography transformed into a fittingobiectfor sympathetic, candid hischaracter, and highsymbolism, becoming someone who express€s to make a statement as well as his status, allowing photographers lt is through suchpractices that those everytime their camera speaks. who make a living r€producing appearances of life can continue further to stampthe realthing out. r 9See,for exampfe, Rubens'HAAneFoument in o Fur Coot, ilnd (1975:60-61). the discussion in Berger I might add that a whole art hasdeveloped in radioand TV to induceperformers to projecttheir talk as if to actualaudiences located at someDrescribed distance. and as if part of a current interaction. On the contingencies of training political candidates in these techniques, see Carey(1976).

PICTURE FRAMES 17

subject and personalidentity of the model, providingonly that the model is knownpersonally, oratleast knowno{ by gameof identifyingbaby the viewer.(Thus the photographic pictures or high schoolphotosor of matchingearlypictures of celebrities againsttheir current image.)For viewers of a portrait,this matchingpossibility is crucial; ritual usecannot be made of pictures of just anyone, only picturesof the famed or of those within one's own circle. ln the caseof pictures,this linkageis unnecessary-except commercial in regard to celebrity or "citizen" testimonials. Observethat in photographicportraits, the model is "posed." frankly His havingtaken up a positionbeforethe camerasimply in order to be photographedin no way "real" detracts from the picture beingthought an authentic, one. Moreover,what is pictured is what is reallygoing on, namely,portraiture, the giving of the model over to the process of beingrendered. Wewould not say,then,that such a picturewas "merely posed,"asthoughto correctanyone's beliefthat it was something else.That the backSround may 6e a metepicture of scenery doesnot discredit the portrait either,for here there is no pretense that anythingbut a prop is involved. One is reminded here of the frame comolexitv of apparently naivephotographs and the diverse realms of being we seemable to easilyamalgamate. For exampl€, a photographmay involvenot only a model who is a recl person and a backdrop which is a painting of trees, but also a framed photograph or oil portrait, real in its own sense, usedas a scenicresourcer introducingstill another plane of events. lndeed, at the turn of the centurymortuarypictures wereto portrait of the be found in which a framed photographic deceased was set amidstwreathsand realflowers,all placed in front of a cloudy canvas sky and photographed. (lncidentally, what resulted v,tasa photograph of a photograph,somethingthat is frame-distinct from a print off the same negative, the rephotograph of a photograph, and, of course, a letterpress reproduction In all of of a photograph.) portraiturehasfrom the beginning theseways photographic involved embeddingsof material from one frame into materials in another,20 a practice, incidentally, long employed in painting. portrait may be one that strikes A "real" photographic the vieweras bad in variousways: it may be unflattering or fail to capturethe personality the model is "known" to have or be badly composed, lighted,printed, and so forth. But these deficienciesdo not reflect on the genuineness or authenticityof the portrait. A questionof fabricationand keying, a question of reality, would enter when we dis"really" coveredthat the portrait was of someoneelse, merelysomeone who looked like the model we thoughtwas involvedor that the picture containedthe mere posingof a posing,as when a commercial presents advertisement some-

2oExamples may be found in Lesy(1973).Postcards earlyin this century also employedembeddings, the beautifulbeloved of the lonely lover appearingin a balloon above his head, ofttimes for free space competing lvith her photograph or portrait,this being a I suppose, in case the point wasmissed. Note, third realmemployed, the equivalent access to the heated brainof a of a thoughtballoon's beforethe camerawasinvented, figure wa5a privilegeof novelists

thing meant to be seen as though a private photographic portrait when in fact a professional model did the work, posing in a way he would not were he posing for a photographof himself for his own private use.To which must be addedthe fact that almost from the beginning of privatepersonal photographic portraiture, modelsguyed the process, taking an avowedly"funny" picture, for example, one which extendedthe repr€sented scenery into everything but a holefor the model's realheadto be poppedthrough,or one in which the model assumed a purposelycomic pose. Commercialpictures then added a lamination,presenting pictures of professional models posed as private persons guying a portrait pose. I might add that when a genuine private photographicportrait is borrowed by a student, transformed into a slide,and presented to an audience asan portraiture, instance of photographic then one might haveto say that althougha real portrait is beingused,it is not being used in the way intended, and no ritual attachesto its perception. Form remains; function changes. Finally, look again at the notion of "posing." A commercialmodel stagingan ad in which he is to appearas a "posing," doctor is an activity clearly different from "imposturing" as a doctor (as when someone attemptsto practicemedicine without trainingor a license), and akin to "acting" a medicalrole in a movie. But evenmore clearly, someone"posing" for his portrait is not doing so in the commercial model's sense. For, as suggested, in private portraitsthere is ordinarily no effort to use sceniccuesto providethe viewerof the picturewith an understanding tiat a make-believe world is picturedwhose subiects havea social and personalidentity little matchingthat of the models. posingavowedly Commercial transforms a model into almost anyone the advertiserwants to construct an imaginaryscene around; private portraiture transforms a model into a decorative representation of himself, the two "ofs" of photography here nicely blended.Observethat the question of primping or posturing for the camerais not here at issue. Private portraiture, public portraiture for purposes of publicity, caught news shotsof national leaders, and even art photographyof "interestinglooking" faces,all reflect the fundamental fact that their models are not presenting themselves in a personal or socialidentity not their "own"; that is what underlies our commonsense designation of these pictures as "actually of" their subiects. All are to be contrasted to commercial make-believe, whether fanciful or fully realistic, for whether a model poses as a doctor gr Napoleon or tie devil does not signify herel in all cases subiect and model would not be the same,leadingus to say that we do not havean actual picture ofa doctor, Napoleon, or the devil.(Whichis not to say that a modelwho poses asa doctor will not provide us with an actualphotogroph, nor an 1ctual photograph of an adult, a male, a white person, a goodlooker,a professional model,and so forth. Nor to deny that an actual photograph of a doctor is a possibility, whereas an actual photographof Napoleonor the devil is not, although an actual photograph of an actual portrait of Napoleon is, whereas of the devil,not.)

"::::il"i,y'":?",';11'["", '?5 vll,HlSf
iudging picture portraits: of the first, is it doctored or

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contrived,and in either case,covertly or overtly; of the "touched up," faithful, flattering, second, is it and the like. (Ordinaryconcerns usuallyneglectthe possibilitythat what might seem to be a private portrait might really be the fabrication or keyingof one, this neglect due,perhaps, to the fact that a portrait is alreadya keying,already a ritualization of the human form, already a departurefrom the simple rendering of an aspectof the world the way it is for us.) In any case, the question can be raisedas to how, apart from portraitur€,photographs can featuresubiects in a way that is different from the way their modelsmight systematically Here,then, is a deploy themselves when not beforea camera. with the concern that does not bear on issuesassociated physiology In brief, whatare and psychology of perception. the systematic differences betweenscen€s openlycontrived ts ' are unfor picturing and live sceneswhose participan photographed; put concerned about being or, the other way, what are the systematic differences between pictures of openlycontrived scenes and pictures of uncontrived ones? (1) Perhaps from realitythat the most obviousdeparture photography provides is commercial syncretism. The capacity to put together a realistic iooking scene to photograph is not far away from the capacity to put together a scenewhoseindividualelements are imaginable as realbut whose combinationof elements the world itself could not produceor allow.Thus fantastical pictures in which a subject speaksto us from within a block of ice or while soaring throughthe air, or mingles from myth or sociallywith figures with notableslong since dead but now returned in their prime, or seriouslydisplaysineptness, braggadocio, fearfulness, and hauteur we would only expect to find in consciousbuffoonery, or is subjectedto our readinghis thoughtsin a balloon that the other figuresin the picture can't see.A more subtle complexity is found in those ads which intendedly satirize other ads, thus elevatingthe make-believe world portrayed in one picture into real materialsto copy in the make-believe world of another, providing thus a keyingof a keying. (2) Consider now involvementstructure.A feature of social situationsis that participantsare obligedto sustain appear?nces of zspontaneousinvolvement in appropriate mattersat hand, Evidence ofan individual's involvement will comefrom the directionand mobility of his gaze, aswell as the alignmentof his eyes,head,and trunk, theseordinarily oriented in the same direction. Now it seemsthat of ali obligatory appearances, that of correct involvement is the hardestto simulate, and this as if by design. Any attemptto produce an appropriate show of involvement in something tends!o produceinstead an appearance of involvement in the task of affecting such involvement.2r Although most individualsacquire the capacityto convincingly contrivea show of interestin what anotheris sayingor doing,ability falters when they are required to simulate "natural" involvementwithin more complex social arrangements, as when listening to talk that the talker is himselfsimulating, or expressing to one participanta sharedreaction regarding another, or maintaining one conversationin very close Droximitv to another. At such moments the individualis
2 rSee Goffman,"Alienation from Interaction"11967 t1 13-136).

likely to inducea sense of uneasiness in viewers, due to the perceived overfixedness of his gazeand his failure to align trunk, head,and eyesin the mannerwe havecometo expect. Perhaps the most obtrusiveexampleis to be seenwhen an glances individual at a camera or persons monitoringhim but tries to preventhis trunk and his head from following his eyes. N4ayI add that our capacityto discernmicroscopic discrepancies in anticipatedalignments of eyes,head,and trunk is simolvenormous. (3) Another sort of photographic departure from reality portraitsand scenes. can be seenby contrasting lt is clbar that althoughan imageof a personor even of a group of persons (if in staggered array)can be ratherfully caughtfrom the front by the camera'sstraight-on eye, the activity in naturalsocialsituations can rarelybe well picturedfrom such point must be chosenafreshfor each an angle.Bestvantage configuration,and this can involve a positioningof the camerathat an eye and its personcould hardly manage in naturalsocial life. /\4ore important,activity may haveto be brokenup and spread open,for a camera cannotpeerinside the inward-facing encirclements often found. (After all, portrait posingis not a posture dictatedby what cango on in socialsituations; it is throughand throughan answerto the special needs of the camera and to the character of portraiture.) And such a spread-out array can be staged to incorporate devices for directingthe attentionof the viewer to a centralperson, which devices do not otherwise appear in nature.Thus in political publicity shots,one practiceis to havethe leader's advisors and childrenturn their facesfrom lhe camera and self-effacingly look at the main figure, deictically pointing with their faces and sometimestheir handsin the directionthat attention is to follow, evenwhile person the central waves directlV to the camera and the crowd. All of this is found only where thereisa front-onaudience or a camera, and is radically differentfrom the inwardturningex2 hibitedin ordinaryface-to-face interaction.2 There are other instructive differences betweenportraits and pictured scenes. In both cases, the persons who model for the pictures have unique biographical (personal) identities.As suggested, for the owner of a photographic portrait, the possibility of making this identification is centralto the ritual function the portrait will have.But not pictures, so in the caseof commercial exceptperhaps when the picture featuresa personaltestimonial.23 Presumably
"Other u n n a t u r a l d e v i c e sf o r e x h i b i t i n g d o m i n a n c e a r e a v a i l a b l e t o p h o t o g r a p h e r s . F o r e x a m p l e , a c l i c h e o f a d v e r t i s e m e n t si s t o p i c t u r e o n e i n d i v i d u a l w h o i s i n t h e c l o s ec o m p a n y o f a n o t h e r l o o k i n g at that other adoringly and self-effacingiy, as if the other's useof the a d v e r t i s e dp r o d u c t h a d r e n d e r e d h i m w o r t h y o f s u c h a t t e n t j o n , A l t h o u g h o p e n l y l o v i n g l o o k s a t c l o s e q u a r t e r sa r e s o m e t i m e sa d d r e s s e d to the very young as part of their easy transformation into nonpers o n s ,t h e s e e x p r e s s i o n s b e t w e e na d u l t s a r e n o t c o m m o n , b e i n g i n c o m , p a t i b l e w i t h o t h e r i n t e r a c t i o n o b l i g a t i o n so f t h e a d o r e r t o t h e a d o r c d . _"Portraits taken of anonymous models by renowned photog r a p h e r s c a n b e c o m e p r i z e d b y t h e c o l l e c t o r s ,a n d i n t h i s s e n s eh a v e r i t u a l v a l u e , b u t h e r e b e c a u s et h e p i c t u r e p r o v i d e sa c o n t a c t w i t h t h e t a k e r , n o t t h e t a k e n . T h e a ea r e , o f c o u r s e ,v a r i o u se f f o r t s t o c o n s t i t u t e photographs i n t o o b j e c t so f s c a r c i t y - i n t o r e l i c s a n d t h e r e b y i n t o i t e m s o f m o n e t a r y v a l u e . P r i n t s f r o m t h e o r i g i n a l n e g a t i v ea r e a p p a r e n t l yd h t i n g u i s h a b l e f r o m r e - p h o t o g r a p h so f t h e t e x t . T h e s k i l l i n v o l v e d i n developing and enlarging can itself be claimed as identifiable and t h e r e f o r e a m e a n s o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n gp r o d u c t s , E t c . ( F o r a l l o f w h i c h , and for much other help, I am grateful to Lee Ann Draud.)

PICTUNE FRAMES t9

what the advertisementis concerned to depict is not particular individuals already known, but rather activity which would be recognizablewere we to seeit performed in (Whichis not reallife by persons not known to us personally. to say that the subjectsmay not be depicted in a mannerto imply that they would naturallyknow eachother very well.) ln effect, pictured scenes show examplesof categories of persons, persons. Now observe not particular that althoughin real life we obtain lots of views of persons whom we can merelyplace in socialcategories, unless we also know them personally or havegood business reasons to be dealingwith them, we are not in a position to witness what we witness about them in commercialscenes. Indeed,there are many scenes. such as that of husbandand wife in their Dictured bedroom, that no business or acquaintanceship could warrant Only a peeping our seeing. tom of unprecedented capabilities could managethe view. Like readersof what a novelist suppliesof his characters, the viewer becomesgodlike, unconstrained by any need of legitimate socialgroundsfor beingprivy to what is depictedin the scene.2a In short,the possibilityof arranging a scenefrom the visualpinpoint of view of a singlecamera's eye-into which angleand dislance of vision vast hordes of viewerscan be thrust-is a social license aswell asan opticalone. (4)A feature ofthe photographic frame is the possibility of eschewing the depictionof ordinary life for high symbolism. Thus,an imageof part of a model'sbody can be madeto fill the whole picture,articulated to be readasa deepcomment on the entire human condition, not merely an example drawnfrom it, and providing us with a picturewhose subject is not a personbut a small part of the anatomy,suchas a fingertip. A lesserversion qf this expressionism must be considered, being more common and probablymore significant. In real situations, we externalize our circumstances and intent, in effect facilitating the adaptation of others in our surroundto us. But in a mannerof speaking, this display tends to occur as part of a streamof acts in the sameorder of being,some of which acts haveiust occurredand othersof which are likely to start occurring.In privateand publicity portraiture, individuals can be givena quite differentrelation to what they display. Two boxers taking weighing-in publicity shots will assume a fighting pose,choreographing in. But these an illustrationof the actionsthey will engage "mere" actions are representations, totally cut off from any actual sequencein which the orginalsmight occur. And indeed,little competence in fistic arts is requiredto evince of the pose. What we obtain are photographicrecordings emblems, not actions.Similarly,when a renowned scientist graciousfysubmits to a magazine interview (in the interests knowledge),he is likely to be posed of disseminating fingeringhis equipmentas thougha sliceof his occupational life had beencaught:he is shownpeering into a microscope, writing a formula on the board,holdinga testtube up to the

light, or arranginga fossil. Thereby he crudely mimes a posture plucked from his own role, momentarily transforming lhe living tools of his trade into dramaturgic equipment and himself into a pantomimist of fixed expressions. And what we seeis not a photographicrecord of an actual scenefrom the scientist'slife, as would be available were a secretcameratrained on his laboratorv. nor a clever contrivance of such a photographic record (this presented either as a real one or as an admitted simulation),but sometling that is only to be found as a posingfor a picture, having been staged in responseto a conception of what would makea colorful, tellingphotograph, and,behindthis, a conception of what constitutes the appropriate convention for "representing" the particularcalling.2s Obviouslyin all these caseswhat one has is not intention.. display in the ethologicalsense, sinceemblemsof the model'scallingdo not tell us what is to happen (or what is threatened or promised), but ratherthe sort of activity the modelchooses to be identified with, this activity being symbolized, as it were, by a quotation of one of its dramaticallytelling phases.26 What in fact probably has happened is that the staff photographer hasokayedthe pose,and what probably will happen is that the scientist will soon exchange pleasantries guests-these with his departing events belonging to an order of activitv radicallv different from the one portrayedin the picture. intendedly

p l a i n ,t h e n ,t h a r e x c e p r i n r h ec a s e of caught \/l I l, is Y | | scenes,the arrangements of models and scenic resources that the camera photographs will differ systematically from the way the unposingworld is. Now one , should considef the contrary issue:the carryoverof the way the world is to any photograph. For the transformational code for representingreality in pictures-the photographic frame-would hardly be a code were not some sort of relationship systematicallypreservedbetween what is transformed and the transformation. But in the ouestion of carryover, somepreliminary is required. discussion (like pencil sketches) Photographs can be usedto illustrote
2sFor

this latter point, and for other suggestions incorporated withoutfurtheracknowledgment, I am verygrateful to lohn Carey. 26Scientists are hereusedas an example because one mightthink they would balk at suchnonsense. Examples are eveneasier to find among business leaders who appearin nevs magazines and annual companyreportsbusy with an executive{ike action whoseposing could only havetakenthem awayfrom suchduties. In truth it seems that nigh everyone can be peEuaded by publicists to appear to the publicat largein a mock-upof themselves and their occupations, an amateur theatrics to which politicians are alsowillingto subject their greetings, farewells, commiserations, and otherintimacy rituals. Nor is this readiness to reframe one'sown doings so that the publicwill get a phenomenon. synopticviewof one'srolea palticularly contemporary Bourgeois society has neverwanted for persons readyto seethe need for a permanentdisplay of themselves in somber portrait oils, clutching a book,a ledger, a ridingcrop,or a rose, framingthemselves thus in some sort of mysticalrelationto the equipmentof their 24Cartoon strips provideother transformations of the everyday. vocation, a touchingencouragement to the worship that others might yet For example, the protagonists canbe at a distance or evenhidden be willing to offer to exemplifications of what is bestin humanity. their wordscan be ballooned into the foreground, in effectallowing Perhaps publicity oneshould seethe readiness for thissort of personal the viewer to bug distal voices.Here,and in regardto other aspects of as entirely natulal,to the self, and a modest life a perversion forced the transformation rulesof the cartoonframe,seeFresnault-Deruelle upon the masses for want of anythinglike an adequate supplyof (197 5a,1975b, 197 6). boardrooms and marble fireDlaces.

2()

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practices typically by virtueof and arrangements, behavioral The kind of practices havingbeenposedaccordingly. models photographs can best illustrate are those that are firmly from beginning to codifiedasto form and can be represented end, in toto, within the visual field that can be nicely focus.27Of course, one encompassed by short-range camera behavioral is likely to be interestedin photographable practices because they are routinelyassociated with particular socialmeanings, and it is admittedlythe signvehicle, not illustratable. the signification, that is precisely As I use the term "illustration." no implication is an illustratedpracticemay have intendedabout existence; occurred, but illustration itself does not attest to such belongingto subjects,not models.lt is, then, occurrence, perfectly reasonable to expect that illustrationsmay be some clearly found across several modesof representation, For example,the "armlock," the involvingmake-believe. standardadult cross-sextie-sign in our society, can be illustrated by means of what can be found in comics, cartoons,realisticads, news shots of celebrities who are "on," two actorstakingthe part of a coupleon the theatfical stage,caught pictures from ordinary life scenes, and, of course,live scenes. More to the point, acrossthesequite relevant difference differentrealmsof being,no systematic seems detectable in the armlocksdeDicted: the form of this display can be, and very often is, perfectly represented in toto in any of theseframes. Photographs can alsobe usedto provide documentation or of the sort of behavorialpractice which an instonce-record pictorially.An instance-record can be illustrated is evidence (which a mere illustration is not) that an instance of the pr\ctice did occur as pictured on the occasionof the picture takiiig. Call such a picture an instontiqtion- Not€ that a picture which records an instanceof a practice,that is, instantiatesit, is necessarily a good illustration of it, that can't be said of many other kindsof records. something that picturescan be usednot merelyto provide And observe alreadyknown, but alsoto help instance-records of practices aware of practices theretofore unidentified. us become Now note that if one'sinterestis in the picturingof scenes as well as in the scenes that are pictured,then the difference between illustration and instantiationcan become complicated. For any photographwhich merely illustratesa behavioralpractice must also provide not merely an practice,but an instance instance-record of the illustrative itself. And the samecan be said when one passes bevond illustration itself to symbolization, namely, a referencing based on what may be a loose, uncodified connection betweensign and meaning (or a fixed but thoroughly which conventional one), and upon an evokedsignificance may bear little relation to the facts. A creditablycandid weddingpicture of the groom placing a ring on the finger of the bride not only attests reliablyto a wedding havingtaken place,but also suppliesus with a specialsegmentof the ceremony, one that has come to serve as a symbol of the whole,and behind this,asa symbolof the presumably loving relationship that was solemnized on the occasion. In fact,

however,the pictured event itself doesnot provideus with evidence of th€ sequence of specificritual detailsout of which the weddingin questionwasformulated,or evidence of the quality of the relationship therebyratified.What can be instantiated in completedform (and what is therefore most suitableto pictorial research) involveslesser matters, such as the asymmetryof the traditional ring ritual, the gen€ralstyling of weddingrings,and the choice of fingers thought properfor the placement of this pieceof ceremonial jewelry. On the other hand, an "expressive" picture does provide an actual instance of the use in pictures of stereotypedsymbolizationsof wider social events and relationships. The differences amongillustrations, instance records, and symbolizations as here defined,complicatethe analysis of pictures. A further bedevilment is the "photographic fallacy," namely, the very generaltendency to confuse realness with representativeness and ideographic with nomothetic validity. A caught photographof personsin action can provide all the evidence that one needsthat a particularevent-suchas a wedding-very likely did occur. But that sufficiency is for thoseinterested in the particulars of the past,in a word, biography. lf instead one is interested patterns, in socialroutines,in customarybehavioral then a wedding picture must differently figure; it can provide an instancerecord of, say, placementpattern with respectto the ring, but very little evidence concerning the socialcharacteristicsof the populations acrosswhich the practiceis found and the rangeof contexts in which it occursamong these people in fact, little evidencetiat one is dealing with a pattern at all. Yet when one establishes that a picture of something really is of the subiectit portrays,it is very hard to avoid thinking that one hasestablished something beyond this, namely, something about the event's currency, typicality, commonness, distribution, and so forth. The paradoxis that "small behaviors" are what can be very fully photograph, instantiated by a single but one suchpicturecan only establishthe feasibility of actual occurrence.(The picture of Lee HarveyOswaldbeingshot provides excellent evidence of how a revolverwas held on one occasion and, more important, lack Ruby's guilt in this conn€ction;but the picture provideslittle evidenceof how hand guns are generally held for closerange firing.)To which one must add that verv often the soft of event wh osemere occurrence-not typicolity of occurrence is of biographical or historic interestis one that cannot be photographed in the round throughoutits course,but only in cross-section, as it were, this momentoften providing very inadequate evidence of the occurrence and character of the eventasa whole.

2?For 11974).

example, tongue showingi Smith, Chase, and Lieblich

of carryover. Whether a \ / | | I Turn now 10 the question pictured scene is caught, faked, or, in varying Y llI degrees realisticallymocked-up,the model will bring elementsof himselfto it, affordingto the viewers something of what he affords the eyes of actual participants in his real scenes. Just as a stageactor (but not an opera singer)can hardly perform a part in a language other than one in which professional he hasa realcompetence, so models, or amateur, cannot transformthemselves completelyfor a photographic appearance, at leastif they are not to be encumbered with a

PICTURE FRAMES 21

massive disguise. In theory at least,personal identity will be probably quite correctly,that the two constitutea,,with," recoverable, ofttimes also the unique setting in which the drawing here on precisely the 5ame cues we woutd photographoccurred (if not by us, then by modeling automatically employ when functioning as actual agencies, the police, kinsmen of the models.or whoever). particiDants of live scenes. However,if our interestsare not ritualistic,as when we cherish a picture of Aunt l\4abel because she herself can be identifiedin it, or legalistic, as when we establish that the may be organized asportraits or as !Z Given that pictures peron a certificate authorizesis the personwho is presenting | (and if the latter,caught,faked,or realistic IA scenes to a the authorization,or playful, as when we match early degree), and given the distinctionbetweenillustrationand portrails againstlater ones, but rather academic,namely, to instantiation,and the contrast of both of these to evocative inquir€into the way the world is, then identifiability assuch symbolizationsproviding at best a purely conventional ceases to be central. relationbetween vehicleand sign,and givenfurtherthat one Other matterswill be more important.We are all in our can be concernedabout the nature of pictures as well as the societytrained to employ a somewhatcommon idiom of nature of the world, it is possibleto begin to see how posture,position, and glances,wordlesslychoreographing heterogeneous a photographmay be as an object of academic ourselves relative to others in social situationswith the effect tnreresL that interpretability of scenes is possible. Someof this idiom One finds in picturesnot only rulesof scene production we automaticallycontinue to employ in composing and that are exclusive to pictures, but alsophotographic convenposingfor scenesthat are to be photographed-iumbled up, tions peculiarto particularsubiect matters. For example, of course, with crude patches of grosssymbolization portrait photographers for the routinely touch up negatives or prints camera. to improve the complexion of the subjectsappearing in But that is only the beginning, for howeverposedand people them, creating a that has smootier skin than that "artificial" picture a is, it is likely to containelements that found among mort2ls. In ads brunettewomen tend to be record instancesof real things. The scenepictured on the styled somewhat differently from blond women; this backdropof a photographicportrait might be a painted presumably a characteristic of pictures, not life.2E fantasy, but the chair the subject sits on is real enoush and The settingsin which membersof a familv snao one speaksto a real genre of chairs, not pictures.(S;dents another are not fabricated for the purpose, are not merely question the sense in which a chaircan be saidto be real,but props,but, as with the real settings usedin homemovies,2e that sort of doubt is not here at issue,for however tiat are hardly a haphazard selection from all the onesthe family question is answered, the fact still remains that a pictureof a employs, and can only have the effect of producinga false chair is a radicallydifferent thing from a chair itself.)The general impressionof its habitat. The expensivebackdrops clothes worn on lhe occasion are often Sunday best, found in most commercial scenes con be found in the real sometimes causingthe wearerto feel "unnatural," but, of world but only in very narrow circles. (Once rented or course, in all likelihood there will be real ceremonial donated as backgroundfor a film or an advertisement, these occasions when the same garb will have been worn, the environments can becomemerely another element of the limiting casehere being the weddinggown, sinceit may be world to which tie viewer has pictorial access;they can worn and pictured on the sameand (often) only occasion. becom€ unrealistically familiar.) The females depicted in The way a female model for a seatedprivate portrait manages commercially posed scenes have straighter teeth and are her legscan be a very studiedeffect helped alongsometimes slimmer, younger,taller, blonder,and "better" lookingthan by the photographer,but what the two here strive for in this those found in most real scenes, even most real scenes apparently artificial way can be exactly what she strivesfor occurringin stylish settings, but certainly thesefiguresare when seated at a party facing viewersfrom the front; what similar to the ones found in uncontrived, live scenes that one is learningabout, then, is how she might choreograph occur in modeling agencies and other real placeswhere herself for front views in general, not for cameraviews in mainly modelsforegather-whichplaces, note, may not be particular. The same can be said for the Western male luxuriouslyfurnished.ln contrast,the fact that women in practiceof coveringthe crotch when in a sitting position. Americanadvertisements show no hair on their legs or under The fact that male subjectsfrom non-Western cultures tend their arms can be taken to reflect directly the shaving not to exhibit this protectiveness in portraitsis not a soecific difference between their pictures and ours, merely an 26suggested in ^4i um (1975:142), incidentalone, being specificto the more generalissueof 29See Chalfen(1975:96).Commerciat moviescan be shot in a behavior when exposed to direct view, and pertains to studiocontaining hand-fashioned environments, or on an openstudio models, not merelysubjects. Whena moviestafletcoupleat a lot, or in a Seographical regionrhat is similarin terrainio the real "on nightclub back bench suddenlyadjust their facesinto the thing but closer to hand, or location,, where the fictiveevents are purported to occur.But',real,, in the lastcase mustbe usedwith care. stylizedteeth grimacefound mainly in photographs, doing Because mocked-upeventsare stagedin thesesettings, often set in an this because a cameramanhas come into sight, the free epoch before or after the actual moviemaking, distance between their rumps can still reflect spacing ordinary traffic of people and events must be and becausethe roped off during practices in uncontrived scenes,not merely contrived shooting, the realism provided by the setting can only serve ti the illusion,as when a con man manages ones-although admittedlyin photographs to make useof a indexeddistances heighten office to hoodwinka mark. Reliance on suchbackdrops and especially depths are hard to measure. And by examining realbanking to establish life-likeness givesthem a significance different from what the spacing and body orientation of the two in regard to they would ordinarilyhave,transforming them-as far as functionis other subjects in the picture,we come to take it for granted, concerned-into quotations or symbols of themselves.

22

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

prevalent amongwomen throughoutAmerica'(But Dractice in Frenchadvertiseitr ttuitt"tt legsand armpitsdisplayed ol appearances evidence as taken be similarly mentscannot depilatory American France, in for camera, the beyond commercially the rrj*i"at to far have mostly influenced in hair iiciurea *ortO.) Finalty, the general difference distinpattern that clothing and decoration, itvtine, facial American in subiects female from subjects tuf" *Jitt'"1 is by and large true of how males in all lJu"rtir"t"nt both in from females are distinguished countries Westernized and in uncontrivedsc€nes lo posingsfor advertisements which" must be addedthat what is common to commercial and rare in life may yet be commonly part of the scenes of manyactualpeople' andfantasies ideals 'and liveones posedscenes commercially in rut, between kind of every there is every kind of carryoverand almost asa soon As way fixed' in any Nor are matters discrepancy. is scenes choreographed commercially of feature formulaic are in a position to and publicized,advertisers uncovered initiate a sharply contrary policy or to self-consciously of the old. Withal,the art of analysis guyedversions present of pictures and end up with a batch with is to U""ein scenes' of unconlrived features of unanticipated suqgestions write Lo hard are that of themes or ;ith representations novel of illustrations picture, with or to about but easy between pictures and life' And throughout, I differences believe,the issueof explorationshould be kept separate which i"rpoirttv from the issueof proof' Arrangements lie ready pictured ones) (or many scenes live toii ro, tunv to be uncoveredin one example,but not direct evidence tg h e i ra ct u a ld i s l r i b u l i o n ' concernin

which a playwright or novelistmight want to set as the of an act in a stage context of his action.A segment e€neral from one to ten an act may haveanywhere play (something of,'each offering continuousaction in one place) is also conducted relatedpersons, "uit"d u ,""n". A quarrelbetween whom the to onlookers by open to be in a mannersensed And thereis is alsocalleda scene' are lessrelated, disputants a current vernacularuse, referring to somethingthat an this paper might make,dig, or dislike.The scenes individual order' different of a are with concerned hasbeen In dctuallife aswe wendour way throughour day we pa(s ol perception rangeof sequ€nces into and out of immediate when occurs also viewing for others;fleering opportunity that this means circumstances they passus. ln metropolitan of thosewhom we cannot we will be momentaryonlookers lhat i), through nameor appearance, identily biographically strangers' of action glimpses of of courses that we will catch Due to the warranted r€putation of various behavioral we will of self-pres€ntation, and to the conventions settings (age, sex, identity about the social L" uti" to infer something personal relationship their strangers, etc.) of these race,class, to one anothetltheir mood, and their current undertakings, last,typically,only broadlycalegori/ed' these ttre totaiity of viewingsof the coursesof action of which we obtain throughoutour daysconstltutes strangers world, g-limpsed world. This is not quite an impersonal our one, But it is a truncated viewers. for sophisticated espe;ially in broad be located can and one'in which almosteverything only. lt is ordinarily bereftof detailsconcerning categories and bereft of of those who are witnessedin passing iives the what they are-seen point of view regarding their longitudinal do not seeJohn and l\4ary as beingind doing. (Westrangers to replacethe one that brooch for a "otpuiron shopping "scene," party, do we detectthat their nor ean's atl *."I tust wut iott along Finallv.anotherlook at the notion of a apparentdallying is due to their havingto kill some time realism' of the conceptof commercial with a review beiore goingon to catch the new Fellini That is what they in all scenes constraints first the organizational Consider couplelooking at thingsin I young middle-class and the liberties see.We see might shareand presuppose, advertisements a world is not to glimpse that jewelry then, Observe, store.) a in taken in their assembly; that can (but aren't necessarily) dramathat revealing somehowto happenupon an intimate short, considerthe realm of being of which the drama in marred' a somehow il 1o obtain Nor is wasnot meanl for us. ad is but an instance. everyindividual can that something whole, the of view fragmentary distorted, on It is easyto contrastwhat goeson in adsto what goes the addition proper by shape its into back snap to caused be in the real world and conclude as commentatorsare skill' lt is of interpretive present a dolled-up, affluent of new informationor the exercise wont-that advertisements with a to start having cryptographers not as though we were version of reality, but this does not t€ll us about the the in comfort to take able text, partially deciphered world, that is, the way in which it is of advertising's structure all along has what unlocking in success prospect of eventual as realism So, too, it i( easyto seecommercial Dut together. interpretingthe sounds of a leen there. Or cardiologists with the make-belier ve ea l m( a l o n g but another consti;rinR To of a patient's disease' character for the theater,caitoons,the novel,elc.) and to contrasl all these stethescope more cateSories set of a employ is to rather glimpse a world instructlve, merelyfictive domainswith reality; but however such 6r lessdistinctiveto glimpsingand often entirely adequate the point' For although I think, misses this comparison, to do- Nor are thesecat€gorles for the iob they are desiSn€d u iontrutt ought to be made,there is another that should the personsglimpsedare indeed, rough and undeveloped; precede it. To erplicatecommercialrealismone musl stdrl how they can -beread, "scene,"whetherlive or fictive, andonly precisely quite of aware to be likeiy with the nolion of to conlorm ro concern part their of hav€ as wlll of organizing and ways to other beencontrasted after sceneshave to use these and lhe anticipated displayingsof themselves sg h o u l d ,I t h i n k , o n e g o o n l o c o n l r a s t understandin to pursue all which behind a cover as rubrics to live,uncontrived behavloral varietyin pictures depicted commercially e r o i e c t s .Y e t n o a m o u n t o f m a n n e r o f u n p u b l i s h a b lp one5. "scene" is itself not a particularly information of the kind we are likely to supplementary happy one. The term obtain is likely to bring us to the private view that the that is An actualview, or a pictureof a view, of something have of their own a objectsof our attention will themselves a e f o r e s to r a s k y l i n e i s c a l l e d relativelu v nchanging-lik and passing as strangers views our be sure, To undertakings. howeverbustlinS' or backdrop, ,"ana. u, i, any background

PICTURE FRAMES 23

viewsof participants the sustained are not usuallycontradictory, and rough correspondences could be worked out, but inevitably our concerns and theirs will be considerably different, as to a degree will be the world their conventional public behaviorgenerates for us and the world they are in whilemovingfrom point to point underthese ensigns. Now although there are reai individuals whoseglimpsed world is almost their only one, most of us live, and principally, in other worlds, ones having a longitudinal featuring extendedcourses character, of interlinkedaction and unique relationships to other people.Observethat a play or evena comic strip provides us with something stage quite beyonda glimpseof the lives(albeitfictional lives)of its characters;for we are given considerablepersonal informationabout the protagonists and can link together glimpsings various of them, in consequence of which we can of action in more detail and with enter into lheir courses much more temporaldepth than is ordinarilypossible in the case of our real passing viewsof the livesof strangers. Commercial realism (along with certain cartoons and provides, otherdrawings) then,something of the same sort of realmas thp one a strangerto everyonearound him really livesin. The realm is full of meaningful viewings of others, but each view is truncated and abstract in th€ ways menltoneo. And now havingnoted the significant similaritybetween live scenes and the onespicturedin advertisem€nts, one can go on to properly locate the considerationalready given of differences. To repeat; glimpsesof real life (like caught photographs of it) provide us with models who are portraying themselves, whereascommercial realism does not-cartoons and other drawings may not even employ models.Yet there are ways in which commercialrealism providesus somethingthat is fuller and richer than real glimpses. First, ads (alongwith cartoonsand other one-shot drawings) are intentionally choreographedto be unambiguous about mattersthat uncontrived scenes might well be uninformingabout to strangers. Second, scenes contrived (just as the onesdrawn in comics) for photographing can be chooses,the shot from any angle that the cameraman subjectstiemselvessplayedout to allow an unobstructed view; these are two liberties that a person viewing a livescene cannottake. Finally,shortof engaging in voyeuristic activity, a real person is very considerablyrestrictedas to the sorts of iivescenes he will be allowedto glimpse from whatever angle, for his presence in a placealwaysrequires socialwarrant.In advertisedworlds, however, we can look in on almost everything. Observe that these dramaturgic advantages of

commercial realism over real life, other fictional realms have also, along with some advantages that commercial realism lacks. A closing comment. The magical ability of the advertiser to use a few models and props to evoke a life{ike sceneof his own choosing is not primarily due to the art and technology of commercial photography; it is due primarily to those institutionalized arrangementJ in social life which allow strangers to glimpse the lives of persons they pass, and to the readinessof all of us to switch at any moment from dealing with the real world to participating in make-believeonesR E F E R E N C E SC I T E D Barthes,Roland 1972 lvlythologies. Annette Lavers, trans. New York: Hill and Wang. Berger, ,ohn i 975 Ways of Seeing. London:Pelican. Carey, John .|976 A lvlicro-Frame Analysis Paraof the On-Camera/On-lMike linguisticBehaviorof Three Presidential Candidates. Ph.D. dissertation, Annenberg School Unive6ity of Communications, of Pennsylvania. Chaifen, Richard 1975 Cin6ma Naivet6: A Study of Home lvloviemaking asVisual Communication,Studies in the Anthropology of Visual Communication 2:87-1 03. Fresnault-Deruelle, Pierre 1975a La couleur et l'espace dans les comics.Documents de Travail#40, Series F. Centrolnternazionale e di di Semiotica Linguistica, Universiti di Urbinod'ltalia, 1975b L'espace interpersonnel danslescomics.In Semiologi6 de la Repr6sentation. And16 Helbo, ed. Pp. 129"150.Brussels: Editions Complexe. 1976 Du lin6ai.e au tabulaire. Communications 24,7-21. Goffman, Erving 1967 lnteraction Ritual.NewYork: Anchor, 1974 Frame Analysis. NewYork: Harper and Row. Goodman, Nelson 1968 Languages of Art, New York: Bobbs"l\4errill. Lesy,l\4ichael DeathTrip. NewYork: Pantheon. 1973 Wisconsin Livingston,Victor '1976 Are the Nuns in This Ad What They Appearto Be?The Evening Bulletin(Philadelphia), tularch 11. Millum,Trevor 1975 lmages of Womenr Advertising in Women's I\4agazines. London:Chattoand Windus. smith, W. lohn, lulia Chase, and Anna Katz Lieblich 1974 TongueShowing:A FacialDisplayof Humans and Other PrimateSpecies. Semiotica11\3) t201-246. Van Dormael. Monique paper,University 1974 The Photoroman Frame.Unpublished of Pennsvlvania,

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real life picturesprovideus a fair imageof, and what social effect commercial picturing has upon the life that is purportedly pictured a limitation also of the purposely pictures selected displayed here. {2) Since there is little constrainton what | €lect to identify as a theme (a "genderism"),or which picturesI bring togetherin order to displaywhat is thus identified, or on the way I order the stillswithin a givenseries, it could be taken that anythingcould be depictedthat I can manage to suggestthrough what appearsto be common to a few pictures.Success here requiresnothing more than a small amount of p€rversity and wit and a largebatchof pictures to from. The larger choose the initial collection, the more surely the analystcan find confirmingexamples of what he thinks s o m ec o m m e r c i i ls t i l l pictur€ i n t h i s c h a p t e r a r e he has found R e p r o d u c e d in one or would in any caselike to I sh u m a ns u b j e c t s ds featuring I. n a d d i t i o n , depict a caseof representativeness declining asthe data base I photographa "actual" persons, that is, someuseis madeof newsshotsof increases. So effectivedepictionof a themecannot in itself l\4y proveanythingabout what is found in pictures or, of course, of modelswho are beingpicturedin their own capacity. in media is that anyone whose picture appears in the world. Indeed,somethinglike the m€thod I use is assumption print has almost certainly cooperatedin the processand employedby artful compilers of photographic funny books, camera pranksterswho match gesticulatorypictures of therefore-like a professionalmodel has placed this appearance in the publicdomain,foregoing the protectionfrom famous citizens against animals and plants apparently postures, or who that persons, at leastliving ones,canstrongly socialanalysis engaged in similarly characterizable pictures takenfor homeconsumption. claimregarding superimposeballooned thoughts and statements,these The pictures reproducedwere selectedat will from formulated to define the situationas it neverwas in actual newspapers and current popularmagazines easyto hand-at life, committing the protagonists to responses of a wildly the pictures eachset kind. So, too, the texts accompanying leastto my hand.t They werechosen to fit into sets, scurrilous nceme nt delineating, or mocking up of a are cast in the style of generalization-by-pronou to allow the displaying, femalegender, found in the writings of freelancebody linguists, strayed discretetheme bearingon gender, especially journalists. ethologists, and arranged with malice within each set to the sameend. and lesser (3) The particularmattersI want to consider Each set of pictures is accompanied informally by some raisethree questionsthat should verbal text. distinct and generalmethodological presentation, and proof. Only not be confused:discovery, the first two will here be at issue, thesetwo allowingme to f i r s t c o n c e r n i nh go w p i c t u r e s c a na n d investment the very special exploit without a maj'orresearch I I S o m ec o m m e n t q l\4y cldim i5 that the in analysis. social of working with photographs, which advantages I I can't be u:ed advantages themesthat can be delineated throughpictureshavea very argasfollows: (ii There is a class practices-what as mixed ontological statusand that any attemptto legislat€ of behavioral might be "small behaviors"-whose physicalforms are fairly to the order of fact represented in thesethemesis likely to called be optimistic. or meaning well codifiedeventhoughthe socialimplications (1) The student of commercial pictures can draw a of the actsmay havevagueelements, and which are realized particularissue, from a magazine's or from a randomsample in their entirety,from beginning to €nd, in a brief periodof or from a specified list of magazines, time and a small soace.These behavioraleventscan be definedperiod of issue, and disciaim characterizingother issues, periods, or maderetrievable by means of audio recorded and their image even more so other sources of pictures, suchas magazines, and video tapesand camera.(Tape and film, unlike a still, providenot only a recoverable newsprint, postcards,and the like, not even to mention image of an actualinstance of representativeness, actuallife itself,Specifiable then,is a way the activity in question, but alsoan appreciable collection of that a collectionof picturescould qualifyz and a way the l\4ore theserecords, important,audioand videorecordings of picturesabout to be analyzed do not. (Of course, findings very smallb€haviors facilitatemicro-functional study,that is, an examination in the stream basedon a systematic samplevery often get their w€ight of the role of a bit of behavior which precedes, can be trustedto generalize the co-occurs, and follows.)The coincidence of from the fact that the reader statistical warrantfor a subiect matter and a recording technology places the findings beyond their stateduniverse, which would requireanotherstudy, which, if done,would studentin an entirely novel relationto his data,forming the practical basis for microanalysis. rgeneralization, and so on, but that This special research inducea still broaderove is another matter.) Observe that this sort of repre- situationshould not be confusedwith the useof recording to picturesas such and doesn'ttell us technologyto documenta news story, provide a feel for a sentativeness Dertains of community,limn in the contoursof a relationship, depictthe what we very often want to know, namely, what aspects history of a nation, or any other matter whosemeaningis form which can be realized not linked to a fixed ohvsical in l and time. A n d t o t h a t o f a f e l l o w s t u d e n t , l \ 4 i c h il s h i d a . the round in a recordable space 2 (ii) Pictures F o r a r e c e n t e x a m p l e ,s e e R o b j n s o n ( 1 9 7 6 ) . from any source are now cheapand easyto

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allowsfor easy in uniform slideform. A collection reproduce a searchand mock-up,trial and arranging and rearranging, error luggling,somethingbetweencryptographyand doing jigsawpuzzles, patterns a remarkable aid both to uncovering illustrations actual finding examples, whether mere or and instance records. (iii) The student can exploit the vast socialcompetency consensus sustained by viewers. of the eye and the impressive Behavioral configurations which he has insufficientliterary skill to summon up through words alone, he can yet unambiguouslyintroduce into consideration.His verbal glosses to direct the eyeto what is to be can serveasa means seen, insteadof havingto serve as a full renditionof what is "merely response" can The notion of a subjective at issue. upgraded; for clearlypart of what one then be academically is through from studyingbecause the only approach refrains verbal vagarieshas a specific nature and is precisely perceived, of one's literary the vagarybeinga characteristic incapacity, not one'sdata.3 (iv) A set of pictorialexamples (whetherillustrations or more than a instance records) of a common themeprovides devicefor making sure that the pattern in questionwill be Often one or two examples would suffice clearto the viewer. for that. Nor doesthe sizeof the set relateto the traditional of a notion of showinghow prevalentwere cases sampling particular kind in the sample and (by extension)in the sampled universe.Something else is involved. Different pictorial examplesof a single theme bring different conuntold into the same array,highlighting textual backgrounds even while exhibiting the samedesign.lt is the disparities which depth and breadth of these contextual differences of a single somehowprovide a senseof structure,a sense which organizationunderlying mere surface differences, simply by reference to the numerical sense is not generated Whereas in sizeof the set relativeto the sizeof the sample. between itemsthat are to traditionalmethodsth€ differences of the samething are an embarrassbe countedas instances of their difference, in pictorial m€nt, and are so in the degree patternanalysis together the oppositeis the case, the casting is all being what the analysis of theseapparentdifferences about. Indeed, som€thingis to be learnedeven when an that is, adv€rtiserin effect performs analysisbackwards, starts with the same modelsand th€ samesalesDitch and for as vehicles then searches out different possiblescenes them and it all this in the hopeof buildingproductinterest through a mixture of repetition and novelty. For in

purposelysetting out to ring changes on a set theme, the advertiser must nonetheless satisfysc€ne-production requirements such as propriety, understandability, and so forth, thereby necessarily demonstrating that, and how, different ingredients can be choreographed to "express" the same theme. Here, certainly, it is entirely an artifact of how advertisements areassembled that a setof them will exhibit a common underlyingpattern, and here the student is only uncovering what waspurposely implantedto this end in thd first place. But how the advertisersucceeds in finding differentguises for his stereotypes still inst(ucts in the matter of how the materialsof real scenes can be selectedand shaped to providea desired reading. (4) The picturesI haveun-randomly collected of genderof relevant behavior can be used to iog one's consideration three matters:the genderbehavioral styleJfound in actual life, the ways in which advertisements might present a view thereof,and the scene-production slanted rulesspecific to the photographic frame. Although my primary interestis by actual gender behavior,th€ pictur€sare accompanied questions textualglosses that raise of any order that might be stimulat€d by the pictures.In any case,what will mostly be shownand discussed is advertis€rs' viewsof how womencan generalizations be profitably pictured. My unsubstantiated grace havethe slightsaving that they mostly referto the way gend€r is pictured,not the way it is actuallypeformed. (5) By and large, I did not look for pictures that exhibited what seemedto me to be common to the two whetherjust in pictures or in realityas well. Nor for sexes, picturesthat dealtwith sexdifferences were which I assumed The vast amount of what is-at widely and well-understood. is thus vastly least to me unremarkable in advertisements (Somethingof the same bias actually underrepresented. from one'sown it is differences informseveryethnography; Bat world and unexpected similaritiesthat get recorded.) given these limitations, once o genderism wos identified as one worth mocking-up, olmost all sex role exceptions ond reversolsI came acrosswere selected, lt is to be added that business is locused(in rhe U.S.A.)in althoughthe advertising are New York, and although models and photographers populationind€ed, their productis drawn from a very special by viewers, something treatedas nothing-out-of-the-ordinary "only natural." In brief, although the picturesshown here of genderbehavior in real cannot be taken as representative of advertisements in generalor life or even representative particular publicationsources in particular, one canprobably negative statement about them, namely, make a significant pictures they are not perceived as peculiar and that 0s 3Th" "", ", well as the eye provides an impressive competency, unnatural.AIso, in the caseof each still, by imagining the (and lately thoseinterested in conversational and here phoneticians of what results, sexes switch€d and imagining the appearance have made an exemplaryeffort to formulate notation analysis) By keeping into awareness of stereotypes. one can jar oneself of that can be printed on paperyet avoid the limitations systems his own can generate sounds and this switchingtask in mind, the reader ordinary orthography, thus providinga bridgebetween publications. The problem is that although trained studentscan glosses merit of min€. and obtaina cue to the possible produce the same transcription of a given spate of sound, the (6) A further caveat. and Advertisements overwhelmingly which formulationthey producewill equally apply to expressions presentmake-believe or figures candidly scenes, the subiects different.Givena recording to listen they would hearas signjficantly models depictedbeing quite differentfrom the professional means can serveas a very adequate of to, a linguistt transcription soundand with that the the ear'sattentionto a particular directing who pose the action. Obviously,then, a statementabout, But written exploited, full competency of the earcanbe academically in ads is to be taken as a say, how nursesare presented do not solvethe problem. transcriptions without recordings {Nor, I like nurses and shorthand way of sayinghow modelsdressed a tape in the iacketofabook, believe, doesit help much to package pictured. (A fee a mock-up of a medical scene are set in printing analysis.) The of of do-it-yourself alongwith encouragement presents problems. or could persuade a real nurseto posein an ad about nursing still greater theanalysis of videotape records

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"caught" photograph but of her in actionto be used, allow a in a real a real nurse find that agencies ordinarilyadvertising h e r k i n d . )I w i l l o n o c c a : i o n pifies ly h o s p i t du l n s a t i 5 f a c t o r li y of the subjectsof a employ this simplification,speaking namely,recorded pictureas thoughthey wereinstantiations, for is that posing The complication real thing. of the images an ad almost invariablyinvolvesa carryoverof sex,female models appearingas female figures, and male models as males. (So, too, there is a carryoverof broad rangesof of of the treatment lt follows that any discussion age-grade.) is to be found genderin ads happens to strike wherea sense sb o u t i n w h i c h m o d e l a n d s u b j e c ta r e o n e . I n s t a l e m e n ta then, there is specialwarrant for falling sex-stereotyping, contrived An advertiser's back upon simplified reference. "nurse" does not present us with a scene featuring a that is, an actualpictureof a photographic recordof a nurse, presents us with one of a real real nurse, but nonetheless "real."" meaningof sense in the common woman, at least is overJthe model doesnot go on After the studio session "nurse," but shedoescontinueto be a "woman." beinga of picturesin (7) Finally, a word about the arrangement general, matter subject In details. each seriesand other to proceeds from childrento aduttsand from actualpictures ones. (An implicationis thus overtly contrivedcommercial found in a implanted that ritualized behavioralpractices in a to be employed Iife come in real of contexts variety " form in adsfeaturing "hvoer-rituatized women.)Depictions arguedhere,i.e.,depictions the arrangements disconfirming are placedat the very endsof the series of sex role reversals, to which they belong and are marked off with a special females in a border.lt shouldalso be noted that throughout "feminine" stance will be seen to take up this position relative to another womanr not merely relative to a man, lhat Senderstercolypesat led(l photostrongly :uggesting graphicones involvea two'slot format, the important issue not subjects, being to fill the slots with role differentiated identity. sexual of opposing with subjects necessarily in black haveall beenreproduced The picturesthemselves of cost. Although it would havebeen and white for reasons somewhatmore accurateto reproducethe color ones in color, I feel that not much has beenlost. Eachpicture has lo tho:e a n d t h e n u m b e r sc o t r e s p o n d been numbered, appearingbefore the r€levantverbal text; the text itself o w h i c hi t o f i l l u s t r a t i o nts he series i m m e d i a t e lp v r e c e d ets and been footnoted, text have refers. Picturesas well as piLlure\ a s w e l l a \ t e x l a p p e airn i o o t n o l e sI. h e p h o l o g r a p h \ "read" from top to bottom, have been arrangedto be , c r o s tsh e P a g e . c o l u m nt o c o l u m n a

The implicationis that if you buy the one, you are on the way to realizing the other and you should want to. young lady is likely to be in the picture InterestinglyJ a classy of the product and herself to its her approval adding whether the product be floor mops, ins€cticides, ambience, credit cards,vacuum orthopedic chairs,roofing materials, and has pumps,or Learjets.But all of this is only advertising goes of these critical view So the actual life. little to do with failingto appreciate arts.Whichview is itselfnaive, exploitive what actuallife hasto do with. wantsto makeabout his Whatever Doint a Drintadvertiser of his medium in the constraints he must suffer oroduct. making it. He must present something that will be easilyso, yet all he hasspaceto work with will meaningful, be type and one or two still photographs,typically whose words (if any seem to be containing protagonists And although textual material spoken) are unavailable. outside of the picture bracketswill provide a readingof "what is happening," this is commonly a somewhat to tell its duplicatedversion;the picture itself is designed little story without much textualassastance. How can stills present the world when in the world persons of action,in doinSsthrough are engaged in courses posturings), (not where sound is almost as frozen time important as sight, and smell and touch figure as well? before Moreover, in the world, we can know the individuals us personally,something unlikely of pictures used in advertising, Some of the solutionsto this problem are obvious.A in those are captured in which figures scene can be simulated from acts which stereotypicallyepitomize the sequence are because these acts are taken-presumably which they identified as happening only in the course of, and momentarilyduring, an extendedaction. Thus viewersare time from the and forwardin sequence led to read backward moment of vision.5Another solution is to draw on scenes silent and static in real life: sleeping, that are th€mselves pensive poses, window shopping, and, importantly, the fixed looks throughwhich we are taken to convey off-angle our overall alignment to what another person one not or doing.Anoth€r solutionis lookingat us directly-is saying icallyso in the picturem icroecolog to position the characters relativeto one anotherwill providean that their placement soclalposition relative index of mappingof their presumed and And, of course, thereis the useof scenes to one another. identified characters which have come to be ster€otypically with a particularkind of activity by the widest rangeof recognizability.Inview€rs, thus ensuring instantaneous cidentally, advertisers overwhelmingly select positive, approved typifications (perhapsso their product will be to beingdissociated with a goodworld asopposed associated characters what we see are idealized so that from a bad one). o I w h y m y s e l e c t i o n rea5on5 | | | Having considered course, ends-while, of ideal facilities to realize using ideal I p i c t u r e s t d k e n s e r i o u s l y , n e e d n o t b e c o m m e r c i a l lll arranged to index ideal relationships. microecologically why they should. somereasons want to consider for although asmodels, canusecelebrities viewers Finally,advertisers is to favorablydispose The task of the advertiser personally ar€ known personages known they not are these product, to show a sparkling by and large, his means, to his events. about. versionof that product in th€ context of glamorous
5A point suggested to me someyearsagoby DavidSudnow(see 1972). Sudnow

"real woman"arepresented 4Qualificalions the phrase regarding 4:284-285), in coffman \191

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lnterestingly, it is not merelycommercial advertisers who haverecourse to theseDictorialmethods. Governments and nonprofitorganizations employ the samedevices in orderto posters, conveya message through pages, and billboards; so do radical groups and so do private persons with photography as a hobby or a calling.(lt is ratherwrong,alas, to say that only advertisers advertise.Indeed,even those concerned to opDose commercial versions of the world must pictorialize their arguments through images which are selectedaccordingto much the same principlesas those employed by the enemy.) I want to argue now that the iob the advertiser has of dramalizing the valueof his product is not unlike the iob a societyhas of infusing its socialsituations with ceremonial and with ritual signs facilitating the orientation of participantsto one another.Both must use the limited "visual" resources available in socialsituationsto tell a storv: both must transform otherwise opaque goings-oninto easily readable form. And both rely on the same basicdevices: intention displays, microecological mappingof socialstructure, approved typifications, and the gestural externalization (Thus,just as a of what can be taken to be inner response. Coca-Cola ad might feature a welldressed, happy looking family at a posh beachresort,so a real family of modest meansand plain dress might step up their levelof spending during ten days of summer vacation, indeed, confirmingthat a self-realizing display is involved by making sure to photographthemselves onstage as a well-dressed family at a poshsummerresort.)This is not to deny,of course, that the pr€sented displays in stills are not a specialselection from displaysin general.Advertisers, by and large,must limit themselves to soundless, scentless appearances and one-shot moments of time, whereas actualritual neednot be restricted in these Darticular wavs. "socialsituations," Whichraises the issue definingthese of as arrangements in which persons are physicallypresentto one another. Stills may, and often do, contain a solitary figure, ostensiblynot in a socialsituationat all. But if the must give scene is to be read by the viewer,then the subiect and engage in doingsthat are informative, and appearances these informingsare just what we employ in actual social situationsin order to establishour own storiesand learn by others. Solitary or not, about the stories established to us, the figures in stills implicitly addressthemselves viewers, locatingus closeat hand throughour beingallowed a social to see what we can see of them, thus generating situation in effect. And indeed, the photographer often to simulate a clinchesmattersby requiringsolitarysubjects

gestural response to a phantomhoveringnear the camera, a forciblereminder of the placewe the viewers are supposed to inhabit.Observe, the solitarysubject not only "externalizes" give informationthat will us an understanding of what it is that can be taken to be going on, but also quite fails to exhibit taboo and unflatteringselfsystematically involving behavior, eventhoughthese arejust the sort of acts that are likely to occur whenthe actor is assured he is alone. (So perhaps a byproduct of commerciat realism will be the reinforcement of censored versions of solitarvconduct.) When one looks, then, at the presentation of genderin advertisements, attention should be directednot merely to uncovering advertisers'stereotypesconcerning the differences betweenthe sexes significant as thesestereotypes might be. Nor only examinethesestereotypes for what they patterns prevalent might tell us aboutth€ gender in our society at large.Rather one should,at leastin part, attend to how thosewho compose(and posefor) pictures canchoreograph the materials available in socialsituations in orderto achieve their end, namely, the presentationof a scene that is meaningful,whose meaningcan be read at a flash. For behind theseartful efforts one may be able to discernhow mutuallypresent bodies, alongwith nonhuman materials, can b€ shaped into expression. And in seeing what picture-makers can make of situational materials, one can beginto seewhat we ourselves might be engaging in doing. Behind infinitely varied scenicconfigurations, one might be able to discerna singleritual idiom; behinda multitudeof surface differences, a smallnumberof structural forms. Let me admit that thesearguments about the relationof ritual to commercialpicturesmight seem to be a way of makingthe bestof a bad thing,namely, usingeasilyavailable ads to talk about actual gender behavior.But I am not interested here in behaviorin general, only in the displays that individuals manage to inject into socialsituations, and surely this is part of what advertisers try to iniect into the scenes they compose around the product and then photograph. picturesare in the main entirely Commercial posed,"mere pictures,"at best "realistic." But, of course, the reality they presumably reflect distortedly is itself, in important ways, artificial. For the actualityhere at issueis how socialsituations are employedasthe scenic resource for portraits of constructingvisually accessible, instantaneous pictures our claimedhumannature.Posed can therefore turn out to be more substantial than one might have thought, being for students of a community'sritual idiom something like what a written text is for students of its spoken language.

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GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

Size Relative

1 - 4 O n e w a y i n w h i c h\ o c i a lw e i S h l powera , u l h o r i l vr,a n k ,o f f i c e , renown is il n expressive y\ o c i a l( i t u d l i o n \i 5 echoed through relativesize, esp€ciallyheight. is somewhatfacilitated This congruence occupational selecthrough males among tion favoringsize a form of circularity, since selection often occurs in social wheresizecan be an influence. situations parents of interaction between In the case b i o l o g yi t s e l f a n d t h e i r y o u n gc h i l d r e n , that socialweight will be indexed assures kl i n d . b y t h ep h y s i c a ln social interaction between the s e x e s ,b i o l o g i c a ld i m o r p h i s mu n d e r l i e s t h e p r o b a b i l i t yt h a t t h e m a l e ' s u s u a l of statusover the femalewill superiority in his greater girth and be expressible height. Selectivemating then enters to ensurethat very nearlyevery couplewill in lhe e\pecle \ h i b i t a h e i g h ld i f f e r e n c e ed direction, transformingwhat would tendencyinto a otherwise be a statistical near certitude.Even in the caseof mere maintaining talk, vartof persons clusters l, ssociational, o u s f o r m s o f o c c u p a t i o n aa mar(edly ina n d 5 i l u , r r i o n as l election g r o u n d e dp o ' s i c r e , r ( er h e b i o l o g i c a l l v t ill be w b i l i t y t h a t e v e r ym a l ep a r t i c i p a n bigger than everyfemaleparticipanl. Now it seemsthat what biology and , i c l u r ep o \ i n g ) o c i d l\ e l e c t i o nf a c i l i l , l t ep completes: rigorously

that lndeed,so thoroughly is it assirmed differencesin size will correlate with differences in socialweight that relative of size can be routinelyusedas a means ensuring that the picture's s t o r yw i l l b e understandab alte a glance:

5-7 And here exceptions seem prove the rule. For on the very w occasion sh e nw o m e na r ep i c t u r e d than men,the men seem almostalways in socialcl be not only subordinated status,but also thoroughlycostumed craft-bound servitors who it m appear can be safely treated totally the circumscribed terms of their trade:

ile said:

Hc s.r i.l:
.,aiur Srrthi:r:

Wc sai.l:
w. rlblifi(

Wc sai]:

THE FEMININETOUCH

29

The theme of relative size is employedas a basisfor symthat is, designinga picture every detail speaksto a s i n g l e

The Feminine Toucho
12-26 Women, more than men, are pictured using their fingersand handsto trace the outlines of an object or to cradleit or to caress its surface (the latter sometimes under the guiseof guidingit), or to effect a "just barely touching,'of the kind that might be significanrbe_ tween two electricallychargedbodies. This rituaiistic touching is to be distinguished from the utilitarian kind that grasps, manipulates, or holds:

10

6Here a n d e l s e w h e r ei n c o n n e c t i o n w t t h t h e role of lingers (see pjcrurej 295 J201. r oraw d i r e c t l yo n o b s e r v a r i o nm s a d e b y l r 4 i c h l;s h i d a , to whom i give thanks.

(continued)

30

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

ANDIIIA inv, WASH'NWI

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17

THEFEMININE TOUCH 31

Because nothing very prehensile in theseritualistictouchings, face canbe usedinstead of a hand:

29-36 Self-touchingcan also be invblved,readable as conveying a sense of o n e ' sb o d y b e i n g a delicate a n dp r e c i o u s thing;

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32

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

Functionf,anldng

In our societywhen a man and a woman collaborate face-to-face in an undertaking,the man-it would seem is likely to perform the executiverole, providing only that one can be fashioned.This seems widely represented in arrangement advertisements, in part, no doubt, to facilitate interpretability at a glance.

37-44 This hierarchyof functions is picturedwithin an occupational frame:?

?The irony has been noted that an appreciable amount of the advertising aimed at selling 5upplies for women's holsehold work employs males in the depicted role of instrucfing professionals or employs a male celebrity to tout the efficacy of the product (see Komisar 1912t3o71.

FUNCTION RANKING

33

I t i s a l s o p i c t u r e doutside of ionas l pecialization:

The Faces of Virginia

ffi

"Chalfen (1975:94) reports that in his Amerjcan sample: "The male h€ad of househ o l d u s e d t h e c a m e r am o s t o f t h e t i m e . l n a f e w c a s e s ,a t e e n a g e s o n , w h o w a s l e a r n i n g a b o u t c a m e r a sa n d f i l r n m a k i n g , t o a k o v e r t h j s r e s p o n sibility."

(continued)

34

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

59-60 Function ranking is also pictured among children,albeit apparently with the understanding that althoughthe ps erlectly li le dctors a r et h e m s e l v e serious, their activity itself is not, being rather something that touchinglystrikes an anticipatorynote. In brief,"cuteness" is involved.e

61 All instruction seemsto some sort of subordination of structedand deference for the Theseexpressive featuresof the situationare reinforced by the lin learning to age-grade throughoutmost of the individual's ing career.In our society,one learningseems especially associated c hi l d s t a t u s , the "kinaesthetic" involving a m o l d i n gp h y s i c a l tween instructor and instructed, seem to be pictured instructing this way more than the reverse:

'A u s e f u l s t u d y o f g e n d e rs t e r e o t y p e si n t h e i i l u s t r a t i o n so f c h i l d r e n ' s b o o k s i s p r o v i d e d b y W e i t z m a ne t o l . \ 1 9 7 2 ) , f o r w h i c h I a m m e r h o d o l o g i c a l l yg r a t e f u l .

r oThe notion of kinaesthetic d e r i v e s f r o m B a t e s o n a n d l \ 4 e a d( 1 9 4 This book b.illiantly pioneered in the pictures for study of what can be pictured. The wofk stimulated a whole a t i o n o f a n t h r o p o l o g i s t st o t a k e p i c t u r e s . e v e r , v € r y l i t t l e a n a i y s i sw a s - a n d p e r h a p s be made of what these siudenis Somehow a confusionoccurred between interest and the analytical kind. Dandy and stills were brought home of p e o p l e a n d f a s c i n a t i n ge v e n t s ,b u t t o l i t t l e Much respect and affection was shown n " t i \ e s a n o l i t t l e o f e i t h e rf o r r h e d n d l ) trcal t h a t c a n b e m a d eo f p i c t u r e s .

FUNCTION RANKING

35

Whenever an adult receives help or service from a c t i o ni s l i k e l y t o , the resulting collaboration of hands.The re, guidesthe action and/or takes a t i t s t e r m i n a lp h a s e s(.E x a m p l e s : t h e s a l t o r h e l p i n gs o m e o n e on h i sc o a t . )I n t h i s w a y , p r e s u m a b l y , rccipient's sense of autonomy js It is also preserved, of course, acqu iring those skills through he canefficientlytend to his own n e e d sI.n f a n t s a n d c h i l d r e nh , owmust suffer their hands being bywhile a n a d u l tg e t s o n w i t h t h ej o b n ga f t e r t h e m . " l t i su n d e r s t a n d , then, that when adultsare pictured scenes being spodn-fed, they are guyingthe action in someway, so the self proiectedby the beingfed will not be taken as a of the realone.

It appears that womenare morecommonl y p i c t u r e dr e c e i v i n g this kind of help from men than givingit to them,and are not depicted markedly guying their reSponSe:

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A d m i t t e d l yt h e r e i s t h e p o p u l a r n o t i o n members of the aristocratically inclined traditionally engaged personalservants body-connecre cd a r et h a t m e m b e r s of classes would want to provide for asham€dness h€re being a support . Of course, (orrelated w rh perw a s t h e n o n - p e r s o nt r e a t m e n t o f k h o p r o ! i d e di t .

36 GENDERADVERTISEMENTS 68-71 Which raisesthe questionsof how males are pictured when in the domainsof the traditionalauthority and of females the kitchen,the competence nursery,and the living room when it is being cleaned. One answer, borrowed from life andpossibl) underrepre)enled. is to picture the male en8agedin no c o n t r i b u t i n gr o l e a t a l l , i n t h i s w a y or contami' eithersubordination avoiding nationwith a "female" task: 72-AO Another answer,I think, is to p r e s e ntth e m a n a s l u d i c r o uo sr c h i l d l i k e , u n r e a l i s t i c a lsl o y ,a s i f p e r h a p isn m a k i n g h i mc a r ' : d i du lv n r e atlh ec o m p e t e n c iy mdge o f r e a lm a l e s c o u l db e p r e s e r v e d .
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THEFAMILY 37

81-3n A <ubller technique is to allow male to pursue the alien activity the direct appraising scrutiny of w h o c a n d o t h e d e e d p r o p e r l y ,a s the doing were itself by way of a lark or a dare,a smileon the face t h e d o e r o r l h e w a t c h e ra l l e s l i n g to essentially u nserious essayed charac, 2 of the undertaking.r

The Family

T h e n u c l e a rf a m i l y a s a b a s i cu n i t o f socialorganization is well adapted to the requirements of pictorial representation. Ail of the members of almostany actual family can be contained easilywithin the s a m ec l o s e p i c l u r e .d n d , p r o p c r l yp o s i tioned, a visual representation of the members can nicely serve as a symbolization of the family'ssocialstructure.

85-8 Turning to mocked-upfamilies in advertisements, one finds that the allocation of at leastone girl and at least one boy ensures that a symbolization of the full setof intrafamilyrelations can be effected. For example,devicesare employed to exhibit the presumedspecial bond betweenthe girl and th€ mother d n d l h e b o v a n d t h ef a t h e r s , o m e t i m ei \n picture: the same

r r C o r r e s p o n d i n S lw v ,h e n f e m a l e sd r e p i r e n g a g e di n a t r a d i t i o n a l l y m a l e t a s k , a may (as it were) parenthesize the activity, o n a p p r a i s i n g l y , c o n d e s c e n d i n g l y ,o r

86

(continued)

38

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

scenes 89-99 Although in commercial fathers and between a unity is symbolized and daught€rs, mothers between sonsand that differenttypes there is a suggestion o f u n i t y m i g h t b e i n v o l v e dI.n a w o r d , there is a tendency for wom€n to be pictured as more akin to their daught€rs years) than (and to themselves in younger is the casewith men. BoYs,as it w€re, have to push their way into manhood, effort is involved: and problematic

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(continue )d

THE FAMILY

39

100-14n Often the father (or in his absence a, s o n J stands a l i t t l eo u t s i d e the physicalcircle 6f the other members of the family, as if to express a relationship whoseprotectiveness is linked with, perhapsevenrequires, distance:

104

105

99

103

(con tinu ed)

40

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

The Ritualization ol Subordination
115-24 A classic stereotype of deferphysically ence is that of lowering oneself in some form or other of prostration. C o r r e s p o n d i n gh ly o , l d i n gt h e b o d y e r e c t and the head high is stereotypically a mark of unashamedness, superiority, and disdain. Advertisersdraw on (and endorse) the claimed universalityof the theme:

1 0 81 3

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(continue )d

I r A n i n t e r e s t i n gc o n t r a s t i s t o b e f o u n d i n turn-of-the-century portrait poses of couples, wherein the effect was often achieved of d i s p l a y i n gt h e m a n a s t h e c e n l r a l f i g u r e a n d t h e woman as backup support, somewhat in the manner of a chief lieutenant.I cite from Lesy \ 1 9 73 ) :

112n 110n
past Perhaps the contrast between currenl portraits betokenr i chrnge in underlling rocidl o'Sanizdlion than conventiono s f e x p r e s s i o nw i t h i n t h e format.

111n

THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUBORDINATION 41

:.

125-39 Bedsand floors provideplaces i n s o c j as l i t u a t i o nw s h e r ei n c u m b e np t er sons w i l l b e l o w e rt h a na n y o n e sitting on a chair or standjng. Floorsalsoare assoct, d l e d w i l h t h e l e s sc l e a n ,l e s 5p u r e ,I e s s e \ a l l e dp d r t ro f a r o o m l o r e x a m p l et,h e place to keep dogs, basketsof soiled clothes, street footwear, and the like. And a recumbentposition is one from which physical defenseof oneself can leastwell be initiatedand therefore one w h i c hr e n d e r o s n e v e r yd e p e n d e n otn t h e benignness of the surround.(Of course, lying on the floor or on a sofa or oeo seemsalso to be a conven tionalized exp r e s s i oo nf s e x u aa l vailability .) T h ep o i n t here is that it appears that childrenand women are picttlredon floors and oeos more than are men.

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(continued)

GENDER ADVERTISEMENTS

Ihe Gid Whofk6 E\erylhing Ptus

'133

goe^lonyr fuels

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THE RITUALIZATION OF SUBORDINATION 43

Aithoughless so than in some, seemsto be employed indicin our society,high physical place izing high social place. (Courtprovidean example.) In contrived in advertisements, men tend to be igherthan women,thusallowing :ion to be exploitedas a delineative rce.ta A certainamount of contorm a y b e r e q u i r e dN . o t e , t h i sa r r a n g e is supportedby the understanding our societythat courtesyobliges men favor women with first claim on i s a v a i l a b lb ey w a y o f a s e a t .

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Tohave andto hold... in sickness andin health...

(con tinued)

44

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

151

(continued)

THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUBORDINATION 45

168-72n Womenfrequently,men very infrequently, areposedin a displayof the "ba)hful k n e eb e n d . "W h a l e v ee r lse, the knee bend can be readas a foregoing of full effort to be preparedand on the ready in the current socialsituation,for the positionaddsa momentto any effort to fight or flee. Once againone finos a posture that seemsto presuppose the goodwill of anyonein the surroundwho could offer harm.Observeaswill be seen throughout-that a sex-typedsubject is not so much involvedas a format for constructinga picture. One female In a picture may perform the gesture and another serveas the supportthat allows the performance. So a two-rol€formulais at rssue, not necessarily two sexes:

(continued)

z16 GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

;l:

173-86 Having somewhat the same distributionin ads as the knee bend are canting postures. Although a distinctron can be madebetween body cant and head cant, the consequences seemto be much the same. The levelof the headis lowereo relativeto that of others,including,rndirectly, the viewer of the picture.The resulting configurations can be readasan acceptance of subordination, an expression of ingratiation, submissiveness, and appeasement. 173-A Body cant:

173' 6

t 5C o n t r a s t a d i f f e r e n t kind of knee bend:

172n

1 6F r o m D a r w i n ( 1 8 7 2 : 5 3 , fig.

6).

THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUBORDINATION

Headcant:

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183

4A GENDERADVERTISEMENTS 147-91 Smiles, it can be argued, often function as ritualisticmollifiers, signaling that nothing agonistic is intended or invited, that the.meaning of the other's act has been understoodand found acceptable,that, indeed,the other is approvedand appreciated. Thosewho warily keep an eye on the movements of a potential aggressor may find themselves automatically smilingshouldtheir gaze be "caught" by its object,who in turn may find little causeto smile back. ln addition, a responding smile(evenmore so an appreciative laugh)followingvery rapidly on the heels of a speaker's sallycan imply that the respondent belongs, by knowledgeability,at least, to the speaker's circle. All of these smiles, then, seem more the offering of an inferior than a superior.In any case,it appears that in cross-sered encounlers in Amerilan society, women smilemore,and more expansively, than men,17 which arrangement appears to be carriedover into advertisem e n t s , p e r h a p sw i r h l i l t l e c o n s c i o u s intent. 192-206 Given the subordindleu indulgedpositionof childrenin regard adults, it would appear that to oneselfin puckishstyling is to the corresponding treatment.How of this guise is found in real life is open question;but found it is in tisements.

r TSee 11913:49).

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(continued)

THE BITUALIZATIONOF SUBORDINATION

JatEutaory'.

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GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

2O7-16 fhe note of unseriousness struck by a childlike guiseis struck by another styling of the self, this one perhapsentirely restrictedto advertisethe useof the entirebody ments,namely, device, a sort of as a playful gesticulative b o d yc l o w n i n g :

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THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUBORDINATION

217-23 fhe special unseriousness in, volved i n c h i l d l i k eg u i s e s and clowning suggests d re"ldine(s lo be presenf in a socialsituatjon garbed and styled in a mannerto which one isn't deeply or irrevocably committed.Perhaps reflected h e r ei s a r e a d i n e stc o lry out various and to appearat varioustimes in Suises different ones. ln any case,in advertisementsJ at least, there seemsto be an unanticipated difference between men andwomen.l\4en are displayed in formal, business, and informal gear,and although it seems understoodthat the same individual will at different timesappear in all guises, each guiseseems these to afford himsomething he is totally serious about, and deeply identified with, as though w e a r i na g \ k i n , n o t a c o s t u m eL . venin the caseof the cowboy garb that urban malesaffect recreationally, little sense that one's whole appearance is a lark wouldseemto be present. Womenin ads seem to have a different relationship to theirclothing and to the gestures worn with it. Within eachbroad category(formalb , usinesi sn ,formal) t h e r ea r ec h o i c e s which are considerablydifferent one from another,and the senseis that one possibilities may aswell try out various to what comesof it-as thoughlife were see a series of costumeballs.Thus, one can occasionally mock one'sown appearance, for jdentification is not deep.lt might be argued, then, that the costume-like characterof female garb in advertisements present locates women as less seriously in social situationsthan men, the seif presented through get-upsbeing jtsell in a wayan unserious thing. Observe that the extension of this argumentto real life need not involve a paradox. lt rs a commonview that women spendmuch m o r eo f t h e i r t i m e a n d c o n c e r n in shoppingfor clothes and preparing for appearances than do men, and that women set considerable store on the appreciative or depreciative response they producethereby. But, of course) so doesan actor in a part he will never play again.A concern overcarryingan appearance off doesnot necessarily imply a deep and abiding (This identification with that appearance. argument fits with the fact that women's styles change much more rapidlythan do men's.)

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52 GENDERADVERTISEMENTS 224-43 Adults play mock assault games with children, games such as and grab'and-squeeze chase-and-capture The chiid is playfully treatedlike a prey under attack by a predator.Certainmaterials (pillows, sprays of water, light beach balls) provide missilesthat can sr o s t r i k eb u t n o t h u r t . O t h e rm a t e r i a lp vide a medium into which the captured body can be thrown safely-beds,snow banks,pools,arms.Now it turnsout that men play thesegameswith women, the through a display of latter collaborating and through cries of attemptsto escape a l a r m , l e a r , a n d a p p e a s e m e n(tl.- i g u r e for an institudancingprovidesoccasion who are example, the partners tionalized being men.) Of feet never off their swung this show a man may underneath course, in a deeperone, the sugges" be engaged l i o n o f w h a l h e c o u l dd o i f h e g o t s e t i o u . is mock assault about it. In part because " f u n " a n d m o r e l i k e l y i n h o l i d a ys c e n e s it is much representthan in work scenes, ed in advertisements:

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226

(continue )d

THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUAORDINATION 53

*;
238

54 GENDERADVERTISEMENTS 244-6 A male pjctured with a female appears to employ an extendsometimes ed arm, in €ffect marking the boundary of his social property and guarding it A sugg€stion is that encroachment, against this miniatureborder patrol is especially found when the femaleat the sametime her in a pursuit which accords is engaged authority. 247-69 There seem to be four main of pairs of perbehavioral arrangemenls sonswhich providewhat is taken to be a physical expression that the two are a "with"-that is, togetheras a socialunit w i t h r e s p e c r o t h e s o c i a ls i t u a l i o ni n which they are located.(ln all four cases, do note, the work thesedyadic tie-signs betweenfigin defining the relationship uresin a picture would seemto be much the same as the work they do in real socialsituations.) 247-9 lirsr, a matter of microecology: sitting or standingclose and with or without touching. This alongside, arrangement is symmetricalin physical character and social implication, no differentiationof role or rdnL being in itselfconveyed: 250-3 The "arm lock" is the tie-signin Western societies for that a woman is under the custody of the accompanying man though most commonlysustained tween husband and wife, no sexual legalIink is necessarily advertised it: father and grown daughrer, man bestfriend'swife may alsoemployit sign is asymmetricboth in term<of physicalconfigurationand what it cates. However nominally, the showsherself to b€ receiving support, both the man's handsare free for everinstrumental tasksmay arise:

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(continued)

THE RITUALIZATIONOF SUBOBDINATION 55

254-60 The "shoulder hold" rs an asymmetrical configuration more or less requiringthat the person holdingbe taller than the personheld, and that the held person accept direction and constraint. Typically the arrangement seemsro be dyadically irreversible. When employed by a cross-sexed adult pair, the signseems to be taken to indicate sexually-poten tial proprietaryship.

257

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255

56

GENDERAOVERTISEMENTS The directing potential of hand,holding can be madeapparent in ads:

261-9 Finally, hand-holding.When employed betweenadult male and female,hand-holding appears to be takento indicate a sexuallypotential, exclusive relationship.l8 A relativelysymmetrical tie-sign pr€sumablyexpressingrelative equality. Physicalasymmetry is to be for the male to detected in the tendency hold the femalehand, this allowingth€ indicationthat he is presumably free to let go quickly shouldan emergency arise and free to guideand direct.The physical fact that the back of his handis likely to be facing what is upcomingcan faintly protectiveness: symbolize

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So also another theme, that of the providing a safetether:

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265

t 3 T i e - s i g n si n g e n e r a l a n d h a n d - h o l d i n g in particular are considered i n G o f f m a n ( 1 9 7 1 : 188-231).

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 57

ticensedWithdrawal

Womenmore than men, it seems,are pi€tured engaged which in involvements from the removethem psychologically socialsituation at large, leaving them unoriented in it and to it, and presumdependent on the protecably,therefore, tiveness and g$odwill of others who are (ormightcometo be) present. 270-94 When emotional response an individualto losecontrol of his causes posture, facial that is, to "flood out", he by lurning c a np a r l l y c o n c e a l h e l , t p 5 e away from the others present or by covering his face, especially his mouth, with his hands.Ritualization of the kind with the young is involved, for associated ls the act cannotconcealthat something being concealed,and furthermore requires momentary blindness to everything aroundoneself this being a particularly when €mpty and maladaptiveresponse to a the withdrawal is itself a response real threat. 270-5 Remorse:

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58

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS Fear:

276-A2

283-8

Shyness:

(continue )d

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 59

rrue\.,ontesspns of anOlivettigirl.
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289-94

Laughter:

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60

GENDERAOVERTISEMENTS

295-309 Just as covering the mouth with the hand can be an attenuationof coveringthe face, so a finger broughtto the mouth can be an attenuation of coveringit with the hand. But here s e e m sm o r e c o m another ritualization or biting m o n : t h e a t t e n u a t i oo nf s u c k i n g n s g i v e nt h a t t h e f i n g e r .T h e i m p r e s s i o i somehow a stream of anxiety, ruminahas beensplit off from tion, or whatever, of attention a n d i sb e i n g t h e m a i nc o u r s e ,nthinking s u s t a i n e di n a d i s s o c i a t e du fashion. ln any case,the face is partly covered a s t h o u g ho n e c o u l d s e eb u t n o t free to engage be seenand weretherefore hand and face outside the stream of address: face-to-face

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300

297

(continued)

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 61

position ap310-20 Finger-to-finger pearsto carry the samedissociated selfcommunication as is expressed in fingerto-mouth gestures but in a still more attenuated form. Displacementfrom possibility. m o u t hi s a t h i n k a b l e

306

310

308

316

( c o n t i n u e)d

62

GENDER ADVERTISEMENTS

321-2 Turning one's gazeaway from another's can be seen as having the consequence of withdrawing from the c u r r e n tt h r u s t o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n a,l l o w ing one's feelings to settle back into protected control while one is somewhat from direct scrutiny. S i n c ef l i g h t i s n o t exhibited in this gaze-aversive behavior, s o m es o r t o f s u b m i s s i otn o a n d t r u s ti n t h e s o u r c eo f s t i m u l u ss e e m s to be imo l i e d .o 2

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319
I eNote the combination of finger-to-finger with body cant and knee bend in this and the next two pictures. 2oThe process receives i t s c a n o n i c al i t e r a r y e x p r e s s i o no n a p a g e i n J o y c e ' sP o r t r o i t o f o n Artist os o Young Mon, here cited in full as a r e m i n d e r t h a t t h e n o v e l i s t i cs e x i s m a t t r i b u t e d t o M a i l e rc a n r u n g e n t l y a n d d e e p : A girl stood before him in midstream: alone and still, gazing out to sea. She s e e m e dl i k e o n e w h o m m a g i c h a d c h a n g e d i n t o t h e l i k e n e s so f a s t r a n g ea n d b e a u t i f u l seabird. Her long slender bare legs were d e l i c a t e a s a c r a n e ' sa n d p u r e s a v ew h e r e a n h a d f a s h i o n e di t s e l f emerald trail of seaweed a s a s i g n u p o n t h e f l e s h . H e r t h i g h s ,f u l l e r a n c i s o f t h u e d a s i v o r y , w e r e b a r e da l m o s t t o the hips where the white fringes of her drawers were like featheringof soft white d o w n . H e r s l a t e - b l u es k i r t s w e r e k i l t e d b o l d l y a b o u t h e r w a i s t a n d d o v e t a i l e db e hind her. Her bosom was as a bird's, soft and slight, slight and soft as the breast of s o m e d a r k - p l u m a g e dd o v e . B u t h e r l o n g f a i r h a i r w a s g i r l i s h : a n d g i r l i s h ,a n d t o u c h e d with the wonder of mortal beauty,her face. S h e w a s a l o n e a n d s t i l l , g a z i n go u t t o s e a ; a n d w h e n s h e f e l t h i s p r e s e n c ea n d t h e w o r s h i p o f h i s e y e s h e r e y e st u r n e d t o h i m

322
in quiet suffrance of his gaze, without s h a m e o r w a n t o n n e s s .L o n g , l o n g s h e s u f f e r ' e d h i s g a z e a n d t h e n q u i e t l y w i t h d r e wh e r e y e s f r o m h i s a n d b e n t t h e m t o w a r d st h e stream, gently stirring the water with her foot hither and thither.The first faint noise of gently moving water broke the silence, faint as the low and faint and whispering, b e l l s o f s l e e p ;h i t h e r a n d t h i t h e r , h i t h e ra n d thither: and a faint flame trembled on her c he ek . - H e a v e n l y G o d ! c r i e d S t e p h e n ' s o u l ,i n an outburst of profane joY.l o u r c ei s C h a n c e( 1 9 6 2 ) . T h e e t h o l o g i c as

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 63

aversion. The lower323-38 Head/eye withdraws ing of the head presumably at hand,depenattentionfrom the scene d e n c y e n t a i l e d a n d i n d i c a t e dt h e r e b y . will be T h e g a i n i s t h a t o n e ' sf e e l i n g s of momentarily concealed-although, course,not the fact that one is attemptA s i n h e a dc a n t t. i n g s u c hc o n c e a l m e n ( to a , ontributing i n g , h e i g h t i s r e d u c e dc o f s u b m i s s i v e n e sM s .e ) re symbolization serve of the eyescan apparently aversion similarly:

324

t3erarrriller L0ngt'.

326

330

(continued)

64

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

In real socialsituations and in 339-47 p i c t u r e do n e s , t h e i n d i v i d u a c l an withdraw his gaze from the sceneat large (with the dependency and trust that this implies)and lock it in such a way as to g i v et h e i m p r e s s i oo nf h a v i n g only minor dissociated concern with what is thus evenas his mind haswandered from seen, everythingin the situation;psychologic a l l y ,h e i s " a w a y . " ( D o o d l i n g a n dm i d d l e distancelooks are examples, althoughit s h o u l d b e k e p t i n m i n d t h a t t h e s et w o practicescan also figure in another arrangement, the one in which the indiv i d u a l a u r a l l ya t t e n d st o w h a t i s b e i n g w h i l e m a k i n gi t a p p a r e n t s a i db y a n o t h e r for that nothing he can seeis competing attention.)

343

L I | - E N S t s DW I T H D R A W A L

objecton which to lock an An interesting 348-72 ln advertisements women are f o c u sn o t a w a yl o o k i s t h e h a n d sf,o r . t h i s shown mentallydrifting from the physionly can convey some sort of selfcal scenearound them (that is, going "away") while in closephysical enclosure b,u t a l s o c a n r e q u i r ea d o w n touch w a r dt u r n i n go f t h e h e a d ,s u b m i s s i v e n e s s w i t h a m a l e , h i sa l i v e n e s a st h o u g h to s the being a possibleconsequent interpretasurround a n d h i s r e a d i n e sts o c o p ew i t h tion: a n y t h i n gt h a t m i g h t p r e s e n ti t s e l f w e r e enoughfor both of them. (At the same time, the male may well wear a wary, monitoring look.) Thus, "anchored p o i n t so f v i s u afl o c u sa r e d r i f t s " .V a r i o u s found. 348-61 Middledistance:

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GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

con3 7 3 - 5 M a i n t a i n i n ga t e l e p h o n e means some withversationnecessarily drawal of attention from the immediate sceneat hand, with attendant lack of for, events orientationto, and readiness t h a t m i g h t o c c u r t h e r e i n .T h i s c a n b e b y l i m i t i n gt h e l e n g t ho f c a l l s controlled a n d o n e ' si n v o l v e m e nitn w h a t i s t a l k e d women are about. In advertisements s h o w n l u x u r i a t i n gi n a c a l l , sometimes t h e m s e l v e is n a d r e a m ya n d immersing p r e s u m a b lp yr o l o n g e d way.

In advertisements, women are 376-8 n o t o n l y p o s e dl y i n go n t h e f l o o r o r i n a b e d , b u t a l s oa t t h e s a m et i m e b e n d i n g their legsas though that part of the body were being employed in a dissociated w a y , a s i n d o o d l i n g ,e x c e p t h e r e t h e dissociated behavior islarge asmight scale, thereforebe the attention it withdraws from the scene at large:

379-95 lt has alreadybeen remarked that in ads women, more than men, from the appearto withdraw themselves a t h a n d t h r o u g hi n v o l v e s o c i a ls i t u a t i o n ments, including emotional response. Significant here are the responses of pleasure, delight, laughter, and glee-states of being Perhaps transported by happiness. t h e i m p l i c a t i o ni s t h a t a w o m a n - l i k ea child with an ice cream cone-can find some sortof final satisfaction in goals that canbe fully realized i n t h e p r e s e n t . 2l ln consequence, a consumatory"flooding o ut " :

'1 la! 13!r.a. ist$ d gd . hd rir f8!a iwill Slilli: h irt 3 dsMN *l dtj.e did tu m, I sd !t! hhj.ss t$ lr* r tw din&r .r!i lry l* I dryd kl l%" ld{ rt rd{ ,t{,, ftlr dy brilt ,$ ?'tor Fi i0r $d rMt Y'for 6rX S&t-$!i tud pry e$ ry m.t d{bbn re, e8. xs. rr ,ha b dhr ,rd sfrisi ndr t &r, !.ry d{ kddibl! ld. I's ikrhl.',

376

373

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2 r A s i m i l a r a r g u m e n t i s s u g g e s t e db y K o m i s a r ( 1 9 7 2 | 3 0 6 - 3 0 1| | lf television commercials are to be be' lieved,most American women go into un' at the sight and smell controllable ecstasies o f t a b l e s a n d c a b i n e t st h a t h a v e b e e n l o v i n g ' l y c a r e s s e d w i t h l o n g - l a s t i n g ,s a t i n - f i n i s h , f u r n i t u r ep o l i s h . Ot s,p r a y - o n lemon-scented they glow with rapture at the blinding w h i t e n e s so f t h e i r w a s h - a n d t h e g r e e n - e y e d . h e h o u s e w i f ei n e n v y o f t h e i r n e i g h b o r sT the Johnson's Wax commercial hugs the d i n i n g r o o m t a b l e b e c a u s et h e s h i n e i s s o w o n d e r f u l ; t h e n s h e p o l i s h e sh e r s e l fi n t o a c o r n e r a n d h a s t o i u m p o v e r t h e f u r n i t u r et o g e t o u t . B o l d d e t e r g e ns t h o w so n e w o m a n i n d e e o d e o r e s s i o nb e c a u s eh e r w a s h i s n o t a s b r i g h ta s h e r n e i g h b o r ' s . i n s t e a do f o u r Observe that in advertisements, upon b e i n g s h o w n a w o m a n ' sf l o o d o f p l e a s u r e receipt of a present from a man, we may be s h o w n t h e s c e n et h a t m i g h t h a v ei u s t p r e c e d e d "Guess what?" scene, that one, namely, the w h e r e i n t h e m a n h o l d s s o m e t h i n gb e y o n d t h e b y o b l i g i n gh e r v i s i o no f t h e w o m a n ( s o m e t i m e s t o c o v e r h e r e y e s ) a n d t e a s i n g l yi n v i t e s h e r t o g u e s sw h a t h e r l i f e i s a b o u t t o b e e n r i c h e d b y , t h e p r o s p e c t o f w h i c h i s s e e nt o t h r o w h e r i n t o a s t a t e o f i o y o u s t o r m e n t . A n o t h e r v e r s i o nh a s ,n without warningi t h e g i v e rs p r i n gt h e s u r p r i s e c o n s e q u e n co e f w h i c h t h e r e c i p i e n tm o m e n t a r i ly losesall self-control, breaking into a flutter o f p l e a s u r e .T h e s e t e a s i n g u s e s o f i n d u l g e n c e a r e , o f c o u r s e ,c o m m o n l y e m p l o y e db y p a r e n t s i n c o n n e c t i o nw i t h t h e i r c h i l d r e n ,a n d a r e t o b e c o n s i d e r e d a l o n g s i d ea n o t h e r p l a y f u l t h r e a t t o e q u i l i b r i u m , o n e a l r e a d yt o u c h e d o n , n a m e l y , mock assault.

377

378

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL69 A corollary is that when a male and female are pictured in a euphoricstate, t h e f e m a l e i s l i k e l y t o b e e x h i b i t i n ga more expansive expression than is the male, which in turn fits with the argument alreadymadeand illustrated that in our society women smile more than men-both in real scenes and in commerc i a l l yc o n t r i v e d ones:

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(continued)

70

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

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to look in on a 396-437 lt is possible or from socialsituationfrom a distance "participation behinda one-waypanel-a s h i e l d " - a n d b e l i t t l e s e e n o n e s e l f ,i n which caseone can, in effect, partakeof to scrutiny the eventsbut not be exposed o r a d d r e s sA . s p l i t t i n gu p t h u s r e s u l t s betweensome of the gainsand someof interaction. I the costs of face-to-face might note that when one'sparticipation maini s t h u s s h i e l d e d ,s i m u l t a n e o u s side involvements tenanceof dissociated sincethese would seemto be facilitated, o n e s e la f nd between c o u l d h a r d l yi n t r u d e to the othersin the one's availability a v a i l a b la et a l l . not being situation-one

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shielding of participation A ritualization sn e s e l f a i sf o n w h e n o n e p r e s e n to occurs the edge of the situation or otherwise , henin fact f r o m i t p h y s i c a l l yw shielded in it. Still quite to those accessible one is is foundin commerfurtherritualization cial posings.

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 71

397-400n

At the edge:

401-5

F r o mb e h i n d obiects:

22Contrast t h i s p i c t u r e o f h e d g e dp a r t i c i p a tion with one that is formally similar but s u g g e s t i nn go p r o t e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n :

72

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

406-8

animals: F r o mb e h i n d

409-37 From behind a person(with opportunity to overlay the consequent expression, with a differentiating distance , o l l u s i vb e e t r a y ao l f one's i n t h e e x t r e m ec shield):

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23 l t s h o u l d n o t b e a s s u m e d t h a t m e r e physical placement is involved here. Men are routinely pictured in a rear position in a m a n n e r i m p l y i n g a n y t h i n g b u t c o y n e s sa n d example, pictures dependence (see, for 100-14n and 244-61. As typical in these m a t t e r s , t h e s a m e v e r b a l d e s c r i p t i o no f r e l a t i v e " p h y s i c a l " p o s i t i o n c o u l d b e e q u a l l ya p p l i e dt o cover radically different effects. For the effec' tive reading of his text, the-writer depends upon effective viewing by his readers-words h e r e s e r v i n gt o P o i n t , n o t s P e c i f Y .

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 75

438-78 Snuggling: among primates the very young turn, or are turned, into their mothers' bodies for comfort and protection, sometimesfurther cut off from the surroundingsituation by enc l o s u r ew i t h i n h e r a r m s . P e r h a p s the suckling position is the prototype, althoughfor a child any adult in a parental role seems qualified as something to into.2aAs the child growsup, the snuggle proinsulation t h i s p r a c t i c eo b j e c t i v e l y vides from the surroundingscene deprogressively; eventually creases the withdrawal achievedthis way can only be ritualistic.Whateverthe biologicalroots practice, of this snuggling it is a resource in the formulating of commercial pictu res. 438-44 Children:

' aAn ethologicalposition o n t h e s ep o s t u r e s i s p r e s e n t e di n E i b l - Ei b e s f ed l t ( 1 9 7 2 : 1 2 0 - 12 4 1 . I a m v e r y g r a t e f u l t o P r o f e s s o rE i b l - E i b e s f e l d t for permission to reprint three pictures (192, 283 and 284) from Love ond Hote,

76

GENOERADVERTISEMENTS Adults, lying:

445-8

449-62

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an atten479-86 Nuzzling-apparently emuated form of snuggling-involves ployment of the face and especially the or substitute noseas a sort of surrogate f o r t u c k i n gi n t h e w h o l eb o d y . N u z z l i n g , a form of then, would seemto constitute partial withdrawalfrom full availability to the situationat large.What one finds, in picturesat least,is that womennuzzle c h i l d r e n b u t m e n a p p a r e n t l yd o n o t . pictured lndeed, women are sometimes women And, of course, nuzzlingobjects. nuzzling men. a r ep i c t u r e d

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487-96 The process wherebyan individual snuggles into anotherseems anyl ,n d y e t i s ( l f e e l ) t h i n g b u t i m p e r s o n aa related to something that has an impersonal cast, namely,the use of another's body as if it were something that could be used at will, without apparentreferas an objectto lean enceto its possessor, on or rest one's limbs on, in short, as a physicalresource, not a sociallyresponsive one. In many cases,note, such leaning use of another seemsto be an attenuated,very ritualized,form of snugg l i n g .N o t e a l s o t h a t a n o n - s e x u a im l plication is presentin the contact,and that, attsl e a s t w , o m e n( m u c h in advertisemen a s d o c h i l d r e nw i t h r e s p e c tt o a d u l t s ) to use more of a apparentlyhave license way than m a n ' sb o d y i n t h i s u t i l i t a r i a n seems to be The assumption the reverse. that a woman is lesslikelv to havesexual intent than a man,and that her useof his lesssuspect body is therefore than his of hers. (Of course,an addedfactor is the th understandin g a t h e w i l l b e a b l et o b e 4 r t h a ns h eh i s .) h e rw e i g h tm u c hm o r ee a s i l y hereconsidered Note, the configurations n a p e r s o n arle l a t i o n i n v o l v ei n d i v i d u a lis p o t e n t i a lo n e . s h i p , t y p i c a l l ya s e x u a l l y to touch close, the license Among the less follows a different pattern. Men can punctuate their verbal interactionwith women by showing support,protectivegood will, and parent-like affection, ness, through the laying on of the hand, a less available to women license apparently ( a n do t h e r s u b o r d i n a t e isn ) t h e i rd e a l i n g s r v i t hm e n ( s e e Henley 1973).

488

487

(continued)

LICENSED WITHDRAWAL 81 '/.ni: 7;4 >t:,""..:

497-500 A very standardizedtwoperson asymmetricalconfiguration obin real life and often in pictures servable " ll combinations i s t h e " g r i e f e m b r a c e .A except, of sex are found in the two roles, that women are not pictured apparently, providing t h i s s o r t o f c o m f o r tt o m e n . 2 5 one is W h e t h e ri n l i f e o r i n p i c t u r e s , p r o v i d e dh e r e w i t h a n i c e e x a m p l eo f of multiple reduction formalization-the to a rather set ritualistic configurations manoeuvre:

*'-494

498

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' 5 T h i s d i s t r i b u t i o ni s n o t . I t h i n k , t h e b a s i c o n e i n o u r s o c i e t y .F o r t h e r e a r e m a n y r i t u a l p r a c t i c e so f a s u p p o r t i v e ,b o n d i n g k i n d t h a t w o m e n c a n e x t e n dt o w o m e n o r m e n , t h a t m e n can extend to women, but that men can't e x t e n d t o m e n . K i s s i n ga n d t e r m s o f e n d e a r m e n t "honey","dear", "love" areexamples. such as I n d e e d , a w i d e r a n g e o f s u p p o r t i v ep r a c t i c e s may have a common, natural social history, b e g i n n i n ga s s o m e t h i n ga d u l t s e x t e n d t o c h i l d r e n a n d t h e n m o v i n go n t h r o u g h t h e f o l l o w i n g sequence of accretions: women-to-women, , en-to-men. w o m e n - t o - m e nm , e n - t o - w o m e nm

82

GENDERADVERTISEMENTS

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501-8 The grief embraceappearsto hypermanifest itself in an attenuated, r i t u a l i z e df o r m , n a m e l y , a r m s u p p o r t given as evidence of some sort of como r m o r a l a p p r o v a lA . g a i n ,i n mendation pictures, womendo not seem commercial t o b e s h o w ng i v i n gt h i s s u p p o r t o m e n .

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LICENSED WITHDRAWAL

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" n a t u r a l " e x p r e s s i o no By and large, advertisers do not create the ritualized sf g e n d e r U n d e r d i s p l a yh a v e b e e n they employ; they seemto draw upon the same in commercial advertising expressions insofaras thesecan be represented the same ritual idiom, that is the resource corpusof displays, behavioral style. I believethat through visually accessible and to the turn out to be illustra- of all of us who participatein socialsituations, upon examinationtheseexpressions g l i m p s e d portray s a m e e n d : r e n d e r i n g o f t h e a c t i o n r e a d a b l el.f which an ideal bits of behavior of ritual-like tions rs onventionalio ze ur conventionst ,ylize , d v e r t i s ec relationship a n y t h i n ga and their structural of the two sexes conception a s t y l i z a t i o nm , a k ef r i v o l o u s u s eo f w h a t i s again w h a t i s a l r e a d y this in part by indicating, 1o eachother, accomplishing yut off from contextual a l r e a d ys o m e t h i n gc o n s i d e r a b l c l ituation. t f t h e a c t o ri n t h e s o c i as i d e a l l yt,h e a l i g n m e no h y p e h y p e r r i t u a lization. photographs, c o n t r o l s T . h e i r i s carefully of course, involve Commercial performed poses presentedin the style of being "only R E F E R E N C EC SI T E D are natural." But it is arguedthat actualgenderexpressions poses, too. artful B a t e s o n ,G r e g o r y , a n d M a r g a r e tM e a d of ritual, then, what is the differFrom the perspective 1 9 4 2 T h e B a l i n e s eC h a r a c t e r .N e w Y o r k : N e w Y o r k A c a d e m v o f and encelbetween the scenesdepicted in advertisements Science. "hyper'ritual- C h a l f e n , R i c h a r d from actuallife? One answermight be scenbs 1 9 7 5 C i n 6 m a N a i v e t 6 :A S t u d y o f H o m e M o v i e m a k i n g as Visual exaggeration, and simplifiizatiion." The standardization, Communication. Studies in the Anthropology of Visual rituals in generalare in commercial cation that characterize C o m m un i c a t i o n 2 : 8 7- 10 3 . posingsfound to an extended degree,often rekeyed as Chance, M. R. A. '1962 mockery, and other forms of unseriousness. babyishness, A n I n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f S o m e A g o n i s t i c P o s t u r e s :T h e R o l e o f " C u t - O f f " A c t s a n d P o s t u r e s .S y m p o s i u m o f t h e Z o o l o g i c a l process editing. A the of found in is answer Another S o c i e t yo f L o n d o n 8 : 7 1 - 8 9 . photograph with of socialideals is a ritualization commercial D a r w i n ,C h a r l e s all the occasionsand sensesin which the ideal is not of the Emotions in Man and Animals. 1872 On the Expression exhibitedhavingbeencut away,editedout of what is made London: JohnMurray. In ordinary life we conspireto providethe same E i b l - E i b e s f e l d t ,I r e n a u s available. 1 9 7 2 L o v e a n d H a t e . G e o f f r e y S t r a c h a n ,t r a n s . N e w Y o r k : H o l t , su , t we can only do thisby k i n d o f " n a t u r a l " e x p r e s s i o nb R i n e h a r ta n d W i n s t o n . junctures in our style or at particular meansof behavioral Goffman, Erving for course of activity-moments of ceremony,occasions i n P u b l i c .N e w Y o r k : B a s i cB o o k s . 1971 Relations "1974 giving sympathy, sudden accessto friends, and similar F r a m e A n a l y s i s .N e w Y o r k : H a r p e r a n d R o w . junctures H e n l e y ,N a n c y ee d y a s c h e d u lw i n t h e d a i l y r o u n d ,a sd e t e r m i n e b . hil Brown, 1 9 7 3 T h e P o l i t i c so f T o u c h . l n R a d i c a lP s y c h o l o g y P and life know little about as yet. So both in advertisements e d . P p . 4 2 1 - 4 3 3 .N e w Y o r k : H a r p e ra n d R o w . poses, but in in externalization; we are interested in colorful K o m i s a r ,L u c y le m o u n to f s t u c kw i t h a c o n s i d e r a ba l i f e w e a r e ,i n a d d i t i o n , 1972 The lmage of Woman in Advertising./, Woman in Sexist Society. Vivian Gornick and Barbara K. Moran, eds. New whetherwe posefor a pictureor dull footage.Nonetheless, Y o r k : N e w A m e r i c a nL i b r a r y . is a executean actual ritual action, what we are presenting L e s y ,M i c h a e l under the auspices of its an idealrepresentation commercial, D e a t hT r i o . N e w Y o r k : P a n t h e o n . 1973 Wisconsin the way things really are. When a man in real characterizing Robinson, Dwight E. for a woman,the presupposition is that life lightsa cigarette 1 9 7 6 F a s h i o n si n S h a v i n ga n d T r i m m i n g o f t h e B e a r d : T h e M e n of the lllustroted London News,1842-1972. American Journal limited in someway, femalesare worthy objects,physically of Sociology 8l (5):1131-'114 .1 t r a n s i t i o n s . a n d t h a t t h e y s h o u l db e h e l p e do u t i n a l l t h e i r S u d n o w ,D a v i d " of the relation betweenthe But this "natural expression 1972 Temporal Parameters of Interpersonal Observation. /n ritual, may be no more an sexes,this little interpersonal S t u d i e si n S o c i a l I n t e r a c t i o n .D a v i d S u d n o w , e d . P p . 2 5 9 - 2 7 9 . New York: The Free Press. between the sexes than is of the relationship actualreflection , aomi the cou'ple pictured in the cigarettead a representative W e i s s t e i nN 1973 Why We Aren't Laughing Any More.MS 2:49-90. performedto are commercials couple. Natural expressions Weitzman, Lenore J., Deborah Eifler, Elizabeth Hokada, and s e l l a v e r s i o n o f t h e w o r l d u n d e r c o n d i t i o n sn o l e s s C a t h e r i n eR o s s questionable than the onesthat advertisers and treacherous 1972 Sex-Role Socialization in Picture Books for Preschool 150. C h i l d r e n .A m e r i c a nJ o u r n a lo f S o c i o l o g y7 7 ( 6 ) : 1 1 2 5 - 1 face.

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